ANIMAL MYTHS AND METAPHORS ‘CONTRIBUTORS IN SOUTH AMERICA Ganv Uxton Colgate University J. Cimssrorien Crocien University of Virginia ‘Texsvce Tannen Baltes Univerty of Chicago ae ‘Geeanoo Retensi-Doiwarore Gary Urton Universiy of California, Los Angee Jonnves Waser Universi of California Lon Angee R, Tow Zones Univesity of lines, Ushane Champaign Buse Jean Isat ‘Connell University250 omen 199% Ly Mia des Vals de Cchabarbn: La plique cli THRL don de Hunyna Capac Jara dy Side dre Grats, We, Contant 161 Lee in dn Ep ni Lee: BB sien 16H © Tc of ae: Th inguin fhe fief Toler 3a "876 asndnico de lbe Inca en sl Chas rat él Se de to7ta ‘Tein iship stem: Anew ext ew, En Ann Kip tn serine, Ralg Belen and ayes Saye, Wha, Dic™ American Antropol Aceon {977% Mio, oy enlarge on ate Fes det XIN Co natal ars 89-97 1o70Dynie Ine ot iatan dann Ey, Ss, Csi tena The Ine enero fhe lara nr paages though ath And at ait Garo. In Arua on Witton Lr Alto Gal Ballen Pee che. ‘The role af he Pas the Sothern Cro a ep a nan fe yt ‘huaroany i be mca pu, AF foe and Gay Un ‘roa fh ew Vr Aenemy ef Scag 8500-90 tame ‘Theta nar nero te Ina tr NM nent mye AE ven 3-10, Cambrage: Care Une, ‘mad Myth and try in ancient Peru Te a of Ac Str! ey ed mT. Romy 10-95, Soa ade, Mam Boia an Garey Patient ‘sete Butenerey ae stem nol: Aden clan, In Te ea anf dats, 900-8000. Cale, Re Rv, ad {JD Wh New Yor Acad Pron "989 Hiearehy and Spice in nce socal train, Shit sno M3. The haya! Gane of Government, Zier, RT ant Ure 1976» Lacon de lm en os Andes peruano, Ai hat Anmmat METAPHORS AND THE Lire CycLe, IN AN ANDEAN COMMUNITY Gary Urrox The landscape of the district of Pacariqtambo (Department of Cuzco, Province of Paruro, Peru) i a mosaic af fat pampar; gently rolling grass-overed hls; high, rock-strewn mountains) and steep ‘excarpments forming the gorges of rapidly flowing eivers, Within this immensely varied geological and ecological setting, the comperiar of the community of Pacerigtambo and of the numerous smal village annexes scattered throughout the ditrict work foam day-to-day in a ‘number of agricultural and pastoral pursuits that repeatedly bring them into contac with a variety of nondomesticated animals, During the course of fiteen months of fieldwork in Pacariqtambo, fieldwork that focused on the agricultural and ital calendars ofthe commune ity, I became increasingly interested in the animal and bird life of this region, Prior to living in Pacarigtambo, Thad spent some two years in the fe, living in highland communities tothe norh and west of Cuzco, within the drainage of the Urubamba river (Urton 1961. In those ‘omumunites, [seldom encountered nondomesticated animals be- yond the sighting of several diferent species of birde and the occa sional, stant glimpse of fox. Pacariqtambo, on the other hand, is located along the upper reaches ofthe Aputiac river valley, some thiny kin straight south of Cuzco. The Apurimac valley ie not a heavily populated as isthe Urubamba valley; in comparison to the Urumbamba valley, the terrain along the Apurimac river ie much rougher, more precipitous, andthe valley is narrower and lee sit= able for human habitation and exploitation (Escobar M. 1980). In addition, there appear (on the basis of my own experience) to be232 Unron ‘more nondomesticated animals in the region ofthe Apurimac iver to the south of Cuzco. Within the district of Pacarqtambo, for ine ance, the fllowing animals and birds are found fei commonly puma, for, deer, skunk, the ferrelke whut snake, lizard, bat, ‘condor, gryeno (small vulture), hawk, fale, cnamow, parrot, and ‘many small sparrow-sized birds. The normal habitats of thee ani- ‘mals, orth places where encounters with them have occurred, are ‘memorialized in toponym such as Pumawayqo, Candosenga, Qerger- Jawachana, and Saqsuweamar (aman = falcon), each place seconded 1 special significance in local lore and mythology with the particular eponymous animal ar bir, In addition to nondomesticted anienala, ‘here is « great variety of domesticated animals which are, in one \way of another, of considerable importance tothe economics ofthe households within the dstriet; these inckude: cate, sheep, horses, ‘buros, pigs, amas (in the north of the ditt), goats, chickens, ‘ines pigs (which are kept in the houses), dogs, end cat ‘The purpose ofthis article is to describe and analyze the role of| some of the nondomesticated animals mentioned sbow in the life and thought ofthe community of Pacariqtambo. More specifically, Iwill bbe examining two interrelated problema: The first concerns the con- ing bears (which are not found today in the area of Pacariammbo)in- to this discussion is not only because through the comparisons that sre mide between this animal anda certain “type” of human being “adolescents—we add another stage (and hence a new perspective) to the sequence of life cjcle/animal relationships that has beer developed up to this point but also Because the particular com prion chat is made in this instance concerns a form of human being270 Usrow and an animal which are considered tobe on the brink of becoming fully mature burman beings: that is, members of ays Beats, ApoLescenrs, ano 1H BOUNDARIES oF mE AVLAU AAs Catherine Allen has pointed out in study of bear symbolism and metaphors in Andean folklore, most of the information that ‘people inthe Peruvian highlands have about uu (spectacled beat, ‘Trearcts erat), the real animals. is second or third hand (Alle! 1983), Cis ar stilt be found in heavily forested areas in the ‘ostem pat of the Department of Cuzco, but, forthe most pa people in communities like Pacariqtambo have ever seen an actual lugs, Given the fat that they exist primarily in people's imagina- tion, it becomes a matter of great interest to find that wus are mong the most comman animals represented by dancers in Andean villages (ef. Allen 1988; Poole n.d). The costumes of these alate dancers are virtually identieal from one village to the next in the southern highlands of Peru. They consist ofa tubule-shaped gat ‘ment with arms, which is plled on over the head the gattnent is covered with overlapping layers of black, muldeclored or, in some ‘ates, whit fringe, A small ell foulucha), which ete dresed ke lau dancer, hangs an the front of the costume, usally onthe Jef side ofthe chest; a bell or whistle hange on the right sie. The dancer wears knited ski" mask that covers his head and face and has white ctles around the eyes (ike the spectacied beat) and amir ‘or over his forehead. Each dancer caries a whip of aided leather affixed toa wooden handle that i carved inspiral groove. In ther local context, alafu dancers are usually young men who begin dancing whut in Festivals soon after entering puberty and con ‘nue unt they reach maturity, In Pacaviqtambo,edula dancers per form on such occasions asthe festival of the Virgin ofthe Assutap- tion (August 1) and the Virgin of che Immaculate Conception (December 8; a contingent of akuly ad majo dancer is sent tothe reat regional pilgrimage festival of Quyllur Rit during the week preceding the moveable feast of Corps Chis (eee Wagner 1978; Ramirez 1968; Sallnow 1974; Poole .<) Ulu dancers are boisterous creatures; they speak in high fal sett voices (like adolescents, whote vices are on the verge of ehang- ing, are often sarcastic, and make liberal use of rental innuendo all these forms of speech are completely cnttaty to normal adult die few Anis. Merapions ano tite Lark: Gvcur an logue. Their behavior it extraordinary in other ways as wel, Their dances ae often extremely aggressive: two or dee kas wil often hel themselves at one another, eying to knock each ather down. In one dance maneuver, called yaar may (blood river), two ukuhu join hands and simultaneously whip each other" calves, sometimes tothe point of drawing blod. ‘The questions I want to address here are the following: Why do lulu dancers behave the way they do? And what do ahs, the ‘animals and the dancers, have to do with mature human Beings lve ing in Pacarigtambo? In approaching these questions, itis important to begin with « brief discussion of the animals inthe natural world t© which the lala dancers and stories about uluhis refer (or myths about bears, ‘many of which are similar to Spanish mythe, see Morote Best 1957-58 and Allen 1988). The mature spectacled bear (Tortus) sages in length from 1.5 to 1.8 m and can weigh up to 140 kg. The body is covered with black or blackish brown fur and, 9 many ind ius, there i ig of white for around the eyes that extends along (he sides ofthe face down tothe upper chest. The epectaled bear is omnivorous, feeding on leaves, roots, snd fruit and they have been reported 10’ prey on deer, guanacor, and vieunas (Walker 1964, 171). In ie very interesting study of wk mythology, Morote Best ives information about udulas collected inthe ares of Q'ero where these bars are ail ound, The whukus are sid to kill cows and bl and they also eat com and squash. Uaukus wil, the people of Q'ero say, run avay from men but not From women (Morote Best 1987-58, 186, a. 1). Tn fae, there are several myth about women being raped by or having sexual intercourse with bears asl subsequenty giving bith to bearshaman children (Morote Best 1957-58, 137-49) Although bears in nature have sexual intercourse in the dorso- ‘ventral position, it reported that Ecuadorian and Peruvian ‘Quechua speakers believe that bears, like humans, ean have sexual Intercourse in a ventral-co-venteal postion (Allen 1988, 39) “Two aspects of the “uuu complex" seem especially significan. Inthe first place, almost no one has ever seen an utuby; knowledge shout these animals is through hearsay; apparently, «tradition hte built up through untold generations about what ulukus are and how they ac, Second, ulaku dancers are ubiquitous in southern Peruvian communities. Furthermore, the type of people who dance as whym nro.) ‘ua—adolescents (young, unmaried men from about nine to eigh- ‘een)—in the same from one community to the next, Theve ae two Paramount considerations that should be taken inte account in order to understand the importance to people in Pacatqtambo of ull dancing: one is the ideology of adolescence, and the other, the ideology of uhutas (those in people's imagination} ‘Adolescents are people who are emerging rom the long period of childhood and immaturity and are about to become mature human ‘beings. Aa stated earlier, tobe considered « mature human being in Pacarigtambo one must assume the responsibilities of marriage and parenthood, become a contributing member af one's ayy ad farm ‘ply land, Adolescents are not fll members of thei els; therefor, {hey are not full human beings; they are people on their way to becoming human beings By the same token, iti as though afulus, the bears, are not ‘human beings but rather animals on their way to becoming human beings. Bears can walk on two legs, they peshaps can copulate ven ‘ral-to-ventral, and they eat wild and domesticated animals td cor fand squash They do these things like human beings, but they are ot human beings. They are unruly, destructive, sexually ngres. sive, and they do not hae language, They are like adolescents, on the verge of becoming lusman beings, Although people do not know a great deal about the real behav- for of wlatas in mature, they know from traction enough to be cer ‘ain that beats are Tike adolescents, ‘The important thing about ‘lads is that chey are the ki of anil that should exis s0 human society can diferentate itself from the “ciety” of animals in nature. That is, yl society ean define adolescence sits boundary within the variations of human types, and it ean define beers a tt boundary at the point of contact between humans and animals, ‘Therefore, uluty dancers donot “eymblize” anything rather they ‘ar that thing. They are a combination ofthe one human thing (ado. escent) and the one animal thing (bears) that best defines the bas dary across which one must passin order toe transformed into « ‘mature human being: x member ofan alle Hunean aso Avis Snarraneres ano Dirrenances "The discussion has moved from ane asim, and stage in the ie ‘yee, to another according to the lgie and aaertions inthe ethno. Avinia Meraosions ano tie Lire Gye a3 sraphic material. now want to restructure the animal/human com= parisons according to the natural, hierarchical sequence ofthe life ‘je to which they have been linked and reexamine the implications ofthe data in terms oftheir relevance forthe formulations of per sonal and social-group identity within the community of Pacati ‘ambo. Figure ¢ provides a comparison ofthe types of humans and animal discussed inthe foregoing material ara jxtaposes the met bets ofeach group along the continuum of the lifecycle, Honan Tyres Lire Cyeu Avowas Tyee wrandparent elder puma young parent adult fox il adolescent bear baby newly born sder/spring-bom, snimale Figure 4, Compasison of epee of humans and animale in relationship to the le cycle Figure +i intended to limit nether the “human type,” nor the sages in the life cycle, nor the animals to which these types and tages are compared in the ideology of humat-anial relationships Pacariqtambo.* However, for the purposes of thie discussion, 1 will restrict mysef to the fou categories shown in igure 4 as derived Primarily from my Bld data, ‘The four “human types” shown in Figure + represent the prin cipal age-grade categories into which the people of Pacariqtambo say be grouped. As has become clear through the descriptions thus far ofthese categories of people, each ofthe four types hea diferent set of rights and responsibilities with respect to other people inthe household and the community. In general, one’s socal responsibil ities progressively increase fom beth through adulthood until, at old ‘ge, they begin to diminish, This results in aifecycle pattern that i tnuly cyclical, a progression within somewhat a "closed cireuit” in terms of socal responsibilities, whereby the very young and the very ‘old are merged together; the closeness between old people and ft bom children is explicit in the empadrage formation described tarler. The paterns of social dtfeentiation and group (al) iden= tty become increasingly important ax a person enters adolescence And moves into adulthood,a Unrox ‘When these four types of humans are projected into the animal ‘world through the medium of metaphorieal comparison, they are seen alreah in relation toa particular sequence of animals that bears ‘certain resemblances to the hierarchy of human types. Thetis, the animal types progres from dependents, like dee (ho belong to the ‘fu and aus) and spring-born animals (who are kept es herd ani- ‘mals by humans), to the puma (which holds dominion over demesti- ‘ated and nondomesticated animals). The intermediate stages of the imal hierarchy progresses fom the unruly and potentially danger ‘ou bear othe glattonous fo, who assumes parental responsibilities and isthe bearer of cultivated plants, The natural differences among (his group of four animals in terms of patterns of daminance/subor dinance, independence/dependence, and other factors are used by humans in metaphorical expressions of similar relationships and ine teractions among various types of humans. However, ii erteal to keep in mind that these categories, or types, are not static and separate; rather, they are connected along the dynamne,hirarchial, and transformational axis ofthe lifecycle With cis summary ofthe categorier of humans which are pro- ‘duce by the hierarchical proces ofthe life cyele snd how these cate {gories are compared to particular animals, ii posible now to look 'moce closely atthe impliatins of these proceses ard categories in selaton to human social formations and groupings in Pacariqeambo, In what fallows, T wil explore these implications as they lead to Clearer understanding of the typologies of humans produced by the lie cycle and reproduced, in another dimension, in the al At the begining ofthis chapter, vated thatthe notion of “types ‘of hutnan beings” appears to have some validity ea concept when defined in relation othe stages ofthe human fe eyle. This concept is crucial one in consideration ofthe sources of hemogenization and diversicaion among the people living in a community, However, I would argue that, although the lifecycle aatrlly pro {duces an environment of human similarities and diferences in which people can be grouped together “on the basis of biological sharactristcs, the groups formed out of the life cycle ate not, lultimately, biologically determined, nor are they in the end “natural.” Rather, they are socially determined; society breaks the sequence ofthe lifecycle ino stages, deride who beonge to any one Aviniat, Merapnons aND THe Lire Gveuk 275 stoge ata particular time, and generally oversees the movement of tach individual from one stage fo the nest with rituals of transition, Ttscems to me that tis process i similar in many respecte to the way in which the people of Pacarigtambo are divided into las and to how the aps are maintained and reproduced from one vetting 12 another and from ane generation tothe next, Tt is important to bear in mind that the moieties and aya of| Pacarigtambo are hierarchically related; the upper moiety is con- sidered to be superior—in social and ritual terms-—to the lower moiety In addition, the five alls ofeach moiety are conceptualized Within a hierarchy; the fist alas of the moieties have the largest ‘memberships and sponsor the most prestigous festivals within their respective moieties (Urton 1984, n.d.) Earlier I outlined the set of features by which dhe alls in Paca- ‘iglambo are defined, how they are mobilized, and how their mem- Doerships are reproduced from generation to generation. But the crucial, and paradoxical, point theae descriptions mask it that lunderiying the diferences between individvals which result from their belonging to dtferent aes, ll adult people appear on the sur face tobe the same. By this I do not mean, of course, that all men and women in Pacarigtambo look alike, but rather that most nen fare equally proficient at speaking Quechua (and some Spanish), farming, making tools, braiding leather, chewing coca, fathering children, dancing, and so forth. Most women, likewise, are equally proficient at speaking Quechua, cooking, spinning, weaving, having fhildeen, and dancing, The habits of incviduals are, by eustor, the habits ofthe community as a whole, However, amidst this essential and, from the point of view of each family and of the community, de- sirable sameness (sanctioned by tradition), there are sad wo exist Wo major “types” of people—those belonging to the upper moiety and those ofthe lower moiety; each of which is divided int five “ab- 'ypes"—producing the ten aylas My characterization of people from different gla being llferent subtypes should not be taken tolely at a figure of speech, re ferrng only or even primarily tthe nominal diferences indicated by the different names ofthe aus or even by formal diferences like the specific plots of land they farm. Rather, belonging toa particular slla"means” that you behave—or are thought to behave—in a cer275 Urros ‘ain way. During my stay in Pacariambo, this basic principle of tocia life was brought home tome in a vatiety of ways, While in the community, I ived witha family belonging to Nayhua, the first yl ofthe upper moiety. On one cecasion, Iwas talking withthe people in our houschold about the upcoming festival of San Juan, This fextival, held on June 24, isthe responsibility of Waychu, a lowers ranking aylu of the lower moiety. T asked if the festival of eile ‘Waychu would be a good one; would there be dancing and plenty of ‘orn ber to drink? Would they hire bands from outside the corm nity? These questions provoked a good deal of scornful laughter fom my hosts. OF course there would be no bands; the people of ‘lie Waychu are all ld and dll thei festivals are boring. They ‘would be more likey to entertain’ us with putas (rational shell tropes) than with bands. That's jost the way they are; they're boring people. Now, as to the event, Waychu au dif have a band ‘that year for San Juan; in fice, there were two bards andthe festival was quite lively. But the poinehete is that i ie irelevace whether they fad a band or whether the festival was lively; the point, to the sontrary, is that people of Nayhua alu of the upper moiety have ‘ways of thinking about people of aye aly of the lower moiety (and vice versa), and those ways of thinking are not constantly re ‘examined and reformed in the light of the actual behevior of the present-day individuals who make up these two ayes. Who the members of other ayllus are and what they ate like are matters fed like canons in the mind and reafrmed through the tlective experi {ence of each individual; they are in place beesuse they give weces, fiom ten diferent points of view, to the recognition of patterns of diversity within che appacent fabric of uniformity. The question then ‘becomes: Is there anywhere the people of Pacarigtambo may lookin ‘order to confirm for themteives that this way of thinking about se! ety (in which the individuals of one category are found seemingly randomly ditibuted. among other categories) ie a correct oF “natural” way of thinking? Two ofthe principal places where they ‘may look are the homogenizing and diversifying proceses ofthe ie cycle and to the damain of animals, Tn the ease ofthe life eyele, peopl, regardless of thie eye and toiety afiliations, may be grouped! together as the same kind of ‘human being onthe bass of sate in the wages of maturation Awiaeal Mesapnons AND sie Le Gvet an tol aging they have atid each groups formed will urge transformations nisi! Kentty through tine, The member oF th sae group internet with each oter dere a ferent sage nthe join if ye ofthat groups and as have suggested, {seach new gro reaches mary tr members tome ect par tipans in the proene of rca rmination, which ulate fave thei rot the princes ad practice of oi identifeaton 2d group formation Silay, Beaute of proenes of evolution, laws of mechani, seqularies between yropeions of nergy and oatall mates of lee or no interest to the pop of Paargtbo-there exist ie sumerabl, dant diferent Kinds of ena in the envionment Buc amid the remarkable diversity of animal ll the individuals of cach parclar ype behave these way Thine merely fac ane {ot one that sles upon interpretation for i validation bt open Simpl, epested observation. Some animals ive high pin the puna tnd som ve lo down nthe aly meet wort ad Bld ce td others eat orm and fit soe ray be pt dometcted ‘imal, others prey on dorentcted sia sone mate and hen partway, and tnong ose te males help rue the Young, The ondancies and transformations of fr atl behave the anil weld are feria importance ot because they prove domain (fconataney tha emins forever ouside the incostancieraed i consitencien of human seit, bt rather precisely Beene itt ‘calm of dynamic smite td diferences ino which people can Pret thor pater oF man and scl teasformation ane eto hat ae tow ett for their own perepion of what kins OF people theyre how they tlate to eachother, and how they change though ie ee summary fhe human/ainal oeponleee dase tere (ee Big.) thar ae a momberof example in which human types are refracted into the animal world trough the eno he lie ‘yee The resting huraniaial stegoris arent sat nen, ‘hey ate arelated through the vocally motvated, tansorming fed tansormationl sractre of the Ue cyl." However the "Teansfrmatins” alo the ierarchy of animal types in Figure # are accomplished ony indirect and metaphorically through linc with human beings. Tate pple ogres through the fi278 Uston crarchical sequence ftom young (0 old, they are compared with alfrent types of animals (eg. from deer to pumnss), which, as 1 have noted, can be distinguished according toch eniteria ax domai- znance/subordinance and independenceldependence, Therefor, al though one type of animal isnot transformed into another type (the fox does not become a puma), the bierarchy is nonetheless seen 2 progresive and dynamic because itis inked together by a series ‘of metaphorical comparisons with human beings who ar, erally, transformed throughout life from one type to another, ‘These observations provide us withthe language for discussing somewhat more precisely dhe nature ofthe ails as form of hierar chica social organization. Before stating what will amount to 4 theory ofthe alu that i based upon the life cyte, I wat briefly to ‘mention some of the more general implications ofthis term with respect to the fsues dircuttcd up to this point ‘When ene looks atthe ethnographic literature on the Andes, the ‘erm alla appears to cover multtudinous forms of organization and ‘opes of division. Aylas have generally been described as groupings of pre based on kinship, residence, joint rights over lard, contmon, responsibility for labor and ceremonial obligations, and xo forth, Te partculatly relevant to note in the present context, however, that there are suggestions in che literatare thatthe term all originally referred toa more general principle ofthe formation ad recognition of species, or “types.” which (peshaps only recently) has cme to be regarded ag relevant solely within the domain of human social organization. For instance, several people who have discussed the issue ofthe ally have taken as a point of departure the information in the early seventeenth-century Quechua-Spanish dictionary of Gonaslez Holguin (1982). The use ofthe information in thi die- Tionary has been selective, however; although Gonadlex Holguin does give specific user ofthe term yl in relation fo Andean social ‘organization, he also gives applications that have a more general significance for bh social and natural” clasificatons, For example (Gonzélea Holguin 1982, 39-40) “Ayll~ Bento, eapece enn cons, (The kl [gems] or spss of things) ‘ue ot hth ~ Los acboes de una expe, (The ress fone species) “Hehe cana tabachaguvecene "Los animales onde dieventes, ANIMAL Merapuons ano rig Lire Gyour a9 species, geneos. (Animale are of diferent species and gener) Avg cia eta eaacacs sls ~ Lon angeles son de nacre shore diineon (Angel are of ine dane ar [pea) ‘Aso ar, i elacamsharanacn= uptara lo de sage, cones ide'un gener (To gather together thore of one ineage Ii) the things of gem [kin] From the above examples ti lear tha the term aya orginally| referred toa general notion of different species, or types" of things, and tha these things were not restricted to groupings of human be: ings. In light of my presentation here, that the comparisons which te consistently made between humans and animals in Pacatiq: tambo are formulated upon social relationships and processes of hierarchical group formation merged with the dynamics of the life ‘yee, I would argue that this same inceraeetion of process, relation- ships, and dynamics underlies the aylus as a form of hierarchical social organization. Inthe one study Thave earied out to date on the ‘lus of Pacariqtambo (Urten 1984), T attempted to thow, in a pre liminary way, ome of the major transformations that the lt or ganization has undergone since the earliest references (ca, 1569) to them in the ethnohstorical documents Iwill analyze tis ase moore thoroughly in future study. For the moment, T would conclude this section by stating that there are rome indications in the etymologies of the ell names in Pacariqhambo that point explicitly toa concep ‘ual similarity berween the hierarchical organization of the gpl ad the hierarchy ofthe ifecyele. For example, the “#upreie” or “fist” (qoten) gyn of Pacariqtambo is consistently identified as Nayhua, an oi of the upper moiety. In the Aymara language, from whit {his gylu name ix derived, mah, oF aya, ie vrioualy glossed as “irs, ‘eye’, ‘seed; and (mos significantly for ovr interest here) a “frschor child” was called fila ney huahua (Bertonio 1956) ‘Therefore, the oldest, supreme gpl in Pacarigtamba can be com pared to & firstborn chill (phi). In addition, the lowest-ran (fit) ae ofeach moiety i cnsidered the “youngest,” having ben Added only within the pat few deeades (Urtom 1984), Conctusion Incondluding, I want to emphasize what it, think, an especially Important point about a theory of the gpl that takes a its point of280 Usrow departure the processes of the lfe cele in concert with principles of the formation of groups reflected both inthe mythology of animals and metaphorical comparisons made between animals and humans Such a theory appears to coincide rather well with both indigenous, [Andean theories of social organization and the all (cf. Zuidema. 1982) and with the ideology of social and physical maturation. The best example Ican give ofthe Iter ix contained in a most germark: able story preserved in a seventeenth-centuty document commonly known as Dine Hombres de Huarchiri. Ths etry containa, 1 woul argue all we need to consider in order to build general theory of reaming: Te ieated hat, ina peviou ge deer te humans, Later when there vere already many deer, they were dancing in ile. sayings "How ‘re me going oeat humans?” ‘Then, bby. deer made a sake ad ‘ai, "How are humane going to et us?” Upon hearing till te ler eatery a isa ha rom hat ne, the dec bee food for humans. (Usonte 1983, 36-37) In his initially delghel story that turns decidedly sinister atthe fend, the impoctane things to note are, fst, the power of assertion (es things are what they are called) and, second, that there is here fn implicit, urgent moral about why you have ¢o lear to “get it Fight." "Getting it right” means learning the proper habits, classi ‘ations, and stereotypes and improving on theta through prctice in liferent contexts e.g, society, animals, and agriculture) uatil you no longer have to think about them, Inthe iranical story of the deer ‘quoted above, itis significant thatthe transformation of der frm ‘consumers of human flesh to human food comes about through a mistake in language made by an immature der, That i, the explans- tion for "how things sre supposed to be" (as would be kaown from the perpecive ofthe people who would have told this story) comes bout through a mistake by an individ who was expected to make ‘mistakes; an individual (ike an immature hums) wo was innocent of his own nature and who, therefore, could potentially make «fare damental errr about his own nature and the natute of the world The importance ofthe story of the dees that it contains a doubie ‘ath, one linked tothe other by the mati ofthe le eyele, ‘The fst ‘uth is hat humans, chrough both the use of language and poorly learned habits, often make mistakes the second is that animals, who Noves 281 donot use language and behave by nature rather than by habit, gen- erally do not make “mistakes,” In shor, the world of animals forms ‘ backdrop against which humans continually formulate and relor ‘ulate, inthe language of metaphor, ther ideology of themselves, the particular characterstis of their own forms of tcl interaction, and theis personal and social histories Acexowtsponirs 1 would lik to thank the following people for their comments on carlin drafts ofthis study: Bille Jean Isbell, Julia Meyerson, and Tom Zuidema. Tam grateful to the National Science Foundation for ® postdoctoral research grant (YBNS-8106254) that allowed me to ‘atry out fieldwork in Pacarigtambo from August 1981 to September 1982, Tam also grateful to the Research Council of Colgate Univer- sity for support in preparing the manuscript for publication, Noves 1 Thi form of ampaag i sina in see respecte othe emp de ‘amo orm of ceremonial sponsorship described by Ibe which a Ue tweing of a couple, amen an wen vlunter to become staal co Partners of fare chen of the couple. Ax Label (297 118) saya, “The ‘lationship ita parallel on, sande tothe groum and made to the ae 2 There ae sme ten major aps in Pearigtunbo, each having its oper name 5. For an interesting comparison thie bl, ut with regard o Hamas td sabterranean/opring water se the svenesnrcentuy Pervian ryt sf "Yacana™ in Avila (Uioste 196, ch. 2) and the ncuron oti yeh in Zaidema (1982) and Zuid ant Urton (1976). ‘Avi true throughout Pru, the cargo system in Paavo has undergone number of tanafrmacions, most of which have faulted it minston othe overal mportaneeo his innate, sins the tine ofthe ‘Agrarian Reforms ofthe late 1960, caly 10s, Many pointes ‘within the ag system have been abolished, alghough the post of ar Dest in Paar. 5. For example, Rowe has shown that in trdional Andean (Ine) society, eight to twelve agegrades were recognized atnong both me ad women forthe purposes of envur taking (Rowe 1988), Zaidema has Gucused the role ofthe ten age-grdes and aes nthe sole! piel282 Vero rgniztion of Curen Zuidema 1964, 215-18 and 226-27); he has ao ‘goed persuasively eatin Ten mythology and ssl srgniztion ere 'e cominentcomparivns made between 3 group of sik sale aa it ‘oclopolticl groupe and mariage lanes (Zhen 1982), Rarenences | Ate, Catering Teed "OF tearaen and bere: Bar mths and nal perepton ‘ra eruran cmmany ated Fede Ca SE Se asian, Josep is 1 hn coe: Me il i Aden Aes seri, tan Dae Cpe cB Eee nti of nin if Landon an Ne Yor: Han ack pl eed) a aD Ben 1 Dain hry fr New ek: Cane University Pres ‘Caio Maman Crags” 107 Cao En Mena: Af UR Verena Fenes ‘Shoe *Baroloné delar ans “Bene Dale, Lai 06)" depute. Apne Phage 119-94, Darin, Eo et Miser Ns aati tat (00), Ching Unive Chine Pree TH Bat cmparatvo deo ale de Usa pie, Ay Pek Ti Gg’ Ps" Hj Cla if cams. thc Corl Ue Ps Come ga Bee oe Mit een fad i a (1608), Lima: Tmprenta Santa Mari. o ona Pea ‘rc ony erg (989-61). JV. Murad Adon Meno, DE: Syo exh wi: Ee il ian Ada ing Latin Ann ‘Mel Ble Jey, Mt Prinqunnt, ap Crate Fanuc Tha "The anki yon The strat fAeen lth, Pape [eed acs sympeaam "Cv ath og bea ‘Sper, ” Seplemine 289 Oca, 190, ona Gren For Rerenences 203 ution for Antropol Reta Symp 90, 98, Troutbedk, ‘Nn, New Yo res int ele ‘eta ene i 8 ME amet pe ee aie Hoard hn le ato aes 2 anncletiraie tue eat Tiana pe ymin ct Tinea iano eat ee SS a ae ey hn ee oh” pee rts ey cata Dt amen, stem Pe ‘garre a e a Pee marare srr Pe 85 i gt tee in eo es st Tt ln Ap Pa 2B mem yeti gr at unr ete a Tia cee mat ea spec Me ee rein or ce vest ads of the earth a the sky: An Anon cast. Latin Ta a oe ore ees ae vor Ales tite Sener we EE an ee eso ent, ou ea it tae ee ieee come otoascone Sr Nasty Rn mn2a Unto ier, tes NY PRD i, Une nk, Uta hang. a pet eat Bir: Teas pins Unity Pree 186" Th tn of he Teel pi of epi fe errant aad "98 Nye ty net nT gf A gn, x Se tS ih a "SH" [a Sh a cn Ade eos Ab ae Tue Merapuoric Process: “From Cutture To Nature AND Back AGAIN” Brie Jean [seen ernopuerion Prox Gunton ro Nature avo Back Acai ‘The subtitle Fim Cale to Natre and Back Again’ ix an atempt to convey an iconic image of what I believe to be the essence of the rmetaphorical proces that becomes constituted through socilia- tion, ‘The use of animal imagery to convey cultural values, a ‘Tumer argues, miepresents problematic human relationships natural (e.g, the story ofthe “mistake” ofthe baby deer atthe end f Urton' article), This “naturalsing” of human relations reaten« productive ambiguity between culture and nature; and, much like an expanding and contracting ubber bard, the semantic ad emo tional distance between the two domains are continually reduced oF ‘expanded depending upon the contexts and syntageatie chains ere ated in performance, One result is that conceptaly the two do- ‘mains are constantly undergoing comparative scrutiny at ikenestes and diferenes betwoen eultiral and natural domains are elaborated ‘upon. Nature seeme to provide culture a negative view of ite, whereby moments of negativity are extremely productive because tolutions to life's perplexing problems are presented in metaphoric imagery. ‘As Urton has argued, the invidual isthe recipient of metaphor eal messages in myth and ritual. T would add that the emotional components of the metaphorical process enhance the internalization of culturally defined solutions. Therefore, emotional and cognitive dimensions are continually intertwined, In this preventation T take Paul Ricoeur's (1978) perspective on metaphor to South America and expand upon it. The metaphoric process thus mover the ind dual along life's course with imagery that is understod a different