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Method and Madness in the Arts and Sciences

Arnold M. Ludwig
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 Creativity Research Journal
1998, Vol. 11, No. 2,93-101
FEATURED ARTICLE
Method and Madness in the Arts and Sciences
Arnold M. Ludwig
University of Kentucky
ABSTRACT: This article offers a new way to interpret
the relation between mental illness and creative
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achievement. With some license for imagination, the
author adopts thefractal metaphor to explain the "self-
similarity" of resultsfound at every level of analysis in
a prior study of more than 1,000 eminent persons and
a new exploratory study on 137 well-known visual
artists. These results show that regardless of scale, the
same pattern exists between mental disturbances and
creative expression. Persons inprofessions that require
more logical, objective, and formal forms of expression
tend be more emotionally stable than those in profes-
sions that require more intuitive, subjective, and emo-
tiveforms. This same pattern even applies,for example,
when we focus on the visual arts and compare persons
using d~fferentartistic styles. These results, in their
entirety, suggest that a powe f i l relation exists between
the presence or absence of mental illness and particular
forms of creative expression both between and within
the sciences and the arts.
Here is the basic paradox: We know that no appreciable
differences exist between eminent members of the arts
and the sciences with respect to the originality and
magnitude of their creative achievements (Ludwig,
1992b). We also know that several recent studies, in-
cluding my own, have documented exceptionally high
rates of mental illness among creative artists (An-
dreasen, 1987; Jamison, 1993; Ludwig, 1992a, 1994,
1995; Post, 1994, 1996; Richards, 1981). Does this
mean that creativity and mental illness are related? Not
necessarily. If a true relation exists, then we likewise
should expect high rates of mental illness among emi-
nent scientists. But this is not the case. As Figure 1
shows, eminent scientists show much lower lifetime
rates of mental illness than eminent members of the
Creativity Research Journal
Copyright 1998 by
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
creative arts, x2(3,N = 1,004)= 9 2 . 3 , <
~ .000 (Ludwig,
1995). Therefore we have a situation in which the
creative arts seemingly support the existence of a rela-
tion between mental illness and the extent of creative
achievement and, in the case of the investigative pro-
fessions, it does not. How do we explain this?
The Arts Versus the Sciences
The answer to this puzzle, naturally, has to do with
the nature of these professions and their criteria for
creative expression (Ludwig, 1995). In the creative arts,
for example, what matters most is the person's personal
vision of the world, one that gives insight into human
experience and offers new ways to appreciate it. With
this expectation, artists, writers, and composers draw
on their personal conflicts or drug-induced experiences
to offer people new ways of seeing nature and interpret-
ing human experience. Even the insights gleaned from
psychoses may help people understand the irrationali-
ties of their existence. Creative artists, then, focus on
and draw inspiration from the personal and subjective,
the world of meaning and significance, rather than that
of knowledge and fact.
What is advantageous for the creative artists is usu-
ally disadvantageous for scientists and academicians.
Insights gained from psychotic, neurotic, or chemically
induced experiences are not acceptable to the scientific
community because they usually violate the fundamen-
- -
This article was an invited Address to Division 10 of the American
Psychological Association, Chicago, August 1997.
Correspondenceand requestsfor reprints should be sent to Arnold
M. Ludwig, Depamnent of Psychiatry, 820 South Limestone, Uni-
versity of Kentucky Medical Center, Lexington, KY 40536.0224.
93
 A. M. Ludwig
60%
i"
rr.
4
20%
0%
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GENERAL PWFESSIONS
Figure 1. Lifetime ratesfor any mental disorder.
tal assumptions of science, which rely on predictability,
replication, and reliability. Objectivity and proof are
more important in science than personal meaning or
aesthetic appeal.
Social responses to the products of science and art
also reveal certain differences between these forms of
creative expression. Science relies more on cumulative
achievements. One discovery supplants another, and
only the most recent theories command attention. The
situation is different in the arts, in which there is a
timeless quality to beauty and aesthetics. Classical
works endure and are not necessarily displaced by new
works or schools of art.
What this suggests is that the kinds of public and
professional expectations about acceptable forms of
creative expression influence whether mental illness
may be advantageous or detrimental to career success.
In the arts,the emphasis on the subjective is more likely
to attract people who wrestle with their personal de-
mons or, at the least, try to contain them through their
creative activities. In the sciences, the emphasis on the
impersonal and objective is more likely to attract more
emotionally stable people who have the capacity to
focus on objective problems outside of themselves.
What we see then is a complex interaction between
people and their professions. Creative artists and inves-
tigators are drawn to particular professions because of
their temperamental suitability for them. These profes-
94
sions, in turn, by defining acceptable modes of creative
expression, have a molding influence on them.
Now this is where we begin exploring uncharted
ground. So far, we only have distinguished between the
creative arts and the sciences in a general way. What
then should we expect when we examine each of these
broad professional categories separately and in more
depth? What bearing does the presence or absence of
mental instability have on the nature of creative expres-
sion within both the sciences alone and the arts alone?
Do scientistsor academicians in more exact fields, such
as mathematics or engineering,show less mental illness
than those in less precise fields, such as political science
or economics? Do architects and composers, who rely
on more structured forms of creative expression, show
less mental illness than those, such as poets, who rely
on more subjective forms?
With ample license for imagination, we can turn to
a model in mathematics that seems to be especially
suited for dealing with the conceptual chaos surround-
ing the nature of the relation between creativity and
mental illness. Some years ago, Benoit B. Mandelbrot
(1988) invented a new form of mathematics, known as
fractal geometry, which applied to certain natural ob-
Creativity Research Jountal

jects such as seacoasts, snowflakes, rocks, or waves.
The term fractal described any of a class of complex
geometric shapes that commonly exhibited the property
of self-similarity. A selj-similar object is one whose
component parts resemble the whole. This reiteration
of irregular details or patterns occurs at progressively
smaller scales and can, in the case of purely abstract
entities, continue indefinitely, so that each part of each
part, when magnified, will look basically like the object
as a whole. In effect, a self-similar object remains
invariant under changes of scale-that is, it has scaling
symmetry (see Encyclopaedia Britannica On-Line,
1997). For example, as we focus on a jagged coastline,
we notice the same jagged patterns at each progressive
level of magnification, all the way down to the grains
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of rock and sand (Briggs, 1988).
If Mandelbrot's (1988) notions about irregularly
shaped objects likewise hold true metaphorically for
any irregularities in the relation between mental illness
and creative achievement,we should then expect to find
differences comparable to what we found in our mac-
roscopic comparison between the sciences and the arts
as a whole when we progressively turn up our level of
magnification, so to speak, for any professional catego-
ries. The same pattern should repeat itself whether we
focus on the sciences or the arts separately or any
professional subcategories within them. Persons in any
fields of endeavor that require precision, replication,
formality, and objectivity should be more emotionally
stable than those in professions that do not; conversely,
persons in fields that emphasize subjectivity, meaning,
and value should be more emotionally unstable than
those in professions that do not.
Magnification x 2
Our immediate task is to test this expectation at
progressive levels of magnification beyond the creative
arts and the sciences for which sufficient information
exists to answer the question under investigation. Fig-
ure 2 depicts potential comparisons among certain pro-
fessional groupings at four different levels of magnifi-
cation. We have already found that at the most general
level, members of the artistic professions show a much
higher rate of mental disorders over their lifetimes than
members of the investigative professions. Let's focus
next on the investigative professions themselves. In my
original study of more than 1,000 eminent persons,
representing 18 separate professions, I compared natu-
Creativity Research Journal
Method and Madness in the Arts and Sciences
ral scientists with social scientists on a number of
measures (Ludwig, 1992a, 1995).' The natural scien-
tists included, for example, mathematicians,physicists,
inventors, biologists, and physicians; the social scien-
tists included economists, sociologists, philosophers,
and educators. We may assume that those in the
"harder" sciences rely more on mathematical, objec-
tive, precise, and impersonal approaches to problems
than those in the "softer" sciences. Will this difference
in emphasis be reflected in their relative susceptibility
to mental illness? The answer, in brief, is yes. The
lifetime prevalence for any form of psychopathology
was almost twice as high in social scientists (n = 73)
than in natural scientists (n = 39), 51% compared to
28%,~ ' ( 1 ,N = 112) = 5 . 3 , <
~ .01.
Now, what about examination of the creative arts
professions at a comparable level of magnification?
Even though we have established that the creative arts
have a much higher percentage of emotionally dis-
turbed persons than the sciences, we should expect,
consistent with predictions, that among the various
creative arts professions, those that require more objec-
tive, rational, and precise modes of expressions should
have lower percentages of persons with mental prob-
lems than those that require more emotive, intuitive, or
imprecise modes. In my prior study, I was able to
compare the lifetime rates of various mental distur-
bances among six general creative arts professions:
architectureldesign, visual arts, musical composing,
musical performance, theater, and writing. When we
examine these rates in Figure 3, we find that the
lifetime prevalence for any form of mental disturbance
not only varies among the different professions but
appears to increase progressively as we move from
more structured, precise professions, such as architec-
ture and design, to more subjective, imprecise ones,
such as the visual arts and writing.
'A detailed discussion of methodological, statistical, and concep-
tual issues can be found in my book The Pnce of Greatness (Ludwig,
1995). Participants selected for my study met the following criteria:
they had to have (a) a biography written about them and reviewed in
the New York Times Book Review between 1960 and 1990, (b) lived
at least a portion of their lives in the 20th century, (c) belonged to
Western culture, and (d) achieved prominence rather than notoriety
through some form of accomplishment. About three fourths of the
sample of 1,004 individuals-who were found to be highly repre-
sentative of eminent persons-were men and one fourth were women.
Information was gathered over a 10-year period from approximately
2,200 biographical sources.
95
 A. M. Ludwig
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Figure 2. Levels of comparison in the arts and the sciences.

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Lifetime Rates of Any Mental Disorders

Figure 3. Comparative rates of a n y mental disorder.$.

Let us test this observation about a gradation in
psychopathology by grouping these six separate crea-
tive arts professions according to three broad catego-
ries: (a) those "formal" professions that rely on more
mathematical and objective forms of creative expres-
sion such as architecture, design, and composing; (b)
those "performing" professions that rely on more sym-
bolic, figural, iconic, narrative, and representational
forms such as smging, dancing, actrng, and directing;
and (c) those "expressive" professions that rely on more
personal and subjective forms such as the visual and
literary arts. Consistent with the fractal theory, we
should expect to find relatively lower lifetime rates of
any mental disturbances in the more formal, objective,
and rational creative arts professions than in the more
expressive, introspective, or subjective ones: Those

96 Creativity Research Journal


Table 1. LIfetime Rate of Any Mental Disorder (%)
Profession n %
Formal Artsa 71 58
Performing .4rtsb 117 72
Expressive ArtsC 267 77
Nore: 'Architecture/design, music competition. ?heater
directing), musical performance. 'Literature, visual arts.
performing arts professions that rely on more narrative
or representational elements should display intermedi-
ate rates. As the results reveal, this turns out to be
significantly so: ~ ' ( 2N=455)
, = 1 1 . 3 ,<~.Ol (see Table
1).
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Magnification x 3
Let us focus on certain professional groupings fur-
ther. This time we examine an individual creative arts
profession to see if the same expectations apply. The
literary profession, which lets us distinguish between
more formal-rational-objective and more informal-
nonrational-subjectiveforms of expression, seems well
suited for this purpose. Consistent with fractal theory,
we should expect that people who primarily rely on
forms of literary expression such as poetry-which are
the most subjective, personalized, and self-revela-
tory-should show higher rates for any mental distur-
bances than those who rely on more analytic, logical,
practical, and objective forms of expression such as
biography, literary criticism, or journalism. Fiction
writers, who combine these forms of expression, should
show intermediate lifetime rates of mental illness. Al-
though the results are in the predicted direction, they do
not attain an acceptable level of statistical significance.
However, highly significantdifferences do exist among
these groups in their susceptibility to depression (see
Table 2).
Table 2. Lifetime Rates of Any Mental Disorder Among
Writers (%)
Type of Writing
Disorder Nonfictions ~iction~ Poetryc
Any Problem* 72 77
Depression** 47 59
"n = 64. bn = 180. ' n = 53.
* p = .IS. * * p = .00.
Creativity Research Journal
Method and Madness in the Arts and Sciences
Art Style and Emotional Stability
By now the pattern has become clear. What we found
to be the case in comparing the arts and the sciences as
a whole at a macroscopic level happens to be so when
we examine certain professions within the arts alone or
(acting, the sciences alone, and then, even more remarkably,
within certain subprofessions within these professions.
The distinctions between the formal and informal, the
objective and subjective, the precise and the imprecise,
and the impersonal and the emotive seem to transcend
the boundaries of professional categories. Therefore,
with any of the professions or subprofessionsor group-
ings within these subprofessions we focus on, these
distinctions among the different forms of creative ex-
pression-whether in the arts or sciences-seem re-
lated to the relative likelihood of mental illness.
Magnification x 4
Now for the real test. If the kind of creative expres-
sion associated with certain professions tends to have a
bearing on the kind and amount of emotional distur-
bances found among its members, then at very high
levels of magnification, when we examine subprofes-
sions within subprofessions within subprofessions, we
should expect that members of certain schools of art
should show higher rates of mental disturbances than
members of other schools, depending upon the extent
to which those schools embrace different expressive
styles. To test this notion, I conducted a pilot study,
which necessitated my increasing the number of emi-
nent visual artists in my original sample from 70 to 137
(121 men and 16 women) by adding artists from Ed-
ward Lucie-Smith's Lives of the Great Twentieth Cen-
tury Artists (1986) who had suitable biographical ma-
terials available on them. To qualify for this study, the
participants had to (a) be deceased, (b) have lived some
portion of their lives in the 20th century, and (c) be
noted either in the Encyclopaedia Britannica (1997) or
the Dictionary of Art (Turner, 1996).
The notion that certain forms of psychopathology
may shape the mode of creative expression, although
rarely addressed, is not necessarily new. As early as
about 50 years ago, Rowe (1946) made the anecdotal
87 observationthat in agroup of establishedartists, alcohol
77 provided the freedom to paint but impaired the disci-
pline. All of the moderate drinkers, who also were the
best adjusted, were realistic painters. The steady social
97
 A. M. Ludwig
drinkers had a wide range of styles, and the excessive
drinkers changed their painting styles the most. More
recently, Schildkraut, Hirshfeld, and Murphy (1994)
reported a seemingly high rate of mental illness in a
group of 15 abstract expressionist artists. Despite these
observations, no studies to date have examined the
potential relation between particular forms of psycho-
pathology and particular artistic styles.
For the first phase of these exploratory analyses, I
approached two professional artists, who taught at sepa-
rate colleges, and requested that they rate the visual
artists in my sample according to the extent to which
their body of work embodied formal (F), symbolic (S),
and emotive (E) elements. Formal elements applied to
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visual, structural, compositional, and decorative as-
pects, or some combination thereof; symbolic elements
applied to representational, narrative, iconic, documen-
tary, and symbolic aspects; and emotive elements ap-
phed to expressionist and emotional aspects. They
could assign a total of 10 points among these different
but somewhat overlapping categories. For example,
they might rate a particular artist as F = 3, S = 4, and E
= 3; another artist as F = I, S = 8, and E = I; or another
artist as F = 5, S = 3, and E = 2. In this way, each artist's
style would be presented by relative proportions of
these different elemenk2
As the next step in my analyses, because paired t tests
revealed no significant differences between raters for
any of the rankings, I decided to pool both of their
ratings into a single combined score for each of the three
elements and then rank these scores for each artist
ranging from 1 (lowest) to 3 (highest) to establish the
relative proportion of formal to symbolic to emotive
elements in h ~ or s her work. Cross-tabulation analyses
were then run to compare the rates of psychopathology
in the visual artists who ranked low (1 .O to 1.5), medium
(2.0), or high (2.5 to 3.0) on each of these dimensions.
What about the results? When we examine the life-
time prevalence of the various psychiatric problems in
'TO evaluate the interrater reliability for these pattern values, 1
ranked these scores for each artist ranging
- - from 1 (lowest) to 3
(highest)to establish the relative predominance of formal to symbolic
to expressive elements in his or her work. I then dichotomized these
ranlungs according to whether they fell above or below the mean
ranking for each stylistic element. On these dichotomous rankings,
the raters averaged 70% complete agreement (range 68% to 74%),
with kappa values averaging 0.4 (range .34 to .46,p < ,000). (See
Altman, 1991, on the use of Cohen's kappastatistic to assess adequate
levels of interrater reliability.)
98
these different categories, we find that the same pre-
dicted pattern of results occurs, X2(2,N = 127) = 9.0,
6.0, and 9.2 for formal, symbolic, and emotive styles,
respectively,~I$05for all analyses).Artistic styles that
ranked highest in formal elements and lowest in emo-
tive elements tended to be associated with the lowest
lifetime rates of mental illness, and those that ranked
lowest or next to lowest on the formal elements and
highest on the emotive elements tended to be associated
with the highest rates. Perhaps because of the broadness
of the symbolic category, a bimodal distribution char-
acterized the relation between the expression of sym-
bolic elements and the lifetime rates of mental illness
(see Figure 4).
Of course, critlcs may take issue wlth these results,
raising legitimate concerns about the representativeness
of the sample, the classification of the art styles, the
adequacy of the various biographical sources, the limited
number of raters, and the reliability of the ratings. Be-
cause this is a pilot study, I offer no defense against such
criticisms, but these potential inadequacies do not nec-
essarily detract from the intriguing nature of these ex-
ploratory results. In fact, to compound my scientific
derelictions,I decided to adopt an even more unorthodox
approach to test the robustness of these results. I aban-
doned the notion of professional raters entirely and relied
on authoritative sources such as the Encyclopaedia Bri-
tunnicu (1997), Grolier Multimedia Encyclopedia
(1996), and Lucie-Smith's Lives of the Great Twentieth
Century Artists (1986) first to distinguish the major
20th-century art movements, and then to identify which
particular movement best characterized the body of any
given artist's work. I then grouped these different move-
ments under one of three broad categories according to
its predominant emphasis: formal, symbolic, or expres-
sive. Comparable to the prior analyses with the raters.
the formal category involved a major emphasis on v~s-
ual, structural, compositional, or decorative aspects, or
some combination thereof; the symbolic category in-
volved a major emphasis on narrative, conic, repre-
sentational, and documentary aspects; and the emotive
category involved a major emphasis on expressionist
aspects. Abstract art, for example, because of its compo-
s~tionalemphasis, would be classified as predominantly
formal; social realism or pop art, because of its narrative
or iconic qualities, as predominantly symbolic; and art
brut or abstract expressionism as predominantly emo-
tive. The Appendix gives a listing of the participants
and their assigned stylistic categories.
Creativity Research Journal
 Method and Madness in the Arts and Sciences
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FORMAL SYMBOLIC EMOTIVE

Figure 4. Lifetime rates of any mental disorder; artistic styles by ranking.

Even with this crude form of categorization, the This, then, completes our analyses. A brief summary
results are dramatic. On almost all measures of psycho- seems in order (see Figure 5). From a macroscopic
pathology, visual artists with expressivelemotivestyles comparison between the creative arts and investigative
have the highest lifetime prevalence of alcoholism,drug professions, we find that similar patterns exist among
use, and depression; those with symboliclnaturalistic professions at each successive level of magnification.
styles the next highest; and those with more formallab- As we focus on the investigative professions, we find a
stract styles the least. The actual percentages are given higher lifetime prevalence of mental illness in social
in Table 3. These differences among the groups become scientists compared to natural scientists. Then, at a
accentuated when we examine the presence of any form comparable level of magnification within the creative
of psychopathology. The lifetime rates are 22% for arts groups, we find that the more expressive profes-
artists with more formal styles compared to 52% for sions, such as the visual arts or writing, have higher
those with more symbolic styles and 75% for those with rates of mental illness than the more formal professions,
more expressive styles. such as architecture, musical composing, and de-
sign-with the more performance-oriented professions
having rates between these extremes. Then, as we ex-
Table 3. Artistic Emphasis and Lifetime Rate of Mental amine further certain of the creative arts professions,
Disorder such as the literary ones, we find that poets, who tend
Emphasis (%)'
to be the most emotive and introspective among all
writers, have much higher rates of psychopathology
Disorder Formal Symbolic Emotive X2 p< than nonfiction writers (e.g., critics,journalists, biogra-
phers), who tend to be the most rational and analytic.
Alcoholism 3 21 36 10.2 ,007
Drugs 0 7 14 5.0 .09
Then, investigating the visual arts even more closely,
Depression 16 36 57 10.7 ,005 we find that a comparable relation holds for stylistic
Mania 3 5 14 3.5 .17 expression. Persons identified with arts movements that
Anxiety 0 10 18 5.6 .06 emphasize more expressive or emotive elements have
Other 6 8 21 4.8 .09 much higher rates of mental illness than those who
Any Form 22 52 75 16.4 ,0003
belong to movements that emphasize more formal and
rational elements.

Creativity Research Journal 99

 A. M. Ludwig
Figure 5. Relative lifetime rates ofany mental illness.
What, then, do these observations say about the
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nature of the relation between creativity and mental
illness? They say that the relation that exists is not
between mental illness and creative expression per se
but between the presence or absence of mental illness
and particular forms of creative expression.Employing
the metaphor of the fractal, we find that as we focus on
professions within professions within professions, the
same patterns that exist at a macroscopic level in com-
parisons among professional groupings also tend to
exist at more microscopic levels of analysis. The domi-
nant pattern that seems to hold is that the more particular
professions rely on mathematical, natural, formal, and
objective modes of creative expression or problem solv-
ing, the lower the prevalence of mental illness in their
members; the more a profession relies on emotive ele-
ments, personal revelations, and subjective forms of
creative expression, the higher the prevalence. In a
sense, this contrast is reminiscent of Nietzsche's (1954)
distinction in The Birth of Tragedy between the Apol-
lonian and Dionysian forms of artistic expression. The
Apollonian tends to emphasize unity, calm, and order,
and the Dionysian, drunkenness, suffering, and unpre-
dictability. Both forms may be essential for creativity,
but they affect its expression in different ways.
What these observations also suggest is that a com-
plex interaction seems to exist between the creative
individualsand their professions. Individuals appear to
be drawn to professions and subprofessions within
these professions and to particular forms of expression
within these subprofessions in which the requirements
for creative expression best suit their temperaments and
their particular cognitive styles. Those who are more
emotionally unstable seem more inclined than those
who are less so to gravitate toward professions that
either encourage or at least do not discourage more
100
emotive forms of expression. Those who are more
emotionally stable are more inclined than those less
stable to gravitate toward professions that encourage
more rational forms of expression. And this seems to
happen relatively at each professional level.
Of course, this fractal metaphor has limitations.
When we progressively focus on persons engaged in
creative activity that is on the more mathematical, ob-
jective, and formal side rather than the more imprecise,
subjective, and informal side of the continuum, we can
expect the base rates for psychopathology to get lower
and lower-requiring, in all likelihood, the examina-
tion of very large samples to detect statistically signifi-
cant effects. Also, on the more personal and expressive
side of the continuum, the pervasiveness of the emo-
tional disturbances, perhaps as found in a group of
confessional poets, may obscure the particular ways by
which they influence creative activity. But at this point,
these concerns are hypothetical. Obviously, much work
remains to be done to explore the full implications of
the fractal metaphor for the full range of creative ex-
pression within various professions. We barely have
begun to scratch the surface. Consistent with the find-
lngs from my past research and this pilot study, we may
find that within given professions, such as psychology,
clinicians may be more susceptible to mental illness
than researchers. Even closer to home, within the field
of medicine, persons who enter psychiatry, my own
specialty,conceivably may be more emotionally unbal-
anced as a group than those who enter more objective,
precise, and impersonal specialties, such as surgery or
pathology. But perhaps that is pushing the fractal meta-
phor too far.
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Appendix: General Categorization of
Art Movements
Formal: Abstract, Futurism,
Constructivism, Fauvism, Cubism, Op
Art, Suprematism, Conceptual Art
Representatives: J. Albers, G. Balla, U. Boccioni, D.
Bomberg, C. Brancusi, G. Braque, R. Delaunay, S.
Creativity Research Journal
Method and Madness in the Arts and Sciences
Delaunay, A. Derain, N. DeStael, N. Gabby, J. Gris, B.
Heptworth, W. Kandinsky, F. Kupka, F. Leger, M.
Louis, K. Malevich, H. Matisse, J. Miro, L. Moholy-
Nagy, P. Mandarin, H. Moore, P. Newman, B. Nichol-
son, J. Orozco, P. Picasso, A. Rodchenko, G. Severini,
D. A. Siqueiros, V. Tatlin, M. Vlaminck.
Symbolic: Realism, Naturalism,
Impressionism, Photorealism, Surrealism,
Dada, Social Realism, Postmodern
Realism, Postimpressionism, Pop Art,
Sezession Art
Representatives: A. Adams, J. Europe, F. Bacon, C.
Beaton, V. Bell, G. Bellows,T. H. Benton, P. Boneyard,
M. Bourke-White, R. Brooks, R. Capa, E. Carr, D.
Carrington, M. Cassatt, P. Cezanne, M. Chagall, S.
Dali, S. Davis, H. Day, G. DeChirico, E. Degas, C.
Demuth, M. Duchamp, T. Eakins, P. H. Emerson, J.
Epstein, M. Ernst, P. Gauguin, A. Giacometti, E. Gill,
J. Heartfield, R. Henry, W. Homer, E. Hopper, A. E.
John, G. John, F. Kahlo, R. Kent, P. Klee, K. Kollwitz,
G. Lam Bert, D. Lange, R. Magritte, A. Maillol, A.
Masson, W. L. Metcalfe, P. Moderson-Becker, T. Mo-
ran, G. Miranda, G. Murphy, P. Nash, G. O'Keeffe, M.
Parrish, F. Peekaboo, J. C. Pizzeria, L. Pizzeria, E.
Radninski, F. Remington, P. A. Renoir, D. Rivera, A.
Rodin, J. Rogers, A. Saint-Gaudens, J. S. Sargent, M.
L. Schamberg, K. Schwitter, J. Sloan, S. Spencer, A.
Steiglitz, F. Sutcliffe, G. Sutherland, Y. Tanguy, P.
Tchelitchew, H. Toulouse-Lautrec, A. Warhol, J. A.
Whistler, J. B. Yeats.
Expressive: Expressionism, Art Brut,
Abstract Expressionism
Representatives: D. Arbus, E. Barlach, M. Beck-
mann, W. DeKooning, 0 . Dix, J. Dubuffet, L. Feinin-
ger, A. Gorky, G. Grosz, H. Hoffman, E. L. Kirschner,
F. Kline, G. Climate, 0 . Kokoshka, F. Marc, A.
Modigliani, E. Munch, E. Nolde, J. Pascin, J. Polk, A.
Reinhard, M. Rothko, G. Rouault, E. Schiele, C.
Soutine, C. Still, M. Tobey, Wols (A. 0. Schulz).
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