Geographical Review

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RETHINKING RURAL CITIZENSHIP IN COMMODITY

REGIONS. LESSONS FROM THE LOS LAGOS REGION,
CHILE

Beatriz Bustos-Gallardo

To cite this article: Beatriz Bustos-Gallardo (2021): RETHINKING RURAL CITIZENSHIP IN

COMMODITY REGIONS. LESSONS FROM THE LOS LAGOS REGION, CHILE, Geographical
Review, DOI: 10.1080/00167428.2020.1865816

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00167428.2020.1865816

Published online: 11 Feb 2021.

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 RETHINKING RURAL CITIZENSHIP IN COMMODITY
REGIONS. LESSONS FROM THE LOS LAGOS REGION, CHILE
BEATRIZ BUSTOS-GALLARDO

Recent literature on commodity frontiers and resource-based economies has reopened

the debate surrounding the effects of extractive economies on people’s connection to
a political system that sustains predominant modes of production. However, the debate
has focused on struggles and broader political tensions between social movements and
private companies or the State. The present article adopts a different approach, reflect­
ing on the emergence of distinct forms of citizenship in rural territories. Through
examining the salmon industry in the Los Lagos region of Chile, I identify connections
between commodity production, place-based identity politics, and citizenship perfor­
mance. I argue that the concept of rural citizenship understood here as the set of
practices of relationship with the State grounded in a rural sense of belonging and
assessment of the place rural areas have in the frontier project is central to under­
standing political participation in commodity regions and is informed by the trialectic
relationship between place identity, commodity production, and the democratic institu­
tions in place. The article concludes with an invitation for further research into frontier
politics from a commodity perspective. Keywords: Chilean Patagonia, commodity fron­
tiers, rural citizenship, salmon industry.

LOS LAGOS AS A COMMODITY FRONTIER

My mother-in-law, who worked in the fields of Compu, believed in the promise of progress,
and, in order to make ends meet, she got a job at a salmon farm in Quellón. She really
thought she’d made it. After a while she started spending more money . . . along came the
debts; along came the “changas”, a word we use for overtime. She was in a hurry to become
a slave of the industry . . .
(Salmon worker, 2017)

T he salmon industry has radically transformed the lives and landscapes of the
Los Lagos, Aysén, and Magallanes regions industry over the past forty years to
bring modernity to rural areas. The quotation illustrates the tension between the
desire to engage in the modern promise of increased wealth and material goods,
and the associated cultural and emotional costs experienced by rural communities
in Southern Chile. Historically connected by fishers and boats’ movement, the
Patagonian seas are considered today the frontier across which the salmon indus­
try is gradually moving, driven by the need to expand production spaces following
the Infectious Salmon Anemia (ISA) crises of 2008 and 2010.
The commoditization of natural resources in Chile began 40 years ago, with
the Pinochet dictatorship’s economic and political reforms (1973–1990) that
opened up the natural resources of the country’s various regions to the globa

BEATRIZ BUSTOS-GALLARDO, Department of Geography, University of Chile, Portugal 84,

Santiago de Chile, 1025000 Chile; [bibustos@uchilefau.cl].
Geographical Review 0(0): 1–18
DOI: 10.1080/00167428.2020.1865816
Copyright © 2021 by the American Geographical Society of New York
2 GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

economy. The ongoing process results from political and identity discourses that
legitimize neoliberal practices such as consumer-based interactions with the
State (Moulian 1997) and neoliberal spaces such as private-public alliances for
decision-making (Nem Singh 2012; Holmes 2015; Di Giminiani 2016). In this
context, the opening quotation invites reflection upon the territorial processes
heralded by the salmon industry and how rural inhabitants make sense of and
engage with those processes.
The transformations brought by the salmon industry have led to social
conflict and calls for improved working conditions, redistribution of the benefits
brought by the industry, accountability for its environmental consequences,
including the contamination of coastal waters and the extraction of marine
resources (Asche et al. 2009; WWF-Chile 2006; Leon 2006, 2007). This raises
the question regarding how rural belonging in a transformed landscape affects
citizenship practices.
Citizenship refers to the articulation of rights between a subject and a State.
It was traditionally grounded on the axes of extent (norms of inclusion-
exclusion), content (rights and responsibilities), and depth (thickness or thin­
ness) (Isin and Turner 2002, 14). However, we are now facing a crisis of the
modern idea of citizenship, and new trends emerged, calling for consideration
identity, practices, and new forms of belonging. The inclusionary language of
citizenship has expanded its role as a technology of control of governments,
based on the exclusion and estrangement of certain groups (people of color,
women, migrants, workers) and in frontier regions, rural subjects.
We have observed that a parallel process of subject formation and disciplining
occurs in commodity frontiers through our research. Rural inhabitants have
responded to industry expansion in five ways: resistance, assimilation, adaptation,
expulsion, and replacement. These responses show that “the process of neoliberaliza­
tion of nature has had profound consequences in the formation of the identity and
sense of citizenship of the inhabitants of the region, configuring a neoliberal subject
that is related to nature through the logic of the value of change, transforming
a culture based on the logic of solidarity and cooperation” (Bustos-Gallardo et al.
2019, 3). I argue that rural citizenship constitutes a distinctive concept to understand
political participation in commodity frontier regions and is informed by the trialectic
relationship between place identity, commodity production, and the democratic
institutions in place. I propose to understand rural citizenship in commodity frontiers
as the set of practices of relationship with the State grounded in a rural sense of
belonging and assessment of the place rural areas have in the frontier project. I suggest
that for rural subjects, the way their landscape was transformed into a salmon
producing territory, and the responses that the State gave to their grievances over
time, affected their political and identity connection with the national project into
a position of resentment.
 RETHINKING RURAL CITIZENSHIP IN COMMODITY REGIONS 3

Los Lagos represents both a geographical and economical entry point to

Chilean Patagonia—as it is from here that the salmon industry began its south­
ward spread—and, importantly, a space in which the Chilean State articulates
strategies to engage rural residents in its politics. Evidence for this paper was
gathered within six years (2012–2018) of fieldwork in the Los Lagos region by
a team of geographers, anthropologists, and sociologists who collected detailed
data on at least eight districts across the region. The team conducted ethno­
graphic work of at least six months each in two localities (Calbuco and
Cochamó), nearly 70 semi-structured interviews in total, and four participatory
mapping experiences (in Cochamó, Quellón, Quemchi, Curaco de Velez) lasting
at least one year and varying between four and ten workshops each. During this
time, we explored the effects of and transformations driven by the salmon
industry in rural communities and its subsequent spatial patterns, monetary
flows, and relationship with the State. The data was transcribed and coded
using Atlas.ti software, using analytical categories emerging from resource fron­
tier literature and rural citizenship. The quotes used in this paper represent
general trends found in the data.1 Despite the historical differences in the
relationship with the State between inland and Chilote’s inhabitants, the coding
showed no significant difference in how the State action and salmon industry
were perceived across the region.
Following this introduction, I will discuss the existing literature on commod­
ity frontiers and citizenship. Section three will provide empirical evidence to
highlight the emergence of particular forms of rural citizenship in Los Lagos.
Finally, I will discuss the connection with studies of Patagonia.

COMMODITY FRONTIERS AND FORMS OF RURAL CITIZENSHIP

4
Chilean Patagonia has been discussed as an isolated territory that is discon­
nected from the nation-state and whose identity is based on its position as
a frontier of the national project (Mandujano-Bustamante et al. 2016; Núñez
et al. 2017). Although there is an interesting and growing body of literature
reflecting upon the relationship between the Aysén region and the Chilean State,
most work, centers on the configuration of the political frontier between
Argentina and Chile (Núñez et al. 2017b) or defines Aysén as the periphery,
produced through interaction with the State and its nation-building project
(Núñez et al. 2017).
In contrast, the present article adopts a contemporary understanding of
frontiers—as resource availability sites—which conform to the capitalist pro­
ject of ongoing accumulation. This project involves its own technologies of
space and time by which white male democracy controls marginalized inhabi­
tants (Tsing, 2003; Peluso, 2017) through processes of land grabbing and
accumulation by dispossession (Watts 2004; Borras and Franco 2013;
Edelman et al. 2013; Mezzadra and Gago 2017), income distribution (Elden
4 GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

and Morton 2016), expansion of infrastructure (Arboleda 2016; Wilson and

Bayón 2018), the establishment of property rights, primitive accumulation,
replacement of knowledge systems, revaluation of nature, and the emergence
of new property boundaries (Moore 2015; Andreucci et al. 2017; Rasmussen and
Lund 2018). More specifically, I agree with Rasmussen and Lund (2018), who
propose that frontier dynamics—i.e., the interactions of these processes—dis­
solve the existing order, but also give rise to the creation of a new order which
sustains the mode of production associated with a resource and redesigns
patterns of authority and institutional architectures. How is this new order
projected onto and performed by rural dwellers? This section provides a brief
overview of current debates on rural citizenship to explore the trialectic
relationship between place identity, commodity production, and the demo­
cratic institutions in place.

RURAL CITIZENSHIP

In her analysis of the effects of globalization, Ong (2006) argues that it has led to
“flexible citizenship” based on the logic of homo economicus, whose well-being
depends on individual capacity to access the market. This creates a form of
territorial disciplinary logic (Ong 2006; Ferguson 2006), which imposes, expli­
citly or implicitly, ways to inhabit, work, and access resources within a particular
territory. The State backs this process by creating figures and institutions that
define who, how, and when you access nature.
In other words, under neoliberal citizenship, belonging is no longer place-
based but related to an individual’s participation in the predominant economic
activity. As such, the legitimacy of the predominant mode of production is
precarious and depends on evaluation by economic actors of their access to
benefits. However, in the rural environment, subjects have different capacities
and means. Those with more experience connecting to global value chains tend
to capitalize more successfully on relationships within the territory (Aliste et al.
2018). Inequality may result in restricted access to networks and natural
resources and, ultimately, in the expulsion of inhabitants of the territory (Soja
2010; Sassen 2015; Blomley 2017). From this perspective, the concept of rural
citizenship enables us to understand the exercise of democracy in rural spaces.
On similar grounds, Wittman (2009) proposes the notion of agrarian
citizenship as “the political and material rights and practices of rural dwellers”,
arguing that the concept allows us to understand the reactions and strategies of
resistance to the “metabolic rift” that agro-industries have brought to the rural
environment. Her work offers an interesting examination of contemporary
rural societies, exposing how the commodification of nature and labor are at
the center of this metabolic rift, arguing that “agrarian citizenship is
a contested space for dialectical negotiation between nature, State and society”
(Wittman 2009, 820). While she focuses on farmers who operate outside or on
 RETHINKING RURAL CITIZENSHIP IN COMMODITY REGIONS 5

the margins of capital, I build on her work by considering those subjects

already part of the commoditized economy but still live in rural areas.
I believe that commoditized forms of citizenship in extractive frontiers are
more complicated than those found by Wittman in Brazil because they are not
about agrarian relationships derived from the Hacienda-Latifundio system.
Instead, they emerged from a new combination of proletarization of rural
economies and territorial commoditization.
Elsewhere (Bustos-Gallardo forthcoming), I have explored the idea of extractive
citizenship to consider how rural subjects “becomes responsible for his/her eco­
nomic choices and logics through an entrepreneurial relationship with nature, and
by adopting more flexible and mobile economic practices, such as switching among
multiple economic practices (e.g. agriculture and seaweed harvesting) and/or
migrating or commuting for economic opportunity”. For this paper, I am narrowing
the focus in the state-rural inhabitant interactions to explore resentment.
Some authors discuss this tension according to the notion of insurgent
citizenship (Holston 2008; Hecht 2011); however, I believe it is more closely
associated with what Cramer (2016) proposes through the notion of resentment.
Resentment arises from perceived differentiation between rural and urban dwell­
ers, and particularly decision-makers. The latter are seen as disconnected from
the rural reality, and, therefore, rural dwellers mistrust their decisions. The
notion of resentment connects their assessment of the State of the natural
world (including ecological degradation and their own access to natural
resources) with the perception of how the State treats rural territories, and has
a range of manifestations, from defiance to adaptation and assimilation. Table 1
summarizes the range of manifestations of rural citizenship led by inhabitants of
extractive frontiers.
Regarding place identity, for this argument, I understand following Harner
(2001, 660) that “place identity arises when the shared beliefs about place mean­
ing for the majority match the ideological beliefs of those in power.” Rural
communities have experienced many changes in recent decades, raising ques­
tions regarding the traditional definition of “rurality”, since it is no longer
a condition considered backward, outdated, or in need of modernization or
urbanization. Instead, the rural has become the geographic and ideological
center of global insertion for natural resource-based economies within global
circuits of accumulation (Bebbington 2001; Murray 2006; Barton et al. 2008;
Barton and Murray 2009; Overton et al. 2012). This calls for a revision of how
place identity becomes intertwined with commodity production because the
commoditization of the rural areas provides the material grounds for naturaliza­
tion of meanings connected with what rural areas should be for. Bustos-Gallardo
et al. (2019) have discussed how the salmon industry triggered a transformation
of identity performance in the Los Lagos region by exploring how fishers,
farmers, and workers have developed strategies of resistance, assimilation, or
 6

TABLE 1—POLITICS OF RESENTMENT AND ITS ASSOCIATED CITIZENSHIP PERFORMANCE

POLITICS OF RESENTMENT

CITIZENSHIP
PERFORMANCE APATHY CLIENTELIST INSURGENT

CRITERIA

place identity The industry’s mode of production is Mixed engagement with the industry. Pride Strong sense of place and grievances
compatible with existing place in achievements and material benefits concerning the negative transformations
dynamics. It is “just another”. There is obtained from the industry. Criticism of brought by the industry
no particular identification with the environmental degradation
commodity
commodity Industry becomes a source of precarious Rotational access to labor based on boom Complete opposition to the industry’s
production labor income for rural dwellers. and bust cycles. Institutional responses existence, and no involvement.
Institutional responses to ecological to ecological contradictions become an Institutional responses to ecological
GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

contradictions fail to consider rural opportunity to renegotiate terms of contradictions represent State disregard
dwellers participation and benefits for rural realities
democratic Marginal participation Active access to and engagement with State Active engagement with territorial politics
institutions subsidies either associated with the main through activism and local
commodity produced or demanded as demonstrations.
compensation for the industry’s effects
on the place
Source: own ellaboration
 RETHINKING RURAL CITIZENSHIP IN COMMODITY REGIONS 7

adaptation to the institutional framework implemented by the State to support

the industry. The present article connects that debate with ideas on citizenship
performance.
If we consider capitalism as an ecological regime5 (Moore 2015), commodity
production refers to the actual process through which subjects, ecosystems, and
industry interact. Thus, the very existence of the industry represents a disruption
of the metabolic dynamics at play. Labor—both human and natural—becomes
a key element as the salmon bodies work through existing ecosystem conditions
and human-made farming practices to produce a commodity and a new ecosys­
tem tailored to salmon production. In terms of rural citizenship, what matters
here is how the State’s institutional responses to the ecological contradictions
inherent in the Chilean salmon industry (Bustos-Gallardo and Irarrazaval 2016;
Irarrázaval 2018) shape the performance of rural dwellers.
Finally, democratic institutions’ issue concerns both the formal spaces of
decision-making regarding natural resources and economic activities in rural
areas, along with legal moments of voting and electoral politics and those
informal moments of struggle and negotiation between public organizations
and subjects. At this point, we need to consider the effects of neoliberal reforms
on rural areas. Market-based approaches to rural governance have brought
significant changes to political and civic dynamics, such as the introduction of
“neoliberal solidarity” (Nousiainen and Päivi 2013), privatization or decentraliza­
tion of service provision (Warner 2006), and clientelist relations (Durston 2005).
However, the effects on rural equality of access and participation in decision
making remain unclear. As such, the politics of resentment take different forms
depending on the level of engagement with both the industry and the State, and
on the level of knowledge held by different subjects regarding the two.
In the next section, I will present the salmon industry’s case in Chile to
showcase the nature of rural citizenship in commodity frontiers.

THE EMERGENCE OF PARTICULAR FORMS OF CITIZENSHIP IN RURAL COMMODITY FRONTIER

REGIONS
The Los Lagos region lies in the south of Chile and covers an area of
48,584.5 km2. According to the latest census, 828,708 people lived there in 2017,
26% of whom resided in rural areas. Among its main economic activities are
services, fishing and aquaculture, agricultural activity—primarily meat and dairy
production—and tourism. The industry arrived during the 1970s (Vera-
Bahamonde 2010) and soon became the region’s growth engine (Barton 1997).
There have been various changes in the region during the period of salmon
expansion: GDP increased by 220% between 1996 and 2006 (INE 2012), there was
a 10% reduction in poverty between 2003 and 2006, and levels of unemployment
have fallen by 8.56% over the past decade. The main contributors to the regional
economy remain the service sector, followed by public administration and
8 GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

agriculture (Central_Bank 2017). However, the spatial economic pattern has

become differentiated, with the north of the region remaining strongly agricul­
tural and the south focusing on aquaculture. The arrival of industry triggered
changes in rural and urban populations, mainly led by migrant labor (Gobantes
et al. 2011; Várgas-Cárdenas 2016). Fish farms and associated processing facilities
attracted the local population, and traditional activities such as agriculture and
artisanal fishing were abandoned as young people left in search of new oppor­
tunities (Rebolledo 2012)

EMERGING FORMS OF RURALITY IN LOS LAGOS AS A FRONTIER REGION

As I have argued, rural citizenship emerges as a distinctive category to under­

stand the interaction between rural dwellers and the state because it invites to
consider identity, practices, and new forms of belonging in a landscape trans­
formed by modes of production of frontier regions. This section will delve into
the triadic of democratic institutions- mode of production and place identity to
illustrate how citizenship has move away from belonging to a national project.
The effect of the changes brought by the industry is negatively valued by locals,
giving way to politics of resentment, which are discussed in the next section. For
now, I want to show the pervasive transformation into state-subject interaction
that the salmon industry implied.

DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS

I always used to talk to my parents and siblings about how it would be to have a highway so
that we could cut timber. That was always our hope: to have a highway and a truck, and to
get into the forest for wood. It is how we could use the land. Because in recent decades, land
has been of very little use.
(Rural resident, Cochamó)

The above quote reflects the aspirations of residents of rural localities regarding
the State project. We heard different versions of it during our interviews with
farmers, reflecting on the salmon industry’s transformation to its locality. More
concretely, we identify three key state-actions:2 the creation of municipalities or
local councils,3 the construction of a public road (the Carretera Austral or
Southern Highway) to connect remote localities within the Los Lagos region to
the rest of the country, and4 the arrival of private firms such as hydroelectric
power plants, mussel canneries or salmon aquaculture farms. These combined
actions brought the neoliberal project to rural spaces. Importantly, this neoliber­
alization was also a part of the Pinochet dictatorship’s (1973–1990) geopolitical
strategy of centralized territorial control of Chilean Patagonia. As a result, the
municipality became the local embodiment of State presence and the main actor
transforming rural subjects into national citizens. Notably, the municipality and
its provision of social services introduced the neoliberal logic of subsidies as the
primary relationship between the State and local people. The arrival of the
 RETHINKING RURAL CITIZENSHIP IN COMMODITY REGIONS 9

highway and the salmon farms represent the moment at which nature became
a site of investment and accumulation. Both activities required a workforce,
resulting in the local youth’s proletarianization and abandonment of agrarian
labor. These workers also needed space to live, and the result was an increase in
population density in coastal settlements.
New State regulations were applied to small-scale agriculture, including sanitary
regulations, property rights, conservation, and natural resources management.
Significant economic pressure targeted farmers in three particularly important
areas. Forest management regulations limited the forest volume that could be
commercialized, and restricted logging and clearing for agricultural purposes.
Meat processing rules made the use of a slaughterhouse mandatory.6 This change
prohibited traditional slaughter methods and forced those peasants wishing to sell
their cattle as meat to pay for the butchery service, transportation of the animal to
the slaughterhouse, and the use of a refrigerated truck in which the meat would be
brought back to the town.7 Also, small farmers were required to tag their cattle to
prevent livestock loss, which also increased production costs. Peasants poorly
received these regulations: “we landowners cannot do anything. An owner does not
truly own his things.” Small farms perceived these regulations as a threat, whose
minimal scale makes them more vulnerable to regulatory policies’ effects. “The law
harms the poor, not the wealthy . . . they can afford what the law requires, unlike small
farmers.” Peasants claim these laws aim to bring about their disappearance:
What happens is that laws are devised ‘between four walls,’ ignoring what people actually do
and how such laws make life difficult for them. So, many people have stopped farming. They
do not understand that we have to live too and that, if we cannot cut wood, the forest will
invade the farms and the mountain lions will come down and start killing the animals
(resident of Cochamó).

This sentiment, expressed by a woman in her mid-forties, shows that the

perceived threat is not limited to agricultural economic activities but also applies
to rurality as a vital space in which fundamental practices of rural livelihoods are
today being forbidden.

MODE OF PRODUCTION

The arrival of salmon farming brought with it the idea of maritime productivity,
legitimating aquaculture as the predominant economic activity and leading to
private ownership of the sea through a system of maritime concessions. This process
also resulted in several stark changes to the region’s ecosystem and drove the
emergence of parallel economic activities. For example, the artisanal fishers per­
ceived an increase in the number of wild fish driven by a greater availability of food
in the form of aquaculture debris. This led to conflict between them and the salmon
farms, mutual suspicion, and accusations of stealing from one side and pollution,
violence, and invasion of vital space—i.e., limited access to privatized waters—from
the other. This restriction of resources led artisanal fishers to shift from fishing
10 GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

activities to mollusk (mostly mytilid) aquaculture, and organize themselves into

a federation of workers’ unions. However, these groups exhibited the same produc­
tive logic as the salmon farms, namely privatizing space by excluding other users,
intensifying productive practices (monoculture), exhaustion of natural resources,
and lack of accountability for environmental impact.
Today, the region’s inhabitants talk about a landscape where the natural world is
not enough (la naturaleza no da). This statement has two connotations:
a productivist approach (referring to yields) and an economic approach (referring
to pricing and monetarization). The first refers to low agricultural yields, attributed
mostly to degradation through overexploitation. This explanation is supported by
the rhetoric surrounding human impacts on the natural environment—particularly
global warming discourses—which have helped establish an imaginary of hazards
and environmental deterioration among local people. Farmers use chemical fertili­
zers and pesticides to increase agricultural output and diminish the risk of disease
and other elements that threaten their crops. The presence of disease8 has made it
inconceivable for local farmers to grow potatoes without the support of fertilizers.
Sheep pasture now requires applying chemicals, such as pesticides and fertilizers, to
ensure rich grass. The cost of agricultural inputs is increasing, and, as a result,
peasants have lost their autonomy, depending now on subsidies and grants provided
by the State in order to be able to continue farming.
The second connotation refers to the monetarization of social relationships driven
by salmon farming and its effects on agriculture. Although on the local level agricul­
ture is generally subsistence-based, peasants invest greater effort and receive fewer
rewards due to lower crop prices. As a result, they perceive the sale of produce as “not
worth it.” Moreover, the Carretera Austral and the resulting availability of goods from
other places make it more convenient to buy than to produce.

PLACE IDENTITY

A new logic has emerged within the social relationships of peasant life.
Agricultural production traditionally relied on family labor, community coop­
eration, and reciprocity (vuelta de mano). Today, as is the case of the salmon
farm laborer, all work performed must be remunerated. Agricultural labor is
now also understood as paid work rather than as domestic labor necessary for
family survival. Achieving cooperation in agrarian work is therefore becoming
increasingly hard for peasants. Gobantes and Daniela (2015) add that in 1977 the
average number of children per family was six, while by 1997 it was only 2 or 3.
Two farmers—from different parts of the region—comment on this, to show the
expansion and depth of the transformation:
Only a few people are farming. Today, agriculture is not as cooperative as it used to be.
People willing to work are hard to find, and people sow just what they need. Potatoes are
not profitable. They require much work and they fetch a meager price. Since there is no
profit, they are not a product to sell (resident of Cochamó).
 RETHINKING RURAL CITIZENSHIP IN COMMODITY REGIONS 11

The loss of [cultural] identity is not a folk thing, some romantic idea that we are no longer
as ‘Chilote’ as we used to be. No. It means that the company changes your whole life; the
salmon company doesn’t care if you have to leave your sick child at home if your child has
to be accompanied by mom or dad on their way to school in the morning if you need to go
to a parent/teacher meeting or to the hospital (resident of Dalcahue).

As such, the common perception is that agriculture is not enough (no da). In the
past, home-produced food was the most important. New needs have arisen in
response to laborers’ access to credit—many of them salmon workers—thanks to
their labor contracts. The inhabitants of rural areas now consider that a variety
of goods previously not even considered as parts of everyday life, such as cars,
TVs, and water heaters, are fundamental to living “in a place like this” (for more
details on this, see Daughters and Pitchon 2018). Isolation and a growing depen­
dence on the city of Puerto Montt drive the need for a car; lack of entertainment
demands the existence of a TV.
Then there are hundreds of things that have been decisive in the life of the Chilote.
Greetings between us, between neighbors, are no more. There are far more profound and
painful illnesses that have taken root in Chiloé. For example, when I want to do something
in the countryside, I no longer have my neighbor nearby, my people to laugh with. Before,
one went to their house; now everyone speaks on the phone. We have lost consciousness of
what it means to maintain balance; we lose consciousness (rural resident).

Perhaps more crucial is the material transformation of the coastal landscape

brought about by the industry. The closure of bays and ports to artisanal fishers
and alterations to their marine routes due to the massive presence of cages have
redefined the everyday relationship between rural residents and the sea. Guerra
and Skewes (2010) called it a process of accumulation by dispossession whereby
local people were denied access to seaweed, fish, and everything else that the sea
provides as part of their staple diet, as this quote from a Chilote reflecting on the
aftermath of the ISA crises express:
The sea, source of life and subsistence for us Chilotes, is being treated like an object, and they
trade it as such economically. Often, salmon farmers do not even use the concessions they have
because their strategy is to monopolize cheaply and then sell for a profit (rural resident).

The transformation of the landscape caused by industrial waste and debris is a serious
problem. A recent study by the University of Chile9 found that by August 2017, over 30
tons of industrial garbage spread along the coast of Chiloé. In terms of place identity,
the relationship between the industry and local people is complicated. Studies have
produced mixed findings (Rodriguez S. 2016; CESCH 2019). While there is some
recognition of the material transformations triggered by the industry in the landscape,
the only connection that the locals have with the industry is jobs. There is no clear
sense of being part of a “salmon town”; thus, it does not translate into a cultural or
emotional connection but more to a sense of invasion:
The landscape has changed completely . . . we were already plagued by salmon fishing. That was
difficult for us even when we used to fish because our spaces were lost, the fishing spaces ceased
12 GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

to exist because with the issue of anchorages to the salmon farms, you could not sow, you could
not fish . . . With salmon farms, everything changed . . . then came the mussel farms, and with
them, the few remaining spaces were finished (resident of Cochamó).

Some political actors emerged from the transformation described above: farmers,
salmon workers, artisanal fishers, and indigenous communities. Each of these
represents different forms of the politics of resentment covered in section two,
and I will now briefly discuss them.

POLITICS OF RESENTMENT AS EXPERIENCED BY RURAL INHABITANTS

Chiloe was a territory that did not interest the Chilean State, the central government. Then,
when the State appeared . . . through this figure of salmon farming, it was received with open
arms. Obviously, the State was welcomed in good faith. In this way, salmon farming
expands on the archipelago.
(Chilote)

Forty years of salmon industry presence in the region have not gone unnoticed. Over
the years, different actors have raised demands and grievances against the industry at
different times and in different places. These mobilizations remained localized and
marginal, except for the ISA virus crisis of 2008 and the algal bloom event of 2016. The
reaction of rural residents to the first event was described as “Stockholm syndrome”
(Bustos 2015). However, the most recent event has been characterized as the result of
“historical disappointments” caused by the State (Mascareño et al. 2018). There has
also been discussions of why and how the major social unrest of 2016 did not translate
into a transformation of the social pact between the State, salmon firms and regional
residents (Bustos and Roman 2019).
In this section, I want to propose three forms of the politics of resentment, as
expressed by rural citizens in Los Lagos. As an ideal type, these facilitate
reflection on how extractive frontiers produce particular types of citizenship,
and while they are not precise, they are based on interviews and fieldwork. As
stated previously, the logic of resentment connects their assessment of the State
of nature (including access and ecological degradation) with the perception of
the State’s treatment of rural territories. During our fieldwork, we encountered
various expressions of this resentment.
Apathy refers to the lack of action from rural citizens toward the State regarding
the industry’s ecological deterioration. Underlying this is a shared understanding of
nature as something to be exploited, and thus salmon farming is “just another” of
the activities that affect nature. People do occasionally work for the industry;
however, there is no identification with the commodity either. It has become
invisible within the region’s extractive landscape, where salmon farms, mussel
ropes, and trucks are part of the landscape. Many explanations of these attitudes
refer to the distance between residents’ everyday lives and the outcomes of any
decision or action on the State’s part. However, there seems to be a degree of
concentration of apathy in inland rural areas, making it more explicit in farmers
 RETHINKING RURAL CITIZENSHIP IN COMMODITY REGIONS 13

who have been displaced twice: once from the predominant mode of accumulation,
and then from their own. The following quotes sum up the encompassing sentiment
found when assessing their material conditions now:
Now we are dealing with the issue of electricity, but that is a necessary good. It has changed
everyone’s lives; even if we have power poles and cables everywhere, it is a necessary good.
Cell phone antennas are also a necessary good, even if they do not look pretty anywhere.
The towers are not going to look nice, but they are also a necessary good for the country.
Supposedly we will also benefit from energy connectivity because they will give the district
a certain number of kilowatts at a lower price . . . because we also have the most expensive
electricity in Chile (resident of Cochamó).

Localities are dying. The schools are a sign of these deaths. (before they) had forty, fifty
children, and two or three teachers. Now, they have ten . . . the issue is that the localities
begin to die because people start to go in search of work that they consider easier than
sowing and leading this more traditional countryside life (resident of Dalcahue).

People did not worry about environmental issues until problems began to occur; previously,
no one talked about the environment because there was a balance. Activities took place
without significant inconvenience (resident of Dalcahue).

As these statements show, there is a sense of inevitability regarding the industry’s

evolution in these localities. Sometimes the evaluation is positive, other times
negative. However, it is beyond these individuals’ and groups’ potential to affect
the industry’s trajectory; it is not a political matter, so it does not require active
engagement.
Clientelist refers to the outcome-oriented interaction between rural inhabi­
tants and the State regarding the industry’s ecological deterioration. This inter­
action is triggered by the predominant subsidy-based intervention of State
agencies within the territory and the rotational nature of labor as a result of
cycles of boom and bust. As such, this is perhaps one of the most neoliberal
forms of resentment. Local people understand how to navigate the legal frame­
work through which compensation may be obtained. Thus, this interaction is
not demobilizing; instead, it mobilizes to the point of negotiating compensation.
When they tried to do the training (after the ISA crises), they talked about diversification.
You have to understand that most of the people here had little education. Some applied for
seed funding, but in the end, they achieved nothing; their businesses all failed because they
were unprepared and dependent on a salary (resident of Quellón).

About ten years ago, they launched a government program. It was pro-rural, depended on
agriculture, and began to recruit professionals from different areas. It promoted the artisanal
fishing sector in three areas: fishing, tourism, and agriculture. Then, there was momentum
for development in those areas . . . right now, we are working on a tourism project linked to
artisanal fishing; a diversification project (resident of Dalcahue).

These statements offer a sense of hope that a new activity may present itself that
may change rural communities; however, there is also a sense of fatigue regard­
ing State intervention’s actual practices. Most State-sponsored programs run in
14 GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

annual cycles and, as such, have no long-term follow up. This leads local people
to become permanently dependent on annual applications for State-funded
grants, requiring them to produce documentation and comply with several
stipulations; this produces strict citizenship behaviors measured in terms of
goals and resource allocation.
A different version of this clientelist approach was the tense negotiation of
compensation between artisanal fishers and the State in the wake of the algal
bloom crises of 2016 (Thomas 2018). Although this example could be considered
as an insurgent moment of citizenship, in the end, it amounted to the negotia­
tion of compensation for the economic losses inflicted by the State moratorium
on the harvesting of shellfish.
Insurgent refers to the active mobilization of rural inhabitants in territorial
politics through activism and local demonstrations in response to ecological
deterioration brought about by the industry. This mobilization is based on
a strong sense of place and grievances relating to the noxious transformations
triggered by the industry. There is a feeling that institutional responses from the
State to ecological contradictions demonstrate a disregard for rural realities:

They fished, and they extracted, and the rest they threw into the water . . . I had no idea of
the damage that was occurring to the sea . . . but when I dive, down there, I realize there is
something yellow and spongy, and the mussel cannot be eaten. It is filled with hairs, and it’s
something else . . . the batteries, the whole cables, and the surrounding steel cables and
chains (resident of Cochamó).

If the salmon industry paid the environmental costs of what it has been doing for the past 30
years, it would not be such a profitable industry . . . because they do not pay the costs of the
workers who are dismissed, and governments go out to save them . . . but these guys are
going to go on and the maritime settlements, so to speak, will disappear (resident of Chiloé).

These quotes convey the negative assessment of the salmon industry and the
sense of injustice and anger toward the State. The lack of oversight from the
State on the industry’s pollution of the ecosystem, upon which so many local
people depend, is considered a sign of neglect and their position as second-class
citizens. This perception triggers a desire for rebellion and insurgency, which
exploded during Chiloé’s large-scale protests in 2016.
While May 2016 marked a moment of explosion, citizen movements such as
Defendamos Chiloé aim to eradicate the salmon industry from the island and
promote autonomous and island-based territorial development, reframing the
relationship between them the islanders and the Chilean State (Bustos and
Roman 2019). The movement’s novel contribution is the notion of rural identity
and consciousness that lies at the core of their grievance against the State.
 RETHINKING RURAL CITIZENSHIP IN COMMODITY REGIONS 15

RURAL CITIZENSHIP CONNECTIONS BETWEEN COMMODITY PRODUCTION, PLACE-BASED

IDENTITY POLITICS AND CITIZENSHIP PERFORMANCE
At the beginning of this article, I argued that rural citizenship is a crucial concept
for understanding political participation in commodity frontiers regions. It is
informed by the trialectic relationship between place identity, commodity pro­
duction, and the democratic institutions in place. In the present article, I have
sought to contribute empirical evidence to debates about rural citizenship in
frontier regions, and based on the case of the Los Lagos region in southern Chile,
I propose a reconception of Chilean Patagonia as a commodity frontier; as an
active center of accumulation as opposed to a mere peripheral location produced
by a historical process of nation-building.
In this regard, its intensive use of landscape, labor, and capital makes the
salmon industry a critical driver of change within Chilean Patagonia, from Los
Lagos all the way down to Magallanes. Although these changes are currently
most visible in the Los Lagos region, Aysén has quickly become the fastest-
growing productive region in the wake of the ISA crises. Meanwhile, the
Magallanes region is at the center of the political debate, with two parliamentary
motions seeking to remove salmon farming from the Strait of Magellan.
The evidence provided shows that rural citizenship is about practices of
interaction with the State guided by resentment based on the sense of belonging
to a degraded landscape. State projects and interventions constrain the extent of
rural citizenship’s reach to expand the salmon project. For the State, a rural
citizen is someone to discipline into the salmon project. For rural inhabitants,
citizenship is about claiming belonging to a place transformed without their
involvement. In other words, it is not about belonging to the State anymore.
In the present paper, I have shown how the combination of changes in labor
patterns, modes of production, and environmental conditions are driven by the
salmon industry in the Los Lagos region. They have triggered the emergence of
different modes of rural citizenship in commodity frontiers, all of which are
connected by the politics of resentment toward the perceived treatment of rural
territories by the State.
Apathy, clientelism, or insurgency in rural politics toward the predominant
economic activity within a commodity frontier occurs in a context of differentiated
access to mobilization devices. The moments and mechanisms of conflict are
grounded in rural dwellers’ contextual capacity to frame their problem within
national narratives of development and its effect on the environment and people.
However, the neoliberal practices through which the State engages with rural
citizens also play a role in the sense of citizenship perceived as viable.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT
The author thanks Alvaro Roman and Lindsey Carte for their comments for earlier drafts of this
paper.
16 GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

FUNDING
This research was funded by the Chilean National Agency for Research and Development (CONICYT-ANID)
Fondecyt Nº. 1160848.

NOTES
1
As part of the ethics protocols approved for the research, we change all names for generic
descriptors.
2
Decree Law 600 was passed in 1974 to promote foreign direct investment by means of
a reduction (or elimination) of taxes and fees. Decree Law 701, also passed in 1974, sought to
attract investment in the forestry sector and to turn over the landscape of southern Chile to
timber-related industries. Both pieces of legislation have been identified as key in the neoliber­
alization of regional economic activities.
3
According to the Chilean State, the Patagonian territory stretches from the Province of
Palena in the Los Lagos region to Cape Horn in the Magallanes region.
4
Moore defines it as the prevailing mode through which capital organizes nature, wealth and
power to create cheap labor and cheap nature that sustain accumulation.
5
Sanitary food regulation, Supreme Decree 977/96.
6
Interviewees estimated that the addition of services would double the price of beef from US
$4 to US$8 per kilogram.
7
Solanum tuberosum L., a potato disease caused by the fungus Phytophthora infestans (Mont.)
de Bary.
8
https://www.latercera.com/noticia/inedito-estudio-satelital-detecta-30-toneladas-basura-
playa-chiloe/(accessed June 2019).

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