Adontz Nax

EDITOE'S PEERAGE
Eor more than half a century since its publication in 1908, Nicholas
Adontz's monumental thesis on Armenia in the Period of Justinian
has proved to be both a landmark and a guidepost in the field of
Armenian studies although its general inaccessibility, either from the
rarity of procurable copies, or from linguistic difficulties, has made
of it far too often a semi-legendary document rather than a useful
tool. Perhaps as the result of this fortuitous isolation as well as of
external circumstances, Adontz's first and probably greatest work
did not lead to an immediate proliferation of studies along the lines
that he had traced. He, himself, was to develop a number of them
in later works such as his articles on the Armenian Primary History,
Mesrop Mast'oc, Koriwn, P'awstos Buzand, and Movses Xorenaci;
on the date of the Christianization of Armenia; on the Iranian aspects
of Armenian society; and, as late as his postumously published History,
on pre-Aehaemenid Armenia*. But it is only relatively recently
that the works of such distinguished contemporary armenologists
as Gerard Garitte, Cyril Toumanoff, and the late Hakob Manandian
have developed a number of problems in mediaeval Armenian history
significantly beyond the point reached by Adontz at the turn of the
century, and these scholars have not failed to acknowledge their
indebtedness even where they have outstripped him 2. Not even a
Marxist presentation which of necessity challenged many of Adontz's
premises and interpretations prevented A,G, SuMasian from admitting
that "... the admirable work of N. Adontz ... remains to this day one
of the most authoritative works on Armenian feudalism"3. Such
tributes are all the more impressive if we remember that they are
addressed to the first major work of a young scholar composed at a
time when a number of crucial studies on Late-Eoman, Byzantine,
and Iranian history as well as on the historical geography of eastern
Anatolia were still to be written.
The scope of Adontz's encyclopaedic work is not conveyed adequately
by even a full quotation of his title, since, far from restricting himself
to the reign of Justinian, or to an investigation of the na%arar system,
he went on to scrutinize nearly every aspect of ancient and mediaeval
1 A bibliography of Adontz's works can be found in the commemorative article in
HA, LXI (May, 1947), pp. 313-318, and in A1PHO, IV (1936), pp. 991-993.
a J7,gr., Toumanoff, Studies, p. 108. See also below n. 4.
3 Sukiasian, Armenia, p. 36. Also Yiozbasyan's recent article in PBS (1962).
XVI EDITOR'S PREFACE
Armenia — geographical, political, religious, administrative, social,

and intellectual — while giving simultaneously an extensive analysis
of all the available sources. Perhaps the clearest index of the breadth
of Adontz's information is the all too clear incompetence of a single
individual to edit his work; a team of specialists — historians, geo-
graphers, archaeologists, philologists, anthropologists, and ethno-
graphers — would have been necessary to do it justice.
The value of Adontz's work for a new generation of scholars is not,
however, limited to being a source of rare information to be exploited
for reference; his methods and insights into the crucial problems of
early Armenian history may yet prove more useful than even the
enormous material accumulated by him. His application of critical
scholarly methods to Armenian studies, and particularly his recognition
of the dangers inherent in purely literary sources, have led to consid-
erable work on the re-evaluation and re-dating of many Armenian
historical documents, a task in which he continued to participate
energetically, and which is by no means completed. His simulta-
neous use of the techniques of varied disciplines while stressing the
maintenance of the historian's rigorous chronological criterion, and
his comparative method of juxtaposing the information of all relevant
sources, Classical, Armenian, and Oriental, provided a workable
blueprint for attacking the difficulties characterizing Armenian
historiography. His ground breaking qualitative and quantitative
analyses of Armenian social structure, reaching beyond superficial
generalities, provided us with some of the first detailed information
and with a framework for further research.
Particularly illuminating is Adontz's constant refusal to be led
astray by the conscious or implicit assumptions of his sources that
ancient Armenia was a simple, undifferentiated, and unchanging
entity, rather than the complicated aggregation of varied components
whose geographic, political, and even religious particularism must
be recognized even in periods of seeming unification, and whose
characteristics and interests must be accounted for and balanced
anew in each successive period. On numerous occasions Adontz's
hypotheses have required development or rectification, but his basic
conclusions repeatedly reached beyond the theses then current to
what would prove to be the crux of a problem: beyond the familiar
division of Armenia between the Graeco-Koman and Iranian worlds
to the paramount importance of the elaborate nexus of family traditions
EDITOR'S PREFACE XVH
and loyalities, " dynastic " as well as " feudal", as shown in Tou-
manoff's recent Studies; beyond the double strain of Armenian Chris-
tianity, Syriac as well as Hellenic, to the relationship of the ecclesi-
astical hierarchy to the na-ârar structure, and its influence on the
political evolution of the country, as I hope to demonstrate in a
forthcoming work. Professor Garitte already observed the value of
Adontz's inspired guesses when his own publication of the new Greek
version of the Life of St, Gregory repeatedly vindicated Adontz's
hypothetical corrections of Marr's readings in the Arabic version 4.
It is self evident that a book written more than sixty years ago
should now be superseded in a number of instances: Armenian
archaeology was all but non-existent at the time, so that the Urartian
aspects of Armenian history were perforce ignored, though Adontz
himself rectified a considerable part of this lacuna in his Histoire
d'Armenie; new epigraphic material both in Armenia and in Iran has
added significantly to our knowledge of both countries, and new
editions of Iranian texts have altered a number of etymological
derivations; the Erwandian-Orontid dynasty identified by Manandian5
has altered radically our knowledge of the Hellenistic period; the
lengthy survey of Diocletian's administrative reforms while perhaps
still useful to Adontz's Russian contemporaries, now seems superfluous;
and a number of his conclusions as to the « feudal» nature of the
Armenian naxa/rar system rest on antiquated interpretations of
European feu-dalism.
The entire book bears the marks of hasty publication, whether in
the more superficial details of faulty proofreading, insufficient and
often exasperatingly inadequate references, as well as the absence
of the indispensable map, whose omission was regretted by the author,
or in the far more fundamental aspects of occasionally confused,
repetitive and contradictory organization, dubious etymologies,
overstatements, and premature conclusions. The involutions of
Adontz's style in a language not native to him add nothing to the
clarity of the presentation.
Yet Adontz himself anticipated much of the criticism which must
attend a pioneer venture by disclaiming any pretension to a definitive
study, " ... in publishing this work we are very far from any illusion
as to its perfection, Armenian philology is still at a stage where the
4 Garitte, Agttfhange, pp. 351-353.

5 See Mow Chapter XIV, n. 1.
xvm EDITOR'S PREFACE
presentation of any interpretation or theory as unchallengeably correct

is out of the question. Students of Armenian antiquity can only
grope their way toward many historical problems by way of more or
less successful hypotheses; some of these may be corroborated at a
later date, others will fall by the way
j t/ +r Our clarification of the
na-ârar system should bring a ray of light into the darkness which
hangs over the Armenian past ... and should prove a starting point
for a scholarly analysis of the extensive subsequent period of Armenian
history ... " 6. On these terms, the value of his work has diminished
but little in the intervening half-century, notwithstanding the necessary
alterations. It remains a mine of information for the specialist, and
a source of seminal ideas for those re-interpretations and further
investigations the author had requested. As such it is a fitting
reminder that in every generation it behoves dwarfs to take advantage
of the shoulders of the giants who have preceded them.
The instinct of every translator running the ominous gauntlet

between the Charybdis of inaccuracy and the Scylla of unreadability
is to open with his own apologia. This temptation is all the stronger
in the case of Armenia in the Period of Justinian, since, as I have
already indicated, Kussian was not Adontz's native language. Unlike
Armenian, which has three steps in the demonstrative-relative system
(Mo, iste, ille), Bussian shares with most European languages a two
step system. As a consequence of Adontz's shift from the one to
the other, his writing abounds with cases of ambiguous antecedents,
not all of which can readily be resolved from the context. His
complicated and often awkward sentence structure is particularly
foreign to English usage; the paragraphing is often erratic. Never-
theless the text has been consistently respected, and alterations held
down to a minimum even where some awkwardness ensued. Aside
from the introduction of occasional elucidations such as " Xosrov II
of Armenia " for " Xosrov ", the subdivision of unmanageable sen-
tences, the clarification of antecedents, and the correction of minor
misprints, no liberties have been taken with the original.
The only significant difference between this edition and the Russian
one lies in the realm of quotations from primary sources, Following
the fashion of the day, Adontz often gave lengthy paraphrases rather
6 Introduction pp. 6 and Chapter XV, p. 371.
EDITOR'S PREFACE XIX
than direct quotations. In several instances where this method

seemed awkward or unnecessary, the original quotation has been
re-introduced, each case being duly recorded in the notes. To facilitate
the reading, all extensive quotations in foreign languages have been
shifted from the text to the notes and replaced by their English
translations. Since so much of the value of Adontz's work lies in
his vast collection of sources, many of which still remain extremely
scarce even for the specialist, it has seemed useful to include in the
notes the texts of a number of passages to which Adontz merely
referred, all such additions being set off by square brackets. Further-
more, a series of Appendices containing in extenso, or in their relevant
portions, the main documents, Classical and Armenian, used by
Adontz, has been added to this edition to allow the reader to draw
his own conclusions from the material.
In many instances the editions used by Adontz were either super-
seded or, in the case of some Armenian documents, unobtainable;
these have been replaced by more recent or accessible ones. All such
substitutions have been noted in the Bibliography. Similarly, the
English versions of Classical sources found in the Loeb Classical Library
have been used wherever possible for the sake of convenience, but
any significant differences between their translations and the ones
given by Adontz have been recorded. Additional notes by the editor
are indicated by letters as well as numbers eg. la.
A full scale re-edition of Adontz's book to bring its manifold aspects
in line with their modern scholarship would have entailed a major
re-writing of the book, and would consequently lie well beyond the
scope of this edition and the competence of its editor. Consequently
it has seemed best to leave Adontz's text substantially as he composed
it, adding only, wherever possible, some indication in the notes as
to the agreement or disagreement of subsequent investigators, new
material, need for rectification, or corroborative evidence. The new
Bibliographical Note attempts to provide some, albeit cursory, indica-
tion of the relevant works published since 1908. Finally, it is hoped
that the Bibliography, which follows Adontz's lead in reaching beyond
the limits of Justinianie Armenia to include a number of problems
implicit or explicit in his text, will provide still more comparative
material and criteria for a further re-evaluation of some of his conclu-
sions.
All those who have had the occasion to experience it will readily
XX EDITOR'S PREFACE
recognize the eternal nightmare of inconsistency in transliteration,

especially in the case of proper names which have reached us in multiple
versions. In the kaleidoscopic world of eastern Asia Minor is a locality
to be identified by its Classical, Armenian, Persian, Syriac, Arabic,
or Turkish name? Which is the preferable transliteration system
to be used for the name of an author writing both in Armenian and in
Russian ? The most that this edition can hope to claim is an attempt
to bring a little order into what can only be called Adontz's systematic
inconsistency. Wherever possible, Armenian terms have been given
according to the prevailing Hubschmann-Meillet system, Arabic ones
according to the spelling of the Encyclopedia of Islam, the Persian
ones according to Christensen's L'Iran sous les Sassanides,, 2nd edition
(Copenhagen, 1944) with minor alterations, Russian ones according to
the system of the U.S. Library of Congress, Georgian ones according
to ToumanofFs Studies in Christian Caucasian History (Georgetown,
1963), and Turkish toponyms according to the Office of Geography,
.Department of the Interior, Gazetteer No, 46: Turkey (Washington,
1960). Pbr the sake of convenience, author's names have been given
a single form, e.g. Manandian, irrespective of the alterations required
by the diverse languages in which they wrote, the form selected being
wherever possible the one more generally familiar. In all eases of
ambiguity alternate versions have been given. Por Armenian topo-
nyms, the Armenian form has generally been preferred for localities
in Persarmenia, and the Classical (preferably Greek rather than Latin)
for the western section of the country which was part of the Eastern
Roman Empire, except in the case of familiar names where such a
procedure would entail unwarranted pedantry. Por all the occasions
on which these guide lines have failed, as they needs must, I can only
appeal to the sympathetic indulgence of my colleagues.
The precious geographical sections of the book carry their own
particular series of problems. The map envisaged by Adontz was
never published, and nearly every locality in eastern Anatolia has
experienced at least one name change since 1908. Consequently
Kiepert's and Lyneh's maps to which Adontz normally refers are of
but limited value to the modern reader, since no concordance of
earlier and contemporary names exists to my knowledge. The
identification of many ancient sites remains controversial in spite
of the extensive investigations of Markwart, Honigmann, Eremyan,
and many others. In Appendix Y some attempt has been made to
EDITOR'S PREFACE XXI
coordinate the information on toponyms, giving where relevant and

possible their ancient Classical and/or Armenian name, the modern
equivalent, the coordinates given in the TJ.S, Office of Geography,
Gazetteer No, 46, and a reference to the appropriate sheet of the USAF
Aeronautical Approach Chart (St, Louis, 1956-1958) and the Turkish
General Map, Where this has proved impossible, the available
information will be found in the relevant notes.
Finally, I should like to express my thanks to my friends and
colleagues, professors Seeger Bonebakker, Associate Professor of
Arabic Studies, Tibor Halasi-Kun, Professor of Turkic Studies, Karl
H. Menges, Professor of Altaic Philology, and Ehsan Yar-Shater,
Hagop Kevorkian Professor of Iranian Studies, all of Columbia Uni-
versity, as well as professors Gerard E. Caspary, Associate Professor
of Mediaeval History at Smith College, Wendell S. Johnson, Associate
Professor of English Literature at the University of the City of New
York, and Norma A. Phillips, Assistant Professor of English Literature
at Queens College of the City of New York, for their help and patience
on the many occasions when I was forced to turn to them for assistance.
I am most grateful to Professor Emeritus Sirarpie der Nersessian of
the Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, both for her
suggestion that I undertake this edition and for the help and encou-
ragement she has so often given me. To my constant advantage,
I have also benefited from the vast knowledge and inexhaustible
kindness of Monsieur Haig Berberian of the Revue des Etudes Arm&-
niennes, Finally, my thanks are also due to Dr. Eobert Hewsen for
his help with questions of Armenian geography, and to my students
Dr. Linda Rose, Messers, Krikor Maksoudian and Jack Yartoogian
for the endless hours they spent in the thankless tasks of verifying
references, hunting out copies of rare works, and proofreading. For
the many flaws which such an edition must perforce still contain, the
responsibility remains of course mine alone.
Nina G. GARSOIAN.
New York, July 3, 1967,
ABREVIATIONS
AASS Ada Sanctorum Bollandiana (Brussels).

AAWB Abhandlungen der AJcademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin,
AB Analeda Bollandiana (Brussels).
ABAWM Abhandlungen der bayerischen AJcademie der Wissenschaften zu Munchen,
AGO Ada Ocmciliorum Oecumenicorum, Schwartz, E. ed, (Berlin, 1914).
AEHE Annuaire de VJicole des Hautes Etudes (Paris).
AIPHO Annuaire de I'Institut de philologie el d'histoire orientales et slaves (Brussels).
AJSLL American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures (Chicago).
AKGWG Abhandlungen der Jconiglischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu GoUingen,
AO Ada Orientalia (Copenhagen).
AQ Armenian Quarterly (New York).
AEBBL Academie Royale de Belgigue. Bulletin Classe des Lettres (Brussels).
ASGW AWiandlungen der sachsischen GesellscJiaft der Wissenschaften.
B Byzantion (Brussels).
BA Bulletin armenologique. Melanges de rUniversite de Saint-Joseph (Beirut).
Ber Berytus (Beirut).
BGA Bibliotheca geographorum arabicorum, de Goeje, M.J. ed. (Leiden).
BIM Bulletin de VInstitut Marr (Tbilisi).
BK Bedi Karthlisa. Revue de Karthvelologie (Paris).
BM Banber Matenadarani (Erevan).
BNJ Byzantinisch-neugriechische Jahrbucher (BerBn).
BSL Bulletin de la Societe Linguistique de Paris,
BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (London).
BZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift (Leipzig).
Ca Oaucasica (Leipzig).
CAH Cambridge Ancient History,
CHA Collection d'historiens armeniens, Brosset, M.I1, ed. (St. Petersburg, 1874-
1876).
CHAMA Collection d'historiens anciens et modernes de VArmenie, Langlois, V. ed.
(Paris, 1967-1869).
CHR The Catholic Historical Review (Washington).
CIG Corpus Inscriptionum Graecorum,
OIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinorum,
CJC Corpus Juris Civilis, Mommsen, T., Kriiger, P., et al., edd. (Berlin).
CMH
Cod. Th. Codex Theodosianus, Mommsen, T., et al., edd. (Berlin).
OP Classical Philology (Chicago).
CP« Classical Review (London-Oxford).
CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (Louvain).
CSHB Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae (Bonn, 1828-1897).
DHG Didionnaire d'Histoire et de Gdographie Ecclesiastique (Paris).
ABREVIATIONS XXIII
DTC Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique (Paris).

EHR English Historical Review (London).
El- Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leiden, 1913-1948). New edition (1954-).
EO Echos d'Orient (Paris).
EGH Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, Muller, C. ed. (Paris, 1841-1883).
G Georgica (London).
G46 Office of Geography, Department of the Interior, Gazetteer No. 46 : Turkey
(Washington, 1960).
GGM Geographi Graeci Minores, Muller, C. ed. (Paris, 1855-1861).
HA Handes Amsorya (Vienna).
1AFAN Izvestia Armianskogo Filiala Akademii Nauk SSSE (EreTan).
IANA Izvestiia Akademii Nauk Armianskot SSE (Erevan).
IANS Izvestiia Akademii Nauk SSSE (Moscow).
IKIAI Izvestiia KavJcazskogo Istoriko-Arkheologicheskogo Instituta (Tbilisi).
IZ Istoricheskie Zapiski (Moscow).
JA Journal Asiatique (Paris).
JEH The Journal of Ecclesiastical History (London).
JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies (London).
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain (London).
JRGS Journal of the Eoyal Geographic Society (London).
JRS Journal of Roman Studies (London).
K. Klio. Beitrage zur alten Geschichte (Leipzig).
KSINA Kratkie Soobshcheniie Instituta Narodov Azii Akademii Nauk SSSE (Mos-
cow).
KV KTiristianslcit Vostolc.
L Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass.-London).
LTK Lexikon fur Theologie und Kirche (Freiburg i/B).
Mansi Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio. Migne, J.B. ed. (Floren-
ce - Venice, 1759-1798). New edition (Paris, 1901).
MAIP Memoires de VAcademie Imperiale des Sciences de St, P&tersbourg.
MBAK Monatsberichte der berlinischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.
MDGKO Morgenlandische Darstellung aus Geschichte und Kultur des Ostens (Berlin).
MVG Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft.
NT Nord Tidsskrift for Sprogviden (Oslo),
00 Oriens Christianus (Leipzig).
OS Orientalia Suecana (Uppsala).
P Pazmaveb (Venice).
PBA Proceedings of the British Academy (London).
PBH Patma-banasirakan Handes (Erevan).
PG Patrologiae cursus completus. Series graeco-latina, Migne, J.P. ed. (Paris,
1857-1866).
PL Patrologiae cursus completus. Series latina, Migne, J.P. ed. (Paris, 1844-
1855).
PO Patrologia Orientalis, Graffin, R. and Nau, F. edd. (Paris, 1903).
PP La Parola del Passato. Eivista di Studi Classici (Naples).
PS Palestinskil Sbornik (Moscow).
PW Eeal-encyclopadie der classischen Altertumsunssenschaft, Pauly, A., Wisso-
XXIV ABREVIATIONS
wa, G., and Kroll, W. edd. (Vienna, 1837-1852). New edition (Stuttgart,
1893).
REA Revue des jfitudes Arminiennes (Paris, 1920-1932). New series (Paris,
1964-).
REAnc Revue des JUtudes Anciennes (Bordeaux).
REB Revue des Etudes Byzantines (Paris).
REIE Revue des lUtudes Indo-JSuropeennes,
RH Revue Eistorique (Paris).
RHE Revue d'Histoire Ecclesiastique (Louvain).
RHR Revue de VEistoire des Religions (Paris).
ROC Revue de VOrient Chretien (Paris).
RSJB Recueils de la Societi Jean Bodin (Paris).
S Syria (Paris).
SAW Sitzungsberichte der philologisch-historische Classe der Icaiserlichen Alcademie
der Wissenschaften (Vienna).
SBAWM Sitzungsberichte der bayerischen Alcademie der Wissenschaften zu Munchen.
SIA Studia Instituti Anthropos (Vienna).
SMM Sale1 art1 velos Muzeume Moambe (Tbilisi).
SV Sovetslcoe Vostolcovedenie (Moscow).
T Traditio (New York).
USA]FM USAI Aeronautical Approach Chart (St. Louis, 1956-1958).
TJZL Uchennye Zapiski LeningradsTcogo "Universiteta.
VBAG Verhandlungen der berlinischen anthropologischen Gesellschaft,
VDI Vestnilc Drevnei Istorii (Moscow).
VI Voprosy Istorii (Moscow).
VIA Voprosy lazylcoznaniia (Moscow).
W Vizantttsm Vremmenilc (St. Petersburg, 1894-1928). N.S. (Leningrad,
1947).
WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes.
ZDMG Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschajt (Leipzig).
ZE Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie.
ZKO ZapisTci Klassichesltago Otdeleniia ImperatorsTcago Russlcago Arkheologi-
cheskago Obshchestva (St. Petersburg).
ZMNP Zhurnal Ministerstva Narodnago Prosveshcheniia (St. Petersburg).
ZNW Zeitschrifl fur neutestamentliche Wissenschaft.
ZVO Zapiski Vostochnago Otdeleniia Imperalorskago Russlcago ArJcheologicheskago
Obshchestva (St. Petersburg).
ZVS Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung.
EASTERN ARMENIA
IX
ARMENIA — THE MARZPANATE
Eastern or Pers-Armenia as the homeland of the nayaraars — The tiayarav system

as a factor in Armenian history — The position of Eastern Armenia in the Persian
Empire — The administratiTe system of the Sasanian monarchy: the Jsusiaks and the
sahrs — Eastern Armenia as one of the Sahrs of the Caucasian JcustaJe — Eastern
Armenia as a Marzpanate — Her relations with the neighbouring lands and the boun-
daries of Marzpan-Armema, — Comparison of the territory of Marzpan and Arsaeid
Armenia — The appearance of the border districts — The division of Marzpan-
Armenia according to the Armenian Geography — The origin of Siwnik', Tayk', and
Mokk' as given in the Armenian Geography — The central provinces: the Tanuter
lands and Vaspurakan until 591 — The Iranian gunds and the Byzantine themes —
The origin of the provincial divisions adopted by the Armenian Geography.
The Eastern or Persian portion of Armenia differed markedly from

the Western as a result of its position and importance in the history
of the Armenians. It played the dominant role in the development
and preservation of the innermost foundations and principles which
sustained the historical life of Armenia. All of Armenia had been
drawn from antiquity into the political world of the Persian states
and had shared for centuries in the cultural sphere of Iran, From the
time that the Arsacids seized Persia while their younger branch
consolidated itself in Armenia, the traditional relations of the two
countriel had drawn even closer. It is in this period of Arsaeid
domination that the nayQ/rwr system, the socio-political pattern emi-
nently characteristic of-Ancient Armenia, developed. It is true that
the najfarar system evolved from the core of pre-Armenian society,
and that its root lie deep in the ethnic and geographical setting peculiar
to the country. Nevertheless, the final shaping of its peculiar cha-
racter unquestionably took place in the Arsaeid period.
The nayamr system is such a characteristic and such an amazingly
stable institution that no serious understanding or interpretation of
Ancient Armenian life and history is possible without it. Although
166 CHAPTER IX
modified in some of its aspects, this system survived in Armenia

until the fall of the Bagratids, and its final destruction came only
with the Mongol invasionsa. During the whole of this lengthy period,
the nayarar system was an important factor and one might even say
the moving force in Armenian history. Scattered throughout the
country, it provided the cradles of political liberty. Its significance
is derived from the fact that it provided the means for reconciling
external subjection with internal independence, and thus for the
preservation of the individual character of the country.
It is well known how often religion is mentioned as the outstanding
factor in the history of Armenia. Some scholars have even been
willing to reconstruct the entire historical life of Armenia on this
basis. This approach, inherited from our ancestors, is one of the most
hackneyed ones in Armenian historiography, and it originated in the
period following the disappearance of the nayarar pattern in the
country. It is correct insofar as it reflects the situation of a later
period; it is incorrect when archaized and applied to earlier times
as well. As long as the na-yarar system functioned in Armenia,
the Church was important only insofar as it adapted itself to the
naya/rar pattern. The bitter struggle for the nationalization of the
Church in Armenia was in reality for its waârarization, for the transfer
of nayarar customs into the ecclesiastical sphere. The nayarar
pattern was so deeply ingrained as a mode of life, and so reinforced
by the complicated setting in which Armenia found herself, that
any new system was acceptable only on the inflexible terms that it
be compatible with the existing naxamr structure. Wherever the
Church was successful in accomplishing this, it became nayârar-
national, but in the parts of the country where, under the influence
of Imperial policy, it failed or did not see the necessity of adapting
to local forms, the Armenian Church remained a part of the jcommon
ecclesiastical structure. This political framework for ecclesiastical
events is a fundamental factor in the isolation of the Armenian Church
from the Catholic Church, regardless of dogmatic principles or dis-
agreements. In the nayarar period, the importance of the Church
must be measured not by its Christian content, as many have thought,
or very little by it, but rather by its feudal or nayarar structure.
Given the importance of the nayarar institution, it is evident that
a detailed knowledge of it is indispensable for an interpretation of
the vast period of Armenian history which precedes the Mongol
AEMENIA — THE MARZPANATE 167
invasions. This institution, which was born under the Arsacids,

continued to develop throughout their possessions even after their
downfall. Primarily from the time of Justinian, Western Armenia
began to lose her na%arar aspect, but this pattern persisted for a long
time in the eastern part of the country. The information about
naxarar principalities preserved in Armenian historical works refer
almost exclusively to Eastern Armenia, hence the main focus of a
study of the constant features found in this part of the country must
concentrate on the naxarar structure. Oriental Armenia is usually
called Persarmenia by Byzantine historians. Together with the
provinces of Iberia, Albania, and Atrpatakan, it formed one of the
large administrative units of the Sasanian Empire. Under the
Sasanians, the Persian realm was divided into four parts: east, west,
south, and north, the Jc'ust i Xorasan, Xorwaran, Nemroj, Apd^tar *.
The northern quarter was more often called Jcust-aJc i KapJcoh, the
name used by the Armenians, or, after its central province, kust-ak i
Atrpatakan. As for the name Apa^tar, it was used for the Scythian
or Sarmatian tribes living further to the north who made their presence
known through frequent raids on Persian and Koman possessions.
Some scholars attribute this division to Xusro [Khusro] I Anosarvan
(531-579). They believe that up to his time Persia was split into
many provinces whose satraps or governors were directly subject
to the crown; but because of the difficulties in supervision entailed
by this multitude of subordinates,
[.Xusro] conceived the plan of forming four great govern-

ments, and entrusting them to four persons in whom he had
confidence, whose duty it should be to watch the conduct
of the provincial satraps to control them, direct them, or report
their misconduct to the crown 2.
This opinion is not altogether correct. .Xusro I can hardly be

the initiator of the administrative division. The Arab historian
Tabari, who had valuable Pehlevi material at his disposal, and who
had, incidentally, made use of the KJiudhay Ndmeh, the prototype
of the famous Sahnameh, relates that when Xusro Anosarvan
mounted the throne, " he sent letters to the four padhghospan who
ruled the four regions of Persia "; one of which was addressed to
" Zadhoe Nakhveraghan, padhghospan of Aderbaygan, Armenia and
the neighbouring lands " 3. These four padhghospan were the heads
168 CHAPTER IX
of the four JcustaJcs, and Zadhoe was the governor of the kustak of
Atrpatakan, or of the Caucasian border. Judging from this infor-
mation, the divisions of Persia must have existed before Zusro
Anosarvan, and cannot be attributed to him.
The same historian relates that,
Before the accession of -Xusro the office of spahbadh that

is to say of commander in chief was held by a single man for
the whole empire. .Zusro, however, as soon as he became
king divided this office among four persons, the spahbadh
of the Orient, i.e. of Khorrasan and the neighbouring lands,
the spahbadh of the Occident, the spahbadh of Nimruz, i.e. of
Yemen, and the spahbadh of Aderbayjan and the neighbouring
lands, i.e. of the country of the Khazars 4.
The only thing attributed to -Xusro, therefore, is the placing of a

military commander (spahbadh) in the four regions or Jcustaks, side
by side with the padhghospan. The reform consisted in the separation
of military and civilian power, the padhghospan serving as the instru-
ment of civilian authority, and the spahbadh of the military 5.
According to the Armenian sources, the division of the army into
four groups dates not from the period of .Xusro but from that of his
grandson Yazdgard, the last of the Sasanians [sic]5a. Under him,
says Sebeos,
... the Persian armies were divided into three parts of which
one corps was toward Persia and the Orient, and another
corps of ^Toream toward Asorestan, and one corps in the
province of Atrpatakan. But the seat of his kingdom was
in Tizbon [Ctesiphon] and all together honoured him in common
agreement6.
Persia (Ears), the main province of the southern region, is used here
instead of the entire JcitstaJc as pars pro toto. In reality, therefore,
the Armenian historian also distinguishes four armies, evidently
having the four spdhbadhs in mind. The Armenian writer sees in
their creation merely the weakening of the royal power under Yazd-
gard, while, according to the information of the Arab author cited
above, this was an important reform inaugurated by JTusro I Ano-
sarvan, the grandfather of Yaadgard. Neither version is apparently
correct, and the four spdhbadhs as well as the four pddhghospdns
existed in Persia long before either -X"usro I or Yazdgard 6a.
ARMENIA — THE MAEZPANATS 169
We know that according to ancient Iranian cosmology, the entire
heavenly sphere was also divided among four spahbadhs: the star
Tistar watched over the East, Sataves, over the West, Vanand, over
the South, and Haptoring, over the North 7, It is true that the book
of BundaMsn, from which we obtain this information, has reached
us in a version not older than the end of the Sasanians, but its origin
goes back to more ancient times. There is no doubt in this case
that these cosmological concepts of the Persians were a direct reflection
of the administrative divisions of Persia, of its division into four
commands.
The offices of padhghospan and spahbadh may in effect be compared
to those of pmefectus praetwio and magister militum in the Roman
Empire. Originally the praetorian prefects also held both full civilian
and •military powers, and it was only in the fourth century that the
•military command was put under a separate authority. We have
seen that four prefects, standing at the heads of the four prefectures
into which the Empire was divided were known to the Romans.
Two of these belonged to the eastern part of the Empire, and two
to the western. There were as many military commanders [magistri
militum]: of the Orient, Illyria, Thrace, and Gaul, if we do not count
the four court commanders [praesentales], two to each court in the two
capitals. Such a similarity between the divisions of the Roman and
Persian Empires can hardly be fortuitous; there is evidently some
connexion. Unfortunately, the problem of the genetic interrelations
of political institutions in the two neighbouring realms has not been
touched by scholars, who evidently cannot conceive that proud Rome
borrowed anything from a barbarian state 7a. Perhaps this is true,
and if so, the borrowing was on the Persian side. In any case, there
is no doubt that the Persian Jcusts or Ivustaks are as ancient as the Roman
prefectures.
The prefectures were divided into dioceses, which in turn were
subdivided into provinces. The Persian J&ustaJcs, however, were
directly split into smaller units, according to the historical development
of territorial or ethnic conditions. Each of these units was a more
or less independent country, a sahr with a historical past. According
to the Armenian Geography, the Caucasian Jcust consisted of thirteen
such countries or sahrs:
170 CHAPTER IX
1. Atrpatakan 8. Gelan
2. A.mryn i.e. Armenia [9. Cancan]
3. Varjan i.e. Iberia 9. Dlrnunk'
4. llan i.e. Alovania 10. Drub a wand
5. Balasakan 11. Taprestan
6. Sisakan 12. Rwan
7. Are 13. Ami8.
In the shorter version of the same work, only ten countries are
indicated, only Atrpatakan being given in the first column, while
the entire second column is listed with the following alterations,
Mukan is given instead of Sancan, and Amadan, which is lacking in
the first version but undoubtedly belonged here, has been added.
It is curious that Arab sources also occasionally leave the Caucasian
countries out of their description of the Northern region of the Sasanian
Empire 9.
One of the early and well informed Arabian geographers confirms
that,
Djarbi or the countries of the North form the fourth part
of the Persian Empire under the rule of a spahbadh who is
known under the name of Adarbayjan-spahbadh, this quarter
includes in itself Armenia, Adarbayjan, Rey, ... Alania and
others 10.
The same author, speaking of the titles of the kings, says that Ardasir
honoured the following kings with the title of sah: " Buzurg-Armenan
sah, Adarbayjan sah, Alan sah, who is in Mukan, Balasakan sah, and
Sisajan sah"11. There is no need to take these words literally;
their meaning is that the countries named enjoyed the rule of their
own kings, a situation associated here with the name of the founder
of the Sasanian dynasty, but which prevailed in general throughout
the period of its rule. Perhaps the relative independence of these
countries explains their omission from the list of the provinces in the
Caucasian Jcustak which we have already noted. Royal power did
in fact exist in Buzurg-Armenia, i.e. Greater Armenia, and in Arran-
Albania; but the Arab author also lists as kingdoms, Sisajan and
Balasakan, provinces which in reality belonged to Greater Armenia.
What we obviously find reflected here are the conditions existing
between the sixth and the eight centuries, when these provinces
were separated from Armenia. As for the absence of Iberia, it is
to be explained by the fact that the author included it in Armenia,
as was the custom among Muslim writers.
AEMENIA — THE MAEZPANATE 171
In the last chapter of the Chronicle of Zacharias of Mitylene, the

following passages is added to a brief survey of countries according
to Ptolemy,
And besides these there are also in this northern region five
believing peoples, and their bishops are twenty-four, and their
Catholic fives at D'win, the chief city of Persian Armenia.
The name of their Catholic was Gregory, a righteous and a
distinguished man.
Further Gurzan, a country in Armenia, and its language is
like Greek; and they have a Christian prince, who is subject
to the king of Persia.
Further the country of Arran in the country of Armenia,
with a langiiage of its own, a believing and baptized people;
and it has a prince subject to the king of Persia.
Further the land of Sisagan, with a language of its own, a
believing people, and there are also heathens living in it.
The country of Bazgun, with a language of its own, which
adjoins and extends to the Caspian Gates and the sea, the
Gates in the land of the Huns. And beyond the Gates are
Bulgarians ... 12.
At first glance, it might seem as though there were five Christian

peoples in addition to the five countries listed further on, but, in
reality, these Christian peoples are the Armenians, Gurzan, i.e. Iberia,
Arran, i.e. Albania, Sisakan [Siwnik'J, and Bazgun. The last name
is usually identified with Abasgia. But Abasgia, the present Abkhazia,
lies, as is well known, on the shore of the Black Sea, while Bazgun
according to its description adjoins the Caspian Sea and the Caspian
Gates. There are no grounds for taking Abasgia in a broad political
sense to include all the territories to the Caspian Sea, especially since
this broader sense was given to Lazika on the Black Sea during the
sixth century, to which this description belongs. The rise of Abasgia
on the political scene was to come at a slightly later date. We believe,
therefore, that Bazgun is a deformation of Barasakan or Balasakan
(bazgun for ba(ra)zgan), a province closer to the countries listed than
is Abasgia. Balasakan lay in Atrpatakan between the cities of
Berzend and Vardana-kert. Berzend still exists at present and stands
on one of the tributaries of the Bolgara pay on the Russo-Persian
frontier; from this the position of Balasakan on the lower Araxes can
be determined. Vardan, the Vardanakert of Armenian writers,
whose position is not exactly known, is next to it, and is given in the
172 CHAPTER IX
list of district in the province of Paytakaran, and obviously Balasakan

was also numbered among them13, Balasakan is also found in
Koriwn together with Siwnik', Armenia, Albania, and \tberia; these
are the countries covered by Mesrop in the course of his evangelizing
activity 13a,
According to one indication, the separation of Sisakan from Armenia,
occurred in the period of the Armenian rebellion and of the murder
of the marzpan, the Suren in the year 571,
,,. a little before this rebellion the isxcm of Siwnik', named

Vahan, separated himself from the Armenians and asked
ROSTOV, king of Persia, to shift the diwan of Siwnik' from
Dwin the capital of Armenia to the city of P'aytakaran and
to put this city in the saJirmar of Atrpatakan so that in the
future the name of Armenians should no longer be given to
them 13*>
The country of Sisakan was again reunited with Armenia after the
fall of the Sasanians 14, In the description of Zacharias of Mitylene,
Sisakan is already given as a country separate from Armenia and on a
par with Albania and Iberia in 555. Should we, therefore, suppose
that it was already separated from Armenia at that time ? Because
of geographic and ethnic circumstances, Sisakan stood a little apart
from Armenia, and this division may sometimes have given the
impression of a completely autonomous country, Procopius too
thought that the Suniton i,e, Siwnites were a nation separate from
the Persarmenians 15.
Sisakan, together with Paytakaran, and, therefore, with Balasakan
belonged, according to Sebeos, to the sahrmar of Atrpatakan. We
would expect Sisakan and Balasakan also to have had their own
sahrmar, as independent units of the Caucasian kmtak, but apparently
they were not considered the equals of Armenia and Atrpatakan from
an administrative point of view. Sisakan belonged to the sahrmar
of Armenia, and Balasakan to that of Atrpatakan. Similarly, they
did not have marzpans but were ruled by their own princes. The
Armenian provinces of Aljnik' and Nosirakan held approximately
the same position in the western KustaJc, The first of these apparently
belonged to the sahrmar of Arabastan, and the second to that of
Adiabene or Nohadra, according to the Armenian Geography, bu£
they enjoyed a certain independence since they were still ruled by
ARMENIA — THE MARZPANATE 173
local titular princes called bdesxs. In the Geography both provinces
are listed in the western region as independent sahrs similar to Sisakan
and Balasakan 16,
Thus, the administrative units equivalent to Armenia seem to have
been Iberia, Albania, Atrpatakan Adiabene and Arabastan. With
the fall of the Sasanians the territorial relations of Armenia to these
countries were significantly altered. We must therefore determine
what these alterations were, in other words, how the Armenia of the
royal period differed from the Armenia of the Marzpanate. from a
geographical point of view.
We speak of Marzpan Armenia since after the Arsacids a represen-
tative of the Persian king called marzpan had his seat in the country17.
His capital was the city of Dwin, which had the same significance for
Oriental Armenia as did Theodosiopolis, the residence of the Count
of Western Armenia, which served at the same time as an international
center for Asia 18, In the north, Marzpan Armenia stretched to Kan-
gark\g to the narrative of Lazar P'arpeci, king Ya^t'ang of
Iberia sent a messenger to Armenia saying
... a powerful Persian detachment has reached the land of

Iberia, and I, seeing that I was unable to withstand them,
have put my hope in the Armenian mountains, near the bor-
der of Iberia, and I await you.
Vahan Mamikonean set out to Va^t'ang's assistance and " the Ar-
menian army came to the Iberian king and camped in a locality in the
district of Kangark' ", where Va^t'ang assured the Armenians that
the Persians had returned home 19. From all this we see that the
Armenian mountains bordering Iberia, in which Ya^t'ang was hiding,
were near or even in Kangar. Moreover, since Kangar was considered
to be in the southern corner of the province of Gugark', the latter
must have stretched beyond the limits of Armenia. Further south,
the province of Tayk' bordered on Iberia, and its northenmost district
was named Kol, Tayk', itself, remained entirely within Armenia20.
On the Albanian side, the Kura had ceased to be the frontier,
as it had been under the Arsacids. The frontier line shifted from the
river to the city of ^Talâl, which Lazar P'arpeci places in Albania
and Eiise calls the winter residence of the Albanian kings. X&tysA
stood on the right bank of the Kura, since the Persian army on its
way from Albania to -Xalâl was forced to cross the river. After
174 CHAPTER IX
the battle of Jâlâl, the Armenian cavalry was conveyed across

the river, to move toward the Albanian gates20 a. It is entirely possible
that the modern Tartar village of -Xilîl on the Zegam river is indeed
the ancient âlâl. The latter lay in TJti, and since it is called an
Albanian city by Lazar P'arpeci, we must conclude that Uti was
considered to be part of Albania at that time 21. Faustus of Byzan-
tium knows of Haband, with the village of Amaraz where the Albanian
Kat'olikos Gregory, the grandson of St. Gregory the Illuminator,
had been buried, as of a border province between Armenia and Albania,
The position of Haband is not precisely known. The Armenian
Geography lists two Habands, one in Siwnik' and the other in Area^,
Movses Jforenaci, in transmitting Faustus' story replaces Haband
by Lesser Siwnik'aa, by which he means the whole of Arca^, or perhaps
— which is less likely — one of its districts which bears in the Armenian
Geography the Persian name of SisaJcan i JcotaJc, Lesser Sisakan.
Haband of Arca^ must have adjoined Siwnik', forming part of Siwnian
Haband and belonging to Albania together with all the districts of
Arca^ 22a.
Armenia was separated from the territory of Atrpatakan by the
province of Her and Zarewand on the northern shore of Lake Urmiah,
between Salamas and Xoy. The Persians carried on operations
against the Armenians from this impregnable base at the time of the
rebellion of the fifth century. Having heard of the arrival of the
Persian host in Her and Zarewand, Vardan Mamikonean hurried
to meet it, thinking that,
... matters might be settled there, in Her and Zarewand,

and no one would be left to hinder the Persian army from
reaching the land of Armenia to strike and harm it with murder
and captivity.
Similarly, when, Vahan Mamikonean, received the news that the

Persian army had entered Her and Zarewand, he gathered his forces
and set out to strike against them in those parts "... so as not to
allow the Persian army to move into Armenia ". When the Persians
thereupon decided to settle peacefully with Vahan, and sent the
ambassador Niôr with that purpose "... he came to Armenia and
could not make up his mind to penetrate into the Armenian territory,
but remained in the province called Her " a3. The region of Her and
Zarewand, with which we are concerned, later formed, together with
ARMENIA — THE MARZPAN ATE 175
the adjoining distincts, the province called Parska-hayk', that is to

say Persarmenia, in the Armenian Geography, and the examples just
cited demonstrate that this region did not enter into Marzpan Armenia.
In the south, Armenia ended with the provinces of Albak, Anjewacik'
and Mokk'. The rebellions of the fifth century against the Persians
arose exclusively within the limits of Marzpan Armenia, and these
provinces seem to be the southernmost ones whose representatives
took part in the rebellion. Albak occupied the upper course of the
river Zab, and the neighbourhood of Basjkale still bears this name.
West of it lay the district of Anjewacik', at the source of the Bohtan-su,
in it stood the settlement of Kangowar and the monastery of Hogeac-
vankc. Still further west, beyond Anjewacik', lay Mokk', the present
Moks or Mokus, also in the valley of the Bohtan-su. Beyond Mokk',
stretched Aljnik', which already belonged to the "Western quarter,
to the JcustaJc of ^Torwaran and was consequently excluded from
Marzpan Armenia, though it adjoined it at Balaleison (Armenian
Bales) the present Bitlis 24.
Within these limits, Marzpan Armenia was noticeably smaller than
the Armenia of the royal period. A strip of royal border provinces
remained outside the later frontier, namely: 1.) Gugark', 2.) TJti,
3.) Arcaj(, 4.) P'aytakaran-Balasakan, 5.) Parskahayk'-Persarmenia,
6.) Korcek', and 7.) Aljnik'. The Armenian Geography includes these
provinces in Armenia but notes that Gugark' had been taken from
the Armenians by the Iberians, Uti and Arca^, by Albania, and
P'aytakaran by Atrpatakan [Atropatene]. It is not difficult to guess
that the same fate befell Persarmenia and Korcek' 24a. The separation
of these lands from Armenia dates from the period of the downfall
of Arsak II, in the second half of the fourth century. According to
the testimony of Faustus of Byzantium, the following lands fell away
from Armenia at that time: 1.) the bdes% of Aljnik', 2.) the bde§x of
Nosirakan, Mahkert-tun, Niôrakan and Dasn, 3.) the bdes% of Gugark5,
4.) the prince of Gardman, 5.) the province of Arca^, 6.) the land of
Korduk'-Tmorik'-Korde, 7.) the domains of the Armenian kings
adjoining Atrpatakan, 8.) the land of the Mar, 9.) the land of Kaspe 241).
Under Pap, the son and successor of Arsak II, an attempt was made
to win back the lost territories, and the following were recovered,
according to Faustus 25: 1.) the possessions of the Armenian king in
Atrpatakan, 2.) the country of Nosirakan, 3.) the province of Korduk'-
Korde-Timorik', 4.) the land of the Mar, 5.) the land of Arca^, 6.) the
176 CHAPTER IX
provinces of TJti, Sakasen, Gardman, Kolt{ — " and the Kura river
as before was made the frontier between the land of Albania and
theirs [Armenia] " 25a —, 7.) Kaspe, with the city of P'aytakaran,
8.) Gugark* — and there too " the ancient boundary between the
land of Armenia and the land of Iberia, which was the great Kura
river itself, ... was restored " 251> —, and finally, 9.) A3jnik{. In short,
precisely the nine provinces which had been lost under Arsak II.
After the treacherous murder of king Pap. the kingdom of the Arsacids
declined irreversibly to its destruction, and the division of Armenia
between the two pretenders Arsak III and ROSTOV III followed soon
thereafter, " In their time", complains the historian, " many
provinces were gnawed away and cut off here and there, and only
an unimportant part of the country remained in the hands of the two
kings " 26. This " unimportant part" made up the Armenia of the
post-Arsaeid, Marzpan period.
The Armenian Geography, in agreement with Faustus, acknowledges
the falling away of the Armenian border provinces; but it disagrees
with the historian in that it does not mention among them "the
royal district in Atrpatakan" and the lands of Nosirakan. The
repeated assertions of Faustus that Ganjak was the frontier of Armenia
on the side of Atrpatakan and that the guard of the Armenian king
stood there 27, testify to the fact that the Armenian crown did possess
great domains in Atrpatakan. Ganjak of Atrpatakan, not to be
confused with the Armenian city of the same name, lay south-east
of Lake Urmiah, Maragha and Zenjan, on the ruins of Ta^t-i Sulaiman,
and was a very important religious center in the epoch of the -Sa-
sanians 28.
At the time of the restoration of the Arsacids, at the end of the
third century, the city of Zintha was considered to be the border
point between Armenia and Persia, according to the treaty of 298.
One of the clauses proclaims, "the border of Armenia shall be the
fortress of Zintha lying on the frontier of Media " 29. Unfortunately,
the position of Zintha is not known; might one perhaps associate it
with the modern city of Sinna south of Ta^t-i Sulaiman 29a ? Accord-
ing to Armenian accounts, the Persian king Sahpuhr ceded Atrpatakan
to the Armenians, He -also promised that, as a reward for the help
given him by the Armenians in his war against the Emperor, " he
would give him [Arsak II] a great territory, of such size that in going
from Armenia to us [Persia] he should ride continually over his own
ARMENIA — THE MAEZPANATE 177
land all the way from Armenia to Ctesiphon" 30. These words,
despite their legendary coloration, confirm the treaty of 298 as to
the limits of Armenia on the side of Atrpatakan,
The frontiers of Armenia also stretched far to the south. The
provinces of Nosirakan, Mahkert, Dasn, and Niôrakan were all
subject to the Armenian Arsacids. These lay south of the Armenian
province of Korduk', on the border of Adiabene, The city of AIM,
which is still in existence, lay in Korde or Tmorik', one of the districts
of Korduk'31. Consequently, the provinces just listed lay south
of AIM in the valley of the Khabur, which empties into the Tigris
below the city of Jazirah-ibn-'Omar. Nosirakan is listed among the
provinces in ecclesiastical relations with the Armenians under the
Kat'olikos Bagben, and is given as part of the province of Nineveh 32.
Nineveh was one of the five Nestorian eparchies more often known
to the Syrians under the name of Hedayab, the ancient Adiabene,
Six dioceses were counted in Adiabene besides the metropolis of
Arbela: Bed Nohadre, Bed Bagas, Bed Dasen, Remmomn, Bed Mahqert,
Dabarinos( ?)33. Strangely, Nosirakan is not listed among them,
as it is in the Armenian sources. We must suppose that Nosirakan
was a secondary name for one of the Syrian districts above, which was
current primarily among the Armenians, most likely for the one which
bordered on Armenian territory. Nohadre occupied the left bank
of the Khabur river, up to the ruins of EsM-Mosul, north of the city
of Mosul, the ancient Nineveh. Bagas lay along the Zab between
Zerran and Diza and seemingly coincided with the present Gever 34'
Dasn lay in the neighbourhood of the city of Amadia, in the vicinity of
Djelu and Baz. A Yezidi tribe known under the name of Tasani
or Dasani is known in the sanjak of Hakkari. The province of
Mahqert, the land of the Kurds, called al-mayardan by Arab writers,
was to be found in the same region. Hence these provinces lay south
of the Korcek' and Lesser Albak of the Armenian Geography, along
the southern limits of the present sanjak of Hakkari,
The fourth district in which we are interested, Niôrakan, lay further
east, closer to Lake Urmiah. The Armenian Geography mentions
the mountains of Niôrakan (Jcohi NihoraJcan) as a spur of the Taurus
in Atrpatakan349. Arab writers are acquainted with the locality of
daxerrakan (i.e. deli Na-jfiraJcari) the present Deh .Xargan, on the eastern
shore of the lake south of Tabriz34b,
The Armenian Geography lists Nohatra, Sirakan, and Arzon-ostan
among the lands of .Xbrwaran, or the Western quarter, adjoining
178 CHAPTER IX
Armenia 35. According to Syrian ecclesiastical divisions, Arz5n

together with Qardu, Zabde, Kehime, and Moksaje, made
up the eparchy of Arabastan, next to Hedayab 35a. The
Armenian Geography apparently takes Aljn to mean the whole
of Arabastan. Similarly, Nohatra and Sirakan are equated with
Hedayab. Moreover, it is altogether possible that Sirakan is the Ar-
menian synonym for Nohatra and that is has been introduced into
the Armenian Geography to clarify the name Nohatra, unfamihar
to Armenians. However, according to Faustus of Byzantium, Nosi-
rakan, Mahkert, Niôrakan, and Dasn were under the authority of
a single bdesx35*. Since Niôrakan lay on the other side of the lake,
it is more probable that Nosirakan was a political term designating
the districts subjects to the Arsacids on the frontier of Adiabene,
while Niôrakan was a similar general term for their possessions in
Atrpatakan.
The territories listed mark the maximum limits of the Arsacid
realm. The memory of this was still alive among the Armenians
in the Seventh century. In order to win the Armenian princes over
to his side, the famous Vahram Tchoben swore to them that in the
case of his victory and the overthrow of the Sasanians, he would re-
establish the Armenian kingdom and would give to the Armenians,
... all of the Armenian land to Kapkoh and to the Albanian

gates, and on the side of Syria — Aiabastan and Nor-Sirakan
to the frontier of the Tacik1, which belonged to them also in
the days of their forefathers, and on the western side [every-
thing] as far as Caesarea of Cappadocia 36.
Armenian accounts assert that the territories of Adiabene and Atro-

patene fell away from Armenia at the same time as the other boundary
provinces. If this is the case, it is not understandable why some are
attributed to Armenia in the Armenian Geography, and others are not.
The lands of Nosirakan and Niôrakan, which are not included in
the description of Armenia, must have fallen away earlier; they were
lost forever after the imprisonment of Arsak II. The successors
of Arsak ruled over the whole of the districts which the Armenian
Geography gives as part of Armenia; they were the ones which made
up the Arsacid realm par excellence. The subsequent division of
Armenia between two pretenders, and after that, between two king-
doms, was accompanied by a new curtailment of the border lands.
ARMENIA — THE MAKZPANATE 179
As a result, Armenia was reduced to the limits of the Marzpanate,

These two periods explain to us the origin of the border districts:
Gugark', TJti, Area^, P'aytakaran, Pers-Armenia, Korcek' and Aljnik',
in the form in which they appear in the Armenian Geography. We
are not speaking, of course, of the names themselves, which are very
ancient, many of them being of pre-Armenian origin, but of the terri-
torial content of these terms according to the Armenian Geography.
The frontiers of these provinces were determined from without by
the boundaries of Armenia in the royal period, from within, by the
boundary line of Marzpan Armenia. The belt of territories found
between these limits produced the provinces of Gugark', TJti, Arca^,
P'aytakaran, Pers-Armenia, Korcek', and were distinguished from
one another by the fact that they belonged to different administrative
units: Gugark' to Iberia, Uti and Arca^ to Albania, P'aytakaran
and Pers-Armenia to Atrpatakan, and finally, Koreek' and Aljnik'
to the Jcustak of JTorwaran, one to Hedayab and the other to Arabastan.
Consequently we must admit a politico-administrative rather than
an ecclesiastical origin for the border provinces, as might have been
expected. Their population was always of mixed composition:
Armeno-Iberian, Armeno-Albanian, Armeno-Persian, Armeno-Syrian,
Armeno-Korcek' (Kurdish), so that the indicated division into provinces
was also justified on an ethnic basis.
As a result of its loss of the periphery, Marzpan Armenia kept
a territory subdivided into six countries, according to the Armenian
Geography: Ayrarat, Taruberan, Vaspurakan, Siwnik', Tayk' and
Mokk'. On what was this division based ? The last three provinces
are distinguished from the first three in that they were subject to
single princely families: Tayk' to the Mamikonean, Siwnik' to the
princes of Sisakan, and Mokk' to the princes of Mokk', while Ayrarat,
Taruberan and Vaspurakan were fragmented among numerous princely
houses36a. It is probable that the Armenian Geography means by
Siwnik' and Mokk' the territories of the corresponding princely houses
in its period, in other words, that their origin was based on landed
property. Taruberan was separated from Vaspurakan along the
new line of demarcation between Roman and Persian Armenia esta-
blished by the treaty of 591. In fact, the same line divided Ayrarat
from Vaspurakan. Taruberan and Ayrarat had the same sort of
origin as Fourth and Upper Armenia. The last two provinces sprang
from the territories assigned to the Empire at the time of the division
180 CHAPTER IX
of Armenia in 387, while Taruberan and Ayrarat came from the new
territorial acquisitions of the Empire in 591 361>,
Up to 591, that part of Persian Armenia in which so-called Tanuter
custom prevailed was occasionally called by the Armenians the Tanuter
Land (Tanuteralcan tun). After that date, part of the Tanuter land
was parcelled off to the Empire, In the time of troubles at the
Persian court, when the legitimate heir, JXusro II asked for the help
of the Emperor Maurice to regain his father's throne, he promised
in return,
... to cede him the Syrian region, all of Arwastan to the city
of Nisibis, and from the Armenian lands, the land of Tanuter
power to Ayrarat and the city of Bwin to the shores of the
Lake of Bznunik' (i.e. Yan) and the city of Af est.
When .Xusro had consolidated his position on the throne with the
Emperor's help, he fulfilled his promise,
... he gave him all of Arwastan to Nisibis and the Armenian

lands which were under his power: the Tanuterakan tun all
the way to the Hurazdan river with the district of Kotek' up
to the village of G-afni and to the sea of Bznunik5, and the town
of Af est, and the district of Gogovit to Haciwn and to Maku.
While the region of the gund of Yaspurakan remained under
the domination of the Persian king 37.
The boundaries of the lands ceded by the Persians are very clearly
indicated in these words. AH of western Pers-Armenia went over
to the Empire. Garni in Kotek' marked the upper point of the line
of division, Afest on the shore of Lake Yan, the lowest point, and
Haciwn and Maku on the side of Kogovit, the middle points. This
means that the frontier line passed from Garni through Haciwn and
Maku to Afest, West of this line lay the Tanuter land, east of it
the gund of Yaspurakan, and the historian seems to be opposing
these two terms. The true meaning of the word Yaspurakan appears
in the expression VaspwraJcan hamaraJcar, " the reckoner of Yaspura-
kan " or the " collector of tribute ", where Yaspurakan means Persian.
The members of the great Persian families were known as Vaspuhrs,
and it seems to us that Yaspurakan might replace, the more ordinary
expression Persian in a high flown style 37a. It is, however, also
possible that Yaspurakan used in relation to the Armenian territory
ARMENIA — THE MARZPANATE 18]
is the Iranian equivalent of the Armenian term Tanuterakan. All

of Pers-Armenia had in fact been Tanuter land up to 591 and was
evidently so called. With the abandonment of part of the Tanuter
land to the Romans, Vaspurakan designated that part of Armenia
which had remained Persian as opposed to the Eoman share 38.
The Tanuter lands are sometimes called a gund as was Vaspurakan.
The gund corresponds in fact to the Byzantine Theme (depa) and
designates a particular division of military forces. The origin of the
Theme organization in Byzantium cannot be considered as finally
clarified even after the detailed investigations of Diehl and Gelzer 39.
Historical tradition traces the origin of the Themes to the period of
the Emperor Heraclius, while some scholars suppose that the initial
period of this institution was the creation of the Exarchates of Italy
and Africa by the Emperor Maurice, We believe that the Themes
as a military system replacing a civilian administration must be
studied in relation to the analogous institution of the gunds in Persia.
According to scholarly studies, the word Blô. designated both the
district and the army corps stationed within it; moreover, it was
unquestionably attached to the corps before it began to be used to
indicate the province 40. In this double meaning the word Qepa, can
also be compared to the Persian gund, Muslim writers testify that
a system of military encampments existed in Persia and that the
might and military glory of the Persians was based on them. These
were called Gundjaigah or JRamm, According to some authors,
there were five such stations for the gunds., according to others four 41,
The gunds were obviously those forces which stood under the command
of the spahbadhs. The military encampments survived in Persia
up to the time of the Mongol invasion which destroyed them first
in order to bring final destruction to the power of the Persians. Scho-
lars do not deny that the beginnings of the Theme organization were
already visible in the sixth century although it reached its full ex-
pression only under Leo III (716-741)41a, The gund in the sense of
an army division, a regiment, is a common word in Ancient Armenian
documents; in its geographical meaning it appears for the first time
in Lazar P'arêci, and after him in Sebeos, who are authors of the
sixth and seventh centuries. This date also points to the affinity
of the Theme and the gund,
The Tanuter and Yaspurakan lands probably served as stations for
certain army corps, either Armenian or Persian, and, therefore,
182 CHAPTER IX
likewise bore the name of gund. Traces of the over-all administrative

pattern are often visible in the structure of Armenia, and in general
in that of the lands under Persian domination.
The Tanuter Lands consisted of two parts which were called,
according to their main provinces; Ayrarat and Taron or Taruberan.
Vaspurakan or Sepuhrakan was also divided into the districts of Vas-
purakan in a narrower sense and Mardpetakan. The probable cause
for the division of the provinces was the re-organization of Koman
Armenia. Justinian's Armenia IV underwent alterations in 591
as a result of the acquisition of new territory. With the shift of
Arzanene to the Empire, Sophanene, was joined to it and to the
district of Amida, to form a new province under the name of Upper
Mesopotamia or Armenia IV, while the former Armenia IV, together
with Chorzane and Muzuron, districts drawn from Interior Armenia,
formed an eparchy called Justiniana, or the Other Armenia IV. The
metropolis of the former was Amida, that of the latter Dadimon.
This division has been preserved in the work of George of Cyprus42.
In the Armenian Geography, Armenia IV is different from the province
given the same name by George of Cyprus, in that Muzuron is not
included in it. In the Geography Armenia IV or Upper Mesopotamia
bears the name of its chief district Arzanene [Aljnikc], Furthermore,
all of Sophene is not included in it, but only the part lying on the
left bank of the Tigris and called Np'ret; the right bank of the Tigris
to Bnabel is excluded. All of these alterations and differences found
in the Geography as against George of Cyprus occurred in Armenia
after 591.
This is the form in which the genesis of the provincial divisions
given by the Armenian Geography appears to us. Its final establish-
ment belongs to the period following the sixth century. Up to that
time Armenia consisted of a network of larger and smaller districts
conforming to natural boundaries and other conditions. All of them
together formed a single administrative unit from the point of view
of the Persian state: Marzpan Armenia. Its interior divisions derived
from the existence of a dominant politico-social structure in the
country — the na%arar system.
X
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXARARDOMS
Limits of the problem under consideration — Historical and literary sources dealing
with the number of nayarar houses — The belief in the existence of 900 or 400 houses,
and its lack of foundation — Actual evidence concerning the tmyarar dynasties, the
data in Ccmciliar Lists and their comparison. The Throne List, or Gahnamak, and the
Military List, evidence relating to them in ancient sources — Their literary analysis
— The content of the Gahnamak collated with that of the Military List — Variants
in the Gahnamak and their significance — Information concerning the naxarars in
Movses .Xorenaci — Evidence of his familiarity with them — Historical analysis of
the documents — Hierarchical precedence as the social basis for the Gahnamak, its
existence in the VH century before the downfall of the Sasanians — Military service
and the resultant census of Armenian cavalry before the begining of the VIII century
as the social basis of the Military List — The basic features of the List, its points of
contact with the Histories of Zenob Glak and Movses Z'orenaci — Historical evidence
concerning the size of the Armenian cavalry — General conclusions: The literary origin
of the analyzed documents, the sources of the Gahnamak, the Military List and the
JRamakan nama.
The na-ârar system existed in Armenia from antiquity until the

Mongol invasions. Like any institution developing in accordance
with conditions of place and time, the naârar system often changed
in character and passed through several phases. But naxarar customs
once developed in the period of the Arsacids, continued to function
generally unaltered in the era of the Sasanians as -well as in that of
Justiniana. The process of disintegration of the nayarar system of
Arsacid type began with the transfer of a significant part of Marzpan
or Tanut&r Armenia to the power of the Emperor, that is to say,
from 628, when the Persians finally renounced it. The stern, and at
first hostile, attitude of the Arabs toward the nayarars contributed
to this disintegration. The catastrophe of Na^rjewan in 702 [sic] struck
the nayarars like a bolt of lightning and destroyed the flower of
Armenian nobility on the gallows and at the stake. This blow marks
an absolutely decisive moment in the history of the weakening of the
naârars, and can probably be compared only to the ravages of the
Turk, Bula, the Arab governor of the mid-ninth century.
184 CHAPTER X
The History of Movses ôrenaci belongs to the period of the dis-

integration of Arsacid norms in the na%arar system, as is evident
from the nature and content of the problems which plague the author ft.
The History of Armenia is the first attempt to present a history of
the na%arars. It differs from other historical documents primarily
because of the subjective attitude of the author toward his theme,
.Zorenaci is not a simple narrator guilelessly recounting the events
of days long past, he is above all a critic and an investigator. He
not only relates events, he tries to understand and interpret them,
not always avoiding exaggerations and extraneous philosophizing
in the process. Yet in his role as historian of the na%arars he looks
upon the problem with perspective, seeking to discover their genealogies
in the light of a historical past.
Events and institutions nead no systematization or interpretation
while they are still alive or capable of life, but they inescapably become
the subject of research when have outlived their time, when they
begin to fade from life and memory, gradually moving backward
to become the property of the past. Thus, the critical attitude of
the author of the History of Armenia indicates a period of decay,
when the bases of na%arar life tottered and historical practices dis-
integrated and passed from living reality into the realm of legend and
reminiscences. This stage is truthfully described by -Xbrenaci,
himself. Through the lips of the first Arsacid ruler, the historian asks,
... whence originate the naxarar estates which exist here in

Armenia? No order can be discerned here, and it is not
known who is the first among the leaders of the country, and
who is the last. Nothing is established, but everything is
in disorder and disorganized l.
According to this passage, these were the conditions found in Armenia

by the founder of the Arsacid dynasty when he decided to familiarize
himself with the country entrusted to him, and with the naxarar
customs prevailing in it. Naturally, what we have here is not the desire
of the royal newcomer, but the curiosity of the historian himself, and
the situation depicted in no way belongs to the time of the Arsacid
accession; it is an exact picture of the reality contemporary with the
historian. In view of the close relation between the History of Ar-
menia and the period which we have set as a limit for the present
study of the naxarars, its evidence could serve as our starting point
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXARAJRDOMS 185
in the solution of this problem, and we shall see later how the author
of the History answers his own questions. But first we shall attempt
to answer them independently and without his help, on the Basis
of material unknown to him. Let us, therefore, first consider the
concrete side of the problem: the number of na-ârar houses, and their
distribution through the country.
Some scholars have supposed that there were up to 900 princely

families in Armenia at the time of the Arsacids. This opinion is
based on a misunderstanding, or on an insufficient grasp of the his-
torical evidence. Faustus of Byzantium writes that when Arsak II
ascended his father's throne, he began to put the country in order
and to revive the life of the state which had been shaken under his
predecessor. Thanks to his activity, the country seemed to be reborn
and to recover its former aspect, " the magnates again found them-
selves each on his throne, the officials each in his rank " *a. The
responsible function of hazarapet was entrusted by the king to the
house of Gnuni, and that of sparapet to the Mamikonean, Here are
the words of the historian exactly translated,
... and the others of these houses (i,e, of the nobility such as
the Gnuni and the Mamikonean) and of the lesser ones, who
in their quality of gorcalcal sat before the king on cushions with
a diadem on their heads. Not counting the great nahapets
and tanuters, only those who were gorcakals made up the 900
cushions which were brought out at the hours of the invited
palace feasts, this without counting the persons from the same
gorcakal service who remained standing on their feet z .
The historian distinguishes the naJiapets and tanuters from the gorcakals,
(i,e, the servants or officials). The Gnuni and Mamikonean princes,
having accepted the functions of hazarapet and sparapet, became as
a result, gorcaJcals, or officials in the bureaucracy. There were then
900 such gorcaJcals with cushions at the court of Arsak, in addition
to those who remained standing. It is true, as is obvious from the
words of the historian, that these officials were selected from the
nobility, and that one and the same person could be simultaneously
a nahapet and a gorcalcal, but it does not follow from this that there
were as many gorcalcal — officials as there were nayarar families,
since several officials might be drawn from the same family. In
186 CHAPTER X
such an interpretation of the historian's words, the hypothesis of the

existence of 900 princely families loses all foundation2a,
Another important Armenian literary document is the Life of
St. Nerses, which, if it is not an extract from the work of Faustus
of Byzantium, is directly derived together with Faustus from a common
source. The Life differs from Faustus in giving the leading role not
to Arsak II, but to the patriarch Nerses I, Arsak's contemporary
and opponent, around whom it groups the events. In the Life of
St. Nerses, the revival of the na-ârar gaJis is, therefore, attributed,
as we might expect, to the patriarch Nerses, and only 400 individual
cushions are mentioned instead of 900, " Nerses established the
following 400 cushions at the table of king Arsak " 3. At this point
the author of the Life attempts to give a list of all the gahs, but having •
listed 132 names (and 13 names outside the gahs), he breaks off with the
excuse that " there are many more gahs, but it is hard for him to list
them all"; though he then affirms again that,
they were altogether 400 in number ... they were re-esta-

blished by king Arsak ... at the order of the Great Nerses 3a.
Stephen Orbelean, a relatively late writer of the thirteenth century,

is also familiar with the 400 cushions, but, according to his information
the initiator of the system was not Nerses but Gregory the lUuminator,
He ordered to Trdat the Great that he should put his realm

in order according to the example of the Greek emperors and
grant to the princes gah and patiw on the right and left side
according to their rank; and the admirable custom was esta-
blished that four hundred princes should sit on cushions at
the royal table 4.
A curious remark is found in the History of Tovma Arcruni. Tovma

relates that king Smbat Bagratuni granted to one of the princes of
Vaspurakan,
the title of marzban according to the regulation of the ranks

of cushions established by the Armenian kings and particularly
by king Trdat the Great5.
From this reference we can conclude that even in this time, i.e. in the
tenth century, the origin of the list of cushions, or Gahnamak, was
still associated with the name of king Trdat.
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXASABDOM8 187
It would seem likely, therefore, that we are dealing here with an

ancient tradition to which attention should be given. In reality,
however, all of it is founded on a misunderstanding. The historian
Zenob Glak relates that in the days of Trdat, the king of the North
made a raid on Iberia and devastated the entire land to Karin. At
the request of the Iberians, Trdat sent to their assistance a contingent
of Armenians who defeated the enemy and chased away the moun-
taineers. At the same time the Armenians captured three princes
and four hundred nobles, whom they brought to the king. The
prisoners were put into the fortress of Olkan, and when Trdat set out
from Taron to Apahunik',
,,. he took thither with him the captive princes, and ordered
to include the four hundred men into the state diwan 6.
From a careless reading of this passage, the words of the historian
might be understood to mean that all four hundred prisoners had
been raised to princely rank, and from such a conclusion it is but a
step to the legend of the four hundred cushions and of king Trdat as
their originator Such a misunderstanding is not surprising.
The historical development of Armenia was subject to such interrup-
tions due to foreign invasions, that even the next generation occasion-
ally found itself as helpless before many questions of its immediate
past as we are now. Interpretations and commentaries became
necessary, and in such work errors and omissions are not only possible
but unavoidable. Thus the question of the 900 or 400 na-ârar clans
vanishes altogether. These figures are not supported by any other
data as to the number of naârar families in Armenia 6a.
The Arab writer Yaqubi, who lived in the ninth century, relates
that the number of principalities in Armenia reached 113. Although
Yaqubi was a native of Isphahan, he says himself that he " had lived
a long time in Armenia and was even the secretary of many kings
and rulers there " 7. Hence, his information acquires a particular
value, although we must remember that Armenia for Muslim authors
meant not only Armenia proper but likewise Arran and Iberia. For
instance, Yaqubi includes the principality of Sahib-as-Serir, between
the Alans and Bab-al-Abwab into his 113 principalities, and Arran
is listed as the first principality of Armenia 8. The number of prin-
cipalities which were found in Armenia proper remains open to discus-
sion. In any case, the figure 113 must be reduced when applied to
Armenia alone.
188 CHAPTER X
This indication of Yaqubi is very close to the truth. We are

convinced of this by the concrete aspects of the subject,' i.e. by the
study of the evidence found in historical materials which are drawn
primarily from works of history and from special documents such
as the GaJmamak [Throne I/isf], The first rank among these must
be given to the works of Lazar P'arpeci and of Elise which contain
a wealth of material on nayarar nomenclature. Several .Ksts of
princes are found in the History of Lazar, to wit:
I. The participants in the Council of 450 summoned to

compose an answer to the Persian king Yazdgard II 9 .
II. The personages summoned to Yazdgard's court10.
III. The supporters of prince Vasak of Siwnik' n.
IV. The supporters of Vardan Mamikonean fallen at the
battle of 451 ™.
V. The participants in the rebellion captured by the Per-
sians 13.
All these lists, with the exception of the first, are also found in the
History of Elise, and this with such precision that even the order
in which the names follow each other coincides in both histories.
Elise likewise appends a special list of the adherents of Vardan which is
lacking in Lazar 14, and also gives a second listing of the partisans
of Vasak of Siwnik' according to a different version 15. We should
note in passing that these variants, as against the text of Lazar,
are of the utmost importance for the critique of the text of Elise.
For a summary of the material given, let us take as a basis Lazar's
first list, and complement it with the remaining catalogues:
1. The prince [lord] of Siwnik5 Vasak

Prince Arcruni Nersapuh
» Malâz Vriv
» Mamikonean Vardan [sparapet of Armenia]
5. » Vahewuni Giwt
» Mokk' Artak
» Anjewaei Smawon
» Apahuni Manec
» Vanand Arawan
10. » Arsaruni Arsawir
» Amatuni Vahan
» Gnuni Atom
» Paluni Varazsapuh
» Asoc Hrahat
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXABAXDOMS 189
15, Dimak'sean Hmayak
Abelean Gazrik
Afawelean P'ap'ag
Jiwnakan Vren
All the most famous princely houses are listed here, although the
representatives of the Kstuni and of the Bagratuni are missing. These
were not present at the Council of 450 because they did not support
the movement. The Kstuni are mentioned in the list of princes
summoned to Persia:
Prince Kstuni Artak
From the third list we obtain:
20. Prince Bagratuni Tiroc

» (G)abelean Arten 16
» lire Nerseh
From the fourth list:
Prince Gnduni Tacat"

» K'ajberuni Nerses
25. » Hneayni Arsen
» Srwanjit Garegin
From the last list:18
The prince of Tasir Vren

Prince Arcruni II Aprsam
» Mandakuni Sahak and P'arsman
30. » Kop'sean Babik and Yohan
From the independent lists of EHse:19
The prince of Ake

Prince Sahafuni Karen
» Slkuni Ayruk
» K'olean
35. » Trpatuni
In addition to the names common to both Hsts, the following are also
mentioned in the History of VaJian MamiJconean by -Lazar P'arpeci:20
190 CHAPTER X
Prince Erwanduni Nerses

» Artakuni Pap
» Arsamuni X-QXS
» Afawenean K'ont'
40, » Yovsepean Ners
» k-Ark{ Yasawurt
» AlTbewrik Arawan
» Mardpetakan Pacok
The following apparently also belong among the wc^cwws:31
Prince Arsakan Atrormizd

45. » Zandalean
» Saôfapet
The protocols of the Councils of the sixth century and the historical
work of Sebeos, in the seventh, contain considerable data on the
patronymics of the waârars, and several new families can be added
to our list. The Protocol of the Council of 505, held under the presi-
denee of the kat'olikos Babgen I, has preserved the names of fourteen
princes, among whom the following should be noted 2a:
Prince Dastakaran Varaznerseh
At another, more widely attended Council, held under the kat'otikos

ISTerses II in 555, thirty-two princes were present, among those men-
tioned for the first time are:23
Prince h-Awenuni Astwacatur

» Yaraznuni Hmayeak
50. » Spanduni Manuel
From a rather large circle of nayâra/r houses found in the History

of Sebeos, the ones missing from the above list are:34
The prince of Tayk' Sargis

The prince of GoJt'n Vram
Prince Abrahamean K'ristap'or
The prince of Basean
We should also note the family of the
55. Princes Mehnuni

A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXASABDOMS 191
mentioned by Znob G-laka5, since its spiritual representatives

were present at the two Councils mentioned. The Tbishops of Bznunik'
and Zarehawan were also invited to the Councils, hence the princely
houses of that name must unquestionably have existed:
56, The prince of Bznunik4 —

57, The prince of Zarehawan —
Thus, according to the trustworthy evidence of Armenian historical

documents, we can count up to half a hundred princely houses of
greater or lesser renown 25a.
The so-called GaJmamalcs [or Throne Lists], which are a sort of cata-
logue of noble ranks, have a direct relevance to our problem. Because
of their outwardly unpretentious appearance which has not inspired
confidence, they have not received sufficient attention from scholars.
They present, however, a great historico-literary interest, and in view
of their limited size we think it proper to give them in extenso:351>
GAHNAMAK
(I Sa)hak sought from the court of king Artases, that which
was spoken in Tispon, the famakan nama of Artasir which
I saw in the diwan (on the 17th day of the month Kaloe),
And to Vfam, King of Kings and Benefactor, I wrote a letter,
I Sahak, Kat'olikos, [saying] let Your Beneficence give the
order to make for Your diwan a list of the Armenian freemen
and magnates, just as it was formerly in the Armenian nation,
so that henceforth the gahs of the Armenian freemen and
magnates be known. Likewise, at the order of Nerseh, Bang of
Kings, I also (Sa)hak, Kat'olikos of the Armenians, signed
[sealed] the GaTinamak, and we affixed the seal of the King
of Kings and our own, and thus it is correct and true,
(The first Prince of the Armenians and Ma^laz [sic])
1. The Prince [lord] of Siwnik'
2. TheAspet
3. Prince Arcruni
(4. Malâznuni) fMalâcuni]
4. Prince Manukonean
5. Sahapn Prince of Cop'k'
6. The Prince of MokF '
7. Prince Estuni
8. Prince Vahuni
9. The Prince of Kaspe
192 CHAPTER X
10. Prince Anjawaei

11. Prince Apahuni
12. The Kamsarakan
13. Another Apahuni
14. Of the Vanandean
15. Prince Amatuni
16. Prince Golt'n
17. Prince Grnini
18. Another Anjawaci
19. OftheTayk'
20. The Judge of Basean
21. Prince Gnt'uni
22. The Varjawuni
23. The Prince of Gardman
25. The Sahafuni
26. Prince Gabelean
27. Prince Abelean
28. Siwnik' II
29. Areruni II
30. Arcrunilll
31. Mamikonean II
32. TheKop'sean
33. The Asocean
34. The Dimak'sean
35. The Buâ Dimak'sean
36. Another Abelean
37. Another Dimak'sean
38. ThePaluni
39. The Afawalean
40. The Asahmarean
41. The Hambuzean
42. The Varaspakean
43. The Jiwnakan
44. The Akeaci
45. The Zarehawanean
46. The Hneayeci
47. TheMandakuni
48. The Slkuni
49. The Taygrean
50. The Ermant'uni
51. The Spanduni
52. The Afawenean
53. The Tram
54. The Mamberaci [Tamberagi]
55. The Hawnuni
56. The Bznuni
57. The K'ajberuni
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXARABDOM8 193
58. The Mehnuni
59. The Na^-ceri
60. The Keeper of the Koyal city
61. The Keeper of the Koyal hunt
62. The Artasesean
63. Vanandean II
64. The Cul
65. The Vizanu(ni)
66. Ak'aei
67. The Dimak'sean of Sirak
68. The Gazrikan
69. Pr(ince) Marayean
70. The Vaagraspu(ni)26
We possess another document which, although it too is called

Gahnamak by one of the ancient historians, differs in content from
the first. This is a list of nayarar families having next to each name
the size of its cavalry contingent. According to the form of this
List, all the naxarars were divided into four armies to defend the
country from the north, south, east, and western sides, or, as the
document expresses it, gates. To distinguish this document from
the Gahnamak, we shall call it the Military List26a.
MILITARY LIST
Western Gate:
1. Angel tun . 3,400
The Bde$x of Aljnik' 4,000
Beznunakan 3,000
Manawazean . 1,000
5. Bagaratuni 1,000
1,000
Cop'aci 1,000
Vahuni . . 1,000
Apahuni 1,000
1 0 . Gnuni . . 500
Basenaci 600
Paluni . . 300
Hncak'i. 4,000
Mandakuni . 300
15. Salkuni 300
Varaznuni . 300
Aycenakan . 100
Aiwenean , 300
Varznunean 100
194 CHAPTER X
Span(d)uni 300
21. Rap'sean 100
Eastern Gate:
1. Siwni 19,400
Amaskoni 200
Awaeaci 200
VarjawTini 200
5. Tamraraei 100
Mazazaei • 100
Colkepan 100
Grzcuni 50
Yamuna 50
10. Bak'an 50
Koran! 50
Gukan 50
Patsparuni , . . . , . . , . , 50
Gazrlkan . . . . 50
1 5 , Vizannni , , , , , , , . . , 50
Zandalan . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Sodaci .. 50
Ak'aceci ' . . ' . , 50
Ascsnean 50
Kinan 50
21. Tagrean 50
Northern Gate:
1. The Bdesx of Gngark' 4,500
Kamsarakan . . . . . . . . . 600
Kaspeci 3,000
Uteaci" 1,000
5. Cawdeaoi . 1,000
Tayeci ". . , -. 1,000
Manukonean 1,000
Vanandaei 1,000
Gardmaneci 1,000
10. Orduni '. 700
AiweleanF. . » . . . . , , . 500
Asoeean 500
Dimak'sean 300
Gont'tmi 300
15. Boxayeei . 300
Gabelean 300
Abelean . . . ; 300
Hawmini 300
Saharuni , . . . . - 300
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXABAEDOMS 195
20. Jewnakan . 300

Asâdarean 100
22, Varazartikean 100
Southern Gate:
1. Kadmeaei . 13,200
Kordwaci , 1,000
Areruni 1,000
Rostuni 1,000
5. Mokaci . 1,000
Golt'neci 500
Anjewaci . 500
Haruzean , 100
Trpatuni 100
10. Mehnuni . 100
Akeaci . 300
Zarehwaneay 300
ET(w)ant'uni 300
Hamastunean 100
15. Artasesean . 300
Sagratuni . 100
Abrahamean 100
Truni . . 300
Buzuni . 200
20. K'ajberuni . 100
Boduni . 100
22. Muracan 300
... and certain others occupied in other lands; and the number
of men from the nations [clans] was 84,000 besides those who
serve the royal court, that is the Ostan, who go forth to war
with the king, and the MardpetaJcan, who are the inner guard
over the queen and the treasure, and in all the number of the
Armenian forces is one hundred and twenty thousand 27.
Both documents are known from single highly incorrect manuscripts,

they are full of inaccuracies and errors, some of the names are distorted
beyond recognition. The opening note, " mnw^fa kfuwb £wjng ^L
Suifuijiutjii " should be taken as an example of the inaccuracies in the
Gahnamak, The first name listed is that of the prince of Siwnik',
the list then continues accurately to fa (23), then jumps from 23 to
[ik (25) leaving out fa (24). It seems to us that this omission of a single
number occurred because the principality of Mafyaz had originally
had a place in the list, but, for one reason or another, it had later
been put at the head of the list instead of within it. It would be reason-
196 CHAPTER X
able to suppose that the missing number 24 was precisely the point
at which the Malâzuni were listed, but other evidence, of which
we will speak later, compels us to give a higher position to the Mafyaz
clan.
This hypothesis which was originally purely a priori in character,
was demonstrated when we came across an interesting passage hitherto
overlooked by scholars in the history of U^tanes of TJrha, The
Gahnamak was known to U^tanes, since he says that Valarsak, in his
address to Arsak, asked him specifically to " seek out in the diwan
of the Persian kings the Gaknamak of the Armenian naxarars".
Arsak opened the royal diwan before Maraba, and the latter found
the Gctfmamak which he brought to Valarsak. Guiding himself by
the GahnamaJc, the king set up the na%arar clans, granting to each of
them,
a gab, [cushion] and a patiw [honour], and according to the

cushion the power corresponding to his dignity.
Repeating the words of Movses Xorenaci, U^tanes relates that

the king rewarded prince Bagarat in particular, then continues as
follows,
he established also other na-ârar clans and gave them names:

first: the prince of Siwnik5
second the aspet Bagratuni
third: the Arcruni
fourth: the Malâzuni
fifth: the Mamikonean, and others likewise the king appointed
and confirmed each in his principality 28.
We see from this passage that "Octanes was acquainted with and
made use of the Gahnamak, His words bring an important correction
into the text which has reached us, by showing the original place of
the Mafyaa in the list. Moreover, the survival of the Gahnamak
to the tenth century, when it was used by U^tanes, is demonstrated,
and the historian's tracing of the GaJinamah to the days of Valarsak
shows that even in the tenth century a respectable antiquity was
attributed to it.
Information on the other document, that is to say on the Military
List does not go further back than the thirteenth century. The
historian Stephen Orbelean, speaking of the naârar ranks established
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXARAJKDOM8 197
by king Trdat, adds that the same king appointed four military
commanders for the army and the country. On the eastern side,
the Prince of Siwnik' was appointed with twenty-one princes, on the
north, the Bdesx of Gugark' with twenty-two princes, on the west,
the Prince of Korduk' with twenty-one princes, and on the south,
the Prince of Angeltun with twenty-two princes. The historian
notes,
this we found in this form in the GaTmamak of the Armenian

princes which was written by Lewond and which is also more
briefly indicated in the GaJmamaks of Agat'angelos and Ner-
ses a9.
From these valuable words of the historian we learn that the document
with which we are concerned was attributed to a Lewond who must
be identified with the well-known historian and author of TTie Arab
War, not only is he the only historian named Lewond, but the fact
that the brief reference of Stephen Orbelean presupposes a common
knowledge of the Lewond cited supports our hypothesis; only Lewond
the historian could be so considered. This circumstance raises the
insufficiently studied problem of the defective character of our version
of Lewond's History. Judging from the full title of the manuscript,
the work of Lewond presumable began with the appearance of Mu-
hammad, but at present it opens with a narration of the events follow-
ing the death of the prophet80. The opening of the work, lacking
the preface customary among Armenian historians, gives the impression
of a defective and incomplete text.
Even if we admit that the beginning of Lewond's work has been
lost, the attribution of the GahnamaJc to it can hardly be taken as
definite, for what, in fact, can be the relation of a list of Armenian
na-%arars to the lost section of a history which dealt with the life of
the prophet? To be sure, Armenian literature does provide the
example of a compilation of fragments in the fusion of the Anonymous
History with the History of Heraclius by Sebeos 30a, and the GaJinamaJc
may have similarly been put in front of the work of Lewon.d in con-
nexion with some sort of historical preface. It is also possible that
the GaJmama'k was an accidental addition to the version of Lewond
used by Stephen Orbelean, and that the later historian took it to
be an authentic part of Lewond's work, while in reality it bore the
same relation to Lewond as the Anonymous History has to Sebeos,
198 CHAPTER X
in some scholars' opinion: Simeon of Aparan, an Armenian author

of the sixteenth century, made use of a version of the History of
Lazar P'arpeei to which was added an Original History of Armenia;
Simeon took this to be Lazar's work, but it is evident from his retelling
that this is the very same history that has reached us as an addition
to Sebeos 31, This example serves as a warning that something of
the kind may have happened in Orbelean in relation to the GahnamaJc
as an addition to the History of Lewond, hence the evidence of Orbelean
unfortunately adds nothing positive to our knowledge of the fate
of the document which concerns us.
Seventy na%arar clans are listed in the GahnamaJc, and eighty-six
in the Military List. Since the original text of the GahnamaJc consists
of a single sheet covered to the very end, the problem of a defective
text remains open, but the comparison of the two documents shows
that this defect, if it exists, is altogether negligible. The Gahnamak
lacks thirty-two names as against the Military List, but, on the other
hand, it has a few additional names not found in the latter. From
the sense of the introductory words of the GahnamaJc in which the
document is connected with the Kat'olikos Sahak I (f 439), the
following thirty-two clans could not have been part of it:
1. Bznuni
2. Manawazean
3. Orduni,
from a purely chronological point of view since these houses had

already disappeared at the beginning of the fourth century;
4. Angeltun
5. Aljnik'
6. Gugark'
7. Uti
8. Cawdeaci
9. Kadmeaci
10. Korduk','
because these lay outside the boundaries of Persian Armenia;
11. (Amaskoni)32
12. Awacaci
13. CoJkepan
14. Vafnuni
15. Ascsnean
16. Kinan
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXASAEDOMS 199
17. Aycenakan
18. Hamastunean
19. Sagratuni;
these 9 names are found nowhere else and are apparently badly distorted.
There are occasional references to the remaining names among the
missing thirty-two:
20. Bak'an
21. Kcruni
22. Gukan
23. Patsparuni
24. Boduni,
all districts in Vaspurakan;
25. Mazazaci,
a district in Ayrarat;32a
26. Varalmini
27. Yarznunean,
districts respectively in Vaspurakan and Ayrarat;321)
28. Zandalan,
in the Hst of ostanik' of Lazar P'arpeci;32c
29. Sodaci,
from Sodke, a district in Siwnik5;32d
30. Asâdarean,
from Asâdar, the name of the father-in-law of Trdat III in MoYSes

ôrenaci32e,
31. Trpatnni
32. Abrahamean
known from Sebeos 32f.

200 CHAPTER X
The additional names found in the Gahnamak as against the Military

List, are ten repeated names — the junior lines of certain famous
families:
Siwnik' II
Arcruni II
Arcruni III
Mamikonean II
Anjewaci II
Apahuni II
Abelean II
Dimak'sean II
Dimak'sean of Sirak*
Vanand II
Finally there are six names which are distortions with one or two
exceptions :
Asahmarean = Asâdarean
Na^ceri
Cul
Vaagraspuni
The Keeper of the royal city
The Keeper of the royal hunt 32s,
These names make up the dubious element which has discredited

our document. Only with the discovery of a new list can we hope
to clear it of doubt. The Pseudo-Gahnamak preserved in the Life
of Nerses suffers from still greater defects and is not suitable for this
purpose. Nevertheless, it is instructive to compare it with our
document. "We give it in extenso, italicizing the names also found in
our Gahnamak 32h:
ANONYMOUS PSEUDO-GAHNAMAK
Haykaznik'
Part'eweank5
Ayrarateank'
Bagratunik'
Trdatunik'
AspetuniJc'
Arcrunik*
10. MamikoneanJc'
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXARAEDOMS 201
Siwnecik*
Amatunik*
Angeleank'
Vracik'
Cop'k'
Varaznunik*
Mardpetunik'
VahewuniJc'
Pahlawunik3
20. Kazbk'
Sisaneank'
KadmeanJc'
Manawazeank'
Edeseank'
Gamreank'
Bznunik'
Sasaneank"
Gisonk'
Bkeleank'
30. K'awpetunik'
Anjteayk'
Sebasteank'
Astisateank'
Srwanjteayk1
Anjawacik'
Aspagnunik'
Rstunik'
Vahanunik'
Afyneank1
40. K'ohank1
Kazbunik'
Kamsarakank*
Mokacik'
Slkunik'
Atrpatunik*
Golt'neayk1
Gazrikank1
Jotkertk5
50. Maâzeank'
Mrowunik'
Razmunik'
Gabeieank'
Sparunik5
Vahunik'
Vronjunik'
202 CHAPTER X
Sureank'
DimaJcseank'
Snuaik'
60. Darbandeank'
Aragaeeank'
Kogovteank'
Apahunik'
Sncaynock*
Hark'eank'
Kordowayk'
Afaweleank'
Hasteank'
Vreank'
70. Vanandeank'
P'afacunik'
Tasracik*
Urceayk'
Mandakumk*
TayJc'
Meliteank'
Dastkarink1
Basenk'
Calkunikc
80. Mamikonean II
P'erezunik'
Tlk'eank'
Bagwank'
As(t)oceank'
Abelunik'
Saharunik'
As-âgoreank'
Gnunik1
90. Hamazgunik'
Akeayk'
Vizunik*
Afop'sunik*
Cayt'iwnik'
V arazatakeank''
Hncayenik'
Mlnmik'
100. Arsumk5
K'areank'
Mardaleank'
Lekandeank'
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OP THE NAXABAXDQMS 203
J£"orjenikc
Jiwnakcmk*
Hammecmk1
Kort'eank'
Klundik'
Zarewhank'
110. Turberaneank'
JBzunik*
Tp'xunlk'
Mehrunitf
KâlaTsfayeltf [Keeper of the city]
Kayuseank*
Spandunih*
Artasateank'
Orsapetk* [Keeper of the hunt]
Arttacoc teartf
120, Rap'seank' "
Bagraspunik'
ParspuniJc'
123. Abrahameanfc33,
TMs long list presented by the author as the Gahnamak of King

Arsak II, or of Ms contemporary the Kat'ofikos Nerses I, is in reality
nothing but a late and poor version of a Gahnamak. Led astray by
the literary tradition of the existence of 400 gahs under Arsak II,
the anonymous chronicler tried to stretch the G-ahnamak found in the
literary sources up to the corresponding number. TMs attempt
proved beyond the powers of the author because of Ms scant knowledge
of Ms native literature. He was so ignorant that he introduced
indiscriminately into Ms list of gahs a series of geograpMcal names.
The repetitions of the clans of the Bagratuni-Aspetuni, ^fo%oruni-
Malâzuni, Kazbe (sc, Kaspe)-Kaabuni, etc., must also be attributed
to his lack of knowledge. What is important for us is that the unknown
author undoubtedly had a copy of our Gahnamak before Mm as he
carried out Ms task. A clear proof of tMs is to be found in the very
characteristic listings wMch are common to both documents:
Mamikonean II
The Keeper of the city
The Keeper of the hunt
Na^ceri
(Za)na^cirapet'
204 CHAPTER X
The Gahnamak has Vahunik' [^m^nLfifif] instead of Vah[ew]unikc

^w/^[Zri]/7L&^], this accidental error has been included in the list
in spite of the fact that Vahewunik' [û/ÂtniJ;^], in the correct
form is also found there, listed separately.
Traces of the Gahnamak are also found in the famous Account of
the Armenian Monasteries in Jerusalem, A description, or rather
a list, of the churches of Jerusalem supposedly built by Armenian
princes composed by the monk Anastasius at the request of Prince
Hamazasp Kamsarakan, who intended to visit the Holy Land 33a. A
total of seventy churches are given in this List, a number which
immediately brings to mind a possible influence of the Gahnamak
and compels us to look for a relation between these churches and
the seventy gahs. It is unfortunately impossible to verify the version
in which the Gahnamak was taken over into the work of Anastasius,
since not all the churches bear the family names of the princes who
founded them in the surviving text of the Jerusalem Account; in many
cases, they are listed under the name of the saint to which they were
dedicated3'. The account is unquestionably legendary, although
it is not devoid of some authentic archaic traits. It must date in a
period preceding the History of Albania since the work of Anastasius
is mentioned in the History and the passages referring to the Albanian
churches have been included in it35. The particular significance for
us of this document, as of the preceding one, lies in its demonstration
that the Gahnamak was a common document familiar to Armenian
writers.
Of the seventy names of the Gahnamak, only the following ten
are missing from a place in the variant of it just given:
Yarjawuni Afawenean
Gardman Truni
Paluni Hawnuni
Taygreau K'ajberuni
Ermant'uni Cul
In comparison with the Military List, however, more than thirty out
of eighty-six listings are missing in the variant; the anonymous
author evidently did not have it at his disposal. He unquestionably
made use of the Gahnamak, however, and the points of difference
between them, are to be explained by inaccuracies either in our version
or in the one used by him. This aspect is clarified in some degree
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXARAXDOM8 205
by a comparison of the Gahnamak with the information of Movses

ôrenaci. At present, the History of Armenia is the touchstone for
determining the date and, in general, the significance of monuments
of ancient Armenian literature. The parallel between the two Gahna-
maks and the na-ârar names found in Movses Z'orenaci demonstrates,
therefore, the historico-literary value of the documents under investi-
gation.
Movses .Xbrenaci devotes the seventh and eighth chapters of his
second book to a survey of naârar families and of their origin. The
circle of nayarar clans known to him is as follows :
1. Bagratuni Apahuni
Gnt'uni Manawazean
Bznuni
Varaznuni Slkuni
5, Gabelean 30, Mandakuni
Abelean Yahnuni
Areruni Afawenean
Gnuni Zafehawanean
Spanduni Aljn
10, Hawnuni 35, Mokaci
Jiwnakan Kordwaci
Mardpet Anjewaci
Muraeean [Akeaci]
Kadmeayn ilstuni
15, Sisakan 40. Goltneci
Uteaci Vanand
Gardmanaei Dimak'sean
Sodeaci Truni
Gargaraci Amatuni
20. Asocean 45, Arawelean
Tasir Rop'sean
Gugark' [bde Mamikonean
Orduni Kamsarakan
Angel-tun 49, Asâdarean 35a
25. Cop'k'
Comparing this list with the Gahnamak, we find that all the names
here are also found in the Gahnamak with the exception of twelve :
Kadmeayn Angeltun
Uteaci Aljn
Sodeaci Orduni
Gargaraci Manawazean
206 CHAPTER X
Tasir Banuni
Gugark' Kordowaci
Moreover, the Yaraznuni of Movses -Xbrenaei is equivalent to the

Keeper of the royal hunt (Opummhin iapj>ni.b[i) in the GaJinamaJc',
as for the Mardpet, as we shall see, he belongs to one of the two secon-
dary branches of the Arcruni. JTorenaei, however, lacks twenty-two
families, not counting duplications as against the GahnamaJc',
1. Kaspe Tamberaei
Tayk' Banuni
Basean K'ajberuni
Yarjawuni 15, Mehnuni
5. Saharuni Na^ceri
Paluni Artasesean
Hambuzean Yizanuni
Yaraspalean Cul
gpacayeci 20. Ak'aei
10, Taygrean Gazrikan
Ermant'uni 22, Yaagraspuni
The GahnamaJc includes only Marzpan Armenia; it is, therefore,

understandable that the twelve nayarw clans indicated should be
missing from it; of them, one had ceased to exist before the period
in question, while the others lay outside the boundaries of Marzpan
Armenia, The one exception is the principality of Kaspe, which
is included in the Gahnamalc, though it did not belong to Marzpan
Armenia but was part of the Satrapy of Cop'k'35tl.
As for the naxarar clans which are missing from JXbrenaci in compa-
rison with the Gahnamak, even there we find a connexion between
.Xorenaci and the GahnamaJc, A careful study reveals the familiarity
of Xorenaci not only with the GaJinamaJc but with the Military List
as well. Let us give the GahnamaJc once again, but now with the
indication of the number of knights belonging to each family according
to the Military List:
1, The Prince of Siwnik* 19,000

The Prince Aspet 1,000
Prince Arcruni . 1,000
» Malâzuni 1,000
5. » Mamikonean 1,000
» Cop'k' . 1,000
» Mokk{. . 1,000
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OP THE NAXARAXDOMS 207
» Rstuni . . . . 1,000
» Yahuni . . . . 1,000
10. The Prince of Kaspe . . . . 3,000
Prince Anjewaci . —
» Apahnni . . . . . 1,000
» Kamsarakan . . . . . . 600
» Apahnni II . —
15. » Yanandean . . . . . 1,000
» Amatuni . —
» Golt'n . . . . . . 500.
» Gnuni . . . . . . . 500.
» Anjewaci II . . . . 500.
20. Tayk'. . , . . . . 600.
The Judge of Basean . . . 600.
Prince Gnt'uni . . . . 300.
» Yarjavuni . . . 200.
» Gardman . . . . .
1,000
25. Prince Saharuni . . . . 300.
» Gabelean . . . . 300.
» Siwni I I ...
» Arcruni II —
—
30. Prince Arcruni III , —
» Mamikonean II . —
» Kop'sean . 100
» Asocean . . . . . 500
» Dimak'sean . . . . . 300
35. Prince Dimak'sean of Bu^>a . . . 300
» Abelean II .
» Dimak'sean III . —
—
» Paluni . . . . 300
» Arawelean . . . . 500
40. Prince Asâdarean . . . . . 100
» Hambuzean . . . . . 100
» Yaraspalan . . . . . 100
» Jiwnakan. . . . . 3 0 0
» Akeaci . . . . 300
45. Prince Zarehawan . . . . . 300
» gpxcayeci . . . . . 4,000
» Mandakuni . . . . . . 300
» Slkuni . . . . 300
» Taygrean . . . . 50
50. » Brmant'uni . . . . . 300
» Spanduni . . . . 300
» Afawenan . . . . 300
» Truni . . . . . . . . 300
» Tamberaci . . . . 100
55. Prince Hawnuni . . . . . 300
208 CHAPTER X
» Bznuni . . . . 200
» K'ajberuni . 100
» Mehnuni . . . . 100
» Na^ceri .
60. The Keeper of the royal city .
The Keeper of the royal hunt . 300
Prince Artasesean . 300
» Vanadean II .
» Cul
65. Prince Vizanu(ni) 50
» Ak'aci . 50
» Dimak'sean of Sirak
» Gazrikan . 50
» Maracean. 300
70. » Vaagraspuni . 100
It is not difficult to see that military power has been taken as the
basis of the Gahnamak, The na-ârar clans have been listed in descend-
ing order, according to the number of knights at their disposal. This
is the circumstance which first sugggested to us that the Malâzuni
were not in their proper place, as later proved to be the case. The
variations from this order are probably to be attributed to the defec-
tiveness of our version. A comparison with Movses ôrenaci shows
that some of the errors go back to earliest antiquity, that is to say
to a period earlier than his History of Armenia. The nayarar clans
missing from JTorenaci, as against the Gahnamak are precisely those
which interrupt the proper sequence of gahs or those whose contingent
numbered less than 300 knights. Among the former are the princes of:
Kaspe 3,000
Tayk' . . . . . 600
The Judge of Basean . 600
Prince gncayeci = 4,000
Among the latter are the lords of:
Varfavuni 200
Hambuzean 100
Varaspalan 100
Taygrean 50
Tamberaci 100
Bznuni . * 200
K'ajberuni 100
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXARAXDOMS 209
Mehnnni . . . . . 100
Vizanuni 50
Ak'aci 50
Gazrikan 50
Vaagraspuni = Sagratuni 100
The exceptions are the princes Rop'sean and Asâdarean, who are
mentioned by JTorenaei, although they have but 100 knights apiece,
and on the other hand, the lords Sahafuni, Paluni, Artasesean and
Erwant'uni, who have 300 knights each but have been left out by the
historian. We have already seen that Paluni and Brwant'uni were
not mentioned in the version of the GaJinamak included in the Pseudo-
Qahnamak of Nerses I. It is possible that they were also missing
from the version of JTorenaei, The silence of the historian on the
lords Sahafuni and Artasesean may also be attributed to the defec-
tiveness of the list used by him36.
The particular attention given by .Xbrenaci to the houses of Rop'sean
and Asâdarean is to be explained by their exalted origin. According
to the information of the historian, the Rop'sean were descended
from queen Rop'i, the wife of king Tigran, while the Asâdarean
were the descendents of the father of queen Asên, the wife of king
Trdat III. Concerning the elevation of the Rop'sean to the dignity
of naxamrs at the time of Tigran, JTorenaei makes a few comments
which shed light on Ms relation to the GahnamaJe:
[Tigran] also established other minor clans which were found
here or in the region of Korcek*. These were people of no
importance because of the insignificance of their forces, but
they had signaled themselves by their actions and had fought
against the Greeks for the liberation [of Tigran]. Part of
them came from Korcek5 and some from our side, they were
from the close descendants of the original inhabitants, and
from the family of the Haykids, and some were newcomers
from outside. We will not call them by name, partly because
there are some things which we do not know, partly because
we avoid wearisome investigations, and finally because the
lack of certainty about many (clans) would compel us to in-
vestigate them from all sides. Because of this we will say
nothing about those nd-^mm clans which were created by the
last Tigran, although thou hast insistently asked us to do so,
but we will speak only of the subsequent events which we
know with certainty. Insofar as possible we have avoided
superfluous or elaborate tales and all that would give the
impression of a doubtful account or judgement; we have
210 CHAPTER X
striven, insofar as we had the strength, toward the true and

the authentic, whether this was derived from others or from
ourself. Following the same goal here, as well, I lead my tale
away from all that is unsuitable and all that might awaken
disbelief 37,
The remarks of JTorenaci are significant. He seems to have the

GahnamaJc before him and to be giving a detailed account of his
attitude toward it. He is omitting those na%arars " npg S^wîpiS
uiliiu^lif ^& fr i[ui£in ", i.e. who had insignificant forces at their
disposal — less than 300 knights. About some he has no knowledge,
" i[iuuh juijuib[i n£ ifikipj Skit ", Others, although known, require an
investigation burdensome to the historian. This may be a hint at
the secondary branches of certain nayarar clans, and also at those
na%arar houses possessing 300 knights which are not mentioned by
him. Finally, many names are either incredible or uncertain. The
explanations given by the historian for his omission of the minor
nayma/r houses corresponds exactly to the numbers left out by him
as against the GahnamaJc, and are justified both singly and as a whole.
It is also true that some of these naârar clans originated from Korcek',
and some from other districts.
.Xorenaci likewise did not overlook the fact that the mighty houses
of the Kamsarakan and the Amatuni occupy far from honoured places
in the GaJinamaJc. The Kamsarakan are given the thirteenth place,
and the Amatuni the sixteenth. The forces of the former are given
as 600 knights, while the Amatuni are not even listed in the Military
List. Even if we admit that Amaskoni or Hamastunean is a corruption
of Amatuni, the forces of or 200 or 100 knights assigned to them do
not correspond to the might and renown of the Amatuni 37a. In the
opinion of the Armenian historian, the Kamsarakans, as descendents
of the house of the Pahlawuni, deserved an incomparably more honour-
able gaJi among the naxarars. The insult to the Kamsarakans was
felt all the more by the historian that the Mamikoneans, whom he
dislikes, have been assigned the fifth place. The perplexity of Zorenaci
and his solution is reflected in the following of his tales:
After the death of the Aspet Sahak Bagratuni, the Kat'ohkos
Sahak I tried to have his son-in-law, Hamazasp Mamikonean appointed
in his place. Giving in to the prayers of his daughter, he journeyed
to the Persian court with this goal in mind, and petitioned king Ardasir
II, the successor of Sahpuhr II, the Long Lived ; at the same time he
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXAXASDOMS 211
begged the king to lighten the lot of the princes Kamsarakan and
Amatuni who were in disgrace. The king received the kat'olikos
most cordially and acceeded to his request
concerning his son-in-law Hamazasp and also concerning

the families of the guilty princes Kamsarakan and Amatuni.
He granted their children their lives and ordered the return
of the estates of both princes, which had been confiscated
by the fisc. Only, he did not confirm them in the gah of their
fathers, but lowered them below many na%arar to a place
among the minor ones. As for the house of Hamazasp, that
is to say the Mamikonean, it was raised so that it would have
the right to the fifth gah among the Armenian nobles, and this
was to be written down in his diwan 38.
The historian meant to allay his doubts by the recognition that the
Kamsarakan and Amatuni princes were in a position due to their
disgrace. He goes on to tell us the source of their guilt. When the
Persians seized the Armenian king, ROSTOV, they also took with them
to Persia the powerful prince Gazawon Kamsarakan, who was an
Arsacid through his mother. The brother of Gazawon, allied with
prince Amatuni, and at the head of 700 men, lay in wait on the road
of the Persian caravan and fell upon it with the intention of freeing
ROSTOV. This bold attempt was unsuccessful, however, since the
king being laden with chains was unable to escape, and the two princely
houses paid for their audacity with their estates which were confiscat-
ed 39. For this reason the Kamsarakans and the Amatunis were
out of favour with the king and lost their family gahs; and in spite
of the intercession of Sahak I, were not reinstated in their dignities
but transferred to the rank of minor naxarars. As for the Mami-
konean, according to the explanation of -Xorenaci, they obtained
a more honourable position, not because they deserved it, but merely
thanks to the intercession of the kat'olikos Sahak.
Critics have already noted that the remark of the Armenian historian
concerning the Mamikonean gah is based on his knowledge of the
GahnamaJc, where the Mamikonean are specifically listed in the fifth
place 40. Concerning the Mamikonean gah and to clarify the problem
it presents, the historian speaks of traditions supposedly existing at
the Persian court. These considerations are unquestionably suggested
to him by the opening words of the Gahnamak itself. According to
212 CHAPTER X
the Persian custom, says the historian, when a new Mng ascended
the throne, the coins found in the treasury were immediately re-cast
and stamped with his likeness; the diwan was transcribed in the name
of the new king with slight alterations, but without obliterating the
name of the old king. If, however, the king remained in power
a long time, and a new transcription was made, the older one was
set aside so that the king's name should appear only in the new one 40a,
Ardasir II, because of the shortness of his reign, did not have the
time to have a new transcription made, consequently he had all these
matters, i.e. all that concerned the disgrace of the Kamsarakans and
the elevation of the Mamikonean gain,, added to the old transcription
which he had had transferred from the name of his precedessors to
his own. At the same time, the Persian Mng wrote a letter to the
Armenian king Vramsapuh ordering him to do the following,
... appoint Hamazasp sparapet of the army and grant to his

house the fifth gah among the na-ârar dignities. And allow
them to have the villages and estates granted to their fathers
by thy ancestors. Likewise release the estates of the guilty
houses confiscated by the treasury to their children as their
inheritance without prejudice, but do not honour them with
the gah of their house 41.
Ardasir II died soon afterwards, leaving the throne to Vahram

IY 41a. ^"orenaci then has Sahak I address the latter with the same or
a similar request. Summoned to court over a matter concerning
the patriarchal see, the kat'oJikos, seizing an opportune moment,
begged the Mng to,
... grant him the gah of the Armenian nayarars as it was

instituted by Ardasir, and order that as the matter had stood
hitherto so it should continue in the future, and that the Persian
Marzpans should not dare to alter the gaJis at will by promul-
gating independent orders about this.
At the same time the kat'o-tikos begged him to return to Hrahat,

the son of Gazawon, his father's estates and to include him in the
list on the same basis as the other na-ârars, granting him, if not his
own rank, then at least some other one pleasing to the Mng. As for
the Amatunis deprived of their ancestral dignity, he should assign
them at least a place among the lesser ranks 42.
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXASAXDCMS 213
In this passage, JTorenaci is directly indebted to the Qahnamak
and to its Preface which is rather confused in content and awkward
in style. The account of Xorenaei is an attempt to interpret the
confusion of the Preface, whose defects in the version which has
reached us were unquestionably already present in the copy used by
the historian, if they do not go all the way back to the original version.
Translated literally, the Preface states,
(I Sa)hak sought from the court of king Artases that which

was spoken of in Tispon [Gtesiphon], the famaJcan nama of
Artasir which I saw in the diwan (on the 17th of the month
Kaloe). And to Vfam King of Kings and Benefactor, I wrote
a letter, I Sahak, Kat'olikos [saying], let Your Beneficence
give the order to make for your diwan a list of the Armenian
freemen [azatJc^ and magnates [tanuterk(~\t as it was formerly
in the Armenian nation, so that henceforth the gahs of the
Armenian freemen and magnates should be known. Likewise,
at the order of Nerseh, King of Kings, I also, (Sa)hak, Kat'olikos
of the Armenians, signed [sealed] the GahnamaJc, and we
affixed the seal of the King of Kings and our own, and thus
it is correct and true 43.
It is not difficult to see the existence of a close connexion between

these words and the references of -Xbrenaci to or about the GaJmamak
in the passages where Sahak I, Ardasir and Vahf am make their appear-
ance. First, we must decide who is the Artases at whose court the
Kat'olikos sought the GaJmamak, and who is the Artasir in whose
diwan he saw it or whose Ramakan nama he had seen. Possibly
one and the same person is intended, namely the Armenian king
Artases, and for this reason JTorenaci warns us that the Persians had
altered the name of the Armenian king Artases to Artasir 44. It is
also likely, however, that the Artasir with whose name the RamaJcan
nama is connected was the king of Persia, a possibility admitted by
.Xbrenaci, as can be seen from his commentary about some sort of
traditions of the Persian court. He acknowledges the existence
of a transcription made in the name of Ardasir II. The request of Sahak I
to Yfam mentioned by JTorenaci also has our Preface as its source.
The difference between them is that in the Preface Sahak inquires
about the existence of the list, whereas J£orenaci's story concerns
the ratification and legalization of the GahnamaJc of Artasir.
Thus, in our opinion, ôrenaci unquestionably made use of the
Gahnamak. The opposite conclusion, i.e. that the author of the
214 CHAPTER X
Gahanamak relied on .Xorenaci, is impossible, first of all because there

was no need to concoct such a sorry work as the Gahnamak after
.Xorenaci and the work he had already accomplished. After the
appearance of the History of Armenia, in which all the problems
concerning the na%arar system had found an authoritative answer,
the necessity for any further re-working disappeared of its own
accord.
The conclusion which we have reached significantly increases the
value of the Gahnamak as a historical document. In the present
state of the problem concerning Xorenaci, however, now that the re-
jection of the traditional point of view has removed him from the
ranks of the first enlighteners of Armenia, and until his position in
the subsequent two or three centuries is established, his familiarity
with the Gahnamak unfortunately provides no conclusions as to its
date or degree of reliability 44a. Consequently, the problem of the origin
and reliability of the documents under consideration: the Gahnamak
and the Military List, first requires the investigation and determination
of the historical setting in which such documents developed. We
must become familiar with the specific historical raison d'etre of these
documents, and this information brings out, among other evidence,
important aspects of naxarar life.
The historical or actual basis for the Gahnamak is the institutionalized

concept of hierarchy, without which the appearance of such a document
is impossible. The existence of a hierarchy among the Armenians
is beyond question; it was accepted at the court of the Armenian
Arsacids, as at that of the Persian kings, as evidenced by the national
historians. Faustus repeatedly speaks of princes, " senior according
to gall, senior according to cushion ", at the royal court; he likewise
speaks of the nine hundred cushions intended for the nobility at the
table of Arsak II. To thank Arsak for his services, the Persian king,
Sahpuhr II, showered him with great honours, and among others,
"... seated him on the same gah as himself during a banquet" 45.
Soon, however, these friendly relations turned to enemity; Arsak
was summoned by the king, but when the time came for supper,
contrary to
... the custom whereby the Armenian and Persian kings

were seated on the same gah, that day, gahs were first placed
for the other kings who were present and then a place was set
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXAXAXVOMS 215
for Arsak below all the others. ... first all were seated, each
at the place to which he was entitled, and only then was Arsak
brought in and seated 46.
The hierarchy of the na-ârars established by the Arsacid dynasty

outlived their rule and was observed at the Sasanian court. In the
History of Lazar P'arpeci, Vardan Mamikonean, in a speech before
Yazdgard II, excuses himself on the pretext that among the princes
of the three countries, Armenia, Iberia and Albania, who are present,
" there are many persons who are senior to him in gah and age and
a sufficient number who are inferior". The historian EHse also
knows something of the hierarchic customs: the Persian king now
allowed the Christian princes to take their places at his table, and now
deprived them of this right 47 . Smbat Bagratuni, the Marzpan of
Vrkan [Hyrcania], was showered with honours by .Xusro II Abharvez
for his victory over the Hephthalites and " was ranked as the third
na-ârar at jfusro's court " 48.
The famous story of the quarrel between one of the Armenian
princes and the Persian king over a gah is particularly interesting
for this problem. In it we are told that the Persian king Sahpuhr
desired to verify
which nations and languages have cushions and honours

(p.wp& hi uîuujfiL), He arranged a magnificent banquet for
all the nobles from (the seven)49 clans of the ancient Persian
na-ârars. Designating all according to their gah, he wel-
comed each of them with a cup and branch 50. The Mohbadh
of Mohbadhs was honoured with the highest dignity at the
royal table. Taking council with his nobles, the king said,
I am thoroughly familiar with the Persians and Parthians
who are native Pahlawis 51, and with the ranks of free men,
but the noble houses of the Armenians and their ranks we were
unable to discover either from the kings our ancestors or from
writers. Consequently you Armenian na-garars must expect
one of two things: either to show us the ancient document
on the rank and dignity of each house, and to be showered
by us with still greater honours, or, if you cannot show the
order of your cushions before our eyes, we, who are the assembly
of the Aryans, we shall bestow your honours, estates, earth,
water, and all your possessions on members of the Persian
nobility. The princes of Greater Armenia immediately con-
sulted among themselves and presented to the king the desired
History of Agat'angelos. He ordered it read and translated
into the Persian script and language. Having learned that
216 CHAPTER X
the book began with his own ancestor Artasir, the king rejoiced
still more, he praised the book, and moved to tears raised
it to his eyes. He found in it the listing of seventeen cushions
and began to apportion the seats at the royal table according
to it. The fourteenth place was assigned to Andok, prince of
Siwnik'. But Andok sulked and refused to eat. The king
was informed of this but paid no heed to it.
Later on we are told that Andok, having quarreled with Sahpuhr
abandoned his country and went over to the service of the Emperor.
His son Babik, upon his father's death, wished to return to his native
land. He set out for the Persian court and once there displayed
such valour that he made the king forget the insult once inflicted
by his father, and was rewarded with great honours. For his services,
the Persian king returned his native principality to him and gave
him the right to honours equal to those of the Bagratids and the
Mamikonean. This tale is primarily interesting as a picture of life
in naxarar society, as such it does not lose its importance even if it
should prove to be pure fiction. Furthermore, and from a factual
point of view, the story is not devoid of interesting elements ana-
chronistically fused together.
The hero of the story, Andok, is the famous prince of Siwnik' known
to Faustus. He is the father of the fair P'afanjem, and he really
lived in the period of Mng Sahpuhr II, Made famous by the romantic
fate of his daughter, Andok provoked a quarrel on her account between
Arsak II and Sahpuhr II, and, together with Arsak, he waged extensive
wars against the Persians. The fundamental motif of the quarrel
between Andok and Sahpuhr has been preserved in the tale cited above,
but it has been transferred to a different setting and another period 5ia.
Babik is also a historical figure. In this episode he is presented as
the son of Andok though in reality he was not his son but his close
descendant. We can identify Babik with the famous contemporary
and supporter of Yahan Mamikonean, the personage to whom the
historian Lazar P'arpeci refers with great praise, calling him an " excel-
lent man " 52. He belongs among the princes gathered around the
kat'olikos Giwt and Yahan Mamikonean, who held steadfastly to the
beliefs of the dedicated heroes of Avarayr, and followed in their steps.
Amidst the general despondency and despair which seized the country
after the war of the Yardananians, they maintained a valiant spirit
and did not lose hope of a better outcome for the still persisting struggle
against the Persian oppressors. Following the example of their
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXAXAXDO1S8 217
predecessors they sought help from the Christian Emperor, and with
this aim sent repeated embassies to the Emperor Leo I. It is
altogether possible that Babik was one of the member of the embassy
and that he had spent some time in the Byzantine capital together
with this mission. Because of his outstanding qualities and services,
his compatriot, Bishop Peter of Siwnik' dedicated a special panegyric,
to him. This work has not yet been found in the manuscript collections
and we owe our knowledge of it to Stephen Orbelean who refers
several times to the work of Peter of Siwnik' as the source from which
he took the history of Babik. In one of the references he notes that
the Panegyric of Bishop Peter was dedicated to the valiant Babik
whom the Persians called excellent in their own language (i.e. veh =
law)53, Here Babik is given the very name with which Lazar P'arpeci
honours the Babik contemporary with Vahan. This fact is the best
possible demonstration of our hypothesis of the identification of the
two Babiks, the hero of the tale, and the contemporary of Yahan.
Orbelean attributes to Peter's pen not only the history of Babik,
but also the episode concerning Sahpuhr, Peter lived in the first half
of the sixth Century and was present at the Council of Dwin of 555 53a,
hence, the span of time separating him from Babik was brief, and his
concern with the latter's action is almost that of a contemporary.
On the other hand, it is impossible that a man so close to Babik in
time should have been guilty of the anachronism of combining the
fates of Babik, who was his older contemporary, with those of Andok
and Sahpuhr, figures belonging to the fourth century. The tale of
Babik and Andok, in the version which has reached us, cannot be
attributed to Peter in its entirety. It must be taken as a popular
reworking of subjects taken from Eaustus and Peter of Siwnik' and
its appearance in Armenian literature must be set down in a period
subsequent to that of Peter, i.e. in one subsequent to the sixth century.
The nature of the reworking of the tale is important for our present
purpose. According to Eaustus, the incident with Andok occurred
as a result of the Persian king's wish to marry his daughter to king
Arsak II, who was already married to Andok's daughter P'afanjem..
The offended father decided to defend the honour of his daughter.
Eor this purpose he destroyed the friendship of Arsak and Sahpuhr and
succeeded in bringing about a war between them53b. In the tale, how-
ever, the incident has been shifted to a different setting, one of disputes
over rank, and the conflict with Sahpuhr is presented as the result of
218 CHAPTER X
the injured pride of prince Andok, displeased with the gah assigned
to him in the na-ârar hierarchy.
Quarrels and dissatisfaction over gah and rank must have become
more frequent with the weakening of the Arsacid tradition and the
corresponding increase in influence of the Persian authorities. After
the fall of the Armenian Arsaeids, matters of hierarchy came .under
the supervision of the Persians, who transferred gaJis according to
the interests of their court. Movses .Xorenaei is not idly emphasizing
the danger threatening the nayarar hierarchy from the arbitrariness
of the Persian Marzpans, in the words which he attributes to the
kat'olikos Sahak I. The danger was felt particularly in the period
of the revolts of Yahan Mamikonean, as is evident from Lazar P'ar-
peci's description of princely society. Na-ârar relations must have
become especially strained in the sixth and seventh centuries, when
Marxians of exclusively Persian origin were appointed in Armenia,
Consequently, documents such as the GaJinamaJc, insofar as they
answer actual needs, can have appeared in Armenian literature only
up to the fall of the Sasanian monarchy, since the institutionalized
hierarchy kept its significance throughout this period. After that,
the appearance of such documents can have no other motive than
an interest in the past.
As for our other document, namely the Military List, works of

this type should be taken as closer reflections of society than the
Galinamak, "Whereas the significance of the latter decreased with
the fall of the kingdom and of the royal court, the same cannot be said
about the Military List. The historian Blise says that after the
destruction of royal power in Armenia, " ... the ruling power was
transferred to the Armenian na-ârars ", and with it the duties of the
Armenian crown toward the King of Kings. One of the main features
of Armenian subjection to Iran was the supply of military aid, as
represented by the Armenian cavalry54. New conditions changed
nothing here. As before, an accurate list of the cavalry forces, which
the naârars, singly and jointly, were required to keep and furnish
at the command of the King of Kings, was a primary necessity. The
cavalry was the main reason for the census which the Persian autho-
rities took from time to time. Densapuh, the Persian agent sent to
Armenia before the national rising of 451, had instructions from the
King to carry out a census in the entire country of Armenia, " ... to
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXAJRASDOM.S 219
remit taxes and to lighten the burden of cavalry ", Although the
historian treats the mission of the Persian official with suspicion,
the Marzpan Atrormizd did, in fact " ... remit the tribute and tempo-
rarily reduce the cavalry force supplied to the King " 55 soon after
the rebellion because of the destruction to the district.
Cavalry regulations were inherited by the Arabs together with
a number of other Sasanian practices. The historian Lewond relates
that the Arab governor in 705, Mahmet [Mu'hammad ibn-Marwan],
" ... summoned the Armenian nayarars with their cavalry to Na^rfewan,
as though to include them in the official register and to distribute
payments"56. The important point here, of course, is not the
validity of the historian's suspicions or the sincerity of the Arab
governor's actions, but rather the indication that the Arabs took
over the custom of keeping a list of the Armenian princes, and of
paying them. The distribution of subsidies to the nayarar^ was
also an inheritance from the Sasanians. Historians of the Sasanian
period often speak of the pay (tin^lf} received by the Armenian princes
from the Persian king. After the defeat of Zarehawan, Tazdgard II
forgave the emprisoned princes and, " ... began again to give them
their previously suspended maintainance ", He acted in the same
manner toward the captive naya/rars who had been the ringleaders
of the revolt of 451 57. Even before the partition of Armenia, Musel
Mamikonean, foreseeing the gathering storm, considered the establish-
ment of a permanent subsidy from the Empire for the Armenian
nobility to counteract Persian inclinations 58. According to Eaustus
the Emperor received Musel's suggestion altogether favourably and
promised to put it into effect. If this is not an echo of latgr_pzactices,
we must conclude that both of the powers about to divide Armenia
relied on a system of distributing subsidies to the Armenian nobles
and army, both to ingratiate themselves by this method, and to obtain
a ready army.
This tradition was still alive in the seventh century. At the time
of his expedition against the Arabs in 653, the Emperor Constantine
[Constans II], invited the Armenian princes to Karin to plan their
joint action against the enemy, and at the same time, he "... promised
them aid in the form of subsidies " 59. The Persians wooed the
Armenians with similar backing. At the time of the rebellion of some
of the Armenian princes against the Persians, King -Xusro II invited
the princes who had remained loyal to him to his capital, honoured
220 CHAPTER X
them in all ways, and " ... assigned them a salary from the royal
treasury " 60.
In 724, the first year of the reign of the Caliph Hisham, the Arabs
made a general census in Armenia, " ... to increase the oppressive
yoke of tributary obligations " 61 according to Lewond's comment.
Soon afterward Prince Asot presented himself before the Caliph and
petitioned for a lightening of his country's heavy lot. He complained,
among other things, that, "... for the last three years the official
maintenance given to the Armenian princes and their cavalry had
been withheld " 62, Presumably the discontinuance of the subsidy
paid yearly be the treasury was one of the unpleasant results of the
recently taken census. In answer to the request of Asot, Hisham
ordered that three years arrears be paid to him, calculating 100,000
for each year 63. After Hisham's death (f 743), a new decree was
promulgated under his immediate successor, the Caliph "Abd Allah
(750-775)83a. According to this,
... the flow of silver pouring yearly from the treasury for
the benefit of the Armenian army was henceforth to be halted.
The princes were ordered to furnish cavalry in specified num-
bers and were required to maintain their forces at their own
expense 64.
As long as these regulations concerning the Armenian cavalry were in
effect, accurate information on the number of Armenian princes and
their forces was indispensable. Because of this necessity, relevant,
official or other, written documents similar to the Military List with
which we are concerned, had perforce to exist. After its abolition
by as-Saffah, the military subsidy was never renewed. There is no
mention of financial assistance given to the na-âravs, by the Arabs
in such later historians as John the Kat'olikos and Tovma Arcruni.
With the abolition of this custom the need to keep of the waârars
and of their cavalry by means of a periodic census disappeared, and
the census of 724 connected with the frightful catastrophe which had
occurred in Armenia a short time before may be said to be the last
taken for this purpose.
The Arabs looked with disfavour upon the ruling princes of con-
quered lands and persecuted them from the beginning. Thus, for
example, hardly had they entered Gilan in 654 before they destroyed
the local nobility and their cavalry 65. In Armenia they pursued
a similar goal. Already under sAbd-al~Malik (685-705), according
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXAXAJBDOMS 221
to Lewond, the Arab governor of Armenia, "... had conceived the evil
plan of destroying the estate of noble families in the land of Armenia
together with their cavalry ", but had met with a powerful rebuff
from the Armenians. According to the same historian, "Abd-al-Malik's
successor, the Caliph al-Walid (705-715), " ... plotted in the first
year of his reign to uproot the nayarar families and their cavalry
from the land of Armenia " 66. Pursuant to this plot of the Arab
authorities, the Armenian princes with their troops were summoned,
as for a census, to the city of Naîjewan, the residence of the Arab
governor, and were treacherously emprisoned, some in the church
of Naîjewan, and some in the nearby locality of Xram. The signal
was then given for their total anihilation. The Byzantine historian
Theophanes also mentions this event, though in his opinion the cause
of the disaster was the rebellion of the Armenian princes against the
Arabs 67. This cruel reprisal cost many nayarar lives. The Lewond
laments,
I have not the strength to list them one by one. Having

taken them all from this life, they bereft the land of its
nayarars ,,, The land of Armenia has been emptied of nayarar
houses and the people are left like lambs among wolves 68.
This event took place in 705, the first year of al-Walid; the general
census of 724 followed shortly thereafter. The crime of 7.05 dealt
a severe blow to the Armenian nobility; it marks one of the most
sorrowful moments in the history of the..nayarars,.
From all that has just been said, we can deduce that the need
for a Military List disappeared after JAbd al-Malik's abbrogation
of the Sasanian regulations governing the nayarar cavalry, just as
the downfall of the Sasanians in the mid-seventh century destroyed the
institution providing a foundation for the Galinamak 68a. Now that
the time span within which this institution functioned has been
determined, we can raise the question of the relation between the
documents under consideration and the institution itself: were they
created as historical documents from the start, or did they first appear
in some other setting? The answer to this question is to be found
in an analysis of the internal evidence of the documents.
The Military List shows many signs of contrivance. Its charac-
teristic trait is the division of the entire nayarar cavalry into four
groups each containing twenty-one or twenty-two houses. This
222 CHAPTER X
division shows no sign of logic or of any criterion such as, for instance,
a territorial one. For example, the Bagratuni and the Princes of
Basean are listed together in the army of Angeltun, the Prince of
Kaspe is listed in the army of Gugark', the Prince of Golt'an in that
of Kadme, etc, In addition, the List includes nayarar families such
as the Orduni and the Manawazean, who ceased to exist before the
appearance of this document. All of these circumstances point to
a literary origin.
The division of Armenia into four armies does not correspond to
historical reality and is not justified by the evidence which we have
on this subject. There is, for instance, no mention whatsoever of
such a division in our earliest document, the History of Faustus of
Byzantium 69. During the royal period, the army fought under a
single leader, the Sparapet, or commander in chief. This title was
hereditary in the warlike house of the Mamikonean. Under King
ROSTOV II of Armenia, the Sparapet was Vace's son Artawazd; Under
Arsak II, the famous Vasak gained renown in this office, and under
Pap, the no less valorous Musel. Pap's successor, Varazdat, an
imperial appointee, wished to weaken the mighty Mamikonean princes,
by killing Musel and transferring the office of Sparapet to Bat from
the house of the Sahafuni; but the Mamikonean heir, Manuel, succeeded
in defending the rights of his family and seized once again the office
of Sparapet, which then passed to his son Artasir 70. In the period
of the Marzpan&iv, this title was still born by the Mamikonean in
the person of the famous princes, Vardan, Vahan, Yard, etc.
Ancient documents speak of four bdes^s, but these should not be
confused with the matter under discussion. The concept of the bdesys
as vassals of the king of Armenia whose duties were to guard the
marches is based on an inaccurate interpretation of the evidence 7oa.
According to Faustus, the bdes%s were ranked among the servants
or vassals of the Armenian king, and were distinguished from other
princes by the fact that they were, <! ... senior to all at the royal court
according to cushion and gah " 70b. But four persons cannot occupy
the same place of honour in the hierarchy of gahs; if one of them stands
higher than another, the preceding passage is not applicable to all
of them taken together. Furthermore, according to Faustus, the
first gah belonged to the prince of Angeltun. Presumably the bdes%s
did not enter into the hierarchical framework established for the
other na%arars; they stood, so to speak, Jiors ligne, in a special position,
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXAHARDGMS 223
as almost the equals of the king. In this sense, each of them could
be considered as a qw^p^g — a senior gah. The bdefys were lesser
kings ruling over royal territories who had originally been independent,
but who had acknowledged the hegemony of the kings of Armenia
from the time of Tigran the Great. The concept of the bdes%s as
marcher lords developed much later and was, we believe, suggested
by the structure of the Persian kingdom, which was divided into
four regions under the Sasanians. We have already seen that under
-Xusro I the civilian rulers of the four regions were replaced by the
military spahbadhs, and the army was accordingly divided among
them 70c . This transformation also affected the Armenians' concept
of their own past, the tale of the division of the Armenian army into
four, parts is nothing more than an echo of the Persian system. In
imitation of the Persians and under their influence, the Armenians
claimed that under their kings too the military forces of the country
had been divided into four armies corresponding to the four parts
of the world, with the purpose of defending the frontiers of the realm.
Documents such as our Military List are the literary expression of this
concept. Consequently the Military List, in the version which has
reached us, belongs in the period following Jfusr5 I Anosarvan
(531-579) and cannot go back to a period earlier than the seventh
century. Living in this relatively late period when the historical
norms of the na%arar system were falling into decay, the author of
the GaJinamalc had to rely on literary sources to carry out his purpose.
The same literary origin is reflected in the artificial grouping of the
nd%arar cavalry. At the head of the four groups stand respectively
the bdes%s of Gugark' and Angettun, and the princes of Siwnik' and
Kadme. It is interesting that the house of Kadme, found in the Ano-
nymous Pseudo-GaJinamak, should be set out on a par with the ruling
house of Siwnik' in place of the two other bdes%s who have disappeared
from the scene. The remaining na,yara/r houses are grouped around
these four names without any kind ofprincipium divisionis, ..Xbrenaci,
among other Armenian historians, mentions the division of the army
into four corps, and furthermore as is his custom, attributes the initia-
tive for this to King Artases. He was the one, according to the his-
torian, who divided the Armenian army into four corps: eastern,
western, northern, and southern, and entrusted their command to
his three sons and to the general Smbat71.
Traces of familiarity with the divisions of the army can also be
224 CHAPTER X
observed in Zenob Glak. He knows that King Trdat, having

repelled the invasion of the King of the North, left there,
... as marcher lord the Prince of Aljnik' with 4,000 men,

and before that, while awaiting battle and deploying his army,
Trdat had also left two gates as passages and appointed Prince
Bagratuni as gardian of the gates; he entrusted the right
wing to the Prince of Siwnikc and the left one to the Prince of
Angeltun, but he kept the senior-â^ princes as support for
himself72.
The Prince of Aljnik', with four thousand men, and the Princes of
Angettun and Siwnik' in their roles of commanders of the left and
right wings of the army, are evidence of the connexion between Zenob
and our Military List.
.Xorenaci relates that King Valarsak established the order of the
armies: first, second, third, etc., ... 73. The subject being considered
here is the military hierarchy, and the historian is undoubtedly referring
to a document similar to ours. It is very possible that in this case
he has the Military List in mind. To be sure, the period of Jforenaci,
like that of Zenob Glak, is still controversial and cannot yet be
established with certainty, nevertheless, their familiarity with the
List enhances the value of the latter and permits a significant advance
toward the elucidation of the period in which it appeared.
The evidence on the size of the na%arar forces found in the List
must also be considered in any attemp to determine its date. The
numerical indications of the Gahnamak are its most interesting and
original feature. There is no basis for supposing that the figures
given in it are fictitious, since in the matter of figures the Gahnamak
relies on relatively trustworthy historical materials73a.
The army corp of Siwnik' consists of 21 houses with 21,000

knights,
that of Gugark' — of 22 families with 18,000 knights,
that of Angeltun — of 21 families with 24,000 knights,
that of Kadme — of 22 families with 21,000 knights.
A total of 84,000 knights.
If, however, we do not count the princely families which lay outside
Marzpan Armenia, and restrict ourselves to the circle of na%arar
clans indicated in the Gahnamak of Sahak, we obtain:
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXABAXDOMS 225
In the first group — 7 families with 19,000 knights,
in that of Gugark' — 16 families with 7,800 knights (minus
the 3,000 of Kaspe),
in that of Angeltnn — 13 families with 8,200 knights (minus
the 4,000 of Areax),
in that of Kadme — 15 families with 6,000 knights.
A total of 51 families with 41,900 knights (exclusive of the
7,000 doubtful eases).
Although we cannot verify the numerical evidence of the GaJinamak,

insofar as we can judge from the scanty information scattered through
historical literature, it is not far from the truth.
According to the evidence of Agat'angelos, the army of the Ar-
menians numbered more than 70,000 in the days of King Trdat III 74 .
As many men were counted under his son and successor JTosrov II,
whose general Databey took along an army of 40,000 in his campaign
against the rebellious bdes% of Aljnik'. Because of the treachery
of its commander, this army was defeated by the Persians, and King
.X"osrov set out against the latter at the head of 30,000 men 75. It is
of course unimportant whether all 40,000 men really perished or
whether this is an exaggeration of the author, what matters is his
estimate of the forces of the king as 40,000 plus 30,000, or altogether
70,000 men, that is to say, exactly as many as had been in the army
of Trdat.
Commanders of the Armenian army had forces of between 10 and
120 thousand men at their disposal. During his continuous wars
against the Persians, Vasak Mamikonean attacked and defeated
innumerable hordes of the enemy with now 12 biwrk' (120,000) men,
now 60,000, now 40,000, now 70,000, now 30,000, and occasionally
11 or even 10,000 men at his disposal76. Another general, Muse! Ma-
mikonean, had only 40,000 picked men. In the battle of Mount Nipha-
tes on the Euphrates, Muse} succeeded in collecting up to 90,000 men.
As many men were under his command at the battle of Ganjak. After
he had ceded part of his army to the Mardpet Gilak for the defense
of the Armenian border on the side of Atropatene, Muse! was left
with 30,000 men 77. In the time of troubles under Varaadat, Manuel,
Musel's successor could barely gather 20,000 men, and on another
occasion only 10,000 7S. If we compare these figures with the Gah-
namak, in which the naywra/r forces together with those of the king
and the cavalry of Mardpetakan add up to 120,000, we can affirm
226 CHAPTER X
with assurance that under the Christian Arsacids, Armenia was able
to put up to 120,000 knights in the field.
In the period of Marzpan rule, the na%arar cavalry shrank to
30,000 men. Vahan Mamikonean, in spite of Lazar P'arpeci who
deliberately diminishes the forces of this famous warrior for greater
effect, had up to 30,000 admirably armed soldiers, as is admitted
by the more truthful Sebeos 79. Under J?usr5 II Abharvez, the
Marzpan of Armenia also disposed of 30,000 men, according to the
account of John Mamikonean 80. It is interesting to note that
in the version of Zenob, Trdat III had an army of 30,000 men as
against the figure of 70,000 given by Agat'angelos. Here we have
evidence of the late date of composition of Zenob's work in comparison
with that of Agat'angelos 81. According to the information of
the Byzantine historian Procopius, in 531, the Persian king Kavadh
sent against the Emperor an army which, "... was composed of
Persarmenians and Sunitae whose land adjoins that of the Alani ",
i.e. of forces from Siwnik' and other districts of Armenia 82. This
army, according to the same author, was composed exclusively of
cavalry, and numbered up to 30,000 men, of whom 3,000 were Huns.
This valuable information of a non-Armenian source serves as corro-
boration for the thesis that the cavalry forces of Marzpan Armenia
included up to 30,000 men.
In the period of Arab domination, this number was reduced
by half. At the time of the conquest of Armenia by the
Arabs, a treaty was concluded between the conquerors and
the Armenians, one of whose clauses required the Armenians
to maintain a cavalry of 15,000 men 83. The country found the
maintenance of a large cavalry force burdensome, and its reduction
by the Arabs was considered to be a concession on their part. This
obligation apparently remained in force in the subsequent periods
of Arab domination as well. According to the account of Lewond,
at the height of Marwan's struggle for the throne in the mid-eighth
century, his enemies were defeated, when the Armenian prince Asot
Bagratuni came to Syria, the scene of the war, to see Marwan on matters
related to Armenia; this happened because the news had reached
them that, the Armenian patrician with 15,000 picked knights
had come to Marwan's assistance 84. The size of Asot's cavalry
contingent was undoubtedly determined by the terms of the treaty
mentioned above. Thus, the military forces of Armenia were gra-
dually declining from the time of the overthrow of the Arsacid dynasty.
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXAJRAXDOMS 227
Consequently, we should conclude that the Military List is a faithful
account of the conditions existing in the royal period of Armenian
history, since it reckons the forces of the country at 120,000 knights.
We do not have sufficient evidence to check the accuracy of the
Military List's apportionment of knights among the various princes.
References to small detachments under the command of this or that
prince can be found in historical sources, but such information is
insufficient to give us a clear picture of the subject85. According
to Faustus, King ROSTOV II of Armenia decreed after the episode of
Prince Databey that,
... the greater magnates : the nayarars who were possessors

and lords an entire province, those with 10,000 down to 1,000
men, should reside at court86.
According to another historian, the Emperor Maurice, backing the

Persian king JTusro II Abharvez, sent to his assistance an Armenian
detachment of 15,000 knights; this army was composed of nayarar
regiments from 100 to 1,000 men, each of which was a separate corp
with its own standard 87, The earliest historian, Faustus, indicates
that there were na-ârars disposing of 10,000 knights, while others
had 1,000 men apiece. If we take the expression of Sebeos,
" £wppLpiui.np, {uiqiupiuLnp " in the same sense as Paustus (and not
in the sense of the subdivision of the army into groups of 100 and
1,000), we can take as proven the thesis that the distribution of the
na%arar army into groups of 1,000, 100, and 50 knights, found in
the Military List, was not due to the fantasy of a literary romancer
but was based on a historical foundation.
After this discussion, we can proceed to a discussion of the docu-

ments themselves. The realistic and historically accurate features
found in them are not in themselves sufficient to prove the official
origin claimed by these documents. Let us even concede that both
documents reproduce a known historical situation, yet are they,
themselves, official documents or literary creations ? The previous
discussion has already suggested the answer to this question. If
we look closely at the order of na-ârar families in the GahnamaJc,
we note a close resemblance between it and the listing of princes in
Lazar P'arpeci and Elise. Indeed, if we omit from the GahnamaJc
the Satrap of Cop'k' and the prince of Kaspe, and compare the re-
228 CHAPTER X
maining list to that of the participants at the Council of 450 according

to Lazar, we observe the following pattern:
Gahnamak Lazar P'arpeci

1. The Prince of Siwnik' The Prince of Siwnik'
2. TheAspet (Bagratuni)
3. Arcruni Arcruni
4. Mafyaz Mafyaz
5. Mamikonean Mamikonean
6. Mokaei Vahewiini
7. Rstuni Mokaci
8. Vah(ew)uni (Rstuni)
9. Anjewaci Anjewaci
10. Apahuni Apahuni
11. Kamsarakan The Prince of Yanand
12. The Prince of Yanand Arsaruni = Kamsarakan
13. Amatuni Amatuni
14. Prince of Goltn
15. Gnuni Gnuni
Several names have been added at this point to Lazar's list, but
they do not coincide with those in the Gahnamak, This is to be
explained by the incomplete state of Lazar's list resulting from the
absence of many princes from the Council. This is likewise the
explanation for the absence of the Bagratuni and Rstuni princes
from Lazar's list. Tiroc Bagratuni disapproved of the undertaking
and did not come to the Council, but the very fact that he is named
first in the list of renegades, however, indicates that he would have
occupied the second place at the Council had he been present88.
Prince Estuni was likewise absent.
Since the two colums coincide mutatis mutandis, the Gahnamals
reflects the hierarchical order of the fifth century, but it does not
follow from this that the document itself belongs to this period. The
Gahnamak might have been written on the basis of Lazar's work.
Such an interpretation is made impossible, however, by the fact
that the Gahnamak cannot be derived from Lazar in toto; it contains
features which cannot be found either in Lazar or in any other literary
document89. It is more plausible that the author of the GaJinamak,
interested in his country's past, composed a typical GahnamaJc on
the basis of the literary materials available to him at the time, the
work of Lazar among other. Since the GaJinamak goes back to a
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXASAXDQMS 229
period earlier than that of Zorenaci, it almost attains the importance

of an official document as far as we are concerned.
Some help in determining the period in which the Gahnamak made
its appearance can be found in the tale of Andok cited earlier89a. In
this tale the name Gahnamak of Agat'angelos is given to the list of
princes who accompanied St. Gregory to Caesarea for his episcopal
ordination. The author of the tale is not acquainted with our
Gahnamak; otherwise he would not have failed to refer to it in such
a suitable contest as the inquiry of Sahpuhr about the gahs of the
Armenian princes. Consequently, should we not assume a date for
the creation of the Gahnamak later than that of the story? The
tale itself cannot be accepted as the work of Peter of Siwnik', in spite
of the testimony of his compatriot Stephen Orbelean, so that for
the time being it can only be interpreted in connexion with the History
of Caspian Albania, The compilatory nature of this work is
unquestionable, hence, the question of the relation of the tale to the
History reduces itself in effect to the following point: to which stage
in the History should we assign the tale? The core and older com-
ponents of the History of Caspian Albania are found in the pages
treating the journey of the Kat'olikos Viroy to the Prince of the
Khazars in 628, which were written by an eyewitness of the events
he describes 90. These are narrated in Book II of the History, which
opens with the story of Andok. It is natural to suppose that the
tale also goes back to a period no later than the events described
in this book, i.e. to the seventh century. The problem can also be
approached from the other side, through the identification of the list
mentioned in the story under the name of the Gahnamak of Agaf-
angelos. Let us then determine the nature of this Gahnamak.
In the History of Agat'angelos there is still another list which
contains the names of the princes who composed Trdat Ill's retinue on
his journey to Rome 9oa. Both these lists can be called lists of dignities
only as the result of a misunderstanding. In the story of Andok,
the first of these lists, called Gahnamak by the author, is made up of
sixteen families. There are seventeen cushions in the story probably
because the king was also included in the list. It is surprising that
the Prince of Siwniks is listed as eleventh in rank by Agat'angelos,
while in the story he is assigned the fourteenth place. In the Arabic
version of Agat'angelos, however, the kings of Georgia, Abkhazia,
and Albania are listed ahead of the list, and the princes are enumer-
230 CHAPTER X
ated thereafter. If we add the three kings to the list, the prince of
Siwnik' does go down to fourteenth place. This fact suggests that
the author of the story did not use our version of Agat'angelos, but
rather an older form of the text corresponding to the newly discovered
Arabic version 91.
The sixteen princes are listed here as follows:
Armenian and Greek Arabic Agat'angelos: 93

Agat'angelos: 92
1. The Prince of Angeltun The Prince of Angeltun
2. The Prince of Aljnik', the The Prince of Aljnik', the
Great bdes% Great bdes% 94
3. The Mardpet The Mardpet95
4. The Aspet The Aspet96
5. The Sparapet The Sparapet (Mamikonean)
6. The Prince of Kordovit The Prince of Kordovit 97
7. The Prince of Covp' The Prince of Covp'
8. The Prince of Gargar, the The Prince of Gargar, the
other bdes% other bdes)(
9. The Prince of Rstunik' The Prince of Rstunik'
10. The Prince of Mokk{ The Prince of Mokk' 98
11. The Prince of Siwnik' The Prince of Siwnik'
12. The Prince of Cawde The Prince of Cawde "
13. The Prince of Utik' The Prince of Utik{
14. The Prince of Zarawand The Prince of Zarawand
and Her and Her
15. TheMalxaz The Malxaz (^"orôfunik')
16. The Prince of Arcrunik' The Prince of Arcrunik5
The only point at which this list coincides with our GahnamaJc is
at the listing of the Mamikonean, who occupy the fifth place in both,
a coincidence which we believe to be accidental. If we look more
closely at this list, we can observe that of 16 princes, 8 correspond to
districts found in the Armenian Geography: Aljnik', Korcek', Gugark',
Mokk', Siwnik', Cawdk', or Sawdk' (= Arca^), Uti, Zarewand and
Her (= Parskahayk') 99a . The other 8 are representatives of the
central provinces known jointly as Tanuterakan. We have already
seen the subsequent partition of the Tanuter lands, but this list is
still unacquainted with these subdivisions; it merely records the
difference between Mardpetakan and Vaspurakan, in the narrow
sense, in terms of the representatives of the Arcruni and Kstuni
houses. The portion of the Tanuter lands later called Taruberan is
represented here by the Mamikonean and the J?orôfuni. There
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE 231
are no representatives from Ayrarat; as the domain of the Arsaoids

it is represented by the king in person. Part of it, however, Bagre-
wand with the adjoining Kogovit, has the Bagratid prince as a repre-
sentative.
The princes Hsted here reflect the situation present at the end of
the sixth century, and coincides with the divisions which had existed
in Armenia before the composition of the Armenian Geography. The
list bears a tendentious stamp; the author wished to associate it with
the ordination, and in general with the activities of the Illuminator
of most of Armenia. We learn from Faustus of other occasions on
which the princes accompanied a patriarchal candidate to Caesarea
for the same purpose, but we cannot find a similar selection among
the attendants. The composition of Agat'angelos evidently belongs
to the period when the name of the Illuminator served as a rallying
slogan for the unification of the country under the leadership of the
Armenian Church. The use of Gregory's name as a means of propa-
ganda began with the Council of 555, where it served anti-Nestorian
purposes, which shifted imperceptibly but logically to anti-Chalee-
donianism, and to anti-dyophisitism in general. The break in Armeno-
Iberian church relations at the turn of the sixth to the seventh centuries
marks the moment when anti-Nestorianism was transmuted into
anti-Chaleedonianism as a consequence of the altered political situation.
In 612 a Council met at the court of the Persian king JTusro II to
settle the quarrels of the Monophysites and the Nestorians. The
contest ended in the defeat of the latter. Representatives of the
Armenian Church, such as the future Kat'olikos Komitas, here Bishop
of the Mamikonean, and Mattew, Bishop of the Amatuni, were also
present at this Council; according to an Armenian historian, " ...
they took with them ready for use the Book of Saint Gregory " 10°.
Hence, by this time, the version of Agat'angelos, preserved in the
Arabic version and reflecting an anti-Nestorian attitude as against
the anti-Chalcedonian version of the Armenian Agat'angelos that
has reached us, was already available.
The Arabic version of Agat'angelos demonstrates that the list
of 16 princes was already found in the anti-Nestorian recension of
this work. The story of -Andok in the History of Caspian Albania
goes back to the period 628-630, thus making it possible for its author
to use the specifically anti-Nestorian version of the list. At the
same time the absence of any mention of the GahnamaJc of Sahak I,
232 CHAPTER X
in this story in spite of the appropriate context, proves that this

GahnamaJc was not yet known to literature. Consequently the
Gahnamak which has come down to us must have been composed in
a period later than the middle of the seventh century, especially
in view of its unofficial origin.
The Military List is still later in date and likewise unofficial in
origin. The symetrical grouping into 21 and 22 families is sufficient
evidence of its artificial creation. The document reproduces the
conditions of the Arsacid period in its calculation of cavalry contin-
gents, while the influence of sixth century Sasanian regulations is
reflected in its subdivision into four groups or wings. The literary
character of the List is the only explanation possible for such ana-
chronisms. The relation of the List to .Xbrenaci must also be taken
into consideration in determining the period to which it belongs.
A link connecting the List with the Armenian historian can be seen
in his account of the marcher princes. According to .Xbrenaei, the
defense of the realm was one of the concerns of the Arsacid king
Valarsak, and frontier commanders were appointed for this purpose.
In the east, "... at the limits of the Armenian language, these were
the Princes of Sisakan and Kadme " 101: in a careful definition, the
historian places Sisakan to the east and Kadme to the south, near
Assyria 102. In the north, " ... on the side of the Caucasian moun-
tains ", the defense was entrusted to the mighty house of the Bdes-% of
Gugark'103. The commander in the west was the Prince of Angeltun
though at certain times this office was taken over by the Bagratid
princes 104. The disagreement found here can be explained by the
influence of the Anonymous History which identifies Angel and Ba-
garat. Finally the historian also mentions the mighty bdes^ who is
marcher lord of the south-west, i.e. Aljnik{ 105.
Similarly in the Military List the commanders of the four gates
are respectively the Princes of Siwnik', Kadme, Gugark5, and Aljnik*
— Angel — Bagarat. The similarity is beyond question, but it is
not clear whether .Xbrenaci is dependent on the List or, vice-versa,
the List reflects the influence of the historian. The words of Xorenaci
regarding the ranks present in the army (^«//i^ ^linLnpniphwij)
indicate that he was familiar with some document similar to our
List, but the relation of this work to the List is unknown. It is
possible that a catalogue of the na%arar cavalry was in existence,
and that this catalogue was subsequently re-worked into the Military
A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXASAJKDOJOS 233
List which has come down to us. Whatever the circumstances,
a military catalogue was known to -Xbrenaci in one form or another.
The calculation of na-ârar contingents, was apparently intended
to serve as a guide in the drawing up of the Gahnamak, The criterion
of power is the link between the Gahnamak and the Military List.
This criterion makes it possible to interpret the Preface of the Gahna-
mak, but what is the sense given in the Preface to the Ramakan nama
which Sahak had seen in the royal diwan, and what is the relation
between the Ramakan nama and the Gahnamak of which this is the
Preface ?
There is no basis for the hypothetical correction, mamakan for
famakan, suggested by Bmin, accepted by Alisan, and rightly rejected
by Professor Khalateants 105a. He, in turn, derives famakan (niaîulfujL}
from the Persian word ram, Arm. eram (kpmS], meaning " rabble,
crowd", whence the Armenian famik (nmSfilf) " common people,
peasants " and the Pehlevi famak, having the same meaning. Ac-
cording to this interpretation, the Ramakan nama was, " the list or
book of the taxable classes ", as against the Gahnamak, which was
the catalogue of the nobility. If, on the basis of the opening words
of the Preface, we assume that the Ramakan nama is related to the
Gahnamak, the explanation of Professor Khalatiants becomes un-
acceptable, and we are more inclined to connect the Ramakan nama
with the Military List. Etymological meaning of famakan (nuiSwIiw'ii)
in no way hinders this interpretation. Even without deciding a priori
whether or not eram, eram-ak (kpiuii, kpmS—wlf) is of the same origin
as ram, ramik (nwd, nwSfrlj), we believe that the meaning of famak
is determined with sufficient precision on the basis of the Pehlevi
ramak and the Armenian eram-ak (bpuiS—mli), " herd ". The word
ramak which has the general sense of " crowd, collection (of people
or animals) ", takes on the sense of a " group of soldiers, detachment
of cavalry ", in the expression Ramakan nama. According to this
interpretation, the term with which we are concerned meant " The
Book of Contingents ", with famakan as the genitive plural of ramak
rather than an adjective derived from fam; consequently, it was
the exact synonym of .Xbrenaci's vast (^«^)106. The evolution
of meaning from famak to famik, from " crowd " to " people ", is
admirably illustrated by the analogous relation of the Russian p(lkf
to the German volk.
According to our interpretation, the Preface of the Gahnamak
234 CHAPTER X
now becomes perfectly understandable: Sahak knew of the existence

of a Ramakan nama, i.e, of a catalogue of na-ârar contingents, and
he petitioned for the regularization of the hierarchy of Armenian
gahs, that is to say for the drawing up of a Gahnamak or Throne List
which would presumably correspond to the data in the earlier document
which was the Military List,
XI
TEKKITORIAL ANALYSIS OF THE NAXARAR SYSTEM
The ttaôrardom as a territorial unit — Naxarar lands in general —• Patronymic

and toponymic nomenclature in the survey of the principalities —• The border princi-
palities — The distribution of nayarar houses in the central provinces — Ayrarat
in the Armenian Geography — The origin of territorial divisions and the development
of naxarar&oms — Basean, Sirak, Ayrarat par excellence, and Bagrewand as the posses-
sions of the houses of Basean, Kamsarakan, Arsakuni, and Bagratuni — Minor princi-
palities •within the sphere of influence of the Kamsarakans, and on the territory of the
Arsaeids: their locations —• Bagrewand and Kogovit — Taruberan in the Armenian
Geography — Its principal divisions: Taron and Tayk' —• The transfer of Taron to
the Mamikonean — The adjacent principalities: Arsamunik* and the Arsamids, Aspa-
kuneae jor and JCoyt* — Hark', the possession of the Manawazean — The princi-
palities of Apahunik', ôrj(0runik*, andBznunik', and their relation to Hark' — Other
minor principalities —• Vaspurakan in the Armenian Geography — Critical note on
its composition —• Position of the 18 original gawafs — Additional subdivisions —
Chief princely houses: Rsttmi in Tosp, Arcruni in the Albak, Marapets in Mardastan —
The connexion of the Mardpets and the Arcruni — The Amatuni in Artaz — The
grouping of the remaining principalities around the leading houses.
Wherever the nayarar system had spread in it, Armenia consisted

of a network of independent territorial "units or separate principalities,
After our study vinayarar houses, an investigation of the corresponding
territorial units is equally imperative, since land was the main basis
of the na-ârar system. The setting of "boundaries of the naxarar
holdings and the determination of their locations and interrelations
should be considered an indispensable step toward the understanding
of the nature and complicated genis of the nayarar system. In the
strict sense, Naxarar Armenia corresponded to Arsacid Armenia.
Although naârar customs survived in both parts of Armenia even
after the partition of the Arsacid realm, they were preserved better
and longer in the Persian portion as a result of 'the prevailing political
conditions ; at least the information which has reached us is fuller for
this part of Armenia. Even Xorenaci, the first historian of the
naya/rars, studied primarily the waxcmwdoms within the limits of
Eastern or Marzpan Armenia, i.e. within the teritory bounded by
G-ugark', Aljnik', Siwnik', and Kadme. Our quantitative study of
naya/rar clans was also limited in the main to Marzpan Armenia.
236 CHAPTER XI
A comparison of the toponymy with nayarar patronymics shows a

close connexion between the two. The princely houses either bore
regional names, or, on the contrary, gave the family name to their
district, A parallel study of geographic and na-ârar names supplies
important data for the classification of nayarar clans according to
their hereditary evolution a,
The border provinces of Marzpan Armenia : Siwnik', Mokk', and
Tayk', were in the hands respectively of the pricely houses of Siwnik',
Mokk' and Mamikonean, The remaining clans were scattered over
the territory bound by these provinces. According to the Armenian
Geography, this territory was split into three large units : Ayrarat,
Taruberan, and Vaspurakan. Although this division was estabished
after the period which is of immediate interest to us, we will make
use of it for convenience in presenting the material.
In Ayrarat, the Armenian Geography lists sixteen districts or gawars :
1 Basean [Bagsen]
Gabeleank5
Abeieank'
Hawunik'
5 Arsarunik'
Bagrewand
Calkunik' [Calkotn]
Vanand
Sirak
10 Aragacotn (the foothills of Aragac)
Nig
Kogovit (the valley of Kog)
The Armenian Ostan [Ostan Hayoe]
Urcajor (the cleft of Urc)
15 Arac
Sarur *.
Ancient authors were not acquainted with Ayrarat in the same sense
as the Armenian Geography. It is very important to clarify the
genesis of the geographical divisions, since these divisions were deter-
mined by the development of the naxarardoms and consequently
shed light on the rise and fragmentation of the naxarar houses.
Classical authors are familiar with Phasiane-Basean, Sirakene-Sirak,
Bagravandene-Bagrewand, and the Plain of the Araxes ('Apa^vov
TTzSiov), by which name we should understand the Plain of the Araxes
in the narrower sense of the word 2. Armenian documents older than
TERRITORIAL ANALYSIS OF THE NAXARAR SYSTEM 237
the Armenian Geography, usually give the name of Ayrarat to the

eastern half of the later Ayrarat, from the valley of the Aûrean
[Arpa 9ayi] to the Plain of Sarur. The 'Apa^vov TreSlov corresponds
literally to the Armenian Erasyajor, which is the given to the part of
the Araxes valley bordering on Sirak and later re-named Arsarunik'.
Faustus, the historian of the royal period, mentions Vanand and
Axsarunik' in addition to the four districts already named 2 a. Vanand
was formerly part of Basean and was called Upper Basean, as it still
is by Xorenaci, but in the Arsacid period it separated from Basean
to form a separate principality. In the same way, Arsarunik' was
formed from the border strip of the Araxes which was formerly included
in Ayrarat and Sirak. All these division were not only geographical
but also political units in the royal period, and were under the rule
of autonomous princely families. Basean, Vanand, Sirak, and Arsa-
runik' were ruled respectively by princes bearing the same name,
Ayrarat, within the limits indicated, was the domain of the Arsacidsâr
excellence,, while Bagrewand, we are told, belonged to the Bagratids 3b.
At a later date, Sirak passed to the Kamsarakan princes. The house
of Kamsarakan was descended from the Arsacids, and probably
established itself first in Erasyajor, which was called Arsarunik',
presumably after its first ruler Arsawir, from that time on; subse-
quently, the family extended its power over neighbouring Sirak as
well 26c . Part of Sirak belonged to a branch of the princely house of
the Dimak'sean known as the Dimak'sean of &irak to distinguish it
from the other branch of the family, the Dimak'sean of Buâ, who
came from the district of Buâ near Vanand 2d.
Sirak occupied the valley of the Ayjirean between Vanand and
Ayrarat, and is now caEed Soragyal [Suregel] from the Armenian
Sirak-gawar or Sirak-awan. Basean, now Pasen, lay on the upper
courses of the Araxes as far as the ancient Salk'ora, i.e, almost
to the present [1908] Russo-TurMsh frontier3. According to the
description of the Armenian Geography, the principalities of Abeleank',
Hawnunik', and Gabeleank' lay along the Araxes between Basean
and Arsarunik', of these, the first two lay on the left bank of the
river, and the third on the rightsa. According to the geographi-
cal location, these principalities are to be identified primarily with
Arsarunik'. The three districts with their center Kalzwan [Kagiz-
man], the ancient Kalzwan, still form a separate district called Qaldiran,
similarly the former Basean, Vanand and Birak now make up the separate
districts of Pasinper], Ta^tin, and Suregel3fe.
238 CHAPTEK XI
Faustus, the historian of the Arsaeids, never mentions the prin-

cipalities of Abeleank', Gabeleank", and Hawnunik', which are well
known from subsequent sources. Should this not mean that in
the royal period these small principalities were unknown, and that
their lands entered into the composition of Arsarunik' politically as
well as territorially? In such a case, they must be considered as
branches of the mighty house of Kamsarakan, and their emergence
and political emancipation must date from the troubled period of
the disintegration of royal power in Armenia. We can see that the
influence of the Kamsarakans grew toward the Araxes in the direction
of Basean from the fact that the castle of Bol in Basean belonged to
them in the sixth century313. The principality of Asock' also adjoined
the possessions of the Kamsarakans; it occupied the northern corner
of Sirak in which the source of the Aûrean is located 4.
Ayrarat was the domain or Ostan of the Arsaeids [Arsakuni], It
was composed of the following gawars [districts]: Aragacotn, Nig,
Yaralnunik', Mazaz, Kotayk', the Ostan of Dwin, Urc, Arac, Sarur,
Cakatk', and Maseacotn 4a. Of these, the last two lay on the southern
bank of the Araxes between Kolb (now Kulp) and the summit of
Mt. Ararat. The other gawars were located on the northern bank,
and their position was determined by the course of the tributaries of
the Araxes. The upper course of the K'asal river formed Nig, now
Abaran [Aparan], the rest of the river and the foothills of the Aiagac
[Alagb'z] belonged to Aiagacotn (literally the foot of Aragac). Varaz-
nunik' (now Darachiehak) lay at the source of the Hrazdan-Zanga;
lower along the same river was Kotayk' (now Zangi-bazar). The upper
course of the Azat-Garni river was occupied by Mazaz (now Gafni-
bazar); lower down lay the ostan of Dwin. Urc and Arac were found
along the Vedi river, and beyond them the Plain of Sarur stretched
all the way to the limits of Napîjewan 4b. Many of these subdivisions
of Ayrarat are not mentioned in the ancient sources before the Ar-
menian Geography; it would be rash, however, to see in this an argument
for their late origin. Kotayk', for example, was already known to
Ptolemy, but the first reference to it in Armenia is found in Sebeos,
in the seventh century 4c. There can hardly be any doubt that the
other names also go back to a period earlier than that of Sebeos.
The reason for their absence in the older documents must be sought
in the fact that these divisions, devoid of any political significance,
were purely topographical in character, whereas the Armenian writers
TERRITORIAL ANALYSIS OF THE NAXAEAE SYSTEM 239
of the Marzpan period speak primarily of those geographical divisions
of Armenia which were simultaneously political and nayarar units.
The province of Ayrarat, within the Kmits given, was the domain
of the Arsacids, and was therefore a single unit from the political
point of view. The appearance of small naxarar houses in Arsacid
Ayrarat must be assigned to the period following the fall of the Arsacids.
Among these, "Ore and Arac already emerge as separate principalities
in B3ise 4d. Prince Yaraznuni is mentioned at the Council of 555,
According to .Xbrenaci the possessions of the princely house of Yaraz-
nuni were to be found along the Hrazdan river, the present Zanga,
consequently the historian derives the Yaraznuni family from a
descendent of G-afnik, the son of Gelam, who was the ancestral founder
of the adjacent province of Gelark'unik'5, According to these
indications, Yaraznunik' coincides with the plain of the upper branch
of the Zanga river, and corresponds to the modern Darachiehak (the
Flowering Plain), which is a translation of its middle-Armenian name,
Calkunik'6.
According to the same author, the Princes Gnt'uni lived near the
Yaraznuni, not far from the Lake [Sevan] 7. The inscription of a
certain prince Gregory Gnt'uni has been discovered in the ruins of
an ancient church on the banks of the Kasal river in Abaran. On
the basis of this inscription, we must admit that Abaran, the ancient
Nig, was the patrimony of the Gnt'uni na-varars 8.
South of Abaran, in the valley of the same Kasal river still stands
the historic village of Osakan, which was ruled by the princes Amatuni.
Lazar P'arpeci notes that this village belonged to the Amatuni9.
-Xbrenaci asserts that Osakan had passed to this family under king
.Xbsrov II Kotak, who gave it to Yahan Amatuni as a reward for his
valiant repulse of the mountaineer bands of King Sanesan, but Faustus
does not mention the presentation of Osakan to prince Amatuni in
his account of these events 9a, .Xbrenaci considers the Amatuni to
have been immigrants from the East, i.e. from Persia, and places
their appearance in Armenia under King Artases, but he leaves us
in ignorance as to the home of the Amatuni family in the period
between Aitases and .Xbsrov Kotak10. We shall see that the Amatuni
first lived in the district of Artaz and subsequently moved from it to
Osakan. By .Xbrenaei's time Osakan was already in the possession
of the Amatuni, and the historian, guessing a posteriori, set the origin
of their ownership in the period of Sanesan's raid, which he knew
from the History of !Faustus10a.
240 CHAPTER XI
An inscription has been preserved on an ancient church of the

village of Mastara, at the foot of the Aragac, on the border of Sirak.
This inscription states that the church was built in the days of Bishop
Theodore Gnt'uni". Its existence clarifies a reference found in the
Life of St, Nerses, according to which the Gnuni were to be numbered
among the nayamrs of !§irak 12, and proves beyond doubt the connexion
of the Gnuni house with the localities situated at the foot of the
Aragac, We know from Thomas Areruni that in his time the Gnuni
were living in AH-ovit, on the shores of Lake Van, Thomas calls
Arees, the chief city of the district, «... the city of the gawar of the
Gnunik'13». .Xorenaci, on the other hand, points out that Sahapivan
had formerly belonged to the Gnuni, but later passed to the Arsacids 14,
Sahapivan is located within the boundaries of Kogovit and seems to
have been a temporary stopping place in the move of the Gnuni from
the shores of Lake Yan to Ayrarat, or possibly in the opposite di-
rection. According to .Xbrenaci, the Gnuni served as butlers at
court, and had to live close to the royal court, namely in Ayrarat,
to perform their duties. Consequently, from -Xbrenaei's point of view,
the problem of the priority of Gnuni establishments is resolved in
favour of Ayrarat14a,
According to -Xbrenaei, court functions were also incumbent upon
the naywra/rdoms of the Spanduni and the Jiwnakan, and these should
be sought in the vincinity of the royal ostan. In his attribution of
hereditary offices at the Arsaeid court to naxarar families, the historian
seems to derive these offices from the etymology of the family names.
The opposite conclusion seems more valid, however, namely that
evidence of the geographical closeness of a given âârardom to the
court had an unquestionable influence on etymological associations
and derivations. If, for example, the Gnuni had lived very far from
the Arsacid ostan, ^"orenaci would hardly have derived the name
Gnuni from gini « wine», in order to bestow upon that house the
honorific office of royal butler, or supplier of choice wines, JTorenaci's
etymologies are unacceptable in most cases, but they are none the
less interesting since they reflect to some degree the territorial relations
between the woârardoms and the ostan or royal domain 15.
Sebeos also mentions the Aiawelean and the Afawenean together
with the Varaznuni, Gnt'uni, and Spanduni among the na-ârars
living within the borders of Ayrarat. According the JTorenaci, the
Afawenean were descended from the ancient kings, and the Afawelean
TERKITOKIAL ANALYSIS OF THE NAXARAE SYSTEM 241
from the Alan relatives of the Princess Sat'enik, who had come to
Armenia with her, and had been listed among the na-ârars, "Whatever
its accuracy, this explanation proves that the two families lived in
the royal ostan of Ayrarat, though we lack exact information as to
the precise locations 16.
The possessions of Prince Sahafuni were also found in Ayrarat,
on the border of Sirak. The village of Sahafunik' is mentioned in
an inscription of the Bagratid king Smbat Sahinsah [Yovhannes-
Smbat, 1030-1040], dating from 1037, The inscriptions proclaims
that the king gave this village to the monastery of Hofomos, the
ancestral burial place of the Bagratids 17. In addition to this, we
know that David Saharuni, Curopalates of the Imperial portion of
Armenia at the time of the Emperor Heraelius (f 641), built a church
at Mren 18, It is evident that at that time Mren belonged to the
Sahafuni house. The village of Saharunik', the ostan of the princes
of the same name, was probably located between Mren and Hofomos,
Adjoining Ayrarat from the south, lay Bagrewand, Calkotn, and,
or Kogovit18a. Bagrewand occupied the basin of the two main origi-
nal branches of the Arsanias. The source of the right branch, that is to
say the foothills of the Ala dagi range (ancient Calke) which was called
Calke-otn, the foot of Calke 19, Next to it lay Kogovit, on the Maku
river, which is a tributary of the Araxes on the right side 19a, One
of the important sites in Bagrewand was the city of Bagawan, where
the Monastery of St John the Baptist [the Precursor], Surb Karapet
now stands ao. In Kogovit stood the famous fortress of Dariwnk', now
Bayazet' [Dogubayazit]aoa. In Calkotn were to be found the fortress
of Angel and the mineral springs of Varsak 31; the springs still exist
near Diyadin, the ancient Tateonk', but Angl should apparently be
sought nearer to the Ala-dagi22, Paustus is not familiar with
Calkotn; he puts the city of Zarehawan into Bagrewand, together
with Bagawan, while in all the other sources Zarehawan is a city of
Calkotn23. The latter district probably was not a political unit
and was part of Bagrewand.
In the royal period, Kogovit belonged to the Arsacids, and the
royal treasure was kept there in the fortress of Dariwnk'24. In the
seventh century and thereafter, we find Kogovit in the hands of the
Bagratid [Bagratuni] princes; the famous stronghold of Dariwnk' was
held to be their ostan, and the burial place of the family25. We do notknow
exactly when the Arsacid possessions passed to the Bagratids. In
242 CHAPTER XI
iFaiistus the Bagratid ancestral domain is the district of Sper 26.

Since the Bagratids in the person of Prince Tiroc took part in the
rebellion of the fifth century, albeit on the side of Vasak of Siwnik',
and since all the participants in this movement were from the Persian
part of Armenia, we must presume that, in addition to Sper which
lay in Roman Amenia, the Bagratids had another principality in
Persian Armenia, and that Tiroc was the repressentative of the Pers-
armenian Bagratids. It is possible that the family was already in pos-
session of the district of Kogovit, with the fortress of Dariwnk', which
had passed to them after the fall of the Arsacids. There is even
some basis for supposing that the Bagratids had lived from ancient
times in these districts, and, if we accept a connexion between Bagrata
and Bagra-flGmâ, Bagrewand will have to be acknowledged as the
original patrimony of the Bagratids 27, According to some theories
which we shall present when we discuss the origin of the naya/rar
houses, the Bagratid dynasty sprang from the borderland of Armenia
adjoining Iran or Atrpatakan, The recognition of Bagrewand as
the original home of the Bagratids agrees with this thesis, since this
district is not far removed from Atrpatakan.
With the spread of Christianity, and the triumph of the cross at
Bagawan, Bagrewand with its shrines passed to the Church, or
rather to the patriarchal house of St, Gregory the lUTiminator.
iazar P'arpeci never refers to Bagawan in other terms than as the
house (i.e. the estate of St. Gregory. Although the Kat'oKkos Sahak I
died at Yalarsapat, he was buried in the village of Blur in Bagrewand,
which evidently belonged to his house 27 a. In any case, Sper is not
acceptable as the original province of the Bagratids, it is rather an
intermediate point in their move from Armenia to Iberia,
The second province, Taruberan, also consisted of 16 gawafs ac-
cording to the Armenian Geography :
I Xoyts
Aspaknnik5 [Aspakuneae jor]
Taron
A(r)smunik'
5 MardaK
Dasnawork* [Gastavor]
Towaracatap'
Dalaf
Hark5
10 Valnunik*
TERRITORIAL ANALYSIS OF THE NAXAEAR SYSTEM 243
Bznunik'
Erewark'
Aliovit
Apahunik'
15 (Kor)
(Zorôfunik4)a8.
Of these, the most outstanding for its antiquity and importance was
Taron, which was already known to classical writers as regio Taiwan-
nitium29; the extent of its fame is attested by the fact that even in
the Armenian Geography Taruberan is identified by a reference to it30.
In the period with which we are concerned, Taron was ruled by
the powerful house of the Mamikonean, whose real province was
Tayk', as is evident from Paustus, who repeatedly calls it the land of
the Mamikonean31. The latter then was the ancestral home of the
Mamikonean, but we will speak of this later. We do not know exactly
when the Mamikonean came to Taron, but we are certain that they
were already there in the fourth century. According to Faustus, the
impregnable fortress of Olakan, on the banks of the Euphrates,
belonged to them, and was the seat of Musel, the famous Mamikonean
general of King Pap 32, The same historian says that during the
reign of Aisak II, the Mamikonean princes, angry at the king ^for his
brutal massacre of the princely houses of the Arcruni and Rstuni,
left him, and, adds the historian, «... abandoning their other province
[house],» withdrew to their district of Tayk'33. : Here, «the other
province», must refer to Taron. - • : •;-
Taron also contained ecclesiastical estates. After he had visited the
holy places at Astisat, the Prince Mardpet was enchanted by the
picturesque setting of the residence of Kat'olikos ISFerses I, and out of
envy, he began to rebuke King Trdat III bitterly because, in Faustus'
own words, « he had given such lands to people wearing female garb
(i,e, to the clergy) 34». Consequently, one part of Taron with Olakan
belonged to the Mamikonean, and the other with Astisat to the
Church, or rather to the family of the kat'o-Ukos.
According to the evidence of Xorenaci, Astisat had formerly be-
longed to the priestly family of the Yahnuni, but later it was taken
from the pagan clergy, so that Astisat passed to the fise 35, The
truth of the matter is that after Christian shrines had been erected
on the sites of pagan temples, the ancient temple estates, Astisat
among them, became the property of the Church. The accuracy of
244 CHAPTER XI
this conclusion is also supported by the words of the Mardpet we

have just cited, since he places the transfer of Astisat to the Church
in the reign of Trdat III, who was the first Christian Aisaeid on the
Armenian throne. JTorenaei also asserts that Olakan was originally
the possession of the princes Slkuni. This family was disgraced as
the result of their conspiracy with the Persian king against Trdat III.
The Mamikonean overcame the Slkuni at the order of the Armenian
King, and received their ancestral lands as a reward m.
It is surprising that JTorenaci does not know that the Mamikonean
possessed Tayk'. In his account of the legendary migration of the
family to Armenia under King Trdat, he does not indicate the place
where they settled. According to his information, Trdat III did not
aasign any particular lands to them, but, having received them with
benevolence, «... he gave them a place and the means of life, and he
moved them from place to place for many years,» i.e, until the episode
with the Slkuni when they inherited the possessions of the latter37.
In view of the obvious ignorance of the historian concerning the native
province of the Mamikonean, his information as to the date of their
consolidation in Taron does not inspire particular confidence. It is
possible that the Mamikonean acquired Taron under Trdat's son
.Xbsrov II as part of the estates bestowed by this king on the Sparapet
Yace after his valiant defeat of the invasion of King Sanesan 38.
After the death of the Kat'oKkos Sahak I, the Mamikonean also
inherited the patriarchal holding in Taron in accordance with his
will39. The western border of Taron where it adjoined Hasteank"
was occupied by the princes Paluni40.
Adjoining Taron were the gawars of Arsamunik' and Aspakunik',
which had originally been part of Tardn. Faustus still considered
Arsamunik' a part of Taron, while in the History of Lazar P'arpeci
it has emerged as a separate district41. The name of the district is
derived from an Arsam, who is probably to be connected with the
founder of the city of Arsamosata. An inscription found quite
recently on a column in the Nimrud-dag [Nemrut dagi] mountains
in eastern Taron, likewise mentions a certain king Arsam 42 . The
princely dynasty of the Arsamids apparently ruled in antiquity in
the valley of the Euphrates, and their descendents maintained them-
selves relatively late in the foothills of the Bingol, i.e. in the region
which has preserved their name. In ancient Armenian literature
Arsamunik' appears exlusively as a geographical term; the house of
TERKITORIAL ANALYSIS OF THE NAXAEAR SYSTEM 245
the Arsamids had already died out, and by the fifth century its pos-
sessions were in the hands of the princely house of the Mandakuni43,
The sources have likewise failed to preserve any knowledge of the
princes of Aspakunik', Like Axsamunik', Aspakunik' is merely a
geographical term and is in fact called « AspaJciineao jor (the valley of
Aspakunik')» in the Armenian Geography 43a. It is one of the mountain
valleys in the vicinity of .Xbyt', and lies on the left bank of the Kara-su
(the ancient Mel) in the Khandosh [Hacre§ daglari] mountains opposite
Sasun. Xojt' was distinguished from Taron and from the other regions
of Armenia because of its notoriously barbarous customs and speeches,
and it formed an autonomous district 44.
Another district of Taruberan as important as Taron was Hark',
with its center at Manazkert 45 ; this region was the hereditary pos-
session of the Manawazean house 45a. The adjacent districts of Apa-
hunik', ^brxorunik' and Bznunik' had originally also belonged to the
province of Hark', but had later separated from it as the possession
of princes bearing the same names. This evolution is evident from
the National Epic which gives Manawaz, ,Xbr, and Baz, the putative
founders of these houses, as related among themselves : the first two
being the brothers of Hayk, while Baz was the son of Manawaz, and
ruling house of Apahunik' likewise claiming a HayMd origin 46. In
addition to these principalities, Apahunik' also contained the domain
of the Abrahamean princes 46a.
The Manawazean disappeared without trace as a result of an inter-
necine war against the Or.dunis in the reign of King ROSTOV II, Both
houses were exterminated at the order of the king, the lands of the
Manawazean were granted to bishop Albianos of Manazkert, and those
of the Orduni to the bishop of Basean 47, The house of Bznuni came
to an end at the same time with the death pf prince Databey, who
was executed for treason. His possessions were confiscated by the
fisc, and seem to have passed subsequently to the bishop of Bznunik' 48.
According to Eaustus, Apahunik' lay at the foot of a large mountain
named Masik', and the village of Aiiorsk' was located in this dis-
trict 49. The reference here is not to Mount Ararat [Masis], but to
the mountain called Ne^ Masik5 in the Armenian' Geography, the
present Sip'an [Siiphan dagi]50. Bznunik' stretched to the west of
this mountain along the shore of the lake [Van], with Apahunik' to
the north, and Afrovit to the east. According to the Armenian
Geography, «... the Aracani [Arsanias] passed through all of Apahunik'
246 CHAPTER XI
to the border of Bznunik'50 a ». The two gawafs were therefore con-

tiguous. Apahunik' occupied the course of the Arsanias as far as
its westward bend at Manazkert, while Bznunik' lay south of the river
all the way to Lake Van. Since Manazkert (the present Malazgirt)
stood on the border of Apahunik' and Hark', it was consequently
placed by historians now in Apahunik' and now in Hark'51.
The district of Kor was, strictly speaking, a division of Bznunik',
just as Adovit was a part of Apahunik'. Below Manazkert the
Kor su empties into the Arsanias on the left out of the small lake of
Bulam; ancient Kor was probably to be found here, .Xorxorunik'
lay in the same district now called Bulane^ [Bulanik], between Bznunik'
and Kor, in the vicinity of Lake Nazik, The positions of Kor and
Xorôfunik' remain doubtful, since there is no information about them
in the Armenian Geography 5a.
Of the remaining districts, Erewark' lay along the southern shore
of the Lake [Van] in the neighbourhood of Aljnik'. Mardalik' took
in the sources of the Araxes on the northern slopes of the Bingol.
East of it stretched in succession Dasnawork', Towraca-tap', and
Dalaf, above Varaznunik' and Hark', which stretched as far as the
Arsanias, According to this description, Dasnawork', in the valley of
the Araxes, was next to MardaHk', Towaraca-tap' corresponded to the
present Karayazi, Dalaf — to the valley of the Elmali, Varaznunik' —
to -Xhus [Hinis] on the upper course of the tributary of the Arsanias
which flows out of the Bingol, and Hark' next to it stretched along
the Arsanias53. The first three contiguous districts apparently
formed the domain of the bishop of Mardalik', historical literature
knows of no princes from these districts, whereas Varaznunik' was
a principality 54.
The land of Vaspurakan, the third of the central provinces, consisted
of 35 gawafs according to the Armenian Geography, though only 32
names are listed 54a. There are more gawafs in it alone than in Ayrarat
and Taruberan taken together. The author of the Geography is not
equally informed as to the position of the districts; the first 18 are
more familiar to him than the rest. It must be noted that the descrip-
tion of the Armenian provinces found in the Georgaphy is generally
uneven. Of the 15 provinces mentioned, only Ayrarat, Taruberan,
Armenia IV, and Tayk' are described in detail, the other provinces
are merely listed together with their subdivisions, without any indi-
cation of the position of the latter. This very unevenness can be
seen in the description of Vaspurakan, The double treatment is
evidently to be explained by the fact that the author of the Geography
was not equally familiar with all the places he described. The central
provinces are presented incomparably better than the borderlands.
In the short version of the Geography, the uneveness of the description
is not evident because only the names of the districts in each province
are given without the explanatory comment.
In the description of the first 18 gawafs, the Armenian Geography
keeps to a definite pattern. The listing is from south to north in
three parallel territorial strips54b. The first begins with Kstunik' in the
south and ends with Garni, adjacent to Kogovit at the base of Mt.
Ararat, in the north :
Rstunik'
Tosp
Bodonik' [Bodunik'j
Arcisahovit
Afberani
Garni up to Kogovit 54°.
The second strip parallels the first on the eastern side :
Buzunik'
Af noy-otn55
Anjewaeik'
Trpatunik'
Brwandunik5
Mardastan
Artaz up to Kogovit.
The third strip still further to the east but keeping the same pattern :
Ake
Great Albak
Anjaî-jor
T'onfawan
Co wars-rot up to the Araxes.
The position of these districts is known for the most part. Estunik'
is the south-eastern shore of Lake 'Van, with its center at Ostan.
Tosp is the region around the city of Van. Arcisahovit, the valley of
the Arcisak, lay north of Van in the region of the small Lake Arcak
248 CHAPTER XI
[Ergek golii] and of the Marmet river which flows past it 56 . Aberan,
more correctly Afberani lay in the northern corner of the lake, along
the Bendimahi 9ayi, and was later called after its main city Berkri
[Bargiri = Muradiye], The upper courses of the same river extended
to Garni at the foot of the T'ondrak [Tendiirek dagi] and Gure moun-
tains, which separated Garni from Kogovit, i.e. from the district of
Bayazet'57,
The first districts of the second row : Buzunik' and Anjewacik' lay
on the upper course of the Bohtan yayi or Eastern Tigris, where the
present district of Norduz is to be found; furthermore, Anjewacik'
occupied the vicinity of the city of Kangowar, now Kangever and
of the monastery of Hogeac vank'. South of it lay Buzunik' and
Afnoyotn, while to the north lay Trpatunik' and Erwandunik' on
the upper courses of the .Xbsab [Ho§ap] river whose valley was known
as the Armenia Gorge, Hayoe Jor 58. Further to the north stretched
Mardastan, from Lake Er9ek to Artaz. According to -Xorenaci, Artaz
lay to the south-east of Masis-Ararat, and was called Sawarsan or
Sawarsakan in ancient times. The village of EUnd, where Vahan
Mamikonean's camp had stood at the beginning of his negotiations
with Niôr [Vsnaspdat], was in Artaz; it still exists, a few miles
from Maku and is now called Erind [Hint], Haysun (the ancient
Haciwn) is also found in that district. The position of Artaz, with
Maku as its center, along the Ak~9ay (the ancient Tlmut), can be
determined from these indications 59.
The third territorial strip runs from the sources of the Zab to the
Araxes. Albak is the present [1908] kaza of Elbak [Ba§kale], with
•the town of Bagkale. South of it lay Ake, and to the north, Anjaî-
jor, on the Kotur payi (the ancient Kotor), with the city bearing the
same name as the river. Next to this district and west of Kotor,
lay T'onfawan, with the fortress Nkan, now called Nagan. Sewan,
another historical fortress, which stood in the gorge of the Limb
[Lumb], was also found here. Sewan is to be identified with the
present Seyvan on the Mehmetik river, which flows into Lake Er9ek;
the village of Lim, which is unquestionably to be identified with the
ancient Limb, is still found in this district60. The plain of .Xer [Her],
.Xerakan dast, stretched beyond the Anjaîjor, and still further lay
Cowaf s-rot, where stood Marakan, the winter residence of the princes
of Vaspurakan. JTerakan is to be identified with the district
of the city of XQT, now -Xby, and the lower course of the Eazil 9ayi
(the ancient Karmir get) is now called -Xar dast. The village of Mara-
kend, with the same position as Marakan is found on the riverbank 61.
If they were really part of the original version of the Armenian
Geography, the questionable 13 districts would have formed a fourth
territorial strip, with the end-points Krcunik' and Marand. The
settlement of Kuruean, north of Kotor, may be identified with Krcu-
nik', and Marand is a well known city in Azerbaijan62. The remaining
districts should consequently have been found between .Xby and the
Araxes, But, of the 13 districts given, Gokank' and Artasesean are
found in the basin of Lake Van; the first one is to be connected with
the ancient Gokank' in Rstunik', and the second with the settlement
of Artasesean, not far from Van 63, It is evident, therefore, that
not aH 13 districts lay in the area of .Xby, and consequently the hypo-
thesis that they formed the fourth territorial strip must be abandoned.
As a result, our doubt as to the authenticity of their inclusion in the
list is all the greater 64, In fact the questionable districts consist for
the most part of small sections or perhaps subdivisions of familiar
districts, and, consequently, are of little importance for our study.
Thomas Arcruni, the historian of Vaspurakan par excellence, who
was very well informed about the topography of this province, gives
a list of the districts of Vaspurakan when he speaks of the division of
lands between the two brothers Gagik and Gurgen [Arcruni], and at
the same time divides these districts into two groups: north-western
and south-eastern. Concerning the first group, the share of the older
brother Gagik, the historian says that, « ... these famous districts once
made up the possessions of the so-called Prince Mardpet 6S ». The
indication found here that part of Vaspurakan bore in antiquity the
name of the Mardpet, whether or not this part really coincides with
the share of Gagik, which is merely the result of an accidental par-
tition in the ninth century, is very valuable. Here, then, is the land of
Mardpetakan. This name is at times alternately used with the term
Sep'akan, as geographically synonymous. Thus one and the same
person is called bishop of either Mardpetakan or Sep'akan 66, Sep'-
akan, from sepuhr - akan is a relatively newer form of the ancient
va-spuhr-aJcan. Their simultaneous use in documents must be
explained by the fact that they are not equivalent geographical units;
one of them is related to the other as a part to the whole88a.
As we shall see, Mard-^peZ originally meant the head of the Mardians,
that is to say, of the people who inhabited Mard-asfcm. Later,
250 CHAPTER XI
Mardpet became a family title similar to Aspet, Ma-âz, and Sparapet.

With the suppression of the princely house of the Hards, this title
passed to the neighbouring house of the Areruni, while Mardpetakan
became merely a geographical term 661>. The Mardpet princes had been
great enemies of the Arcruni their neighbours. Under King Tiran
[Tigran III], one of the Mardpets attempted to exterminate the entire
Arcruni house; only one infant, Sawasp, who later inherited his father's
possessions, was saved from the slaughter. The Arcruni were slow
to recover from this blow, and, as Faustus remarks, they took no
part in the affairs of the country for a long time 67. It is true that
Savasp avenged himself on the man guilty of his family's catastrophe
by. killing him 68, but the feuds and mutual hatred continued and
resulted in the destruction of the Mardpet's house, so that it had
ceased to exist by the fifth century. The victors inherited the Mard-
pet's title together with his possessions. In fact, the historian Lazar
P'arpeei calls Prince Mihr-Sapuh, the Arcruni's representative in the
rebellion of the fifth century, Prince Arcruni and Mardpet', at the
same point in his History, E-Use merely gives him the name of Prince
Arcruni69. According to Lazar, a «... detachment of military ca-
valry from Mardpetakan », among others, went together with Vardan
Mamikonean, to meet the Persians in Albania, while in the corres-
ponding place in B3ise, mutatis mutandis, appears Prince Nersapuh, i.e.
the same Mihr-Sapuh Arcruni, presumably at the head of the cavalry
from Mardpetakan 70. Ifrom this equivalence, and from the definite
indication of Lazar, it is evident that Mardpet had become the title
of the Arcruni house.
From ancient times, Albak was held to be the native district of the
Arcruni. Their residence or ostan was Hadamakert71, probably on
the site of the modern town of Ba§kale. Lazar and EK§e distinguish
two branches of the Arcruni family, ISTer- or Mihr-Sapuh represented
one of these in the fifth century rebellipn, while the representative
of the other was Aprsam. It is reasonable to suppose that one of the
branches ruled Albak, and the other Mardpetakan, the inheritance of
the Mardpet 72. •
The vast province of Vaspurakan belonged primarily to three or
four noble families : the. Arcruni in Albak, the Mardpets (sc. Arcruni)
in Mardpetakan, the Bstuni in the district of the same name and
probably in Tosp 73, and the Amatuni in Artaz 74. Around these
were grouped the smaller principalities: Anjewacik', Trpatunik',
TEEEITOEIAL ANALYSIS OF THE NAXARAE SYSTEM 251
Erwandunik', probably Yarjawunik', Gokank', Artaseseank', and

possibly also Palunik', and Trunik'75, The princes Krkeuni and
Anjaêei (= Anja^) were in the sphere of influence of the Mardpet,
South of Albak were the districts of Ake and Buzunik, The Boduni
were along the shore of Lake Yan, and the Gnuni in Berkri75a, The
little known principalities of Bak'an, Patsparunik', Gaarikan, Yizannnik'
or Yaznnnik', Cwarsean, Taygrean and others probably lay for the
most part along the border of Atrpatakan 76, These families could
not lay claim to great antiquity; most of them belong to the period
of the kingdom of Yaspurakan. We must also note that we meet
families definitely known to have lived in portions of Armenia lying
outside Yaspurakan, among the princes of Yaspurakan listed by
Thomas Arcruni". These cases should be explained in terms of
the growing political importance of Yaspurakan which drew to it
many princely families which sought the protection of its rulers, the
Areruni princes.
XII
THE NAXARAE SYSTEM AND THE CHUKCH
I. The Church in the nayarwr system — National traditions on the number of bishops
and ecclesiastical provinces in the period of the Illuminator — Absence of foundation
for these traditions — The evidence of TJ^tanes TJfhaeei and of the Arabian version
of Agat'angelos — Reliable data found in the ConciMar Acts of 451, 505, and 555 —•
Their collation and analysis — Composition of the clergy in the mid-VI century —•
The Conciliar Lists of 607 and 644 — Analysis of the list of bishops in "Octanes, compa-
rison of this list -with the signatures of the Council of 726 — Analysis of the list of
bishops in the Arabian Agat'angelos — Its confessional background, the list cannot
be earlier than the beginning of the VII century.
II. Factual information on Armenian ecclesiastical hierarchy: the Albianids and the
Gregorids — The two families as representatives of different Christian traditions:
the southern Edessene, and the northern Caesarean — Historical elements in the rele-
vant legends — Rivalry of the two families — Policy of the Church — Adhesion
of the Gregorids to the Imperial tradition — Structure of the Imperial Church — Its
relation to the administrative system — Metropolitan and patriarchal authority and
their interrelation — The hierarchical tie between the Armenian and Imperial Churches
— The breaking of this tie — Nationalization of the Armenian Church — Its nayarar
features.
An examination of the nayarar system is impossible without a study

of ecclesiastical organization, since the Armenian Church developing
in a nayarar setting inevitably reflected its influence. Even though
this fact is obvious and fully understandable a priori, it would still
seem worthy of further investigation, yet scholars interested in the
history of the Armenian Church either ignore this aspect or dismiss
it with generalizations thus taking a position totally divorced from
Armenian reality in their attempt to clarify the history of the Church's
origin and nationalization. Consequently, many fundamental problems
remain unsolved, despite the numerous studies dedicated to Armenian
ecclesiastical history. Even such a sep.-mJTi.g1y simple feature as the
national character of the Church is not yet beyond doubt, EOT one
scholar,
254 CHAPTEE XII
... the Armenian Clrarcli from its very origin was an inde-
pendent national church in a completely different political
and cultural setting from that of the great Orthodox Imperial
Church i.
Another claims, on the contrary, that the Armenian Church in its

« ...self-determination, over-estimated and over-emphasized its own
national character 13. Such diametrically opposed views also exist on
other aspects of Armenian ecclesiastical life. They are for the most
part to be attributed to a disregard of proper historical method in
the study of problems connected with place and time. Before at-
tempting any synthesis, it will be indispensable to determine with
precision the historical period and the section of Armenia to which
the evidence discussed is relevant.
Historically, Armenia was neither a cultural nor a political unit,
and the fate of each section must be considered in its own surroundings.
The Armenian Church in one part of Armenia is not at all the same as
in another part, as a consequence of the political setting in which it
found itself. Whenever the political aspect of the country was
altered, the Church changed accordingly to adapt to the new con-
ditions 11}. Nor did literary documents escape the common lot in this
changing pattern of life. Historical literature underwent repeated
revisions and re-workings to bring it into, .agreement with the spirit
and demands of the period. Consequently, the literary heritage, too,
is by no means free from tendentious colouring both in the presentation
of material and in the fusion of the true with the false. In order to
uncover the true development of the Church, therefore, it will be
necessary first of all to demolish these tendentious structures, some
of them ancient and long-standing, and to present the actual facts,
free from alterations and accretions. At present, we are interested
exclusively in the external structure of the Church, and in its hierarchi-
cal system. Leaving aside the internal life of the Church, and all
that relates to its dogmatic aspect, we shall examine it only externally;
we select, so to speak the architecture of its organization. That is to
say the characteristic of this organization, as against those of the
Church in general, which turned it into a national institution.
Agat'angelos, the historian par excellence of the life and preaching
of St. Gregory the Illuminator, affirms that the founder of the Armenian
Church ordained more than four hundred bishops for the various
localities of Armenia 2. In another place, however, the same historian
THE NAXARAE SYSTEM AND THE CHURCH 255
says that there were only twelve persons found worthy of the episcopal
dignity and ordained by the Illuminator; these he lists by name 3.
The discrepancy here is due to the compilatory nature of Agat'angelos'
work and must be attributed to the sources from which our version
of the Life of the Illuminator has been drawn. At the end of the
listing of the 12 bishops by name, there is a rather unclear note,
whose general sense is that even with the best intentions it is im-
possible to give the names of the remaining bishops, and whose purpose
is to link the two statements in some way and reconcile their dis-
crepancy 4.
The words of Agat'angelos about the 400 bishops are repeated by
the historian TJ^tanes of Urha. However, since TJânes possessed
from another source the information that the Illuminator had esta-
tablished only 30 episcopal sees, he stated, when giving the list of
30 bishoprics that St. Gregory had also ordained 370 additional
bishops. Moreover, again with the intention of smoothing out contra-
dictions, he seems to have accepted a difference between bishops
with and without sees 5. According to yet another historian, the
Illuminator had established not 30 but 36 sees. Stephen Orbelean
relates that
... Gregory established the ecclesiastical hierarchy (i,e. the

gahs and patiw of the bishops); he allowed 36 bishops having
thrones and gold embroidered cushions to sit with him, eighteen
on the right and eighteen on the left. [The first on the right
was the bishop of Hark']; the first place on the left was alloted
to the bishop of Basean, whereas he alloted the seventh place
on the right to the bishop of Siwnik5. And all this is attested
by Samuel Kamrjajoreci 6 .
The author to whom Orbelean refers, was the Abbot of the monastery
of Kamurjajor in Arsarunik', the philosopher Samuel of whom Asolik
also speaks, calling him « ...well versed in the Holy Scriptures and in
psalmody 7 ». Samuel lived at the end of the tenth century, and
was a contemporary of U^tanes and of the Kat'olikos .Xacik I at whose
order U^tanes wrote his History 8, Since .Xacik, before his elevation
to the patriarchate, had been bishop of Arsarunik', that is to say of
the province in which the monastery of Kamurjajor was located, it
is reasonable to suppose that U^tanes and Samuel derived their
information as to the number of bishops from the same source, namely
from the tradition of the community of Kamurjajor. As we shall
256 CHAPTER XII
see presently, the seventh place in "Octanes' Hst is assigned to the

bishop of Siwnik', and this agrees with what Orbelean has to say
about Samuel's list. However, the latter gives the bishop of Basean
in first place, rather than the bishop of Hark* listed in "Octanes:
furthermore, one list has 30 bishops and the other 36, Should we
not attribute these variants from "Octanes' work simply to the particu-
lar manuscript of Samuel's work available to Orbelean? Samuel's
list probably did not differ from that of U^tanes. As for the division
into right and left, it should be considered Orbelean's own invention,
since he says the same thing about the princes.
The story of the existence of 400 bishops must naturally be rejected
in toto. It is found together with the account of 400 princely gdhs
which we have already shown to be without any historical value.
It is noteworthy that the sentence concerning the 400 bishops is missing
from the Arabic version of Agat'angelos, Evidently it was put into
the Armenian version after the story of the 400 princes, based on an
incorrect interpretation of Zenob Glak, had been elaborated9.
This circumstance brings the last version of the Armenian Agat'angelos
down to a period later than that of the hypothetical Zenob 10.
Not only is the figure 400 fictitious, but the far more modest number
given by U^tanes is also unsuported by evidence n. Among literary
sources, the most valuable evidence is to be found in "Octanes and
in the data of the Arabic version of Agat'angelos, since it is not com-
posed of mere assertions but is supported by the relevant
material. "Octanes lists the 30 episcopal sees supposedly established
by the Illuminator. Not counting the Kat'oKkos, there are 30 bishops
in all :
1 The bishop of Hark' 16 The bishop of Apahunik'
» » » Ostan » » » Arsarunik5
» » » Tayk' » » » Gnunik'
» Mardalik' » Goltn
» Arsamunik5 20 » Gardman
» Arcrunik5 » Ake
» Siwnik5 » Bazunik'
» Estunik* » Rotak [Erutak]
» Mokk' » Syria
10 » Amatunik5 » Anjewacik5
» Basean » Palunik'
» Mamikoneank5 » Mehnunik*
» Bagrewand » El
» Xorôfunik' » Zarehawan
15 » Vanand 30 » the Other Syria13
THE NAXAEAE SYSTEM AND THE CHUECH 257
The Arabic version of Agat'angelos brings fundamental additions
to the Armenian text, giving more precise limits for the spread of
Christianity under the Illuminator, The Armenian Agat'angelos is
satisfied with the general indication that Christianity,
... spread out over all of Armenia from end to end. From
the city of Satala to Xaltk, to Kalar], to the far limits
of Moschia, to the gate of the Alans, to the border of
Kaspe in Paytakaran, a city of the kingdom of Armenia.
And from Amida, past the city of Mcbin, alongside the border
of Syria, to the countries of Norsirakan and Korduk', to the
grim country of Media, to the domain of the prince of
Mahk'ert, and all the way to Atrpatakan 13.
The additions brought here by the Arabic version consist in the listing
by name of the countries and districts where bishoprics had been
established. St. Gregory sent bishops not only to the Armenian
lands, but also to Georgia, to the country of the Durzuks, and of the
Alans. Ibir-b-z-ûa was sent to Georgia, Sophronios to Abkhazia,
and Thomas to Albania. Furthermore,
... he sent bishops to the countries of Angeltun, to Aljnik'14

to Greater Cop'k', to Lesser Cop'k', to Hasteank', to Siwnik'
to Mokk', and to Mardpetakan; and thus to every place where
the ruler was well disposed 14a.
Gregory also hastened to send bishops to the remaining provinces

of Armenia 14b :
Albianos — to Bagrewand, and to all the inhabitants of the

the banks of the Euphrates
Euthalios — to Basean
Bassos — to Kol 15
Movses — to Ekeleae and Derjan
Eusebios — to Daranalik'
John — to Karin
Habib — to Sper
Albios [Agapios] — to Taron and Bznunik'
Artites — to the country of the Mafyaz
Arsikios — to Sirak
Antiochos — to Korduk'
Tyrichios — to Atrpatakan
Kyriakos — to Arsamunik'.
258 CHAPTER XII
In spite of its value, this evidence cannot be used -without a preliminary

discussion because of the controversial state of the problem of the
origin and versions of Agat'angelos, We have, however, reliable
sources which describe the state of the Armenian hierarchy in the
fifth and sixth centuries, fairly clearly. Starting from the situation
discribed in them, we may go on to draw conclusions about the fourth
century, which was the first century of the Armenian Church; it will
then be possible to determine the credibility and reliability of Agat'-
angelos' and "Octanes' statements on the composition of the Church
hierarchy in the time of the Illuminator.
The surviving Conciliar Acts are our main source for the description
of the hierarchy in the fifth and sixth centuries. We have chosen
here three important Councils: that of Artasat, on the eve of the
Armenian rebellion in 451, that of Dwin, under the Kat'olikos Babgen I
in 505, and the Second Council of Dwin, under the Kat'oiikosNersesII
in 555. The representatives of the following sees or ecclesiastical
provinces were present at these councils :
Council of 450 ^ Council of 50518 Council of 555 19

Kat'otikos Kat'olikos Kat'olikos
Joseph [Yovsep'J Babgen Nerses II
1 Bp, of Ayrarat Bp. of Ayrarat Bp. of Ayrarat
» » Siwnik' » » Mamikoneank' » » Taron
» » Arcrunik' » » Mardpetakan » » Sep'akan
» » Tafon » » Hark' » » Hark'
5 » Rstunik' » » Bznunik' >> » Bagrewand 5
» Manjkert » » Basean >> » Basean
» Bagrewand » » Arsarunik' ?> » Mardalik'
» Bznunik' » » ^"orôrunik' }> » Arsamunik'
» Basean » » Tayk' J> » Siwnik'
10 » Mardastan » » ArsamuniJc' >> » Arcrunik5 10
» Yanand » » Rstunik' )> » (Bznunik')
[Bagrewand]
» Mokk' » » Mokk' >> » Jforôfunik'
» Anjewacik' » » Arcrunik' •>>. » Apahunik' .
» Tayk' ' » » Amatunik' •>>. » Syria
15 » Tar(u)beran » » Palunik* •>>. » Yanand 15
» MananaK » » Gnunik1 >> » Arsarunik
» [Mardalik'J » » ZareJiawan f.> » Palunik'
» Amatunik' » » Tmorik* •>>, » Goltn
19 » Apahunik' » » Anjewacik' >> » Mehenunik5
» » Mehnunik' >:> » Amatunik' 20
» » (Siwnik') >:> » Rstunik'
» » (Mardalik') » » Mokk'
» » (Vanand) » » Anjewacik5
» » (Apahunik5) » » Ake
» » Zarehawan 25
» » Bznunilc1
» » (Tayk')
» » (Gnunik') 28
These lists give us an understanding of Armenian hierarchy and of

its evolution. The most complete of them is the list of 555. The
increase in ecclesiastical provinces manifests itself partly through
the division of already existing sees, and partly through the appearance
of new ones. In the mid-fifth century there were 18 episcopal sees;
these are all found in the list of 505, with a few purely superficial
variations. The Mardastan of 450 is called Mardpetakan in the list
of 505, and Sep'akan and Mardpetakan in that of 555; we have already
seen that these expressions are equivalent19 a. The see of Manazkert is
also called that of Hark', according to the name of the province in
which Manazkert was located. Bagrewand and Arsarunik' taken
together formed one eparchy whose head bore the title of bishop of
Bagrewand in Lazar [450], but of bishop of Arsarunik' in the list of
505; by 555 Arsarunik' had been removed to as a separate see. The
adjacent provinces of Apahunik' and Gnunik' were probably in the
same situation, but if we admit that the bishop of Apahunik' was
absent from the Council of 505, we must assign the appearance of
the bishop of Gnunik' to that date.
The bishop of Arberan, or more correctly Taruberan, as he is called
by EHse, cannot be found in the later lists, but we have several extra
bishops in them as against those found in Lazar, One of these un-
questionably corresponds to the bishop of Taruberan, and in our
opinion, it is the bishop of Xoryofunik'. The princes ôr^crum,*
the noble Mafyazs, whose representative at the Council of 505 bore
the imposing title of Mafyaz of Armenia, were among the nayamrs of
oldest lineage, and it is unlikely that they lacked a bishop of their
own in the fifth century. Although we cannot accept as correct the
statement found in the Arabic version of Agat'angelos, that the creation
of the bishopric of the ôrôfuni dated back to the time of the Il-
luminator, it testifies nevertheless to the antiquity of this see19b. We
believe that Taruberan was the geographical term used for the province
which was otherwise called Xorôrunik', after the name of its ruling
260 CHAPTER XII
house. Later, the term Taruberan acquired a wider connotation as

the name of one of the fifteen provinces of Armenia; at that time it
was composed of Xorôfunik' and of the districts surrounding it,
Taron and Bagrewand 19c,
In the provinces of Armenia bordering on the Empire, ecclesiastical
authority was apportioned in various ways. In 450 there were bishops
in Yanand, Basean, and Marda-ftk', while in 505 two bishops from
Basean and one from Aisamunik' make their appearance, without
any mention of the bishops of Yanand and Mardalik'. Basean had
formerly included Yanand, and this is the sense in which it is used
here; apparently one of the two bishops was meant for Yanand.
As for the bishops of Aisamunik' and Mardalik*, since they alternate
(i.e. where one is listed the other is absent), we might conclude that
the two provinces were under the jurisdiction of one bishop who
correspondingly bore two names, but their geographical positions
precludes this hypothesis. Divided from each other by the moun-
tainous mass of the Bingol-Srmane, one of them adjoined Basean and
the other Taron. According to Faustus, Arsamunik' was part of
Taron, and it unquestionably was subordinated to Taron in ecclesi-
astical matters19d. Under Kat'olikos John II Gabelean the successor
of Nerses II, Marda-tik" was listed as part of the bishopric of Basean.
Under Nerses II, the bishop of Basean had been called Gregory, and
that of Mardalik', Nerses, but after Nerses II both provinces are found
under the authority of a bishop Ners(es), This latter is unquestionably
the bishop of Mardalik' to whom Basean had passed after the death
of its bishop, Gregory 20. The reverse occurred in 505. The absence
of the bishop of Marda-Hk' from the Council held that year is to be
explained by the fact that his district, in its turn, was temporarily
subject to the bishop of Basean Just as Mardalik' emerged out of
*Basean, so Arsamunik' separated itself from Taron. In 555 both
districts are represented at the Council together with the' sees of
Basean and- Taron.
Thus by 505 five new bishoprics had been added to the 18 found
in 450, namely the bishops of Arsamunik', Gnunik', Palunik', Zare-
hawan, Mehenunik', and Tmorik', the last of whom corresponds to
the bishop of the Orthodox Syrians in the list of 555. By 555, the
circle of bishops had been increased by four more eparchies, GoJtn,
Ake, Bznunik', and Arsarunik', which had replaced Bagrewand in
505. Consequently, by the middle of the sixth century, the Armenian
Church included up to 27 episcopal sees.
THE NAXAEAE SYSTEM AND THE CHURCH 261
It is rather difficult to trace the development of the ecclesiastical

hierarchy any further, for with the end of the sixth century we enter
the period of dogmatic unrest and dissentions, the country was split
into factions, and as a result, the Councils of the period do not represent
the entire ecclesiastical hierarchy because many of the Church re-
presentatives refrained from attended them, for one reason or another.
Ecclesiastical quarrels persisted right up to the beginning of the eighth
century, and several Councils were held for a variety of reasons during
this period : in 607, 644, and 72620a. John II Gabelean ascended the
patriarchal throne after Nerses II, and was succeeded in turn by
Movses II [574-604]. After Movses' death, a Council was summoned
for the purpose of electing his successor as well as dealing with other
matters. According to one testimony, 50 bishops and 390 priests
were presumably present at this Council, but the names of only 12
bishops are given 21. The election of the kat'olikos did not take
place, and the bishops consequently assembled once more at the
request of Smbat Bagratuni, Marzpan of Vrkan [Hyrcania], and elected
Abraham I bishop of Rstunik'. On this occasion, the same bishops
who had attended the first Council were again present, except fore
Theodore, bishop of Mardpetakan, and John, bishop of Arcrunik'aa.
Having ascended the patriarchal throne, the newly elected kat'oHkos
again called a new Council in 607, primarily to assure himself of tha
orthodoxy of the bishops from the provinces recently transferred to
the Empire according to the terms of the treaty of 59123. The names
of only 15 bishops can be found in the Acts of this Council24; among
them, the names of Yohannik, bishop of EH, and Thaddeus, bishop
of Afni, the representatives of Armenian sees on the border of Atr-
patakan occur for the first time 25.
The Council of Dwin of 644, under the Kat'olikos Nerses III and
the Emperor Constantine [Constans II], likewise failed to attract many
bishops. Only 16 bishops appeared at the summons of the Emperor,
most of them from the provinces won back under Maurice, which
had remained definitely in the Empire after 628. All of them repre-
sented sees already familiar to us 26.
The study of Conciliar material leads us to a conclusion which may
serve as a basis for evaluating the information relating to earlier
times. By now it should be altogether clear that the account from
the monastery of Kamurfajor as to the foundation of 30 or 36 bishoprics
by the Illuminator is very far from the truth. If we look more closely
262 CHAPTER XII
at this List of sees, which we have already cited as given by "Octanes,

and compare it with the results obtained from our analysis, of the
Conciliar Lists, we find that the only two unfamiliar bishops in "Octanes'
list are, strictly speaMng, those of Rotak a7 and Syria II, It is true
that of the bishoprics already studied by us, the one from Mardpetakan
seems to be missing, but it is, in fact included in the see which is
called Ostan by "Octanes, At the Council of 644, as we have seen,
both provinces had been represented by a single bishop, who was
called the bishop of Ostan and Mardpetakan 27a. Similarly the see
of Afni found in the 607 list unquestionably belongs in the neigh-
bouring see of Eli. Of the two unfamiliar sees, that of Rotak already
existed in the second half of the seventh century, since we know that
Sahak III of Jorap'or was bishop of Rotak before his elevation to
the patriarchal throne in 680a8. As for the bishop of Syria II, he is
mentioned for the first time in the Kamurjajor List. Consequently,
fhisList which was identified with the founder of the Armenian Church
cannot be assigned to a period earlier than the end of the seventh
century,
A few particulars of "Octanes' List support the hypothesis that it
is in fact the protocol of a Council which took place in Armenia
after the .date just given. One of the most important and popular
of the Councils of the subsequent period was that held at Manazkert
in 726 under the Kat'o&kos John IY of Ojun. In the Armenian
Acts of this Council, the names of only eight of the more important
participants are given. Fortunately, a complete listing of the signature
has been preserved in Syrian literature, specifically in the Chronicle
of the Jacobite Patriarch, Michael the Syrian. We give here his list
in extenso as well as the parallel signatures which have survived in
the Armenian version:
Syrian Armenian
Iwannes, Kat'olikos of Armenia
Halphai, ep. Arkiws AJp'eos of Hark5
Theodores, ep, Aram T'adeos of Ostan
Sahak, ep. Mamikonean Sahak Mamikonean
(Rsqw), ep. Basean Yesu of Basen
5 Sargis, ep. Ditpis Sargis of Tayks
Theodorios ep. Beznunis T'eodoros of Bznunik'
Theodores of Asamunis Grrigoris, chorep. of Ajsarunik'
Grigorios of Asarunis
THE NAXARAR SYSTEM AND THE CHURCH 263
Nwzwn of Asibw[gn]
10 Habel of Amatunis
David of Erestunis
lowsep of Artsmnis
Grigor of Wanand
Narkisos of Khorkhorunis
15 Esayi of Golt'n
Iwanes of Gnunis
Gorgi of Rotakay
lowsep of Bakratunis
Mik'ayel of Bagrewand
20 Eremia of Apahunis
Solomon of Mrina
Gabriel of Arzon
Khosrov, doctor
David of Suphrin
25 Solomon, monk of Mak'enis
Raphael, monk
Simeon, doctor
Iwanes, chorepiscopos
Grigor of Taraun
30 Sahak, chorepiscopos of Matnis
Sargis, ep. Sanasnaye, and other priests and monks 29.
In plus of the kat'olikos, 31 representatives of various eparchies

attended the Council, whereas in "Octanes' List we count 30 eparchies,
the one additional representative at the Council of 726 being that of
the bishop of Asibw(r)gn, i,e, Sep'ukan or Sep'akan, otherwise known
as Mardpetakan. At the Council of 644 this province had shared
one representative with the Ostan; evidently "Octanes likewise included
it in the Ostan 30. In exactly the same fashion, Bznunikc and Taron
also formed one eparchy, which was the see of the Mamikonean as
given by U^tanes. But in 726, the bishops of Bznunik' and of the
Mamikonean are listed separately. It is very likely that Bznunik' was
given instead of Bznunik', or more correctly Bazunik', and that the
representative of this see, bishop Theodore, was the Theodore called
Bazen by Stephen the Philosopher bishop of Siwnik'31,
If we compare the list of bishops present at the Council of 726
with the list of eparchies in U^tanes, we find that of 30 names, 20
coincide completely, while 10 differ. There are numerous errors in
the 726 list; some of which have been corrected satisfactorily by its
editor, while others can easily be given a proper reading through
comparison with "Octanes' Thus Mrina or Mrdin, Kazwn [sic], Suphrin,
264 CHAPTER XII
and Matnis are distorted and incorrect forms of Mardalik', Zarenawan,

Palunik', and Mehnunik\e learned monk Khosrov, called the
doctor (i,e, vardapet) of Armenia, attended the Council as the repre-
sentative of Mokk' (or Anjewaeik'), while Sargis, bishop of Sanasnaye,
corresponds to the bishop of Syria in "Octanes' List91*,
In the Concilia? List of 726 the bishops of Ake, Anjewacik', and
Syria == Tmorik' are missing. The priests Solomon, Simeon, and
I wanes, who are listed among the participants without indication of
place, probably represented these three eparchies. The representatives
of Gardman and Eli = Ami are also missing, but bishops of Bkrtunis
(var, Srtunis) and Taron are listed. Since the bishop of the Bagratuni
was also bishop of Bagrewand, but the latter had already been listed
and similarly the bishop of Taron was bishop of the Mamikonean,
and had likewise been listed earlier, should we not see in the names of
the bishops of Bkrtunis and Taron distorted forms of b-Gardman and
t-Aian ?
The corrections offered here are based in the main on a comparison
of the two lists. The Armenian names have been so distorted in the
Syrian version that a variety of readings is possible, and our inter-
pretations should not be seen as unduly strained. A demonstration
of complete agreement between the two lists is not actually demanded
by the fundamental aspect of our problem, nor is there any need to
insist upon it. It is sufficient for us that the two lists coincide in
the main. The Council of Manazkert was one of fundamental im-
portance, and it inaugurated a new era in the history of the Armenian
Church. The belief (whether correct or incorrect is another matter),
that Armenian ecclesiastical tradition, presumably stemming from the
Illuminator but interrupted and forgotten in the Chalcedonian trend
of the seventh century, had been restored, was identified with this
Council. This is the reason for which the list of bishops participating
in the Council of Manazkert was subsequently archaized and attributed
to the time of the Illuminator sl't>.
The list of eparchies found in Agat'angelos' History is equally
unpromising from the point of view of historical authenticity and
arouses our skepticism. But the Arabic version of the work provides
a key for the discovery of the nature and real origin of the list it
attributes to the Illuminator310. The'first interesting point is the
classification of countries and provinces. Three groups are distin-
guished here. Iberia, Abkhazia, and Al(v)ania are mentioned in
THE NAXAEAR SYSTEM AND THE CHURCH 265
the first; the eight Armenian provinces given in the Acts of the Council
of 726 quoted.above, in the second; and in the third, thirteen other
Armenian provinces, or more exactly sees are given. The separation
of the first group from the body of Armenia is understandable, but how
can one explain the grouping of the Armenian provinces ? Why are
the autonomous Satrapies together with Siwnik', Mokk' and Mard-
petakan separated from the other parts of Armenia to form a special
group ? The key to the date of composition of the Arabic version
of Agat'angelos is hidden in the answer to these questions.
There can of course be no question here of an association on political
grounds. The only link capable of tying together such scattered
districts as Angeltun, Anjit, Cop'k' and Hasteank', on the one hand,
and Siwnik', Mardpetakan, and Mokk' on the other, was confessional
unity. The Arabic version evidently goes back to a period of quarrels
between these provinces and the other central districts of Armenia
based on confessional disagreements. Such a moment came in the
second half of the sixth century when the sources show Siwnik',
Mardpetakan, and Mokk' leaning toward Nestorianism. The general
success of the Nestorian doctrine in Armenia can be seen from its
penetration to the very heart of the country and from its establishment
at Dwin, residence of the patriarchate. The Kat'olikos Nerses II
was forced to use very harsh measures in his struggle against it, and
the Council of 555 was summoned for this specific purpose. The
kat'o-frkos, in a special letter, to certain bishops, summoned them in
particular to the Council, threatening them with excommunication if
they failed to attend. These are the bishops of Arcrunik', Bstunik',
Mokk', and other nearby provinces, whose sees lay along the Syrian
border and had apparently been the ones most affected by Nestorian
influence32. The Acts of the Council bear the signatures of the bishops
of Arcrunik', Palunik', and Mehnunik', but the others apparently did
not answer the summons of the kat'olikos, because of their lack of
sympathy with the Council32a. After the Council, Nerses II found
it necessary to address himself once again to the bishops of Arcrunik'
and Mardpetakan; although they had been present at the Council,
he reminded them once more of its decrees and urged them to take
special measures against the followers of Nestorius33. Nerses'
successor, John II, wrote to Yrtanes bishop of Siwnik' informing him
of the presence of numerous Nestorians, who must be repressed, in
his see, and reminding him of the precepts of the Illuminator as well
266 CHAPTER
as of his labours for the land of Siwnik'34, The same points were
repeated in his Letter to the Church of Albania 35.
This evidence shows that the grouping of ecclesiastical provinces
reflects the dogmatic pattern of Armenia in the sixth century. Hence
the list of bishoprics is of the same origin as the list of princes studied
above and belongs to the turn of the sixth to the seventh century.
If the ecclesiastical isolation of Siwnik' is in any way related to the
political separation of this province from Armenia in 591, the List
and the composition of Agat'angelos must belong to the period between
591 and the year 612 noted above 35a. In the Armenian Agat'angelos
not only Iberia, Albania and Abkhazia, but even the eight Armenian
districts leaning toward Nestorianism have been passed over in silence.
In this version only twelve bishops are listed by name, without the
corresponding mention of their provinces, though the fact that« ... there
also were other bishops whose names, with the best intentions, could not
be written down » 35b, is not concealed. The sense of this comment can
be explained through a comparison with the Arabic version; it was
evidently a reference to the bishops of the eight provinces whose
names had not been given. The Armenian compiler was more inter-
ested in the bishops than in their sees, and since his source, namely
the Armenian original of the present Arabic version, had not given
the names of the bishops of the first group (i.e. of those who adhered
to Nestorianism), he was satisfied with the passing comment that
for all his good intentions he was unable to provide their names.
The Armenian original of the Arabic version was used during the
composition of the surviving text of Agat'angelos, but even this
original does not seem to have been the first version of Agat'angelos.35c
The unevenness of the composition noted in the episcopal List is great
enough to warrant the conclusion that the work was a compilation,
and a re-working of a still older Life of St, Gregory, The repetition
of the name of bishop Albianos in the List points in the same direction.
According to the Arabic Agat'angelos, St. Gregory had sent Albianos
as bishop to Bagrewand and to all the inhabitants of the banks of the
Euphrates, while he sent bishop Albios to the country of the Sparapet
- Mamikonean, that is to say to Taron and Bznunik*. But the figure
of Albios cannot be found in the Armenian version, and only Albianos
is mentioned. Unquestionably the two names refer to one and the
same person, namely the well known bishop Albianos35d. The division
of the person of Albianos results from the fact that the compiler used
THE NAXASAS SYSTEM AJSTD THE CHURCH 267
different sources, with the name Albianos given by one and that of
Albios, by another. Under the influence of the contemporary situ-
ation, in which Taron with Bznunik', and Bagrewand with its neigh-
bours, formed different eparchies, the author mistook Albianos and
Albios for two different persons. All of this evidence suggests that
the Arabic version went back to an earlier text as does the present
Armenian version which is a re-working of this same text 36 .
It is very difficult to trace the pattern of accretions and to separate
the relatively ancient elements in the text from the more recent ones.
One thing is certain, that the episcopal List which interests us was
not a part of the Armenian version, and likewise could not have been
a part of the original version. There can be no doubt about the eight
Nestorianizing provinces. Of them the see of Siwnik', for example,
was instituted by St. Mesrop according to the testimony of his disciple
and consequently could not have figured in the original version among
the sees established by St. Gregory38*. A study of the composition of
the next 12 bishoprics leads to a similar conclusion. These were
bishops intended for Bagrewand and the lands bordering on the
Euphrates: Basean (Vanand), Ek'eleac-Derfan, Daranalik', Karin,
Sper, Taron, Bznunik', Xorôrunik', Arsamunik', Sirak, and also
Korduk' and Atrpatakan. With the exception of the last two, these
districts lay in the Imperial part of Armenia according to the division
of 591. As we have already said Xusro II Abharvez ceded an important
part of Persian Armenia to the Empire after having regained his
father's throne with the help of the Emperor Maurice. As a result,
out of the central provinces of former Eastern Armenia only part of
Ayrarat and all of Vaspurakan remained Persian. The provinces
which were still Persian are precisely the ones not represented in
Agat'angelos' List of bishops.
The political break of 591 was accompanied by religious dissentions
in the history of Armenia. Already in 572, at the time of the disorders
arising from the murder by the Armenians of the Suren who was the
Persian Marzpan, the Kat'oHkos John III and Vardan II Mamikonean,
the instigator of the rebellion, had gone to Byzantium to ask for
help against Persian reprisals. While they were there, they accepted,
in one form or another, the Chalcedonian doctrine. According to
contemporary testimony, this betrayal of the national tradition pro-
voked discontent among the population of Armenia 37. Soon after,
Persia also found itself in a period of difficulties over the succession
268 CHAPTER XH
to the throne. The Armenians under the leadership of Muse!, likewise

a member of the Mamikonean house, supported .Xusro II against the
usurper Vahram Choben, nevertheless, the valiant Muse! did not
escape the persecutions of .Xusro II and was forced to take refuge in
the Byzantine capital, following the example of Vardan 38. According
to one account, the Emperor Maurice also proposed to this prince to
abandon his native Church and adhere to the Imperial one. Muse!
excused himself on the grounds that certain disputed points first
had to be cleared, For this purpose he advised the summoning of
the kat'olikos and of other representatives of the Church to a Council
in the capital. The Kat'olikos Movses II categorically rejected the
Emperor's invitation. The bishops of the country of Aspurakan,
which was under the authority of the Persians, similarly refused point-
blank. But the bishop of Taron, and others who Hved under the
authority of Borne, set out for Constantinople and there agreed with
the Emperor in all things 39,
The bishop of Yaspurakan is precisely the one missing from Agat'an-
gelos' List together with his neighbour from Mokk': and only Imperial
Armenia is represented in it. The content of the List is clearly
Chaleedonian in its colouration and corresponds to the point of view
of the last decade of the sixth century. The grouping of the eight
bishoprics belongs to the same period. It seems as though these
provinces were put into the list of countries christianized by St.
Gregory in order to fill gaps in this list. Although Atrpatakan, by
which Persian Armenia in general was probably meant, had been
included in the Hst, the absence from it of the provinces of Mardpetakan,
Mokk', Siwnik', and the Satrapies, must still have struck the eye.
Consequently they were the ones added to the Hst. It is also very
Hkely that confessional ties were taken into consideration, so that
the Hst of Christianized lands carried a partly Chaleedonian and partly
JNestorian stamp. Up to the seventh century two conflicting currents
existed in the Armenian Church, The national party fighting against
ISTestorianism unintentionally fell under the influence of Chalcedo-
nianism, which also condemned Nestorian doctrine39a. By the mid-
seventh century Chalcedonianism took the upper hand in Armenia
and became the dominant doctrine. It was only at the beginning of
the eighth century that the Armenians succeeded in renouncing
Chalcedonianism and in working out a national reHgious poHcy;
Agat'angelos was then re-worked once again to conform with the
change.
II
The present analysis has demonstrated the total uselessness of the

evidence of Agat'angelos for our task of clarifying the ecclesiastical
hierarchy under the Illuminator. POT the early history of the Arme-
nian Church, the History of Ifaustus must still remain the most ancient
and the most reliable source 3^, In the period described by this histo-
rian, there were very few bishops in the Armenian Church, Two houses
are very familiar to Faustus, that of St. Gregory the Illuminator, and
that of bishop Albianos, The bishop of Basean is mentioned once,
and the name of bishop Ifaustus, who ordained St. Norses I as deacon,
is also given 40. At the end of his work, Faustus presents a survey of
bishoprics in the reign of King ROSTOV III of Armenia, but here too,
besides the representative of the family of Albianos, he mentions
only the same, now aged, bishop Eaustus, the bishops of Basean (Zorf,
Artit', Tirik, and Movses), Kirakos of Tayk', Zort'ual of Yanand,
and a certain bishop Aaron41. If at the end of the century only a
few bishops made up the entire hierarchy, it evidently must have
been far smaller still under St. Gregory the Illuminator at .the beginning
of the century. With his great concern for the clergy, the historian
would not have forgotten to mention other bishops had they existed.
In the first century of its existence the hierarchy of the Armenian
Church consisted in fact of two families, that of bishop Albianos
and that of the Tn.ii-miTia.tnT, and these were rivals for the first place
in the land. Their rivalry played a certain part in the establishment
of the forms of ecclesiastical organization, and we think it necessary
to pause over the origin and nature of this competition.
Historical scholarship does not deny the existence of Christian
communities in Armenia earlier than the mission of the Illuminator.
Here as everywhere, the beginnings of Christianity are lost in the
dimness of legendary accounts, National traditions distinguish three
branches in the spread of Christianity to Armenia; these are identified
with the names of apostles Thaddeus, Bartholomew, and with St.
Gregory. No matter how legendary, the tales of the apostolic mission
to Armenia still contain some elements of truth and prove that Ar-
menian Christianity went back to the Apostolic period. We may
question whether any of the apostles or of their disciples came to
Armenia, but there are no grounds for denying that Armenia belongs
270 CHAPTER XII
among the earliest countries illuminated by the new doctrine. Next

to the Armenian lands, Syria with its capital Antioch was one of the
centers of apostolic activity; from there waves of the new movement
could easily have reached Armenia. At first, Christianity spread
rapidly and won important victories in the East in the period of
Parthian rule. But with the rise in Persia of the Sasanian dynasty
with its anti-Christian policies, the results of two centuries were
reduced to naught. All that remained from that period were dim
memories which, mixed with later ones, formed the mass of varied
legends preserved in ancient sources. Historical criticism has not
yet mastered the legends of Thaddeus and Bartholomew and cleared
them of various accretions, nor has it clarified their relation to the
analogous Syrian legends of Addai and his disciple Mari, the apostle
of the provinces of pre-Atropatene, What has been done already in
this domain gives us grounds for regarding the legends of Thaddeus
and Bartholomew as echoes of Christian worship in Armenia in the
pre-Sasanian period 41a.
The three cycles of legends grouped around the names of Thaddeus,
Bartholomew, and Gregory, mark three periods in the penetration of
Christianity into Armenia. The traits common to all of them indicate
that they were successive periods. The new proselytism revived dim
memories and put on them the seal of identity. The mission of Thad-
deus and Bartholomew came from the south. The intermediary
country between apostolic Antioch and Armenia was Osrhoene, with
its capital Edessa. Edessa played a leading role in the diffusion of
Christianity in the Persian East, and Armenian legends are also
connected with this city. The appearance of an organized Christian
community in Armenia is consequently inadmissible before the con-
solidation of the Christian Church in Edessa.
With the successful analysis of the legend of Abgar scholars have
accepted the identification of this famous ruler of Edessa who had
embraced Christianity with Abgar IX, a historical figure who
lived at the end of the second century; the legend shifted authentic
historical events backward to the beginning of our era and attri-
buted them to another historical personage, Abgar V, a contempo-
rary of Christ. Hence, there is no reason to admit the existence of a
Christian Church at Edessa before the end of the second century.
As for the earliest mention of a Church in Armenia, it must be put in
the middle of the third century, at which time we have a reference
to a bishop Meruzan [Meruzanes] of the Armenians who was in corre-

spondence with bishop Dionysios of Alexandria (248-265)42. It has
been supposed that this Meruzan was one of the bishops of Lesser
Armenia, probably of Sebasteia, but Gelzer raised an objection to
this hypothesis on the basis of the bishops' characteristic name, and
sought him within the limits of Greater Armenia. He considered
him, entirely correctly, to be a scion of the Arcruni in whose house
the name Meruzan was very common. Gelzer was mistaken only in
placing Meruzan in Vaspurakan 4aa. As we shall see, the original
province of the Arcruni was Sophene, so that it is more correct to
identify the seat of bishop Meruzan with Sophene.
The question of a genetic^link between the church of Meruzan and
that of Bdessa naturally presents itself. The orientation toward an
Edessan tradition of Armenian legends dealing with early Christianity
derives from this historical fact. According to the evidence of one
Syrian document, the apostle Addai had suffered a martyr's death in
the land of Sophene at the castle of Agel, Armenian Angel, while
other documents are either silent about his death or place it at Edessa 43
This legend reflects the fact that Angel was the residence of bishop
Meruzan, the pastor of an Armenian Church which was a daughter of
Addai's church in Edessa. The existence of a Christian church in
the border Armenian province of Sophene in the mid-third century
should now be accepted as a fact no longer open to doubt. From
there Christianity was able to penetrate into Armenia. Just as the
Edessene Church had given birth to the one in Sophene. so after the
further development of the latter, a bishopric also appeared in the
province of Taron adjoining Sophene.
The church ruled by the house of bishop Albianos was created in
the same way, in our opinion. In the Arabic version of Agat'angelos,
Bagrewand and the banks of the Euphrates were given to bishop
Albianos, while Taron with Bznunik' went to Albios. We have
already seen that only one person was meant. From Eaustus we
learn that the possessions of bishop Albianos had greatly increased
under king ROSTOV II, for upon the destruction of the house of Mana-
wazean, the possessions of the dead princes had been transferred to
the church of Albianos, and in particular, «... Manazkert and the
neighbouring territory along the Euphrates river 44 ». These are the
very lands to which Agat'angelos refers as being along the banks of
che Euphrates, but they were given to Albianos only under St. Gre-
272 CHAPTER
gory's second snccessor, Yrt'anes, and not in Gregory's own lifetime,

as Agat'angelos indicated, Eaustus tells us nothing about the original
church of Albianos, or about the location of his church before the
possessions of the Manawazean passed to him. Nevertheless, Agat'-
angelos' reference to Taron and Bznunik' as the portion of Albianos
is apparently not entirely devoid of historical foundation. The
repeated assertions of Eaustus concerning the precedence of the church
of Tar5n and its position as the leading church among those in
Armenia, rest primarily on his knowledge of its priority in point of
time, of the fact that the church of Taron traced its foundation all
the way back to the period of St. Gregory. 44a
The legend of the mission of Thaddeus or Addai, beginning in Edessa
and ending in Artaz, the legend in which the fate of the Edessene
King Abgar is interwoven with that of the Armenian king Sanatruk,
also points to the progress of the Christian faith from Edessa, through
Sophene and Taron, to ArtaE. The Sanatruk of the legend is a
historical figure, he is the Mng Sanatruk of Armenia, whom the
Emperor Caracalla (211-217) summoned, supposedly to reconcile
him with his rebellious sons, but in fact to deprive him of his crown
and to turn Armenia into a Roman province as had already.been
done with Osrhoene, when Caracalla had treacherously seized Mng
Abgar 45. The actors in the legend, Sanatruk and Abgar, were
contemporaries in reality, and were connected by their similar fates.
In the legend both Mngs are shifted from the beginning of the third
century to the period of Christ. This parallel in the development of
the subject, together with the Armeniaation of the story of the Mng
of Edessa, who is presented as the .uncle of Sanatruk, can be explained
only on a religious basis, as a reflection of the genetic relation of the
Armenian Church to that of Edessa. These memories of the origin
of Christianity in Armenia and the tradition of the first Christian
church connected with the Syrian world, subsequently grew dim and
all but disappeared, lost in the second and more powerful current
of Christianity under St. Gregory the Illuminator.
At the end of the third century, great changes took place* in the
history of Armenia. The wars between the Persians and the Romans
over Armenia ended in- a Roman victory and, under the terms of
the treaty of 298, Armenia came under the protectorate of the Empire.
Royal power was restored in Armenia and Trdat III, the descendent
of the Arsacids assumed the throne of his fathers, having obtained
Ids rights -with the help of a Roman army. This political transfor-
mation was accompanied by the entrance of Christianity into Greater
Armenia from the neighbouring lands of Lesser Armenia. At that
time, the Empire was passing through a period of violent struggle
between the old religions tradition and the Christian teachings, and
it was on the eve of the victory of the new doctrine. Spreading
throughout the Empire, Christianity had already had time to gain a
secure place for itself in many areas, and it won its officially recognized
victory in the beginning of the fourth century.
Among the portions of the Empire which were thoroughly Christi-
anized at an early date were the lands both of Cappadocia and Lesser
Armenia. The church of Caesarea [of Cappadocia] had enjoyed great
renown from the third century, since it had been ruled by bishops
Alexander (ca. 200) and Pirmilianus (\, the friends of the great
fathers of the Alexandrian church, Clement and Origen. Thanks to
Krmilianus, Caesarea had become a center of theological instruction 46,
and Melitene, the capital of Lesser Armenia, was no less important
as a center of Christianity. The Christian elements there were so
powerful that the frequent revolutionary uprisings which occured in
the city were attributed to them 47.
The development of Christianity in the provinces of Lesser Armenia
and Cappadocia and its influence explain why the new faith was pro-
claimed as a state religion in neighbouring Greater Armenia before this
was done in the Empire 47a. With the subjection of Arsacid Armenia
to the superior protection of the Empire, the political obstacles to a
close relationship between the Armenian population of Lesser and
Greater Armenia, two divided portions of a single ethnic whole, were
removed, and Christianity poured from the right bank of the Euphrates
to the left one. The apostle of this Christianity was St. Gregory the
Illuminator. To distinguish this branch from the earlier Syrian or
Edessene Christianity, we will call it Lesser Armenian or Caesarean.
It is important for our study to distinguish these two paths in the
spread of Christianity in Armenia.
The Christianity stemming from the lands of Lesser Armenia first
occupied the provinces immediately adjoining it, namely Daranalik',
Ekeleae, Derfan, and others. Eaustus underlines repeatedly the
allegiance of DaranaHk' and Ekeleac to the house of the Illuminator.
Gregory and Yrt'anes were buried in T'ordan and Aiistakes in T'il.
Though he died in Sophene, Yusik was brought back and buried in
274 CHAPTER XII
T'ordan in the burial place of his family 48. In the same way the
earlier current of Christianity coming from the side of Sophene had
first permeated the neighbouring districts of Taron and Bznunik'.
Under the sons of St. Gregory the chorepiscopus Daniel, a Syrian
by birth, had stood at the head of the church of Taron 49, To this
church also belonged P'aren, the successor of Yusik in the kat'ohkosate.
He in turn was succeeded by Sahak, from the family of bishop Albianos,
who ressembled P'aren according to Faustus, It is possible that all
these figures, Daniel included, were of the same origin. The miracles
and halo of saintlintliness which surround Daniel's name in Faustus'
History bear witness to the fact that he was an unusual personnage,
and that he played an important part in the life of the Armenian
Church 50.
In spite of the fact that all of Faustus' sympathies are on the side
of the descendents of the Illuminator, he cannot hide the fact that
the representative of the church of Albianos, in the person of Daniel,
enjoyed a great influence, and that in the struggle for the patriarchal
throne the representatives of this house undoubtedly had precedence
over that of St, Gregory 50a. Later, when the cult of St. Gregory
had triumphed, only dim memories remained of the original Syrian
church. The more authoritative representatives of this church, such
as Daniel and Albianos, were represented in the later tradition as
disciples of St, Gregory.
The true inter-relationship between the two currents of Christianity
in Armenia is presented in the admirable legend which relates how
the parents of St. Gregory, at the time of their flight from Persia
to Armenia, stopped in Artaz near the grave of the holy apostle
Thaddeus and, «... here took place the conception of the mother of
the great and holy Illuminator and, therefore, having received the
grace of this same apostle, he who was conceived near his tomb com-
pleted his unfinished spiritual task 51». The legend in itself is devoid
of true foundation, but it is correct as the symbolic expression of the
belief that the activity of the Illuminator had found a ground already
made fertile by the martyrdom of St. Thaddeus, and that the work
of St. Gregory was the continuation of the mission of the apostle.
An entire century of struggle raged before the total merging of
the two currents which we have observed and the creation of a single
Church. In the course of this struggle the principle of nationalism
in church organization was worked out.
If we follow carefully the alternation of the deseendents of Gregory
and Albianos on the patriarchal throne, we can observe a certain
coincidence between it and the successive political superiority of the
two states on which Armenia depended. The rule of the Gregorids
coincides with the ascendant influence of the Koman Empire, and
that of the Albianids with that of Persia. The protectorate of the
Empire over Armenia, consolidated by the treaty of 298, remained
officially undisturbed until 363. During this period, the Persians
attempted several times to intrude into Armenian affairs, and they
were finally successful in 338 when dissentions arose among the heirs
of Constantine after the emperor's death. The king of Armenia at
this time was Tiran [Tigranes VII], and it is precisely in his reign
that the Albianids, P'aren and Sahak, ascend the patriarchal throne
after Aristakes, Vrt'anes, and Yusik. The son and successor of
Tiran, Arsak II was considered to be an imperial apointee. Nerses I,
the descendant of St. Gregory, was summoned to the kat'olikosate
together with Arsak. As soon as the friendly relations between
Arsak and the Emperor turned to enmity 52, and the Armenian king
concluded an alliance with the Persian king Sahpuhr II, Nerses I found
himself removed from his see and replaced by a bishop Cunak, probably
from the house of Albianos 53. Arsak soon quarreled with the Persians
and ended his life tragically after he had been emprisoned by them.
His son, Pap, came to power with the help of a Roman army; the
deposed kat'oHkos, Nerses, found himself once again at the head of
the Church 54. The friendship with the Emperor did not last long,
however, and Pap turned away from the Empire to join the Persians 55.
This is the point at which the murder of Nerses occured, and the
appointment in his place of Yusik, one of the deseendents of Albianos56.
Finally after the division of Armenia, the patriarchal see remained in
the Persian portion and was occupied successively by the Albianids,
Zawen, Sahak and Aspurakes 57.
In this manner, the heads of the Church changed in accordance
with political influence. The Gregorids came forward as supporters
of the imperial policy, while the Albianids sympathized rather with
the Persians, and their alternation reflects the genetic difference
between the two currents of Christianity, the Greek and the Syrian,
which they represented. The policy of the Albianids was basically
that of the Arsacids, and it became national as it came to serve as the
foundation for the organization of an Armenian Church 57a . The
276 CHAPTER XII
process of development and gradual nationalization in the Armenian

Church becomes clearer and more understandable if we compare it
with the evolution of ecclesiastical 'organisation in the Empire in
general,
From the very first period of its appearance, Christianity displayed
a natural tendency toward organization. Struggling against a hostile
environment, it was obliged to marshall its forces, both for the mainte-
nance of positions already occupied and for further advances, as well
as for the formation of communities, and the establishment of common
ties among them in order to keep up with the increase and widening
of the circle of the faithful. The clergy : bishops and priests standing
at the head of separate communities, formed the first connecting link.
Several bishops next joined together and formed an administrative
unit under the leadership of one among their number. The unification
of communities and the grouping together of their bishops followed
the lines elaborated in the political structure. The evolution of the
ecclesiastical hierarchy followed in the steps of administrative or-
ganization. Imperceptibly, the Church adapted itself to the adminis-
trative structure of the Empire, its own divisions paralleling those
of the state. The work of organization in the Church had already
reached a measure of completion by the time of the Council of Nicaea
in 325, which consecrated the then existing order. This order was a
faithful reflection of the imperial machinery which had taken a clearly
defined form of its own at an earlier date571).
The Church responded rapidly to the new administrative divisions
created by Diocletian at the end of the third century, and by 325
it had already found the time to make the corresponding alterations
in its own hierarchy, so that it coincided fully with the new system.
We have already seen the main aspects of the reform of Diocletian.
On the one hand, existing provinces were broken up into smaller,
administratively autonomous, units, on the other, several of the
new provinces were joined together to form larger administrative
units, the dioceses, in a hierarchical pattern of authority. The
Asiatic possessions of the Empire formed three dioceses: Asiana,
Pontica, and Oriens, to which Egypt also belonged. At their head
stood vicars, i,e, substitutes for the Praetorian Prefect of the East,
while at the head of the provinces were found governors or praesides
subordinated to their vicars.
Ecclesiastical authority was distributed in exactly the same way
and in the same framework. A province was simultaneously an
ecclesiastical unit — an eparchy — and in each eparchy a metropolitan
"bishop, equal in rank to the praeses of the civilian administration,
likewise had his seat. Similarly, the dioceses simultaneously took on
the sense of ecclesiastical units in which bishop-patriarch corresponded
to the vicars. Just as in each province one of the bishops, namely
the bishop of the provincial capital who ranked as metropolitan,
stood out from the rest, so in each diocese one of the metropolitans
occupied the leading position of patriarch or head metropolitan.
The metropolitan of Ephesus held this rank in the diocese of Asiana,
the metropolitan of Antioch, in that of Oriens, and the metropolitan
of Caesarea [of Cappadocia] in that of Pontica57c,
Certain discrepancies raise the question of the date at which these
relationships were established. Some scholars believe that the system
of metropolitans was first established at the Council of Nicaea and
that of patriarchates at the Council of Constantinople I. Others
concede that the formation not only of the metropolitanates, but even
of the patriarchates antedated the Council of Mcaea and that this
Council merely sanctioned a situation already in existence at the time;
for this they rely on Canons IV and YI of the Council. The first of
these deals with provincial bishops and their relations with their
metropolitans. This canon marks a perfectly clear stage in the
development of the metropolitan sees. A similar stage in patriarchal
organization was reached in 381, and this point is marked by the second
Canon of the Council of Constantinople, which states,
Bishops of a diocese should not extend their authority over

churches outsides its boundaries, nor should they mingle
churches. But according to the canons, the bishop of Alexan-
dria should concern himself only with what is in Egypt, the
bishops of Oriens should care for the East, with due respect
for the seniority of the Church of Antioch, according to the
canons of the Council of Nicaea. As for the bishops of Asiana,
they should concern themselves only with the affairs of Asia,
the bishop of Pontica with the affairs of Pontus, and the bishop
of Thrace with those of Thrace 58.
According to the opinion of some scholars, diocesan divisions patter-

ned on the political system were first established in the Church as a
result of this Canon. Others, on the contrary, suppose that the Council
merely clarified a system which had existed before 381 and which
278 CHAPTER XII
was already accepted in principle at the Council of Nicaea, as evidenced

by its sixth Canon, which prescribes that,
.... To preserve the ancient custom whereby the bishop

of Alexandria enjoys the highest authority in Egypt, Libya,
and the Pentapolis .... Similarly with regard to Antioch,
and the other eparchies, the right of seniority must be observed
for these churches 59.
According to one interpretation, the words e'ôiWa and TO,

refer to metropolitan prerogatives, while according to another, the
matter under discussion is the supra-metropolitan or patriarchal
authority. In our opinion both hypotheses are incorrect ; the question
will appear in its proper light if we remember the fundamental principle
according to which ecclesiastical hierarchy was patterned, and if we
use our knowledge to clarify these problematic stages in its develop-
ment 59a.
As a result of the reform of Diocletian, the number of provinces
was increased, while their size was reduced. Thus, for example, before
Diocletian, Cappadocia had included Lesser Armenia, Galatia, and
Pontus Polemoniacus ; Mesopotamia had consisted of the later Meso-
potamia, and Osrhoene; Syria of Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, etc...
After Diocletian the fragmentation went even further : Cappadocia
was split into Cappadocia I and II, Armenia I and II, Syria was
subdivided into seven provinces (Euphratensis, Syria I and II,
Phoenicia I and II, Palestinia I and II), Egypt into five provinces,
Asia into seven 60. How was ecclesiastical power to be altered as a
result of these changes ?
The eparchies were subdivided together with the provinces and new
metropoleis made their appearance. As a result of Diocletian's reform,
a whole series of new metropolitan sees arose around Antioch, Caesarea,
and Alexandria. Did the new sees maintain some sort of subordination
to their former metropolitans, or were they legally considered to be
their equals ? For instance, Caesarea had been the metropolis and
the center of political life in the province of Cappadocia before Dio-
cletian ; for this reason the bishop of Caesarea had necessarily occupied
the position of a metropolitan. When Lesser Armenia was separated
from Cappadocia, the bishop of Sebasteia, its capital, became the
metropolitan of the newly created province. Were the relations with
the former metropolis at Caesarea consequently broken? In short,
when a bishop was elevated to metropolitan rank, what determined
his relations to his former metropolitan ?
We believe that the answer to this question is given by Canon VI of
the Council of Nicaea cited above. The fathers of this Council assumed
that existing traditions should not be abbrogated and that the centers
indicated should preserve their rights of seniority. According to this
classification, Antioch, Ephesus, Caesarea, and Alexandria, which had
already reached a superior position before Diocletian, should continue
to enjoy the same status after him, whether or not the Church adapted
itself to the diocesan pattern. When the Church subsequently did
accept the diocesan divisions, nothing was altered thereby in the
position of these centers, since they became diocesan capitals. The
Council of 381 consolidated and gave a clear formulation to a situation
which had been established earlier. The metropolitans of diocesan
capitals became superior metropolitans, each within the boundaries
of his diocese. The patriarchal authority of Antioch, Caesarea [sic],
and Ephesus, which were diocesan capitals began and developed in
this fashion. Egypt, although a part of the diocese of Oriens, remained
a separate unit because of its location; consequently Alexandria, as
the capital of an antonomous country, was assimilated to a diocesan
capital from the ecclesiastical point of view, and its metropolitan was
considered to be a patriarch. Hence, the diocesan division merely
limited the sheres of influence of the senior metropolitans to the
boundaries of their particular territory, i.e. the diocese, and conse-
crated the patriarchal authority which had developed before and
outside the diocesan system 60a.
With the appearance of the parallel between the ecclesiastical and
civilian organizations, it becomes possible to discuss the rivalries of
the patriarchs for a position of primacy in terms of their desire to
create for themselves a hierarchical rank equivalent to that of praetori-
an prefect. One of the patriarchs had to become the first, so that
the others should be subordinated to him as the vicars or, governors
of dioceses, were subordinated to the prefect. The Praetorian Prefect
of Oriens lived for the most part at Antioch, especially at first; later
he ruled the East while residing normally in the Imperial capital.
As a result it is understandable that the see of Antioch was the most
successful in the struggle for primacy, until the contest was settled in
favour of the patriarch of the imperial capital60t>, The later evolution
of the hierarchy followed a path of centralization, to the detriment
280 CHAPTER XII
in the first place of the patriarchs of Ephesus and Caesaiea, and

the infringement of their rights. In this sense, the Council of Chal-
cedon marked the victory of the Church of Constantinople in 451,
At the Council of 451, the holy fathers reviewed the decisions of the
earlier oecumenical council as to the pre-eminence of the Church of
Constantinople, approved it, and went still further in Canon XXVIII,
which proclaims, *
... the metropolitans of the dioceses of Pontiea, Asiana, and

Thrace, and also the bishops of the barbarians who reside in
the aforesaid dioceses, shall be ordained from the aforesaid
most holy see of the most holy Church of Constantinople. The
metropolitans of the aforesaid dioceses, together with the bishops
of their eparchy, shall ordain bishops for the eparchy, in accor-
dance with the holy canons, but the metropolitans of the
dioceses [as has been said] shall be ordained by the archbishop
of Constantinople 61,
As a consequence of this canon the patriarchal prerogatives of the

sees of Ephesus and Caesarea were lost and they lost their importance
forever. The negative attitude of the Armenians toward the Council
of Chalcedon derives from this fact. The schism came about on a
basis of hierarchy and not over dogma, as implied by later sources.
The patriarch of Constantinople did not halt at this stage, but also
strove to subordinate the other patriarchates, and to advance the pri-
macy of his see. In 558 [sic] John the Faster'assumed the pompous
title of Oecumenical Patriarch. Thus the Church did not lag behind
the secular powers, impregnated with the same autocratic tendencies,
it achieved the concentration of its powers in the person of the patriarch
of Constantinople in the very moment of the triumph of absolutism,
the period of Justinian 61a.
This outline of the development of the Imperial Church allows us
to draw two conclusions and to set down two prerequisites for a survey
of the evolution of the Armenian Church. First its external relations,
i.e. its relations with the Imperial Church, must be clarified in relation
to the political situation; in other words, the subordination of the
Armenian Church had to be equivalent to the dependence of the country
on the Empire. Second, the Armenian Church had to correspond to
the local secular pattern in its internal development just as the Imperial
Church had adapted itself to the administrative structure of the
Empire.
We have already seen that the Armenian lands did not present a
politically unified whole but were divided into several portions with
different political aspects. Consequently, we cannot speak of*a-'single
ecclesiastical -organization for the whole of the Armenian territory.
Lesser Armenia, organically bound to the Empire, was also subject
to the general pattern in ecclesiastical matters. First, as a part of
Cappadocia, it had belonged to the eparchy of the metropolitan of
Caesarea; then, having been made into a separate province, it had a
metropolitan of its own at Melitene, With the division of Lesser
Armenia into two provinces, Melitene became the metropolis of
Armenia II, and Sebasteia that of Armenia 1 6 2 , Both these metro-
polis recognized the seniority of their former metropolis, the see of
Caesarea; finally at the time of the Council of Chalcedon of 451, they
were put under the direct jurisdiction of the patriarch of Constantinople.
Greater Armenia vacilated in ecclesiastical matters because of its
political instability, now leaning toward the Empire and now away
from it, according to the political situation. In the first century of
the existence of the Armenia Church, from St. Gregory to the partition
of the country at the end of the fourth century, Armenia was in the
main under the protectorate of the Empire and therefore, their eccle-
siastical relations were likewise very close. Consecrated at Caesarea,
St. Gregory, seemed an ordinary bishop, like the bishops of Melitene,
Sebasteia, and other cities, in his relations with Caesarea, with the
only difference that the subordination of Gregory, who was the bishop
of an independent nation, under imperial protection, was purely
formal in character 63.
Gregory might have been ordained as bishop by the nearest metro-
politan, for instance that of Melitene, since the ancient tradition
clarified by the fourth canon of the Council of Nicaea gave to each
metropolitan the right to ordain bishops in his eparchy. Since Gregory
addressed himself to Caesarea, his ordination must go back to the
period preceding the reform of Diocletian in 296, which turned Lesser
Armenia into a new province with a separate metropolitan. To be
sure even after this reform the successors of Gregory went to Caesarea,
but this can be explained by the natural desire to preserve the tra-
ditional link with the former, leading center of ecclesiastical life and
to avoid becoming dependent on a metropolitan who had formerly
been subordinate to the see of Caesarea on a par with the bishop of
Armenia. The relationship of the Illuminator to Caesarea was that
A
282 CHAPTER XII
of a bishop to his metropolitan, while his successors, or those of them

who received their consecration at Caesarea, behaved with regard to
it as metropolitans to a patriarch.
This situation continued with certain interruptions until the partition
of Armenia, These interruptions were the results of Persian interference,
and with the increase of their influence, the Armenians showed a
tendency to end their ecclesiastical dependence on the Empire and
to create an autonomous church. We have seen that the spokesmen
of the two trends in ecclesiastical policy were the representatives of
the houses of Gregory and Albianos. The division of Armenia into
two kingdoms provided a solution for its dual ecclesiastical policy;
the two currents withdrew into their respective boundaries: the
Imperial one into western Armenia, and the national one into eastern
Armenia. From the time of the partition, eastern Armenia entered
resolutely upon a policy of nationalization by means of autonomous
hierarchical institutions, while western Armenia remained in a position
of dependence on the Imperial Church.
The nationalization of the Church meant its waârarization or
feudalization. Since the political regime in Armenia was feudal in
character and the power was divided among many princely houses,
ecclesiastical authority likewise had to assimilate itself to the existing
society and adopt the forms which were ready to hand. The process
of waxararization in the Church began with the break in its relations
with the Imperial Church during the reign of king Pap. After the
murder of bishop Nerses I, Pap appointed bishop Yusik, from the
house of Albianos in his place. On hearing of the king's wilful decision,
taken without his knowledge or permission, the patriarch of Caesarea
was greatly displeased. A synod of bishops from the eparchy of
Caesarea met on this matter, and sent a wrathful letter to King Pap
in which according to the words of the historian,
... they took away the authority of the kat'olikosate and

(decreed) that the persons chosen as patriarchs [of the Ar-
menians] should have only the right to bless the royal table,
but should not presume hereafter to consecrate bishops for
the Armenians as had been the custom before. Thereafter,
" continues the historian", the right of ordaining bishops
was taken from the Armenians, and those designated as bishops
for the various provinces and lands of Armenia journeyed
to Caesarea and were consecrated as bishops there, since from
that time, " the historian repeats ", the Armenians did not
dare to ordain bishops, but whoever was the senior bishop of

all sat above the others at the royal table and blessed the
king's bread 64,
The reliability of Faustus' account is supported by the fact that Basil

the Great, who was the bishop of Caesarea refered to, also mentions a
clash between himself and Pap in his Letters. Basil rejected Pap's
request to consecrate Faustus, the bishop sent by the king, and
proposed in his stead his own candidate, a certain Cyril. The Arme-
nians then by-passed Basil and having addressed themselves with the
same request to Basil's rival Anthemios of Tyana, Metropolitan of
Caappadocia II, obtained their wish 65. The Faustus mentioned here
should be identified with the bishop of the same name, who is
said to have ordained Nerses I and to have lived until the period
of King ROSTOV III, according to Armenian historian 65a, The account
of Basil the Great does not quite agree with the Armenian evidence;
they can be reconciled only if we admit that first King Pap supported
the candidacy of Faustus, and only afterward broke with tradition
and appointed his own candidate because of Basil's refusal to acceed
to his request.
The concept of the Armenian historian we have just cited as to
the nature of the kat'olikos' authority can be seen from his account.
This authority consisted primarily in the right of episcopal ordination,
and with its loss, the position of kat'olikos was reduced to that of
court bishop. Whether the bishops of Armenia in this period bore the
title of katolikos, and whether they had the right of ordination is still
a debatable question 65l). The influence of the somewhat later period,
when the position of the kat'olikos had been established, can be felt
in the historian's words. As for his assertion that after the incident
with Pap the Armenian bishops were consecrated at Caesarea, it
should be taken as correct, but only for the Imperial or western
portion of Armenia. We know that after the partition there was no
kat'olikos in the Imperial part of the country, and that the bishops of
this portion were no longer subject to the kat'olikos who resided in
Persian Armenia. None of the bishops from western Armenia
participated in the rebellion of the fifth century.
We do not know the state of ecclesiastical affairs in Imperial Armenia
after the partition. Judging from certain sources, its Church con-
formed to the political regime found in each of its component parts.
We see from the signatures of the Council of Chalcedon in 451 that the
284 CHAPTER XII
representatives of the autonomous Satrapies : the bishops of Sophene,

Anzitene, Angelene, Sophanene, and Martyropolis, were present at the
Council and made up the eparchy of Mesopotamia under the metro-
politan authority of the bishop of Amida 66. After the separation
of Osrhoene, Nisibis had become the metropolis of Mesopotamia, and
after the transfer of this city to the Persians in 363 it was replaced
by Amida, The bishops of the Satrapies were as autonomous as
their ruling princes. Just as these princes received the insignia of
their rank from the Imperial authorities, so the bishops received their
consecration at the hands of the nearest Imperial metropolitan; they
attended the Council of 451 in this position of ecclesiastical subordi-
nation.
The status of the Church in Imperial Interior Armenia is less definite;
no representative came from it to the Council of Chalcedon. Gregory,
bishop of Justinianopolis, is mentioned at the Eifth Council of 553 67.
At the time of the schism in the kat'olikosate at the end of the sixth
century, bishop Theodore, who was considered the instigator of the
troubles, had his seat at Theodosiopolis68. Koriwn mentions a
bishop of Derjan, while Theodore, bishop of Bkeleac or Justinianopolis,
and George of Daranalik' or Kemah, are mentioned among the parti-
cipants at the Council of 680. This same George was also present
at the Council of 692, together with bishop Marianos of Kitharizon 69.
Consequently in the sixth and seventh centuries bishoprics existed in
the main provinces of Interior Armenia : Karin, Derjan, Ekeleae, and
Darana&k', The date and order of appearance of these bishoprics
is not as clear. Interior Armenia did not become a Koman province
in the strict sense of the term after its reunion with the Empire, but
kept its internal nayarar structure to the time of Justinian. For this
reason, in the ecclesiastical sphere as well it was not a separate me-
tropolitan see, but each province, as an autonomous principality had
its own bishop, and all the bishops were the subordinates of the
Imperial Church since they were ordained by it. At the Council of
Chalcedon it was decreed that, « . . . heareafter the bishops of the
barbarians shall be consecrated by the most holy see of the most holy
Church of Constantinople » 69a, on a par with the metropolitans of the
dioceses of Pontica, Asiana, and Thrace. Before that time Armenian
bishops had been ordained by the nearest higher see, namely that of the
church of Caesarea, but thenceforth, under the terms of the canon
just cited, they were put under the direct jurisdiction of the patriarch
of Constantinople.
THE NAXAMAJR SYSTEM AND THE CHURCH 285
The real sense of Faustus' statement that the Armenian Tbishops

were consecrated exclusively at Caesarea after the clash between the
patriarch of Caesarea and King Pap becomes clear from what has
just been said. We see in his assertion a reflection of the state of
affairs found in the Imperial portion of Armenia, whose bishops were
indeed the subordinates of the see of Caesarea, According to Armenian
tradition, an attempt was made to create a separate kat'olikosate for
Imperial Armenia in the period of troubles which followed the partition
of the country 70. It is possible that the patriarchal authority was
also divided at the time of the division of the realm between the two
brothers who had inherited the throne, one of whom ruled in Persian
and the other in Roman Armenia. In that case, the reference of the
historian to the kat'olikos' loss of his power of ordination and to
his degradation to the rank of court bishop should be applied specifi-
cally to the holder of the rank of kat'olikos in Imperial Armenia709.
The same statement may in fact also be applied to the Armenian
kat'olikos before the partition of the country. The solution to the
problem of his right of ordination will be found in the actual number
of bishops found in the Armenian Church at that time. According
to the decision of the Council of Nieaea, ordination to the episcopate
was to be carried out with the agreement of all the bishops of a given
eparchy. Should it prove difficult for all of them to assemble, the
actual presence of at least three bishops and the written approval of
those absent was indispensable, and the 'decision was then to be sent
for approval to the metropolitan 71. We know that all the Armenian
kat'olikoi from St. Gregory to the time of Pap were consecrated at
Caesarea; only Aristakes was ordained by his father. If this is
the case, the consecration of Aristakes probably occurred before the
Nicaean Council, at a time when such a right had perhaps been conceded
to individual bishops. Had even three bishops existed in Armenia,
the ordination of the kat'olikos would have taken place there, and
only then have been sent to Caesarea for confirmation. Paustus tells
us that after the deposition of Nerses I, King Arsak II summoned the
Armenian bishops to consecrate a certain Cunak, but all refused,
with the exception of the bishops of Aljnik' and Korduk', who came
and carried out the king's wish 72. The true facts here are that there
were no Armenian bishops, and that Arsak was consequently forced
to address himself to the representatives of neighbouring provinces
who were in fact considered to be members of the Church of Syria,
286 CHAPTER XII
The Armenians could not ordain bishops or a kat'olikos for themselves

without asking for the co-operation of the nearby churches. When
Faustus says that the bishop of Caesarea had deprived the Armenians
of their right of ordination, he is incorrectly attributing to a single
period the conditions prevailing in the Armenian Church up to that
time 72a .
It would not be incorrect to say that the Armenian ecclesiastical
hierarchy, which had consisted only of the houses of St. Gregory and
Albianos, began its development in the period of the kat'oKkosate of
Nerses I. In his description of the prosperity of the Church under
Nerses, Eaustus asserts, that, «... he [Nerses] increased the number of
clerics [in all the localities of his diocese] ... and appointed bishops in
all the districts». The historian's further comment that, «... the
honours of the father-bishops grew in all the provinces correspondingly
to their merits, 73 » has the same meaning. The time of troubles after
Pap must have benefitted the development and increase of clerical
powers. The gradual decline of royal authority weakened the po-
sition of the king as a restraining element and created conditions
which favoured the spread of feudal power throughout the nation.
The brief reign of Pap's successor Varazdat, who was the imperial
candidate, was followed by the regency of Manuel Mamikonean, who
devoted the seven years of his rule primarily to the regularization of
the na-ârar system 74, This is the starting point in the adaptation
of the ecclesiastical organization to the nayarar pattern. Ecclesiasti-
cal authority began to be parcelled out among the more powerful
princely houses through the creation of separate bishoprics for each
one of them. The system of metropolitans was not found here;
there was no territorial basis for the delimitation of ecclesiastical
provinces 75. The ecclesiastical administrative unit coincided exactly
with the district of the princely house to which it belonged irrespective
of its size. In the period preceding the fall of the Arsacids, the
ecclesiastical hierarchy expanded to such a degree that by 451 there
were 18 bishops representing the leading princely families of the
country.
Among these bishops, one bore the title of kat'olikos (KaOoXiKos) 76,
and occupied with regard to the others the same position as the king
to the princes, i,e, he was primus inter pares. The bishops were
called ter (wkp) [lord] like the princes, and just as they were the
ecclesiastical representatives of the principalities, so the kat'oitikos
THE NAXARAE SYSTEM AND THE CHUECH 287
was seen primarly as the bishop of the royal province, specifically
of the Arsaeid domain of Ayrarat. Hence the statement of the
historian already cited, that the kat'olikos was the bishop of the
royal court and blessed the royal table, is absolutely correct".
Spiritual rank and authority, just like that of the secular prices,
was the hereditary prerogative of certain families. This was a strange
and incomprehensible phenomenon to the Imperial Church, and was
a subject discussed at the Council«in Trullo » of 692. Canon XXXIII
of this Council decreed that,
Having heard that in the land of Armenia only persons of
clerical descent are accepted into the church, in imitation of
Jewish custom ... we decree that henceforth, if anyone desires
to enter the clergy, family shall not be taken into consideration,
his worthiness for the spiritual vocation shall be proven accord-
ing to the requirements laid down by the holy canons, and
he shall then be consecrated, whether or not he be the descen-
dent of servants of the church 78.
Several Armenian bishops were present at this Council, among them
Marianos, bishop of Kithariz5n. The above information had un-
doubtedly been provided by them, and the problem must have been
brought up for discussion at the Council at their suggestion. Conse-
quently, there is no reason to doubt the accuracy of the evidence
furnished to the Council. There was no question in this case of
imitating Old Testament practices as the fathers of the Council
supposed. If any similarity between the two existed, it must be
explained by the fact that the Armenian hierarchy, just like the Old
Testament priesthood, had developed in a society where family ties
prevailed. Hereditary succession and other points of similarity
between them were the results not of imitation, but only of the identical
social conditions under which the Armenian Church and the biblical
priestly caste had developed 79.
The patriarchal authority was likewise hereditary, and it stayed
in the house of the Illuminator as long as the corresponding political
power remained in the hands of the Arsacids. At the moment of
the fall of the Arsacids at the beginning of the fifth century, the
question of the deposition of the patriarch Sahak I was simultaneously
raised. After this plan had been carried out, the patriarchal throne
remained in an equivocal position. Just as the bishops were the
ecclesiastical representatives of the various principalities, so the
patriarch depended on the king and was appointed by the Arsacids
to his position as court bishop. After them, this prerogative passed
288 CHAPTER
to the Persian king. However, neither the Persian appointees:

bishops Surmak, Brkisoy, and Smovel, nor the close disciples of
Sahak I, Mesrop and Yovsep', all of whom ruled over the Church,
were ever considered to be kat'onkoi, but only substitutes. The
reason for this is unquestionably to be found in the fact that ecclesi-
astical society was dominated by hereditary succession, and that the
question to whom the throne should pass in the absence of legitimate
heirs was still open and awaiting a solution. We can now see why
the forgotten but honourable house of Albianos came once more to
the fore at this point, and why its bishops, Melite and Movses ascended
the patriarchal throne 30. This attempt to solve the problem his-
torically was not successful, and bishop Giwt' from the Mamikonean
province of Tayk' took over the patriarchal dignity from the Albianids,
probably as a result of the patronage of Vahan Mamikonean. The
position of the Church was consolidated by the favourable outcome
of the rebellion at the end of the fifth century and the importance of
the clergy began to grow. The problem of patriarchal authority
was resolved in favour of an elective basis as a result of rivalries among
bishops, and possibly also as a consequence of the influence of neigh-
bouring Churches with whom-relations were tightened in this period.
The bishop of the Mamikonean held the leading position in the
Church after the patriarch, or kat'olikos; the influence of the nayarar
system is obvious in this case. Just as the hereditary Mamikonean
sparapets stood at the head of the na-ârars under the Arsacids and
even later, so in ecclesiastical affairs, the chief administrator found
at the side of the kat'olikos was the representative of the same house,
The leading role played in the ecclesiastical affairs of the sixth century
by Nersapuh, bishop of the Mamikonean, is well known.
If our hypothesis of a nayarw foundation for the ecclesiastical
organization is correct, some relationship between princely houses and
ecclesiastical representation must have existed; we should expect the
more important princely houses to have their own bishop, and vice-
versa. And indeed, on comparing the list of bishops with the list
of principalities, we find that all the powerful houses have ecclesiastical
representatives. The best index of the relative might of the principa-
lities we have investigated is found in their territorial relationships'
Unimportant principalities are those whose possessions were included
in large princely territories. With few exceptions, the former are
the very principalities which lack representatives in the ecclesiastical
hierarchy.
THE OEIGIN OF THE NAXARAR SYSTEM
XIII
PEELIMINAKY EXCUKSUS
Definition of the problem and methods employed for its solution — Positive and
constructive elements in the study of the problem — The basis of the state in the Eaat
— Tribal organization as the basis of the state — -Svcmj/ta jue?£ov — The Iranian
tribal system and its features: tauma, vi9, zantu, dahyu zana — Clan life and the abi-
caris-bazar-eXevQepa ayopo — The disappearance of tribal institutions in the Parthian
period — The structure of the Arsacid Empire.
In order to determine the nature of the naârar system as a historical

institution, the formulation of the problem is of the greatest im-
portance. Since our immediate purpose here is to outline the position
of the naxarars in the century of Justinian, which is our concern,
a study of the qualitative aspects of the na-ârar system must likewise
be made within these limits, i.e. within this span of time, but is it
possible to carry out such an undertaking from a strictly scholarly
point of view a ?
In the period under consideration, the na-ârar system was passing
through certain alteration as it entered a new phase in its development.
This evolution of the na-ârar system, like every other aspect of Ar-
menian life, did not follow a straight line in either time or space.
The evolution of life was far from uniform throughout the country;
at a time when a particular situation was barely making its appearance
in one section, it was already dying out and obsolete in another.
Varying topographical conditions and uneven degrees of contact with
the general political life of the country created socially and culturally
dissimilar areas. In one section ancient forms of life were still alive
and the traditions of a very distant past were occasionally still preser-
ved, while in the same span of time, other sections altered their social
structure several times.
Historical literature is unable to reproduce this social scene in all
its variety. Writing made its appearance in the period of disinte-
gration of the Arsacid system, and the sources relating both to this
290 CHAPTER XIII
and to a slightly later period are not political in nature. It is true

that these sources contain very valuable information on this or that
aspect of naya/ra/r customs, but in general they are insufficient for a
definition of the entire pattern. This is all the more true because
we are often unable to grasp their real value and consequently lose
ourselves in conjectures. A correct interpretation of the technical
terms found in the sources should uncover the fundamental aspects
of the nayarar past, but any attempt to establish their exact meaning
by means of textual comparison is doomed to failure. One and the
same term can be used by a single author in completely different
senses, and the assumption of stylistic defects or textual errors in
such cases is not always warranted. It is true that the sources were
reworked, and that the replacing of one term by another is altogether
possible, but the lack of uniformity in technical terminology and its
variations in meaning cannot always be explained in this manner.
Many terms were inherited from a distant past, had taken on new
shades of meaning corresponding to new relationships as they passed
from century to century, and had finally emerged as complicated
concepts with an elaborate content in the period of literacy. To
uncover the historical layers accumulated in each term, it will be
necessary to trace once again the genetic evolution of the waârar
system.
The surviving literary sources on the history of the nayara/r system
do not give us a complete understanding of it. Using the simile of a
famous investigator of feudalism in Western Europe, we can say that
the twya/roir system seems like an ancient tree. At best, the sources
display before our eyes the leaves and the top of the tree, but its
roots remain hidden from our sight, and to reach them we must dig
far into the ground1. For such a purpose, a purely philological
method based on the study and comparison of texts is not sufficient,
and it will not produce the results desired. Some guiding concept
' leading to the hidden roots is indispensable. To be scientifically
tenable, such a concept must be drawn from the historical context in
which the Armenians were living. The na-ârar system is a socio-
political institution, hence its roots must be sought in the common
political and social conditions of the Iranian states. These were the
conditions under which Armenian life developed, and it was necessarily
formed under the influence of political and legal concepts and norms
similar to those of Iran. Once we have characterized the bases of
THE NAXAEAR SYSTEM — PRELIMINARY EXCURSUS 291
the Iranian state, we shall have a foundation allowing us to tie together

our scattered material on the na-ârars and to weld it into a whole.
The state as a legal system was understood and formed in a different
manner in the East and in the West. In the West urban organization
played the leading part in the development of the concept of the
state; in the East, the same role was assigned to family associations.
Experts have characterized the Roman Empire as an association of
city states, whereas they see the Persian Empire as the highest mani-
festation of the tribe as a political unit 2 . In the subsequent develop-
ment of political life in Iran, family relations remained the basic
generative principle of political life, regardless of the supreme power
which was passed from one dynasty to another.2a
At the time of their appearance on the historical scene, the Persians
were composed of numerous tribes, as were their neighbours the Medes.
Deioces the Mede, having gained the leadership of the Median tribes,
destroyed the power of the Assyrians, while Cyrus, having united
the scattered Persian tribes, led them against the Medes and laid the
foundation of the Achaemenid Empire. Alexander of, Macedon in
turn destroyed the power of the Aehaemenids, and his successors
ruled until they were forced to give way before the greater Parthian
threat. Through all these dynastic changes, the Iranian Empire
remained a loose tribal confederation (crvurrjua peiôv), united
voluntarily or often also by forcible means. At the head of the
confederation stood the closest knit or best organized tribe such as
that of the Pasargadae, whence sprang the Achaemenids, who looked
upon the kingship as the possession of their clan or tauma, Darius
never speaks otherwise than in the name of his clan and it is evident
from his many statements that family or clan interests motivated
his policy3. The struggle culminating in the suppremacy of the
Achaemenid house was carried on first, against the Median Magians
and subsequently, against other tribes which sought to break away.
As a result of this constant struggle, the Achaemenids succeeded in
uniting the tribes and in creating a single powerful confederation
(cruoTTâ /êi£ov), according to the formula of ancient authors 4,
The Persian authorities recognized several dozen countries with
different peoples. These countries were called dahiu [dahyu], and
their heads, dahyu-paiti. Dahyu is the Iranian form of the Sanscrit
dasi,« an enemy » or « a slave », and designated the countries of enemies
or slaves4 a. This characteristic term renders correctly the attitude of
292 CHAPTER
the ruling elan toward the other tribes. The dahyu formed a moie
or less uniform ethnic group, a so-called zana. On his inscriptions
the Persian king is called «-^sayaBiya dahyunam vispazananamb, or
«puravzananam,» i.e. the dahyu with various or numerous zana,
« peoples» 5, Zana is the ethnic form of the concept whose territorial
equivalent is the daJiyu.
The subjection of the various countries or daJiyu was demonstrated
by their payment of a given tribute, bajim abaranta. In its function as
a provincial unit or tax district, the dahyu was known as a satra [xsadra]
and its head as a %sadrapa or satm-pati [ ?]. In other words, the unit
called dahyu from the point of view of tribal possession became a
•%saQra according to politico - administrative divisions. The two
units did not always coincide in size: occasionally several dahyus
made up one %saOra, Under the Achaemenids there were 23 to 28 dahyus
while, according to the division of Darius, the whole Empire was
split up into 20 satrapies. The dahyus varied in importance and size;
some of them were even autonomous kingdoms whose rulers were
entitled ysayaQia = sah, and in relation to them the king of Persia
became ysayaBianam — yswyo,®^ i.e. sahansah, Persia, Media,
Parthia, Armenia, Babylonia, and others were dalvyus of this type5a,
The dahyu or zana was the largest autonomous unit included in
the Empire. The zana had its own interior organization: it was
subdivided into separate tribes and the latter were split into larger or
smaller clans. Thus, for example, the Persians and the Medes were
dahyus, the former having 10 tribes, and the latter 6 6. One of then
Persian tribes was that of the Pasargadae, and one of the subdivisions
of the Pasargadae was the clan of the Achaemenids. Herodotus calls
the Pasargadae, ysvos, and the Achaemenids, ^prirpij. In the in-
scriptions of Darius, the clan of the Achaemenids is designated by the
term tauma; consequently, as a social concept, tauma is equivalent to
<j>pi]Tp7]., The zantu [*dantu] was the next step in the social grouping,
corresponding to the Greek yevos. One of the Median tribes is called
api^dvroi, i.e. «the noble zantu or tribe»; hence we may conclude
that zantu is the name of each of the 8 [sic] units or yevea. Since
the Persian tribes were social units of the same rank as the Median
ones, the term zantu is also applicable to them. Thus, the whole
Persian nation formed one zana, the Pasargadae as one of the tribes of
that zana were a zantu, and the Achaemenids as one of the clans
composing the zantu were a tauma 6a.
THE NAXARAR SYSTEM — PRELIMINARY EXCURSUS 293
In the inscriptions we also find the terms vid and Mra, Side by
side with the expression mana taumaya or amayam taumaya we find
viOam tyam amaxam, i,e. « our tauma, our w'0». Kara refers to the
entire nation Persian or Median, «Jcara Parsa nya viQapatiy
Mra Mdda hya viQapatiy (i.e. «the people of Persia living
according to vid-s, the people of the Medes living according to w#-s»).
From these expressions it is evident that the Tcara was split into vids.
The relations of these terms to the tauma and the zana is not clear.
They might be taken as intermediary steps in the social grouping,
but it seems more likely that viO was the territorial expression of the
ethnic concept tauma, jxist as daJiyu was the equivalent of zana. As
for Jcara, « powerful», it is rather a military term and designated the
active element of the zana, the element fit for war, whence comes its
secondary meaning of « army » 7 .
. In the literature of the Avesta, the terms nemana [nmana'], vis,
zantu, danhu [dahyu] are often found for different levels of social
groupings made up of men related by blood. According to relatively
late scholia, the nmana was composed of five couples of men and women,
the vis of 15 couples, the zantu of 30 couples, and the daJiyu of 50
couples. The important part here is found not in the numerical fig-
ures, which should be taken with reservations, but in the hierarchy of
the groups indicated by these figures. The nmana is given as the first
step of association, designating the sum of individuals living under
one roof. Several similar nmdnas formed a vis, several vis a zantu,
and several zantu made up one dahyu or people, i.e. a zana. The
members of these groups were called nmdnya, visya, zantuma, dahyuma,
and their heads, nmano-paiti, vis-paiti, zantu-paiti, and dahyu-paiti 8.
The term tauma, which is already familiar to us, is not found here;
it seems to be replaced by nmana, which is given in the inscriptions
of Darius in the form maniya. But we have already said that tauma
is the ethnic counterpart to the territorial vis; it is, therefore, more
likely that nmana, as a social term, belongs to a late period and
corresponds to the family derived from the tauma.
Among tribal terms, some indicate blood relationships (termini
gentis), namely tauma, zantu, zana; others point to a common territory
(termini loci), namely nmana, 'vi8, daJiyii. It is difficult to establish
correspondences between the terms of these two categories; with the
passage of time certain terms supplanted others, a territorial term
takes on an ethnic connotation, etc.., 9 It is important to determine
294 CHAPTER XIII
the links in the tribal organization. The last of these is the dahyu,
above which comes only the association into a political group and an
administrative unit under the leadership of the supreme ruler.
From the point of view of the internal life of the tribe, the vid
should be considered the most active link. The starting point for
the history and law of the Aryan peoples was not the family but the
clan, gens. This was the original form of human association, and
from it developed the subsequent, more complicated units; siTn.il9.Tly,
the patriarchal family was derived from it by way of the disintegration
of the clan into smaller groups. The vid apparently was such a
starting point in Iran. Darius I, in his inscriptions, often speaks of
the vi9 and stresses its interests. The Medes and the Persians were
divided into vids, viQapatiy, The king proclaimed that he had rebuilt
the ayadana destroyed by the usurper Gaumata and had taken from
him the abicaris, gaiddmcd maniyamca vidbis-ca. It is evident from
this that the institutions listed were also divided according to vids,
Finally, even the gods were called by the name of vids, bagaibis
vidaibis 10, This point is very important, since vid, as well as other
terms, was preserved, with very interesting alterations, in Armenian
naxarar terminology, as we shall see later.
Interesting information on Persian tribal Me is found in Xenophon.
It is true that the Greek writer's account is somewhat tendentious,
but it is essentially truthful and throws a good deal of light on certain
aspects of Persian life. The historian relates that,
They have their so-called " Free Square ", (eXevdepa ayopd)
where the royal palace and other government buildings are
located .... This square, enclosing the government buildings,
is divided into four parts; one of these belongs to the boys,
one to the youths, another to the men of mature years, and
another to those who are past the age for military service.
And the law requires them to come daily to their several
quarters — the boys and the full grown men at daybreak;
but the elders may come at whatever time it suits each one's
convenience, except that they must present themselves on
certain specified days. But the youths pass the night also
in light armour about the government buildings — all except
those who are married; no inquiry is made for such, unless
they be especially ordered in advance to be there, but it is not
proper for them to be absent too often.
5. Over each of these divisions there are twelve officers,
for the Persians are divided into twelve tribes. To have
charge of the boys, such are chosen from the ranks of the elders
as seem likely to make out of the boys the best men; to have
charge of the youths, such are chosen from the ranks of the
mature men as seem most likely on their part to develop the
youths best; to preside over the mature men, those are selected
who seem most likely to fit them best to execute the orders
and requirements of the highest authorities; and of the elders
also chiefs are selected who act as overseers to see that those
of this class also do their duty.
The historian then pauses to consider the Persian system of education,
... they learn to shoot and to throw the spear.
This, then, is what the boys do until they are sixteen or
seventeen years of age, and after this they are promoted from
the class of boys and enrolled among the young men.
9. Now the young men in their turn live as follows: for ten
years after they are promoted from the class of boys they
pass the nights, as we said before, about the government
buildings. This they do for the sake of guarding the city and
of developing their powers of self-control; for this time of life,
it seems, demands the most watchful care. And during the
day, too, they put themselves at the disposal of the authorities,
if they are needed for any service to the state. Whenever it
is necessary, they all remain about the public buildings. But
when the king goes out hunting, he takes out half the garrison;
... [12] ... . And of the youths who remain behind, the autho-
rities employ any that they may need, whether for garrison
duty or for arresting criminals or for hunting down robbers,
or for any other service that demands strength or dispatch.
Such then, is the occupation of the youths. And when they
have completed their ten years, they are promoted and enrolled
in the class of mature men. 13. And these, in turn, for twenty-
five years after the time they are there enrolled, are occupied
as follows. In the first place, like the youths, they are at the
disposal of the authorities, if they are needed in the interest
of the commonwealth in any service that requires men who
have already attained discretion and are still strong in body.
But if it is necessary to make a military expedition anywhere,
those who have been thus educated take the field, no longer
with bow and arrows, nor yet with spears, but with what are
termed " weapons for close conflict" — a corselet about
their breast, a round shield upon their left arm (such as the
Persians are represented with in art), and in their right hands
a sabre or bill. From this division also all the magistrates
are selected, except the teachers of the boys.
And when they have completed the five-and-twenty years,
they are, as one would expect, somewhat more than fifty
296 CHAPTER Sin
years of age; and then they come out and take their places
among those who really are, as they are called, the " elders ".
14, Now these elders, in their turn, no longer perform military
service outside their own country, but they remain at home
and try all sorts of cases, both public and private. They
try people indicted for capital offenses also, and they elect
all the officers. And if any one, either among the youths or
among the mature men, fail in any one of the duties prescribed
by law, the respective officers of that division, or any one else
who will, may enter complaint, and the elders, when they
have heard the case, expel the guilty party; and the one who
has been expelled spends the rest of his life degraded and
disfranchised.
15. Now, that the whole constitutional policy of the Persians
may be more clearly set forth, I will go back a little; for now,
in the light of what has already been said, it can be given in a
very few words. It is said that the Persians number about
one hundred and twenty thousand men; and no one of these
is by law excluded from holding offices and positions of honour,
but all the Persians may send their children to the common
schools of justiee.; Still, only those do send them who are
in a position to maintain their children without work; and
those who are not so situated do not. And only to such as
are educated by the public teachers is it permitted to pass
their young manhood in the class of the youths, while to those
who have not completed this course of training it is not so
permitted. And only to such among the youths as complete
the course required by law is it permitted to join the class of
mature men and to fill offices and places of distinction, while
those who do not finish their course among the young men
are not promoted to the class of the mature men. And again,
those who finish their course among the mature men without
blame become members of the class of elders n.
According to Xenophon, his hero Cyrus passed through all the

classes. What the historian is apparently attempting to present here,
is an ideal Persian system of education so that the details are probably
exaggerated, but in the main his account corresponds to reality.
One of the ancient institutions of tribal life, the free square (eAeuflepa
ayopa) is described; this is the common gathering place, the institution
which is called abicans on the inscriptions, and the one over which
Darius struggled with the impostor Gaumata. Africans coincides
phonetically and semantieally with the Sanscrit sabhacara, (from
sabha, « gathering» and car a, «to go») which means « an assembly»,
Among the Indians, the assembly of communities living in villages,
THE NAXABAB SYSTEM — PRELIMINARY EXCURSUS 297
grama, under the rule of an elder, gramani, was called saWia. The
sabha was summoned together for the discussion of public affairs
as well as for festivals and common entertainment. These assemblies
had so much importance that men were sometimes evalued according
to their usefulness in assembly: a man was prized as sabJieya 13,
The representatives of the twelve Persian tribes met in the common
square. Up to ten thousand men were found in each tribe so that
there were altogether 120 thousand Persians (incidentally, this is a
staggeringly low figure for a nation wielding such fearful might).
This institution supports our hypothesis that the Persian Empire
was founded on a basis of confederation. The explanation of Xeno-
phon that, only the rich assembled in the common square, even though
all the members of the tribe were entitled to do so, proves that the
ancient tribal institutions were losing their true nature, and shows
the fashion in which an institution based on the equality of its members
was becoming a source of class differentiation and inequality. The
former simple assembly was transmuted into a sort of military school
intended in reality for the wealthy classes of the society; the poor
had no means of access to such an institution. Cyrus in his speech
to the soldiers comments in passing, « ...in our own country you did
not enjoy equal privileges with us, not because you were excluded
from them by us, but because you were obliged to earn your own
living13». In this fashion, the free square or abicaris served as a
means for the subdivision of society into strata; it created a class of
privileged individuals and secured for them the leading positions and
the exlusive right to govern the country. Among the thirty thousand
warriors of Cyrus, only one thousand belonged to the rank of the
privileged, or, as he calls them, of the omotimoi14.
Xenophon asserts that all commerce was forbidden in the free
square 14a. Nevertheless, both the New-Persian bazar., «market»
and the Armenian vacar (//u/û/n) are derived from abicaris1^; conse-
quently the earlier institution obviously degenerated at a later date
into a market for the exchange of goods. As a term, abicaris lived
through three stages of development, passing from a tribal institution
to a military-aristocratic and eventually to a middle class one. The
abicaris led to the formation of a class of omotimoi within which lay
concealed the seeds of the future noble estate. The square once called
free, probably in the sense of its common accessibility, subsequently
became the exclusive property of the free class. Differentiation
298 CHAPTEK XIII
within the homogeneous mass points already to the disintegration of

the tribal bases of life, and is attended by the inauguration of the
process of feudalization14c. Careful investigation of the phenomenon
known as feudalism has revealed all the complication of its nature,
and we now speak not only of medieval feudalism, but also of primitive
feudalism developing from the dissolution of tribal society. In early
periods of history, one of the means of maintaining social equilibrium
was communal land tenure. With the destruction of this form of
possession, economic inequality developed, and brought with it the
uneven distribution of political power. This is the fashion in which
one of the main components of feudalism, namely the association of
land tenure and political power makes its appearance.
It is impossible to determine the exact point at which tribal forms
turned into feudal ones. The seeds of feudalism as well as those of a
tight political structure in the Roman sense were already visible in
the Achaemenid period 14d. By-passing the ethnic groups, of which
there were as many as 70, the Achaemenids first divided the whole
of the Empire into 20 administrative units, the so-called satrapies,
and separated military and civilian powers,, entrusting the former to
phrourarchs and chiliarchs and the latter to satraps 15. If any periodi-
zation is permissible here, the period of Parthian domination is the
one to be taken as the turning point in the history of socio-political
relations in Iran. Under the Achaemenids, the political structure
rested on tribal forms of association. In the subsequent Macedonian
— Seleucid period, political bases began to gain strength under the
influence of the western conquerors. At the time of the accession of
the Parthians who were emerging from the tribal order, like other
Iranian peoples, the developing state clashed with tribal foundations.
Parthian tribal traditions had given way in the Seleucid political
milieu and acquired the characteristics of feudalism. The process of
feudalization was expressed by the fact that the Parthians, having
turned into a military class, became omotimoi with regard to the rest
of Iran. The evolution in the internal life of the Parthians, as a
separate ethnic group, inevitably led to results similar to those found
among the Persians, i.e,, their society was fragmented as had been
that of the Persians15a,
Parthia had been settled by various tribes belonging to the Iranian
family. Although called Parthian, the royal house of the Arsacids
was not descended from the Parthians themselves, but from the
neighbouring tribe of the Daon, The Dahi were a nomad Iranian

group pushed beyond the border of the country- parthau- and may
perhaps be related to nomads with the same name mentioned by
Herodotus 16. The former lived next to the Mardians on the Iranian
plateau; then, moving to the west, they found themselves on the
border of Iran, in the plains of present-day Turkestan, The Dahi
consisted of various tribes " and the new conquerors, as personified
by Arsak [Arsaces], were descended from the tribe of the Aparnoi.
In the middle of the third century [B.C.], as the result of internal
tribal dissentions, the Aparnoi were compelled to abandon their lands
and attacked neighbouring Parthia, which they conquered. Thus, in
the strict sense, the Arsacids were conquerors with regard to Parthia.
A century later, having consolidated their position, they emerged on
the historical stage in the mid-second century under the guise of a
Parthian dynasty. The fact that Dahi as well as Parthian tribes
were included in the royal family is no longer questioned17a.
In Achaemenid inscriptions, Parthia is mentioned as an autonomous
dahyu. Nothing is known of its internal tribal organization, but some
information concerning its political structure in the royal period has
survived 18. A type of collegiate institution, a council called ordo
probulorum, existed under the king, and individuals were chosen
from among its members for military and civilian offices 19. In its
functions, this institutions is reminiscent of the class of omotimoi,
or more exactly of mature men among the Persians, since they too
had been a ruling class with exclusive rights to public offices. Accor-
ding to one account, the Parthians had two such institutions. One
was composed of the relatives of the ruling dynasty, the other of the
wisemen and Magians, and the kings were selected jointly by the two
councils20. Historians often mention a Parthian senate on whom
depended the fate of the kings ai; the above institutions were probably
the ones refered to. If the first of these corresponds to the class of
mature men among the Persians, then the second should be equated
with the class of elders among the same Persians. Both institutions
were unquestionably descended from the tribal period and were the
ultimate development of primitive institutions. The existence of
such institutions is the best indication of the process of social strati-
fication taking place among the Parthians.
We know that Parthian society was divided into freemen and slaves.
The number of slaves grew constantly, since the custom of manumission
300 CHAPTER XIH
did not exist. Because of the small number of freemen, the main
contingents of the army, in contrast to the practices of other nations,
were composed of slaves who were taught to ride and to shoot like
free men 21a. The free men, according to their wealth, furnished a
number of knights to the ruler. Thus, at the time of the war with
Marc Antony, 400 freemen led against him a cavalry of fifty thousand
men. One of the characteristic customs of the Parthians was their
attachement to horseback riding : They almost never dismounted, and
not only fought, but also ate. and rested on their horses; public business,
trade, and assemblies likewise took place on horseback. The outward
distinction of freemen from slaves was that the former rode, while
the slaves went on foot 22 , Life on horseback, the distinguishing
custom of nomads, serves here as an indication of the indebtedness
of the Parthians to their nomad past. In the new political context,
the Parthians' natural inclination toward horsemanship turned them
into a superior warrior class, and this circumstance was reflected in
their administrative policy. The significance of Parthian military
customs must be taken into consideration in any explanation of the
causes which led their state toward feudalization229.
According to Pliny, the empire of the Parthians, bound by the Red
and Hyrcanian Seas, consisted of eighteen kingdoms 23. Of these,
eleven were called superiora and stretched from the border of Armenia
to Scythia, while the other seven made up the regna inferior®. The
historian does not give the names of these kingdoms, but they pre-
sumably were the provinces listed in the Itinerary of Isidore of Charax24.
The provinces described by Isidore include Parthia, Media, Assyria,
and Mesopotamia, together with their subdivisions. "Whether or not
eighteen kingdoms were to be found within the boundaries of these
provinces, they must be taken as the Parthian possessions par excel-
lence. . Along their periphery lay Atropatene and Armenia in the north,
Persia-Karamania in the south, Adiabene and Osrhoene in the west,
and Bactria with Sogdiana in the east24a,- In the period of uprisings
against the Seleucids, some of these lands broke away, at the same
time as the Parthians, and formed independent countries, while
others had accomplished this even earlier. This is the form in which
they were subsequently incorporated into the Parthian Empire so
that the border territories were differentiated from the central provinces
through their political status 24V
The Arsacids looked upon their conquests as the possessions of their
THE NAXAEAE SYSTEM — PRELIMINARY EXCURSUS 301
house, and consequently sought to seize the thrones of the subjected

kingdoms to apportion them among their kinsmen. They succeeded in
replacing the native dynasties by Arsaeids in the kingdoms listed
above, but the junior Aisacid lines soon identified themselves with
the countries in which they were installed and took the same hostile
attitude toward the central power as the former native dynasties,
Family claims to power were one of the obstructions which prevented
the creation of a single political organism. The Parthian Empire
was not a single state, but rather a conglomeration of small units
with sovereign functions.
The main Arsacid line enjoyed a position of seniority; the heads of
the component kingdoms were entitled kings, while the head of the
central power was the king of kings. This pompous title was an
inheritance from the Achaemenids, while the Achaemenids in their
turn had borrowed it from the Assyrians, Since the first Arsacids
had simply been called kings and they first took the title of king of
kings only after the great extension of their territory under Mithra-
dates I [ca, 171-138 B.C.]24c, we must suppose that this action was
not merely an imitation of the Achaemenids, but that the new title
corresponded to the existing political situation. According to Muslim
sources which go back to Sasanian accounts, the power of the Askuni
was acknowledged by 90 kings, who were the rulers of 90 countries 25.
According to the same source, the empire of the Parthians was a
union of kings (muluk-at-Ta,wa*if\ a federated empire composed
of kings from various nations and tribes. The formula crvcnâ
pzilov is also applicable to the Parthian Empire, since it was as great
a confederation as that of the Achaemenids, with only the components
changed. The confederation was joined together on the same basis
as before : the actual dependence of the moluJcs or reguli was expressed
by their fulfilment of the basic duties which had characterized Iranian
kingdoms even before the Parthians, namely the paymenLof_a_tribute
and the performance of military service 26, In such a system, the
problems and functions of the state are reduced to the minimum, and
this type of relationship of the parts to the whole is the very essence
of vassalage, one of the essential attributes of feudalism.
Faced with such a mechanism, the state obviously could not have
a profound influence on life. According to ancient concepts, power
sprang from two sources, either from the right of .Goaq-uest, or from the
right of birth 37. In the first case, the power was limited in its ac-
302 CHAPTER XIII
tivities by the narrow bounds of the existing political structure.

Power based on the pre-eminence of blood, on the other hand, included
all other ramifications and aspects of society and functioned through
the forms of tribal institutions. The rights of blood were the bases
of society, and the legal relationships derived from them were charac-
terized by a remarkable stability. This should serve as a guiding
line in the achievement of our goal: the clarification of the bases of
social life in Armenia.
XIV
THE TKIBAL BASES OF THE NAXARAR SYSTEM
Two periods in the history of Armenia: the Tigranids and the Arsaeids, i.e. the eras
of the Tcomarchs and the strategoi — Tribal life in the earlier period — The ethnic
structure of Armenia — The decisive moment in the creation of the Armenian nation —
Its essential characteristics — The transformation of tribal features: malyaz, aspet,
mamak, ter, through an a posteriori reconstruction — The etymology of these terms
as synonyms designating tribal leaders in different ethnic groups — The process of
social stratification Iberia and Albania — The aristocratization of Armenia in the
time of Tigran the Great — The leading representatives of the nobility in this period:
the four Ides'xs, Bagadates, Mithrobarzanes, and Mankaios as the ancestors of the
princely houses of the Bagratids, Sophene < Arcruni, and Mamikonean — The .Xbr-
xofuni house — The appearance of classes in other tribal groups: the Mardpet as the
leader of the .Marxians, the prince of Mok¥ or Moxene, the prince of the Kurtieaas or
KorSek, hypotheses concerning the origin of the Amatuni and Muracan — The tribal
origin of Shrnik'-Sisakan, Sirak, and others — The completion of the social stratifi-
cation in the epoch preceding the appearance of the Arsaeids in Armenia.
Armenia, as one of the component parts of the politico-cultural

Iranian world, was destined to pass through the same evolution.
The essential phases of development, the outstanding moments in
the history of Iran, necessarily affected Armenian life. In this
sense, the historical periodization of Iranian life is also applicable
to that of Armenia. Parthian domination is the turning point intro-
ducing a new era in the history of Armenia as well as in that of the
Persians a. Since the Parthian dynasty was consolidated in Armenia
somewhat later than in Persia, specifically at the beginning of our
era, we should begin our reckoning of the Arsacid period of Armenian
history from this date. The period preceding the appearance of the
Arsaeids may be called Achaemenid, from the external point of view,
and from the internal one, Tigranid, after the dynasty to which be-
longed Artaxias [Artases] and Zariadris [Zareh], as well as their
famous descendent Tigran II the Great1. Socio-politically, this
epoch corresponds to the pre-Parthian period of Persian history,
and it is primarily an era of tribal relationships.
304 CHAPTEE XIV
From the point of view of social evolution, these two periods in

Armenian history : the Tigranid and the Arsacid, may be called the
eras of the Jcomarchs in the former case, and the generals [strategoi]
in the latter1a. Xenophon's description of the Armenian countryside
at the time of the retreat of the Ten Thousand (ca. 400 B.C.), gives
an adequate characterization of the social life of the country. Armenia
was composed exclusively of villages headed by chieftains, KWyuapx7)?
or ap^cuv rrjs KCU/J.TJS'. These Jcomarchs were members of the ad-
ministration, as were the satraps, who were the representatives of
the Persian king. From the patriarchal picture of the villages given
by Xenophon, it is easy to guess that the Jcomarch was the head of
the particular clan settled in a given village. The characteristic
fortifications around the villages, the primitive households with
subterranean dwellings in which the animals, sheep, goats, cows, and
the domestic stock in general were housed together with human beings,
all these are part and parcel of a tribal form of community life. The
elder who guided the Greeks refused all that the strangers offered him,
but, « ...whenever he caught sight of one of his hinsmen, he would
always take the man to his side 2 ». It is impossible to miss in this
fatherly concern the characteristic function of the father-leader of
the elan.
The picture of the country found a few centuries later, specifically
at the beginning of the Arsacid establishment in Armenia, is quite
different. By this time, Armenia was divided into 120 districts or
prefectures called strategies, among which were several former king-
doms, « ...dividitur in praefecturas, quas strategias vacant, quasdam ex
Ms vel singula regna quondam, barbaribus nominibus CXX 3». To be
sure, the nature of these divisions is not very clear, and we do not
know who gave them the name of strategies, or to what local terms
this name corresponded. We will return to this problem later, but
in any case, there can be no doubt that strategia is a military term and
that as such it indicates that military activity was the first duty of
its head or strategos. We know that the Armenian princes were
liable to military service, and that they were obliged to present
themselves before the king, as soon as summoned, at the head of their
cavalry contingent. Consequently, we have grounds for admitting
that the strategies were ruling principalities, even if only in the initial
stage of their development.
The strategoi and the Jcomarchs stood on different steps of the social
THE TKIBAL BASES OF THE NAXARAR SYSTEM 305
scale and were separated by four centuries. They mark two very
important points of demarcation in the history of the growth of
social forces in the country. Our problem consists in discovering the
nature of the historical process which led from the JcomarcJis to the
strategoi, from the tribal stage to the feudal one,
A tribal pattern is acknowledged to be the indispensable stage in
the life of every people. Armenia offered a particularly favourable
environment for such a pattern because of its ethnic and geographical
setting. Set at the crossroads of great popular migrations, she retained
and absorbed into her own soil numerous racial strains and national
currents. The natural conditions of the country were not favourable
to fusion : tall mountain ranges blocking off the land in all directions
created a network of valleys and gorges, each of which formed an
isolated community peculiarly suited for the preservation joJLtribal
characteristics. A multitude of such communities led to a tribal
pattern of life and foreshadowed its conservatism3a.
Little factual data on the tribal period of Armenian history is
admissible a priori. What there is consists primarily of those terms
giving us some understanding of the social structure in the days of the
Jcomarchs which have survived in early Armenian literature, and of
their transformations. The most notable among these are the Iranian
terms : mn£S ]tohm\ inifi [azn] 2ema[?], the survival of vid in the
form * tlfju [vis] * û/u \vas], uk(mnL^ [se(pu7i], //ui£«m [vacaf] abicaris,
ui£fuuip£[asxcwft] xsaBm, £iu£iuuj [saJiap] sa6rapa[1'], et al. Some of these
are borrowings from the Sasanian period, others go back to antiquity,
possibly to the period of the Achaemenids31>. The borrowing of ad-
ministrative terms such as asyarli or sakap is understandable and
explicable as the result of the political influence of the conquerors.
But we should expect tribal terminology to have a purely Armenian
character, since it developed on the basis of native tribal relationships,
Here too, however, Iranian words are found, and with nuances which
make it impossible to consider them simple borrowings. These phe
nomena also occur in lexical material of different origin which links
the Armenians to their neighbours on other sides. Consequently, a
familiarity with the ethnic composition of the Armenian people is
indispensable for a classification and clarification of certain terms
which characterize and are important for our problem.
At present it is still impossible to trace the ethnic strata all the
way back to the first settlers of Armenia, but if we limit ourselves to
306 CHAPTER XIV
the portion of history accessible to us, we find that the Armenian

nation was composed of different ethnic as well as tribal components.
Under the Achaemenids the territory subsequently called Armenia
was inhabited by various peoples and made up two satrapies. The
Paktyians and the Armenians, together with their neighbours as far as
the Black Sea, formed the Thirteenth satrapy, while the Matienians,
Saspirians and Alarodians formed the Eighteenth 4. On the western
border of Armenia lived the Cilicians, and on the eastern one the
Matienians. Moreover, the Armenians were separated from the former
by the Euphrates, and from the latter by one of the tributaries of the
Tigris, probably the Zab 5. Since they formed one satrapy with
the Matienians, the Alarodians and Saspirians evidently adjoined
them on the north-western side. In the expedition of Xerxes, the
Armenians fought under one standard with the Phrygians, while the
Alarodians and Saspirians were under another. Among the adjacent
peoples, the better known — the Moschians and Tibarenians, the
Makronians and Mossynoechians, the Mares and Colchidians, the Utians
and MyMans — were coupled under separate leaders, while the Medes
were under a special command 6. At the time of the retreat of the
Ten Thousand, the land of the Phasians and the Hesperites, i.e.
Saspirians, as well as of the Taochians was already considered to be
part of Armenia and was called Western to distingush it from the
other Armenia. The ruler or satrap of one part was Tiribazos, and
of the other Orontes 7. In this period, the neighbouring peoples,
namely the Karduchians, Chalybians, Chaldaeans, Makronians, Col-
chidians, Mossynoechians, Koetians, and Tibarenians were independent8.
One century later, at the time of the battle of Gaugamela, there were
again two satraps in Armenia, Orontes and Mithraustes; as for the
neighbouring Medes, they were under the leadership of Atropates,
and with them were found the Kadusians, Albanians, and Saka-
senians 9.
All of these nations, in whole or in part, were settled on territorry
later occupied by Armenia. Though numbering more than twenty,
they can be reduced to a few groups through blood ties. Of the
Armenians it is said that, «... The Armenians, who are settlers from
Phrygia, were armed like the Phrygians» 9a, hence similarity of weapons
may be taken as an index of relationship. Since the Utians, MyMans,
and Parikanians were all armed like the Paktyians, the Tibarenians,
Makronians, and Mossynoechians like the Moschians, the Alarodians and
THE TKIBAL BASES OF THE NAXARAR SYSTEM 307
Saspirians like the Colchidians, and the Medes had their own arms 9fe,
we can deduce that, except for the Medes and the Armenians, all the
other nations were grouped around the Paktyians, Mosehians and
Colchidians. Some of these peoples have vanished, bequeathing their
names to their lands. Thus, for instance, the Alarodians, Saspirians,
Taochians, and Phasians have disappeared as peoples, but their mem-
ory has been preserved in the toponyms, Ayrarat, Sper, Tayk' [Tao],
and Basean. The name of the Paktyians is preserved in modern
Bohtan, along the eastern Tigris; there is also a Kurdish tribe named
Bohtu, The Mykians, the Armenian Vnlff [Mokk3], who were related
to the Paktyians, moved in part to the north and settled between the
Kura and the Araxes. Prom them are derived ITW/UU/& - g [Muânk5], a
district in Arca^, and Mughan, the name of the famous steppe. The
Col-chidians, Mos-chians, and other peoples were also pushed northward.
These disturbances attended the formation of the Armenian nation-
ality9c.
One of the decisive moments in this formation has been recorded
by history; it came in the period of Zariadris and Artaxias, and
manifested itself in the formation of a single language accessible to
all10. According to reliable testimony, it was under these leaders
that Armenia, formerly a small country, grew at the expense of the
neighbouring lands. She conquered Kaspiane, Saunitis [Phaunitis],
and Basoropeda from the Medes, the foothills of Mount Paryadres
(Tayk' and Sper), Chorzane and Gogarene from the Iberians, Karenitis
and Derxene [Xerxene] from the Chalybians and Mossynoechians,
AMlisene from the Kataonians, and Tamoritis [Taronitis] from the
Syrians n. The process of unification sprang from two centers, the
realms of Artaxias and Zariadris, which had originally made up two
of the earlier satrapies; the movement then spread and took in the
territories of the neighbouring nations in the directions of Media,
Iberia, Cappadocia, and Syria.
The Kataonians were part of the Cappadocian population; according
to Strabo, ancient writers had considered them a people distinct from
the Cappadocians, but in his own time, they had lost their tribal
characteristics and were similar in language and customs to the
rest of the population of Cappadocia 13. As for the inhabitants of
Cappadocia, despite their dissimilarity to it, they had originally
belonged to the Syrian world. The Greeks called them Syrians or
White Syrians [Leucosyrians] to distinguish them from the other ones13.
308 CHAPTER XIV
It seems then, that Cappadocia was ethnically related to the Semitic

family, and, it has now been reasonably well demonstrated that the
Iberians too were related to the Semites14. Thus, an ethnically
related territory once stretched from the plain of Mesopotamia to
the Black Sea; this agrees with the testimony of Strabo that the
name of the Syrians in antiquity reached from Babylonia as far as
the Euxine Sea 15. Following Strabo, let us call the Syrian or Semitic
world Aramaean, On the basis of ancient sources, the great geographer
also included the Armenians in this world, thus contradicting Herodo-
tus, according to whom the Armenians were natives of Phrygia,
A controversy had arisen among the ancients on the subject of the
nation of the epe/^8cu mentioned by Homer, and Strabo supported
the opinion of Poseidonius, saying,
But it would seem that the view of Poseidonius is best, for

he derives an etymology of the words from the kinship of
the peoples and their common characteristics, For the nation
of the Armenians and that of the Syrians and Arabians betray
a close affinity, not only in their language, but in their mode
of life and in their bodily build, and particularly wherever
they live as close neighbours. Mesopotamia, which is inhabited
by these three nations, gives proof of this, for in the case of
these nations the similarity is particularly noticeable. And
if, comparing the differences of latitude, there does exist a
greater difference between the northern and southern people
of Mesopotamia than between these two peoples and the Syrians
in the centre, still the common characteristics prevail. And
too, the Assyrians, the Arians, and the Arammaeans display
a certain likeness both to those just mentioned and to each
other. Indeed, Poseidonius conjectures that the names of
these nations also are akin; for, says he, the people whom we
call Syrians are by the Syrians themselves called Armenians
[Arimaeans] and Arammaeans; and there is a ressemblance
between this name and those of the Armenians, the Arabians
and the Erembians, ...16.
Returning to the same problem at the end of his work, Strabo repeats
once more the opinion that the three peoples living next to each
other show inter-relationship and are called by similar names: some
Armenians, others Arammaeans, and the third Arabians, as though
one nation had split into three, following climatic conditions 17,
It is evident from this valuable indication that the ancient world
saw elements common to the Armenians, the Syrians, and the Arabians.
THE TRIBAL BASES OF THE NAXAEAE SYSTEM 309
These were reflected not only in their appearence and mode of life,
but also in their language, and these similarities were particularly
striking in those places where they lived together. The etymological
connexions of Poseidonius are based on actual facts, on the unity
and similarity of the peoples compared, and not vice versa; i,e, the
author is not distorting reality for the sake of etymology. The cate-
goric statement that Poseidonius « derives an etymology of the words
from the kinship of the peoples and their common characteristics»,
is very important18.
Side by side with the testimony on the descent of the Armenians
from the Phrygians, we have a similar testimony on the kinship__of
the Armenians with the Aramaeans, The truth of either point of
view can be demonstrated only through an analysis of the admirable
but complicated structure, which is the Armenian language. If by
Phrygian we are to understand Indo-European, then the words of
Herodotus are justified. Studies of Armenian from the point of view
of Indo-European phonetics have shown ties of kinship between the
Armenians and the great Indo-European family and have placed
Armenian in the western group of Indo-European languages 18a.
There is no doubt that research along historical lines will uncover
the contact of the Armenians with the Aramean family as well. The
success of such a task mayi/ be taken as certain of the basis of the
lexical material already isolated.
To show the relationship of Aryan and Semitic elements in the
Armenian language, we must admit that Armenia was originally part
of an area settled by various tribal groups : Xar^w-chians, .Mos-chians,
Sa-sp'r-ians, with primarily Aramean components. The well known
invasion of the Cimmerians in the seventh century B.C. caused a
shift in the population of Asia Minor. The Phrygian Armenians,
driven out of their territory, crossed the Euphrates and drove a wedge
into the local Aramean population. Some of the latter remained in
the north, and some in the south, while the conquered middle group
mingled with the conquerors 19. The core of the Armenian nation
was formed from this fusion of invading Phrygians and of natives
who were in the main of Aramean descent. The best proof of the
double composition of this core is the double name of the Armenians :
Hay to themselves, Armenios to their neighbours, one derived from
the invaders, the other from the aborigenes. The process of formation
of the Armenian nation is presented with remarkable accuracy in the
310 CHAPTER XIV
ancient Armenian legends preserved by Movses .Xbrenaei and the

Anonymous History, Two eponymous figures, Hay-k (£wj—li) and
Araman-eak (HpiuSiu^—hia^ or Armen-ak (Hpilkfi—mlf) personify the two
components Indo-European and Aramaean. The name itself, armen
(wpS^fi), Armni-k' (UptKi—pf) is derived from Aram, according to
.Xbrenaci, and at this point the Armenian account supports Posei-
donius, who compared appevioi and d/ja/xetoi,, but the attempts to
explain the origin of hay still remain unsuccessful20.
Other peoples joined the original nucleus, new ethnic currents
continually flowed into it from the frontiers, from the lands of Atro-
patene, Iberia, Cappadocia and Syria. The assimilation of peoples
continued until the time of Zariadris and Artaxias, when an important
period for the Armenians came to an end. JCtauth,e__e,yftJQfJhe^creatipn
of the empire of Tigran the Great, tribal differentiations had been
obliterated to such a degree that the entire population spoke a single
language. The moment of synthesis of a common national language
should be taken as the end point for the tribal stage in the life of a
people 20a .
The tribal pattern is the necessary and natural framework of life in
a country so rich in tribes and peoples. A man's position in a multi-
tribal environment had to be established primarily through blood
ties to some elan. The reference of Herodotus to the Armenians as a
pastoral people is an eye-witness testimony to the stage of development
reached by the Armenians at that time 21, Our knowledge of the
life of the neighbouring people who formed a single cultural world
with the Armenians gives us some insight into this phase. Thus,
common tribal property ruled over by the oldest member of the tribe
among the Iberians and the Arabs, precedence of brothers over sons
and community of wives among the Arabs, characteristic administrative
institutions among the Assyrians, absence of individual inheritance
linked to the burial of their possessions with the dead among the
Albanians, the maintenance and general position of the king among
some of the peoples belonging to the same world — all these are
characteristic phenomena of the tribal stage of society 22.
Certain traits observable in the hereditary nobility of Armenia at
a later date, such as the undivided tenure of lands by an entire clan
under the leadership of its oldest member point toward the roots of
such customs. We do not know the precise forms taken by tribal
life in Armenia, In such a diversified tribal composition of the popu-
THE TRIBAL BASES OF THE NAXARAE SYSTEM 311
lation, the forms of life could be of the utmost variety, depending on

the specific stage of development reached by a particular ethnic group.
Nevertheless, a general classification according to its major ethnic
components is possible.
Among linguistic remains, particular attention should be given to
certain terms of na-ârar terminology, which were an inheritance from
a tribal way of life. Correctly interpreted, these can give us an
insight into the grouping of the main ethnic strata in the tribal period,
and into the manner of their integration of national forces at the
time of the dissolution of tribal forms. These terms are : malyaz
\j5iu qjuwt^,, aspet \wuuikw], *mamak [SuiSuilj], and ter [wkp] in their original
sense, which we will attempt to uncover. All four terms originally
designated the holder of power in various parts of the contry.
Mafyaz [ITu^/uu^], the hereditary title of the princes ^Corôfuni,
meant in general, « ruler, prince, king », from the Assyrian mal-âzu =
Arabian malik. The unit of rule corresponding to this title on a
smaller scale was al-% [«"£/" « clausura»], from *Aa^, which has the
same origin as the Georgian sayli, « house ». From the same root also
comes alayin (/«jp/u/j&), which originally meant a « person belonging
to an u»£/u», and subsequently a « female attendant » 22a .
The second term, aspet (umujkin), was also a hereditary title and
belonged to the Bagratid princes23. The word has been interpreted
in various ways which we consider unjustifiable. It should to be
divided into as and pet, of which the second part means «leader,
head », so that all the difficulty lies in the first syllable alone. There
are grounds for comparing this syllable with the initial syllable of
another equally important term in na%arar life, namely se-puh (uk—
ujnLty, of which the etymology has already been traced 24. Sepuh,
from the earlier form se-puhr, is the Iranian mBa-pu9ra, where pudra
(—ufni.£) means « son», while viO, as we have seen, is one of the steps
in the tribal organization; consequently, se is a contracted form of
W#24a.
The term uhujn^ has also been preserved in Armenian literature
in the form Aspmah (D>uuini.pwl£)., the name of a famous bishop in Eaus-
tus' History 24b. The presence of a pre-tonie TIL \u\s that this
m. stood before two consonants, i.e, the word was pronounced Aspuhr-
ak. Spuhr, the element left after the removal of the affixes, should
be linked with sepuh in its archaic form sepuhr. The identity of the
initial syllables as- and se- is beyond doubt. It is interesting that
312 CHAPTER XIV
[Aspuralc] can also be found with an initial v,

[VaspuraK], but that the name of the province of *£u;u^/upu/yu/& (Vas-
purakan), which is the same word, is given in non- Armenian documents
without the initial phoneme, *A cmovp < cue > av 25, The existence of the
form vaspur next to aspur shows even more clearly the derivation
from vidapuOra, Indeed, merely on a phonetic basis of the absence
of an initial v in Armenian, the Iranian mOapuBra or vaidapuBra had
to pass into Armenian in the form isapuhr, asapuhr, or, with the
dropping of the pre-tonic a, ispuhr, aspuhr 26,
With the discovery of the identity of as-puhr and se-puhr, or of
as- and se~, the etymology of the term aspet becomes clear, Aspet is
to be derived from vida-pati in the same way as aspuhr was derived
from viQa-pu6ra, In other words, aspet means « Tiead of a viO, or
clan », and sepuh, « son of a clan ». The word ilukS [vsern], i[umS [vsam],
in its long form i[uhui5 \vseam~\, is undoubtedly the Iranian mdya-ma
and is related to vid as zantu-ma is to zantu. Its original meaning
was, « member of a clan, clansman » ; later it came to mean « noble,
outstanding [excelsus'] 27 ».
*Mamak (i?«/i?u/^) is similar in character to the preceding term. It is
found in historical literature as a proper name in the Mamikonean
family, but it had originally served as a hereditary title for one of
the princely houses, and subsequently become a family name, as
had the two titles already analyzed, ^SiuSwlj [mamalc] or *£u/z^
[mamiK] gives lTu/u^/7&—kwli [Mamikon-ean], as ZJU^£w—nt&/r [Aspet-uni]
derives from u/u/Âw [aspet], or ITuujjuuit^ ~ nibfj [Malâz-uni] from SWTIJUUII^
[malxaz]- We assume that mama-lc is nothing more than the
Armenized form of the Iberian mama = « father ». Consequently
this term is also derived from the tribal period and meant, « father
of the clan, elan-leader », thus being synonymous with the Georgian
It is interesting to note that the Armenian tradition likewise traces

the Mamikon-ean back to a certain Mamik. Our hypothetical ety-
mology is therefore supported by the tradition and throws new light
on the traditional origin of this great princely house. The Armenian -
tales derive the Mamikonean from the Cenk' [£?&&,£]. In I?austus{
History., the Mamikonean themselves proudly proclaim the descent
of their family, «... from the kings of the nation of the Cenk' 29».
Faustus does not indicate what is meant by the country of the Cenk',
but the Anonymous History implies that the name refers to one of
THE TRIBAL EASES OF THE NAXARAR SYSTEM 313
the countries east of Persia, beyond Balkh, i.e. China, According to
the legend, the hypothetical original chieftains of the Mamikoneans,
Mamik and Konak, were the sons of a famous nobleman, who ranked
first after the king in "Cenastan - China. After the death of this
nobleman, the king married his widow and had by her a son named
Cenbakur, who was the heir to the throne. His half-brothers on the
mother's side, Mamik and Konak, plotted to keep him from the throne,
but the plot failed and they saved themselves by fleeing to the Arsacid
ruler of Balkh. Cenbakur demanded the return of the fugitives, but
the Arsacid king refused, calming him with the assurance that, « he
would send them far to the west, to the end of the earth where sets
sun»; and indeed, to save them from the pursuits of Cenbakur, the
king sent them to his Arsacid kinsman in Armenia. The purpose of
the last part of the story is to explain the manner in which the Mami-
konean reached their hereditary district of Tayk' from China : the
king had intentionally settled them on the edge of the world. The
legend is mistaken in its identification of the nation of the Cenk'.
In the original tradition, Oenk' did not mean the distant Chinese
but the neighbouring Tzans, who lived not far from the Mamikonean
hereditary district of Tayk'. The Tzans are familiar to the Armenians
whether as £uih—,&«&—/f/y [can-, can-ik] in Movses .Xbrenaei, or nowadays
as Canik, The family traits of the Mamikonean, hot temper and
remarkable bravery, link them rather to the Tzans, who were still
famous in the sixth century for their warlike character, than to the
peace-loving Chinese. In such an interpretation, the legend con-
cerning the Mamikonean acquires a historical foundation 39a.
Let us note in passing that the Orbeliani princes in Georgia also
sought their ancestors in the country of the Oenk', and that Oenbakur
likewise figured among them. The coincidence is not fortuitous; it is
obviously a survival of the Mamikonean family tradition, and can
be explained by the fact that the Orbeliani considered themselves
descendents of the Mamikonean. There is nothing surprising in this;
just as the Bagratids moved from Sper to Georgia, so the Mamikonean
may have moved to Georgia from the neighbouring Tayk'. The
hostile relations of the Orbeliani to the Georgian Bagratids seems an
echo of the family enmity of the Mamikonean and the Armenian
Bagratids 39*>,
T&r (wtp), the last term under consideration, is a contraction of
injj [ti-~\d wjp \ayr~]. The second half of the compound is a familiar
314 CHAPTER XIV
Armenian word meaning « person, man ». Sp—lipb [ti-Jcin], «lady » is

composed on the same pattern as wp—uijp [ti-ayr]. The sense of ti-
is nearly beyond our reach; even its relations to wjp [ayr] and Iffi
[kin] is not clear; does it modify them or is it modified by them.
The construction of these words recalls the Georgian mama [« father »]-
up'ali and deda [« mother i>]-up'ali, of which the former is familiar in
its contracted form mep'e, from ma(m)p'a(li). Like the Armenian ter,
the Georgian up'ali corresponds semantically and etymologically to
the Semitic baal, «lord», the name given to the gods protecting the
tribes among the Semites. This word, which had the sense of « god,
lord of heaven », among the Semites, was transferred by the Georgians
to the king, the lord of the earth. Something similar apparently
took place in connexion with the Armenian uip [ti]. In phonetic and
semantic content, ti may be derived from the Indo-European root di-,
which is familiar in many languages and in various forms. The words
derived from it can be reduced to two basic forms, di and div-; both
of which include the concept « day - light», and « heaven - god».
Both roots exist in Armenian in the forms M//J/ (tiv), « day », and wp—g
[ti-Jc ']plur. tant,,« age », literally, « days.». The form ti, which concerns
us here, goes back to the root di. Originally mfi [ti], like the Latin
deus, designated the concept of a superior being or « god»; 3 0 subse-
quently it began to be used as a designation for the « king», and in
general for a «lord on earth, i.e. it underwent the same fate as the
Georgian up'ali. In order to set off this last meaning of wp [ti], the
element —• wjp [ayr], « man» was added to it thus producing the
compound wp—wjp [ti-ayr] = w£p[ter]. This mental process was interes-
tingly to be repeated once again. After the form wp—wjp [ti-ayr] had
had completely replaced wp [ti], and had come to designate a lord
both oip. earth and in heaven, the word wjp [ayr] was suffixed a second
time to differentiate these two concepts so that the word wpp—wjp
[tir-ayr] was formed as a result. In literature, this last form occurs as
a proper name, but it was unquestionably used originally in the
general sense of « lord » or « master 31».
The terms drawn from na-^ctrar society, which we have just discussed,
are an inheritance from an ancient period of tribal organization,
according to our interpretation. They belong to the class of local
titles born by the komarchs. These Jcomarchs needed different titles
because of the variety of their ethnic environment. The four terms
discussed should be taken as the most common ones among these
THE TRIBAL BASES OF THE NAXAEAR SYSTEM 315
titles, and they correspond to the four major groups to which the
ethnic pattern of Armenia could be reduced grosso modo. In regions
of dominant Aramaean influence, the heads of clans were called molyaz,
On the border of Atropatene or Iran, the Iranian terminology, aspet,
sepuJi, vsem was current. In the Iberian area, mamaJc was the
most current term. Finally, in localities having a Phrygian population,
ter, tun, and so forth were in use. Let us stress again that this analysis
is not exhaustive; not only are the areas selected by us far from
homogeneous, and contain certain variations necessarily reflected in
their terminology, but other ethnic groups also existed. Such, for
instance, were small nations like the Mards, whose head was known
as the mard-pet (^wp^kin), and a number of others.
The period of tribal relations ended in the political ferment which
occured in Armenia in the time of Zariadris and Artaxias. The dis-
solution of tribal organization and the appearance of new social re-
lationships began in this period. The nature of the change manifested
itself in the stratification of the social mass and the emergence of
classes. The heads or leaders of clans were gradually transformed
into noblemen or lords, thus laying the foundations for future heredi-
tary principalities. Such a transformation begins at the moment when
the title of the heads of clan becomes hereditary. His descendents are
singled out thereby and occupy a special position among the other
members of society. The right of inheritance carries with it the right
of ownership over all that had formerly come under the authority of
the clan leader. The social organism once homogeneous and equali-
tarian is split in this fashion into two socially unequal halves. On one
side are the few, the rulers, descended from the clan chieftains, on the
other the remaining majority of the population, the subjects. Once
he has become a lord, the head of a clan finds it easy to extend his
power over other clans, and, having gradually extended his sphere of
influence, to achieve the rank of king.
This process is admirably illustrated by the pattern of social strati-
fication found in Iberia. Here, according to Strabo, four clans or
castes of men were distinguished. The kings were chosen from the
first group, the priests from the second. The third was made up of
those concerned with agriculture and war, and the fourth of the
common people who were the slaves of the king, and supplied him
with the means of existence. Finally, «their possessions are held in
common by them according to families, although the eldest is ruler
316 CHAPTER XIV
and stewart of each estate 31a». The royal and the priestly castes,
that is to say the artificial ones, were descended from the man who,
as head of Ms clan, had consolidated behind himself the hereditary
right to tMs calling, and such a man came originally from the same
clan as those who later fell into slavery. In other words, the king and
his slaves had once formed a single clan unit of wMch he was the head,
but with the concession of hereditary power to its head, Ms family
began to be singled out socially from the rest of the clan; the Mgher
it rose, the lower the rest descended, Finally the ruling family reached
royal estate at the price of the enslavement of its own clan. Later it
subordinated to itself the remaining population of Iberia, wMch was
divided into clans partly concerned with agriculture, and partly with
military affairs 3a.
We might tMnk that the priestly clan had the same origin as that
of the king, i.e. that it arose on the basis of the destruction of its
own clan; but in such a ease the priests too should have had slaves,
which is not the case, Strabo asserts that one of the members of the
royal clan, namely the oldest, inherited the throne, while the second
after Mm was entrusted with the administration of justice and with
the command of the army 33a. TMs comment suggests the manner in
wMch the priestly caste developed. The Hng, having evolved out of
his earlier function of clan leader, first united all functions in Ms own
hands; he was simultaneously ruler, war leader, judge, priest and
general overseer. The time then came when a single individual found
it difficult to perform all these duties, and one of the men close to
Mm, the -heir to the throne, began to assist him 33. Subsequently
one of the branches of government, religious duties and international
politics, were entrusted to Mm. The union "of two such apparently
dissimilar functions can be explained by the fact that a religious
concept of the world joined to the great authority of the priesthood
and the existence of common cults provided the common ground on
wMch people of different cultures could meet. As a result of existing
conditions, priestly duties became hereditary in the family of the
second man after the king, then, another branch of the government,
namely justice and the command of the army, was also entrusted to
Mm. This is precisely the pattern found in Iberia 34. These additional
functions, like the priestly ones, were undoubtedly destined to become
the hereditary prerogative of a certain family and, in fact, this very
development took place under the Arsacids. Thus, the four groups
THE TRIBAL BASES OF THE NAXARAR SYSTEM 3ft 1
of men into which the population of Iberia was divided were not
only socially but also genetically different units. The first and last,
i,e, the royal and slave elans, were derived from a single group, while
the sacerdotal clan had developed out of the royal one. These two
clans had furthermore evolved from family units and were castes
rather than clans s5,
The social process just described also took place in nearby Albania,
but since this country was composed of twenty-six tribes speaking
different languages, the process occurred at twenty-six points 36. At
first, each of these had had a king, but subsequently all came to be
united under the authority of a single ruler. The royal power de-
veloped among these tribes in the same fashion as among the Iberians;
the Albanian king was a former elan head who had reached the rank
of ruler or prince. The need for a common defense against the raids
of mountain peoples forced the tribes to unite and form a single
political body. Among the Albanians, as among the Iberians, the
sacerdotal office was filled by the most important figure after the
king, and he ruled over vast and densly populated sacerdotal estates
and temple slaves 37. The administration of justice and the command
of the army were undoubtedly similar to those in Iberia, i.e. they too
were entrsuted to the man who stood next after the king 38. In Iberia,
however, the supreme power was supported by an alliance of clans or
of their leaders, while in Albania, it depended on the federation of
minor kings or princes. In other words, some twenty-six small
kingdoms had first been formed, as a result of the ethnic pattern, and
only then were they united together into one.
Armenia was no less diversified than Albania, from an ethnic point
of view. Hence, we should expect on a basis of analogy that the
evolution of society here should have taken place in the same manner
as in Albania, i.e, that unification inside the country should manifest
itself at first along the lines of ethnic differentiation. Unification
should be expected initially in the major ethnic groups : around the
mal-xaz, the aspet, the mamalc, the ter, etc... An investigation of the
scant evidence provided by the historical events supports this hypo-
thesis.
The dissolution of tribal relationships, accompanied by the rise of
classes ruled by kings who were to be the future hereditary princes,
took place in the stormy period of Tigran the Great. The unrest of
a period of wars creates an atmosphere favourable for the trans-
318 CHAPTER XIV
formation of tribal relationships into those of classes 38a. The political

might of Armenia under Tigran the Great, his vast conquests from
Mazaka of Cappadocia to Ekbatana of Media, and from Iberia and
Albania to Arabia and Palestine, show first of all that the unification
of the country had already been achieved. We lack direct historical
evidence on the organization of social groups and on the territorial
and social forms which contained them, though historians are generous
in their colorful descriptions of external events. Nevertheless, we
fortunately can find some specific indications of great importance for
our purpose in the midst of generalities about the military strength
of Armenia under Tigran,
Armenian historians depict the king surrounded by numerous
vassal - kings. In addition to Armenians and Gordyenians, the army
of Tigran included contingents of Medes and Adiabenians under the
leadership of their own kings, of Arabian tribes from the shores of
the Persian Sea, of numerous Albanians from the shores of the Caspian,
and of their Iberian neighbours, as well as of many nomads from the
banks of the Araxes. Plutarch comments,
Many were the kings who waited upon him [Tigranes], and
four, whom he always had about him like attendants or body-
guards, would run on foot by their master's side when he rode
out, clad in short blouses, and when he sat transacting business,
would stand by with their arms crossed 39,
The Armenian princes are given here the pompous name of kings, and
the four kings in perpetual attendance upon Tigran are none other
than the four bdes%s, the four marcher lords who were considered
first in rank or cushion at the Arsacid court 40 . Sycophantic pane-
gyrists of Lucullus, drawing their information from his own boastful
accounts, stopped at no exaggeration in the glorification of their hero,
who had presumably overthrown so great a king. Plutarch's raising
of the Armenian princes to royal rank in this passage stems from a
similar intention.
In addition to the bdes%s, some of the figures among the Armenian
princes are mentioned by name. One of these is a certain Bagadates.
When Tigran became master of Syria, Cilicia, and all the lands as
far as Egypt, after his defeat of Antiochus, he appointed this Bagadates
strategos of the newly conquered territories. Bagadates ruled this
area for fourteen years, until the arrival of Lucullus in 70 B.C., when
THE TRIBAL BASES OF THE NAXARAR SYSTEM 319
he was forced to hasten to the assistance of Tigran, and Syria reverted

once again to the Seleucids 41. We likewise have mentions of Mithro-
barzanes and Mankaios. The former, with two thousand horsemen,
opposed Lucullus as he crossed the Euphrates and invaded Sophene,
while Mankaios was entrusted with the defense of Tigranokerta.
Mithrobarzanes fought Lucullus and was put to flight, while one of
Lucullus' lieutenants, Sextilius, surrounded Tigranokerta where he
besieged Mankaios42. According to another highly embelished
account, Mithrobarzanes was a member of Tigran's entourage, and
the one who first told him the truth when no one dared to inform
the king of Lucullus' advance. As a punishment for his boldness,
Tigran ordered Mithrobarzanes to move against the enemy and
bring their general back alive while exterminating the rest of his
forces. But Lucullus sent an army under the command of Sextilius
against Mithrobarzanes, who died a hero's death in the encounter 43.
Finally, we have references to a certain Guras, who is identified
as Tigran's own brother. He defended the city of Nisibis against
Lucullus when the latter crossed the Taurus and besieged this im-
portant strategic point after his repulse from Artaxata 44.
The name BayaSdrirjs is the original form of the Armenian puiqui — pwm
(Bagarat), from Bagadata, « god-given » derived from baga and data =
Greek ®e6Soros, before the Armenian form was affected by the law
of phonetic mutation. Tigran's general bearing this name was unques-
tionably the ancestor of the famous dynasty of the Bag<a>ratuni
or Bag<a>ratids, and he provides the reconciliation and justification
for the two divergent Armenian accounts of the Bagratids' origin.
According to the Anonymous History, the Bagratids were descended
from h-Ayk, the ancestor of the Armenians, but another tradition,
preserved by .Xbrenaci, speaks of their Jewish blood. The very name
of the dynasty, and especially its hereditary title of aspet, which we
have discussed earlier, point to an Armeno-Iranian origin. The original
home of the family apparently lay on the border of Atropatene, as
we have already noted, and we have already postulated an etymolo-
gical connexion between Bagarat and Bagrewand 45. Unless it is an
invention of .Xbrenaci, as has been assumed by his critics, the second
account, which traces the descent of the Bagratids from the south and
from Jewish stock, must be a distorted memory of the fact that
Bagarat had been sent south under Tigran, and had been appointed
governor of Syria, an area with a Semitic population 46. Indeed, the
320 CHAPTER XIV
Anonymous History is also familiar with Bagratids on the southern

border of Armenia, more exactly in the province of Angeftun, which
it considers to be their hereditary domain 47. Whatever the case,
this tradition is connected with the sojourn of Bagarat in the south,
and it is even possible that after Tigran's loss of Syria the defense of
Armenia's southern frontier passed to Bagarat, and that the princely
house of Angeltun was a branch of the Bagratid family 48,
A more accurate reading of the name of the general who first met
the Eoman army is MiOpoj3ov£,dvris instead of Midpofiap^dvys — Ar-
menian Ifk^pnidmfi (Mehruzan) 49, and this personage is none other
than the prince of Sophene. The first Armenian district threatened by
the Romans after their crossing of the Euphrates was Sophene invaded
by the legions of Lucullus. Mithrobuzanes, as ruler of the district,
set out to defend his country, but was compelled to retreat before the
onslaught of the Romans because of the insignificance of his forces.
Everything related by Plutarch about the advance of Mithrobuzanes
is nonsense intended for effect. Mithrobuzanes was forced to advance
against Lucullus because of his position as ruler of the territory, and
not because Tigran wished to punish him, as we are told by Plutarch 50.
Mithrobuzanes undoubtedly belonged to the family of Zariadris, the
king of Sophene contemporary with Artaxias. The name Mithro-
buzanes was a common one in this house: Zariadris' son, who fled
from the persecutions of Artaxias to king Ariarath.es IV of Cappadocia,
and later returned with his help to his father's throne, likewise bore
this name 51. The king of Sophene under Tigran II was Artanes, who
perished at the hands of Tigran;51a Mithrobuzanes must have been a
personage close to Artanes, possibly a son or a brother. The descen-
dents of Zariadris and Artanes preserved their sovereign rights in
Sophene, although they had lost their royal rank.
The third name with which we are concerned, MayKaios, should
read MapKaios or -Maf/âJKcuos1, to correspond to the Armenian [fa/t^r
[Mamik], A verification of the manuscripts on this reading is of the
utmost importance since a demonstration of this hypothesis will
necessitate the shift of the appearance of the famous Mamikonean
house to the period of Tigran the Great511).
All the figures we have just discussed and whom Tigran raised to
outstanding positions because of the imminent war with the Romans,
namely Bagadates, Mithrobuzanes, and Mankaios, not to mention
Guras, were numbered among the kings who crowded at Tigran's
court. Thus our fundamental premise that principalities based on a
class structure had already appeared in the time of Tigran is proved
in essence, whatever the soundness and acceptability of our further
conclusions about the individuals themselves, Furthermore, there is
no serious basis for disputing the conclusion that these officials were
the ancestors of such subsequently distinguished princely families as
the Bagratids, the Mamikonean, and the princes of Sophene. The
princes Arcruni must be the descendents of this last principality, as-
evidenced by the names current in their family 52. Thus, three of the-
most important princely houses were already in existence under
Tigran the Great, and.were probably making their first appearance at
that time. The house of the Mafyaz, which judging by its name was
even older than these families, must also have unquestionably existed
in this period523
Despite the social stratification and the aristocratization of the
country, its ethnic diversity continued to -exist. However much the
different groups may have been assimilated, their components in the
last analysis still preserved their peculiar colouration. The power of
the malyaz among the J?brôfuni, of the aspet among the Bagratuni,
of the mamak among the Mamikonean, and finally the supreme power
of the t&r indicate the preponderance of the corresponding ethnic
groups during the period of general unrest. The surrounding areas
which were in direct contact with neighbouring peoples were less
liable to assimilation. Because their mixed population, continually
replenished by the influx from nearby peoples, they were to some
degree isolated from the central districts. The result of this partial
isolation was the formation of four small political units on the borders
of Armenia; these were the domains of the Wes-%s : Gugark', Aljnik',
Nosirakan, and a fourth whose name is unknown. The genesis of
these units was presented altogether incorrectly in the Armenian
legends. It is true that the bdesxs guarded the frontiers of Armenia,
but they performed this duty not at the order of the Armenian king,
but as a result of their position as rulers of border districts who simul-
taneously acknowledged the suzerainty of the Armenian king521),
The ethnic diversity of Armenia was not limited to the elements or
groups already discussed. Other tribal units were scattered throughout
the country, and principalities subsequently developed out of them in
the manner already described. Some of these groups could trace
their origin back to very early periods, while others were relatively
322 CHAPTER XIV
latecomers. These newcomers were drawn in the main from nomadic

peoples and often brought back into the country social forms which
it had long since outgrown. Consequently, more or less important
groups still leading a tribal life under their tribal chieftains could be
found side by side with more evolved principalities. Ethnic diversity
naturally brought about variations in social conditions. Hence our
periodization of Armenian history, like all such divisions, is correct
and acceptable only for the general aspects of its evolution; anachro-
nistic elements have always found a way to survive outside the main-
stream.
Some of the newcomers, who were to be the ancestors of great
princely houses, had already arrived on the scene under Tigran II.
According to Plutarch, Tigran sent a large contingent of cavalry
against Lucullus at the time of his assault on Artaxata, Mardian
mounted archers and Iberian spearmen, who were the best hope of
the king, stood in the forefront of this army 53, The Mardians were
the descendents of Iranian tribes scattered along the Zagros, who
lived by sheep herding and brigandage 54. When Xenophon crossed
the Kentrites or Eastern Tigris, he was attacked by Mardians as well
as Armenians. The former were undoubtedly Armenian Mardians who
had moved to Armenia from Iranian territory 55. In 68 A.D., the
Koman general Corbulo, a successor of Lucullus, had to cross the land
of the Mardians during his retreat from Artaxata to Taron, At that
time the Mardians were still living by brigandage and attacked the
Romans, but hid in the mountains when they met with resistance 56.
It is evident from this account that the Mardians were already occu-
pying then the area which the Armenians later called Mardastan or
Mardoc-k'. i.e. the land of the Mardians 57, The princely house whose
representative bore the title of diupqiykw (mardpet), or leader of the
Mardians, was also descended from this tribe. Subsequently this
name became a hereditary title similar to that of mal-gaz or aspet, and
just as the bearers of the latter titles began to call themselves Malâzuni
and Aspetuni, so the house of the mardpets as well their possessions
came to be known as Mardpet-akan, i.e. Mardpet-ian57a.
According to Pliny, the Menobardi and MoscJieni lived in the vicinity
of the Armenians. The first name should apparently be read \ar\-
menomardi, whereas the second, *mochs-eni, corresponds not to the
Moschians, as might seem likely, but to Armenian Moxene [Mokk'].
HencB, the principality of Mokk' also had an ethnic background58.
THE TEIBAL BASES OF THE NAXARAE SYSTEM 323
The Kvprioi (Kurtians) lived together with the Mardians between the
Zagros and the Niphates mountains. Like the Mardians, they settled
on the Armenian border, but south of the Mardians, in the region
which later bore their name : ijnp&kf (Korcek'). These Kurtians
were the ancestors of the modern Kurds and should not be confused
with the Karduchians who are a people of different origin. The
country of the latter was called ^ripyiug [Korduk5] by the Armenians to
differentiate it from ^jnpfyf [Korcek'], the country of the Kurtians.
In the History of Faustus, Korcek' still designates the region of
Salamas, but later it also included the neighbouring Korduenian lands,
evidently as the result of the growing influence of the Kurds. Both
the Kurtians and the Karduchians were less influenced by the Arme-
nians than other tribes, but they nevertheless filtered imperceptibly
into the Armenian territory, and in time their lands came to be con-
sidered Armenian provinces59. The princely house of Kadme, i.e, of
the Kadmeans, seems to have had very close connexions with Kor-
duene 60.
The Matiani lived at first in the land of the Kurtians and subse-
quently in their vicinity. The data of ancient writers whereby the
mati were related not only by blood, but also by name to the Madians
[Medes] (mada) has been corroborated by the findings of modern
scholars. Manda, another form of the same name, is the one given
by Assyrian inscriptions to the people ruled by Astyages. Mada has
the same relation to manda as mati to manti (the form found in Mav-
riavr)} a name for Lake Urmia which was undoubtedly derived from
people who once lived in the area 61. The existence of these parallel
forms is to be attributed to dialectal variations 62. The names of
the Armenian princely houses of A-maZ-uni and MawcZ-ak-uni are
closely related to these peoples. The home of the Amatuni was in
Artaz, and Armenian legends refer to their Iranian origin 63; both
these facts support the connexion we have postulated.
The Madians [Medes] were usually known to the Armenians under
the name of Mars, where mar is also to be derived from mada. Hence,
the Armenian tradition that the principality of Muracan was descended
from the Mars does not seem altogether devoid of foundation. The
district settled by Mars must have been called* Maroc( Ifwpng) in
Armenian, just as the home of the Mardians was called Mard-oc.
[The former must have given ITiupng—buib [Maroc-ean] or Ifmpng — wb
Maroc-an] with the Persian suffix an, which later became IfnLpuigiuh
[Muracan]64.
324 CHAPTER XIV
Separate tribal groups penetrated into Armenia from the lands of

Atropatene which had been settled from ancient times, together with
the shores of the Caspian Sea, by a multitude of tribes leading a
pastoral or nomadic form of life. In the period of Tigran the Great,
many of these tribes, which were moving along the Araxes, supported
the Armenian king against the Romans 65. Side by side with Gelans,
Kadusians, and Amardians. we find Ovroi (Utians or Uitians) to
whom the Armenian Utians are related. The Utians first lived south
of the Araxes, but later settled north of the river; and the Araxes
was considered to be the boundary between Otene and Atropatene.
In Ptolemy, Otene is already located along the Knra and consequently
corresponds to the Armenian Uti 66 . The Gelans, from whom the
Armenian 9*%, ^^p^Â [gel, gelakoni] are probably derived 67, and
the Anianoi, who provide the link between the ^«/&^ [Hani] of P'ayta-
karan and U^fi [Ani], the city in Sirak 68, moved into the area between
the Araxes and Kara rivers together with the Utians.
Saka sen, one of the districts of Otene, is usually identified with
the Sakasene of ancient sources, which was held to be the land of the
Saka. We are told that the Saka moved from the steppes of Central
Asia to the neighbourhood of Bactria, and occupied the district called
Sakastan after them, now Seistan. Some of them moved westward and
reached the Pontic shore, after having crossed Armenia. The Saka
who remained in Armenia established themselves in the very fertile
district known thereafter as Sakasene 69. The connexion of Sakasene
to the Saka has been disputed in recent times, but without any ap-
parent justification 70. Under Darius Codomanus, the Za/cecwcu, are
mentioned as living in the vicinity of the Albanians and of the Kadu-
sians; all three peoples were found in the Median camp under the com-
mand of Atropates 71. Irrespective of the explanation given for the
origin of the Sakesinai or for their relation to the Saka, the existence
of such a people is not in question. Siwnik' is the best known of the
Armenian provinces bordering on Albania. It formed a single princi-
pality like Mokk' or Tayk', and although part of Armenia, it was
characterized by separatist tendencies. This fact must undoubtedly
be attributed primarily to the ethnic particularism of the area, and it
is understandable that scholars have sought traces of the Saka not
only in Sakasene, but also in nearby Siwnik' or Sisakan, as it was
called by the Persians. Attempts were even made to read HiaaKavr]
for ZaKao"»p7],, though this runs counter to the textual evidence 72.
This hypothesis is untenable also because the form Sisakan, which is

the equivalent of Siwnik' in the opinion of .Xbrenaci, cannot be found
in early documents. Morphologically it is of the same period and
origin as the terms Suihnunkpuilfujb, l/£/^(iuû;&, <£a/ui^njymû/& [Tanute-
rakan, Sephakan, Vaspurakan]. The contraction yûmû/& ^niby [Sisakan
gund] is similar to these names. The origin of the double name is
still obscure, and it is not possible to say anything definite about the
relation of the two forms to each other or to the Saka, The only
certain fact is that Siwnik', the Albanian borderland of Armenia,
had a population which differed somewhat from that of the central
districts of Armenia.
The tribal peculiarity of Siwnik' was supported and reinforced by
a stream of migrations from the adjacent mountains, which have left
traces in the toponymy : Thus, the ethnic origin of puiif [Balk5],
Unftj) [Sot'k'J, Uquittfg ]Alaheck'[, ^wpqwp—uigpj) [Gargar-aeik'],
and tfnLpjuihg [Muânk'j are beyond question.
The first of these names is to be found in connexion with Balasakan
(Pwr[ujuuil{uify, and is derived from thefiiurjuiu&fi—g[Balasci-k'], a moun-
tain people already known to Faustus 73.
Sot'k' is a district of Siwnik' which owes its name to the Sodi, Ar-
menian tFni//^ — uitjp [Covde-aei], who lived in southern Albania. This
district corresponds to the Sodukene mentioned by ancient writers as
being next to Kolthene (Armenian înqp [Kolt5]) in Otene 74.
The Gargarians are recorded by Faustus among the mountaineers
who poured into Armenia in the reign of .Xbsrov II Kotak, together
with the piutpiuSpf [Balascik'J. For .Xbrenaci, these same Gargarians
are the neighbours of the inhabitants of Uti and Gardman, as well
as of the Sodi [Covde]. Later, ancient Uti or Otene, par excellence,
with the city of Partaw, came to be known as the Plain of Gargar 75.
One of the tributaries of the Kura near Partaw is still called ûipljuip
[Karkar, Gargar] in our time. The Armenian Gargarians were evi-
dently descended from mountain Gargarians who lived in Albania in
the foothills of the Keraunian of Albanian branch of the Caucasus 76.
Muânk' (ifnt/u—u/&—g), a subdivision of the district of Arca^, is derived
from the MVKOI,, one of the peoples living along the Caspian Sea.
Their memory has been preserved in the name of the Muân[Mughan]
— dast [Z/nijp&—nmûi] Steppe, i.e. the Steppe of the Mykians ".
In the same manner, the Pazkan-k' [IJuf^mfr—f], or more correctly
Parsakan, also in Arca^, were descended from the Ildpcnoi,. The
326 CHAPTER XIV
Kust-i-p'afens is perhaps to be related to the

IJappdcriot 78.
All the ethnic groups listed, as well as others, provide the foundations
on which the corresponding princely houses later developed. The
immigration of new groups, the infiltration of separate tribes still
continued. New groups often came in from neighbouring lands and
were transformed into principalities in a similar fashion. Under these
circumstances, the aristocratization of the country cannot have been
carried out at once, and if we point to the period of Tigran the Great
as the. time when- -tribal institutions disintegrated and an aristocracy
of classes was created, this must be taken as no more than a gener-
alization 78a.
The result of this ferment expressed itself in the transformation of
the multiple komarchs or clan leaders into princelings. They brought
forth the one hundred and twenty strategies found in Armenia at
the accession of the Arsacids, and the formation of these strategies
may be taken as the starting point of a new legal pattern in the history
of Armenian socio-political evolution7813.
XV
THE FEUDAL BASES OF THE NAXARAR SYSTEM
I. The replacement of the Tigranid dynasty by the Arsacids — Trdat I, the founder
of the new dynasty — His personality, his historical aspect reflected in Armenian
legends — The relation of Trdat to the 120 strategies — The situation of Armenia
at the time of the appearance of the Arsacids — The feudal organization of the Parthian
Empire and its origin — The social structure of Persia under the Arsacids: sahrdaran,
vaspuJiran, vuzurgan, and azadhan, and their interrelations — The Arsacid organization
of Armenia — The distribution of lands and offices: nayarar, nahang, azat — The
coalescence of tribal and administrative institutions — Reciprocal terms: tanuter and
nahapet.
II. The feudal aspect of Armenia — The nature of feudalism — Roman and German
antecedents in the development of -west-European feudalism — The nayarar system
as part of feudalism: ^lajphliho and ujwnqkLwlfiubj) as types of land tenure similar
to allods and beneficia — Vassality: buinuijnLJ(}fiLb servitium — The characteristic
features of feudalism — The seigneurie as the fundamental institution of feudalism —
The Armenian principalities as fiefs-seigneuries — Seigneurial legal relationships:
[iniuhnL-~] mlnnLJ^^LU - seigneurie, the evidence — Feudal relations in the narrower
sense: kommage, auocilia, consilium and their equivalents in Armenia — Sub-infeudation
and sepufiwn, its origin — Ostan freedom.
III. Servile tenures — Conditions in the West — The tax system of the Parthians
Basic obligations: Tcharaj and jizycf, or sak and baz = cens and chevage, bahrak = cham-
part, Jcof-bekar = corvees — The size of the taxes — Our conclusions compared with
the account of Movses .Xorenaci — Xorenaci as the historian of the TMyarwr system.
In the beginning of our era, more precisely in A.D. 36, the dynasty
of the Tigranids came to an end in Armenia with the death of Tigran IV,
and a bitter straggle to seize the vacant throne began among the
surrounding powers l. The Romans acted through the Iberians and
supported the candidacy of these princes against the pretensions of
the Arsacids. Vologaesus I, who had ascended the Parthian throne
in A.D. 50, drove the Roman candidate, Rhadamistes of Iberia from
the Armenian throne and installed his own brother Trdat I as king
in approximately 53 A.D. The Roman legions under the command
of Corbulo immediately made their appearance and forced the Parthians
328 CHAPTER XV
to abandon Armenia; Tigran V, whom Nero had appointed to assume

the royal power in Armenia, arrived at the same time2, While
Yologaesus, hampered by a war in Hyrcania, was unable to drive out
the Romans, Tigran began to act in a provocative fashion and to
devastate neighbouring Adiabene. This action was taken as an insult
by the Parthian nobles, among whom the most indignant were Mono-
bazus of Adiabene and Trdat I, who had been driven from the Armenian
throne. We are told by Tacitus that,
Tiridates, too, dethroned and exiled, carried a weight in-

creased by his silence and his restrained protests: — " Great
empires were not conserved by inaction — they needed the
conflict of men and arms. With princes might was the -only
right [Id.,, aeguius quod validius]. To retain its own possessions
was the virtue of a private family: in contending for those
of others lay the glory of a king "3,
Influenced by these words, Vologaesus summoned a council and spoke

as follows :
This prince, the issue of the same father as myself, having

renounced to me the supreme title upon the ground of age,
I placed him in possession of Armenia, the recognized third
degree of power; for Media had already fallen to Pacorus.
And it seemed to me that, in contrast with the old brotherly
hatreds and jealousies, I had by fair means brought order to
our domestic hearth. The Romans forbid; and the peace
which they have never themselves challenged with success,
they are now breaking to their destruction. I shall not deny
it: equity and not bloodshed, reason and not arms, were the
means by which I should have preferred to retain the acqui-
sitions of my fathers. If I have erred by hesitancy, I shall
make amends by valour 4.
After these words, he once again tied the diadem around Trdat's
head, and sent him to Armenia accompanied by a contingent of cavalry
commanded by a nobleman named Monoaeses with the order to expel
Tigran V and seize the throne.
Trdat and Monoaeses manoeuvered so brilliantly that Corbulo was
put into a position where, to " ... risk no further the laurels earned
in the course of so many years ", says Tacitus, he asked for the appoint-
ment of another general to defend Armenia 5. His successor, Caesen-
nius Paetus, a man of no ability, suffered a total defeat and began
THE FEUDAL EASES OF THE NAXAEAR SYSTEM 329
negociations with Vasak, the commander of the cavalry, who was the
Parthian plenipotentiary. The terms accepted by Paetus : to remove
the legions from Armenia, and to surrender all fortifications and sup-
plies to the enemy, were so shameful, that Corbulo returned once
more to the rescue. The Romans agreed to leave Armenia to Trdat I,
on the condition that, «... Tiridates should lay the emblem of his
royalty before the statue of the emperor to resume it only from the
hand of Nero 6 ».
To fulfill these terms, Trdat set out on a long journey accompanied
by his own family, his wife and children, the sons of Vologaesus,
Pacorus of Media, and Monobazus of Adiabene, as well as by three
thousand horsemen. After nine months, Trdat arrived in Italy, and
since Nero was in Naples at the time, made his way to that city.
The reception of the Armenian king was attended by pomp such as
the Romans had granted to no other foreign ruler. Naples and Rome
took on a festive appearance. The latter was illuminated and deco-
rated with garlands 6a ; the entire city poured forth to receive the king
and see him in person, so that the crowd filled the streets and even
the roofs of the houses. In the middle of the square where the coro-
nation was to take place, the citizens stood in order of rank clad in
white robes and bearing laurel wreaths, while the soldiers were drawn
up all around. The ceremony was unprecedented for solemnity and
splendour. After the coronation, theatrical performances were given
in honour of the king, and on this occasion the entire theatre was
decorated with gold 7, All this pomp demonstrates the high value
set by the Romans on the form, flattering to their vanity, in which
their defeat in Armenia was clothed. The Parthians had obtained
their goal and consolidated their position in Armenia to the accom-
paniement of Roman jubilation.
The accession of Trdat I marks the beginning of the Armenian
Arsacid line, notwithstanding national traditions which single out
Yalarsak as the founder of the dynasty 7a. The real ancestor of
the Armenian Arsacids, Trdat I, seems to have been one of the
most interesting figures not only among the Armenian, but also
among the Parthian representatives of this famous dynasty. He
united in his person both military valour and political perspicacity.
The statement that " Great empires ... needed the conflict of men and
arms ", which Tacitus puts into his mouth, characterizes him admi-
rably as a military and political figure. His elder brother held to
330 CHAPTER XV
the more humane view that, " equity and not bloodshed, reason and
not arms ", were superior, but subsequent events showed the side
of the truth, and the accuracy with which Trdat had perceived the
true state of affairs. His boldly explicit belief, "id ... aequius quod
validius, with its teaching that " ... might was the only right",
is equally apt for our times. It is an admission characteristic of a
national leader who had experienced in his own life all the bitterness
and tribulations of the powerless.
The proud Arsacid prince bowed his head before the statue of the
man he hated in order to receive a crown which already belonged to
him. Naturally, he did not undergo this humiliating procedure
because he lacked pride. According to the observation of ancient
writers, a realization of their own worth bordering on haughtiness,
and fearlessness were the characteristic features of the Arsacid princes.
These qualities are also visible in Trdat, as evidenced by his desperate
struggle against the Komans. His barely restrainable native pride
was ready to burst forth at any moment. Thus, when he was required
to remove his sword to be presented to Nero at Naples, the proud
prince categorically refused to obey, and agreed only to put the
sword in a scabbard. Cassius Dio comments that Tiridates "... quel-
ling his pride made himself subservient to the occasion and to his
need, ... in view of the prize he hoped to obtain » 8.
The figure of Trdat I, the founder of the Arsacid dynasty, cut itself
deep into the national memory and left a vivid imprint in popular
legends. Armenian popular traditions, even in the form in which
they have been preserved by .Xbrenaci, occasionally reflect with
remarkable accuracy specific historical moments and events, though
these are often distorted by the false pragmatism imposed on the
national traditions by .Xbrenaci or the writer who first reworked them.
The characteristic traits of king Trdat were preserved piecemeal in
these traditions. They are clearly present in the personalities of
Valarsak, of Artases, the darling of national bards, and even in that
of Trdat III, the contemporary of the Tnu.-m.ina.toT, According to
the Armenian tradition, the founder of the Armenian Arsacid line
was called Valarsak and not Trdat. Valars-ak [^wtiwp^ — W/] is the
popular form of Vologaesus (Persian, Valas), the name of Trdat I's
older brother who was ruling in Persia 9. Vologaesus was deeply
concerned with the fate of Trdat, and probably for this reason his
name was interchanged with his brother's in legendary accounts.
THE FEUDAL BASES OF THE NAXARAR SYSTEM 331
In appointing his brother king of Armenia the Parthian king showed
him the boundaries of his domain, adding the comment, «... the boun-
dary of the brave is his sword, as much as he cuts off, so much he
possesses". This statement which is strikingly reminiscent of the
words of Trdat I quoted above, " ... id ... aequius quod validius",
render admirably their fundamental concept10. Morp'iwlik
[IfnpilipLqJi^], against whom Valarsak was compelled to wage war, is
none other than the Eoman general Corbulo, the enemy of Trdat10a.
According to trustworthy historical evidence, Trdat, the first Arsa-
cid ruler, repelled an attack of the Alans and drove them from the
territory of Armenia in 75 A.D. National tradition, however, attri
butes this action to Artases II in the romantic tale of the princess
Sat'enik10b. Some of the actions of Trdat I have also been transferred
by Xorenaci to the king of the same name, who was the contemporary
of the Illuminator. Thus the famous lariat episode, which in reality
involved Trdat I and occurred during the Alan campaign, of 75 A.D.,
has been attributed to Artases II u, whereas the exploits related by
Xorenaci about king Trdat III are echoes of events which occurred
during the gladiatorial games offered by Nero in honour of Trdat I,
where the Armenian king was said to have brought down two bulls
with a single arrow 12. These revivals and echoings of the period
of Trdat I in relatively late accounts prove that memories of the first
Arsacid ruler were very vivid indeed, and that his reign had aroused
great interest.
The fame of the king presumably rested not only on external events,
but also on his internal accomplishments. The national traditions
depict the first Arsacid king as the renovator of the country, and
they see his period as the beginning of its rebirth. There is a certain
degree of truth in these views. The reforming figure of Valarsak
sketched by .Xbrenaci is a reflection of the historical Trdat I. Trdat
ascended the Armenian throne ca. 50 A.D,, and ruled with only a
brief interruption until the eighties of the first century A.D. After 66,
conditions became favourable for development, and were not affected
by the brief Alan invasion of 75 A.D.
The first possibility which comes to mind in this connexion is to
attribute to the period of Trdat I the division of Armenia into one
hundred and twenty prefectures or strategies. The earliest author
to speak of these is Pliny the Elder, Trdat's contemporary, who
perished a victim of the erruption of Mt. Vesuvius in 79 A.D. Strabo,
332 CHAPTER XV
who died in 23 AJX, and who was well informed concerning Armenia,
is not acquainted with these strategies, though he mentions divisions
bearing this name in Cappadocia laa. If the strategies developed as
the result of anyone's initiative in the interval of time between Strabo
and Pliny, this initiative can only be that of Trdat I, but the divisions
represented, and the reason for which they were called strategies are
not altogether clear. The terminology of classical authors with
reference to foreign administrative units is not known for its accuracy,
in contrast to eTtap^/a or provincia, arpartj-yta seems to be an unusual
expression designating any district which did not fit into the Roman
institutional pattern. "Whatever their date, however, these divisions
were unquestionably native in origin, and this fact is not altered even
by their Greek name, just as Parthian coins remain Parthian despite
their Greek inscriptions.
Pliny gives the name of one of the prefectures or strategies, namely
Carenitis or Karin, and thus clarifies the nature of the one hundred
and twenty divisions from a territorial point of view 12T>. They are the
Armenian districts familiar to us from classical and Armenian literature.
Pliny describes Armenia as being within the following limits: from
the city of Daseusa on the banks of the Euphrates to the Caspian Sea,
and from Tigranokerta to Iberia 13, i,e, within the same boundaries
as those given in the Armenian GeograpJiy. According to Pliny, the
entire country was divided into one hundred and twenty strategies,
" barbaris nominibus ", although the Armenian Geography gives up
to one hundred and eighty five small districts. Nevertheless it is
not difficult to isolate the one hundred and twenty older districts
from the larger number; the names of more than fifty of them occur
in Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy. The divisions indicated by Pliny are
not units of an administrative nature; they developed independently
through private initiative. Hence, all that we can attribute to the
first of the Arsacids is to have put them in order and to have brought
them into a definite system. The new dynasty merely sanctioned a
situation which it had found in the country.
There are no reliable indications concerning the socio-political aspect
of these divisions or of the country in general. The historians of the
wars of Trdat distinguish two strata within the population: the
proceres and the plebs, i,e. the aristocracy and the common people;
the nobles are also called megistanes, primores, or simply nobiles14,
The social content of these terms can be postulated on the basis of
THE FEUDAL BASES OF THE NAXAEAR SYSTEM 333
our previous analysis. Since we have seen that tribal forms of life
disintegrated in the period of the Tigranids, and that the tribe spHt
into two parts with the aristocracy developing from one of these, the
proceres and megistanes cannot be anything but the former variously
named clan heads, who by this time had reached the level of rulers14a,
The nobilitas which had arisen on the ground of the disintegrated tribal
life formed a closed circle in which many of the customs of the earlier
tribal stage continued to operate, and tribal terminology was also
transferred to this smaller circle. Thus, the heads of noble families
were called, ter, aspet, mafyaz, mamak, etc,, as before, in spite of the
altered nature of the clan, and the terms manuk, sepuh, vor-ear, and
alaxin, which had formerly designated the children of tribal communi-
ties, began to be used exclusively for the children or members of
noble families, though mamik and ala-în also kept their more general
meaning15. Analogous phenomena are observable in Latin where
Uberi means simultaneously, « children» and « free men». Another
such example is found in the forms patres and patricii, which have
the same relationship to each other as aspet and sepuh. Here patricius
is the adjective from pater and indicates membership in a family, while
the patricii are the Uberi of fathers of senatorial rank15a. A number
of terms meaning« clan» — u/^, a/^&, um£?, ijuipS\azg, azn, toJim, zo/rm\
also acquire a connotation of nobility, and similarly, mniSt [tun =
" house "] takes on the sense of a princely clan or domain15to, The
remainder of the population which, did not belong to the nobility,
i.e. the plebs, was called according to the district — z^/j^/u^, ^f/
fiuulp^ qnktjjli [getfuJc, sinaJcan, famiJc, greJiiK\, perhaps also
[msaJc], etc, — RamiJc and msaJc seem to be derivatives from
and pod-goi, the names of the native peoples who were conquered
and subjected by the newcomers, and whose names consequently took
on a connotation of inferiority. The Aramean «/jp^& \alo,yiji\d
the sense of a serving woman for the same reason. As for the term
gfeliik, it corresponds to the Georgian gleyi, and has the same origin15c.
Such, then, were the conditions present in Armenia at the accession
of the new dynasty. The process of aristocratization was reaching
its term and had consequently brought forth one hundred and twenty
rulers, both great and small. The princely houses which were to
dominate the country in later times were already in existence.
According to national traditions, social relationships under the
Arsaeids entered the phase of development characterized by the term
334 CHAPTER XV
na-ârar. We have already seen that the period of Arsacid rule

marks the stage of Iranian history characterized by a socio-political
system reminiscent of western feudalism. The na-ârar system is its
counterpart in Armenia15d,
Scholars have given a great deal of weight to the factor of conquest
in the origin of Arsacid feudalism, but such an interpretation is not
altogether correct16. As a result of its development a tribal society
evolves naturally into a feudal pattern. In Persia, feudalism had to
follow the tribal stage as an indispensable phase; the real problem is
to determine whether the presence of secondary factors accelerated
the process of change. The Persian Empire arose in an area fertilized
by the cultural achievements of the vanished empires of Assyria and
Babylonia, and it was also the heir of much of their political wisdom.
The earlier empires had possessed fairly elaborate administrative
systems, which necessarily influenced that of the Persians to some
degree. Among the Persians themselves, administrative institutions
had also existed from ancient times side by side with the tribal
organization; next to the dahyu we find the -^sadra, ruled by a satrap.
These all-powerful servants of the king of kings were not merely
officials or governors. Their appointments to the countries they
ruled were made on an individual basis, but in practice they
consolidated their hold over their area through the hereditary
inheritance of the office itself. In this sense the satrapy was an
important social as well as political factor. 16a
Men who had been granted lands, though they did not govern them,
and who were present at the king's court as his attendants were also
ranked as satraps. Lands were given out for administrative purposes
but also merely as a source of revenue. When King Cyrus of Persia
distributed satrapal positions to his friends, he said to those whom
he kept by his side,
" I have further decided that any of you who remain here,
and to whom I may occasionally give the trouble of going
on business for me to those nations, shall have lands and houses
there; so that they may have tribute paid to them here and,
whenever they go there, they may lodge in residences of their
own ".
Xenophon goes on to comment after this statement,
he gave houses and servants in the various states which he
had subdued. And even to this day those properties, some
THE FEUDAL BASES OF THE NAXARAJR SYSTEM 335
in one land, some in another, continue in the possession of the
descendents of those who then received them, while the owners
themselves reside at court17.
Not only courtiers but government officials in general should be

included among such men. Under the Achaemenids officials such as
the collector of taxes, the dispenser of the revenue, the supervisor of
public works, the supervisor of the treasury, the supervisor of supplies,
the overseer of the stables, the master of the hunt, the commander of
the infantry, the commander of the cavalry, the generals, et al, were
already known in addition to the provincial satraps (eQv&v adrpaTrai),
The king likewise had a door keeper, a baker, a cook, a butler, a bather,
table servants, a chamberlain, an adorner, etc... 18 All these public
or court officials were distinguished from the provincial governors
and two types of land tenure were distinguished accordingly. In the
first case land tenure meant a territorial estate, a possession, while
in the other, namely for the satraps, it meant territorial rule, i,e,
the union of a territorial holding with political rights. Such a fusion
is the general and the main foundation of feudalism.
When Cyrus sent the satraps to their appointed posts, he admonished
them to follow his example in all things, among other things, he also
demanded of « . . . as many as received lands and authority», that they
present themselves at the satrap's court, that they bring their children
to be educated there, and in general, that they serve the satrap 19.
According to this indication, the landed aristocracy in a given satrapy
stood in the same relation to their satrap as the satraps to the King
of Kings. The satrap is shown here as a sort of king or ruler in the
territory entrusted to hrm, He is the one endowed with " yr\v /ecu
apxsia ", i,e, territorial and legal sovreignty, the two basic aspects
whose fusion characterize feudal land tenure. In this sense, the
Achaemenid empire already showed the rudimentary forms of a feudal
pattern198.
The same administrative system with its distribution of lands
functioned also in the Arsacid period. Like the Achaemenids who
had usually distributed the satrapies among their kinsmen, the Arsa-
cids maintained a tribal point of view and entrusted the government
of the conquered lands to members of their own family. When the
Parthian king VologaesusÎ appointed one of his brothers in Media and
the other in Armenia, he believed that he was thereby settling the
affairs of his family "... familiae nostrae penates rite composmsse20 ".
336 CHAPTER XV
A council of notables (ordo probulorum) seemingly composed for the

most part of the representatives of the noble families, existed under
the Arsacid kings. According to historical testimonies, commanders
in wartime and governors in time of peace were chosen exclusively
from this group, " ... ex hoc duces in bello, ex Jioc in pace rectores Jia-
bent21 ". The term rectores designates not only provincial governors,
but administrative officials in general, and such offices were numerous.
A Byzantine author has preserved for us the information that seven
famous families had hereditary control of the more responsible and
honourable branches of the government, according to the ancient
laws of the Medes (i.e. the Parthians). The first of these was the
Arsacid dynasty which held the royal power, and to which the right
of crowning the king also belonged. After it came the families which
performed the following duties : the command of the army, the civilian
administration, the supervision of justice, the command of the cavalry,
the levying and collection of taxes, the supervision of arms and military
dress 22, This information must refer to the Parthian period as is
obvious from the words referring to the ruling family. But even if
we admit that seven noble families existed among the Parthians, these
can have had no connexion whatsoever with the seven satraps found
under Darius I. Such a division of power would have been alto-
gether fatal in a country which had repeatedly suffered dynastic and
other overturns. The incontestable and essential part of Simocatta's
description lies in his indication that certain duties were considered
particularly honourable in the Parthian realm, and that these functions
had been assigned to certain families as their hereditary right.Ad-
ministrative offices were obviously becoming hereditary just like the
satrapies, and this development brings us close to the concept of fief-
office in western European feudalismaa a.
Hence, from ancient times, a purely administrative structure based
on service had operated side by side with a tribal organization, and
had brought about the creation of feudal classes under the influence of
this tribal society. We have already seen that classes had also de-
veloped from the disintegration of the tribal mode of life. We do not
know how the results of this double process manifested themselves,
nor the form of class structure found under the Arsacids, but some
understanding of this may be obtained from an analysis of the Had-
jiabad inscription of Sahpuhr I (240-270)22t.
This inscription was set up during one of the king's hunting trips,
THE FEUDAL EASES OF THE NAXARAE SYSTEM 337
and the following sentence is found in it: «I shot nay arrow in the
presence of the satrdaran va barbttan va raban va azatan " [sic], or in the
Pehlevi version, "xsaBrdaran u vaspudraJcan u vacarMn u azatan1" [sic]zs,
These terms are a list of the various ranks of free classes 24. It is
evident that we are not dealing here with a haphazard collection of
names but with a rigorously defined class stratification, since Arabian
authors are also familiar with four noble classes among the Persians,
although they mistakenly attribude their creation to Ardasir I, the
founder of the Sasanian dynasty25, While it is true that the Hadjla-
bad inscription belongs to the reign of Sahpuhr I, its evidence on class
structure belongs to the preceding Arsacid period. At the time of this
inscription the new dynasty had not had the time to make fundamental
changes in the organisation of the country, especially since it had
been forced to spend a great deal of time in the consolidation of its
political position.
The first term in the list consists of satra, " country ", and dar,
" to hold ", and corresponds to the satrapa (Armenian £iu£uiui [sahap]}
of the Achaemenid period, which is derived from the same satra and,pa,
" to keep ", The fact that the satrdaran accompanied the king on
the hunt shows that they were not ordinary satraps or provincial
governors, but that this term has broader implications, since it is
clearly not possible to believe that the satraps were summoned by the
king from their provinces merely to go hunting. The persons bearing
this title sReTn.i-n.g1y stayed constantly in the capital, and were probably
connected with the court. Hence, satrdar designates a social or
class rank rather than an administrative one. These were the titled
magnates, the representatives of the great territorial estates, and
they can be traced back to the king's friends whom he had endowed
with lands, as we have seen above. They were equal in social rank
to the satraps but had no official or administrative functions25a.
The next rank consisted of the vaspuJiran, This term which is
taken from tribal society, is already familiar to us; it designated the
son of a clan, and, after the disintegration of the tribal pattern, the
son of a ruler. In tribal society, the sons of the clan ranked high,
since they were the chief associates of the clan leader both in battle
and in the pursuit of booty2G. The high rank of the vaspukrs is noted
in Avestic literature. Here, the price given for a nmanopaiti is one
bull of lowest quality, that of a vispaiti is one bull of medium quality,
that of a zantupaiti is one bull of highest quality, and that of a dahyupaiti
338 CHAPTER XV
is a chariot with four horses. The visopuhra is left out of this list,
but his value is one bull of highest quality, i.e. the price of a zantupaiti.
Consequently, the visopuhra was ranked second only to the dahyupaiti,
and the latter, as the governor of a province, was equal in rank to a
satrapa or sahrddr (dahyu = sahr). Thus the Avestic tradition on
the rank of the vdspuhrs coincides with the evidence of the Hadjiabad
inscription, since the vdspuhrdn also follow the sahrdaran in this
inscription27. The vdspuhrdn were the sons of the sahrddrs27a. We
should understand by this not only sons in the strict sense of the word,
but also the members of the family in general, i.e, all the male represen-
tatives of that family except for its head, the sahrdar himself. During
the lifetime of the sahrdar, his sons had potential authority as his
heirs, for this reason they ranked below him but above everyone
else 37b.
Third in rank stood the vacarJcdn or vuzurgan, that is to say the
elders, from vazraka (Persian buzurg), " great". This title is best
suited to those noblemen who were descended from ancient tribal
leaders. The institution of the abicaris or eAevdf-pa ayopd, with
which we are already familiar, had provided the crucible in which
the heads of clans had been transformed into nobles and court officials.
The word abicaris may have been pronounced vacar in Pehlevi as
is suggested by the Armenian form i/«/£um [vacaf]. The name of the
third rank may, therefore, be read vazrakdn or vacarJcdn, In the
the latter case it can be derived from vacaf, with the sense of a parti-
cipant or member of the abicaris. Only the wealthy came to the
abicaris and concerned themselves with military affairs. This
was the circumstance which made possible their transformation into
a privileged class. Regardless of its etymology, it seems to us that
vuzurgan must be understood as the general term for that part
of the nobility which had grown out of a tribal background.
The last in rank were the dzddh-dn, who were related to the vuzurgan
in the same way as the vdspuhrdn were related to the sahrdaran,
Azddh-dn is the plural form of dzddhd, the past participle of d-zan, dza,
" to give birth ". The dzddhs were the sons and heirs of the vuzurgan;
in a legal sense they shared the rank of the vaspuhrs, i.e, they had power
as future vuzurgan 27C, Such then, is our interpretation of the inter-
relation of class ranks; the evolution of classes in the Arsacid period
ended with them, and we must bear this circumstance in mind when
we study the Arsacid legislation in Armenia.
THE FEUDAL BASES OF THE NAXARAE SYSTEM 339
A two-fold development of the class nobility, based on tribal as

well as purely administrative institutions, must be acknowledged
as having taken place in Armenia as well as in Parthia. The custom
of distributing land and offices existed also among the Armenian
Aisaeids. Faustus, the historian of the Christian Arsacids, testifies
that the Armenian princes owed much to the Arsacid house. First
among these benefits were territorial possesions: the rulers gave to
the nobles great provinces, countries, villages, and other estates;
they granted them benefits by bestowing upon them honourific
or administrative and service off ices27d. As we have seen, fapjwbni.-
ppLh [isxanut'iwri] was distinguished from /p/idiu^/nt^/rd} [gor-
cakalut'iwri], the princely rank from the service or official position.
Members of the former were identified according to cushion, those
of the latter according to rank: " ... i/kbuiiJkbgh jpLpm^wIi^pLp qiu£ni.>
if.npbw^w^f'u j[upwguih^pLp £iuipni. : [He re-established ... the great
each to his cushion, the officials each to his rank] " a8,
Princes had existed in Armenia before the appearance of the Arsacids,
while the administrative machinery was introduced by them. Accord-
ing to .Xbrenaci, the achievement of the first Arsacid king consisted
in his distribution of diverse public and court functions among the
native princely families. The official duties noted in the Parthian
Empire were also present in Arsacid Armenia 38a.
The honourific duty of crowning the king was considered to be the
prerogative of the Surens in Persia and of the Bagratids in Armenia 29.
The supreme command of the army, uiîapmuikmnLppLft [spara-
petut'iwri], was hereditary in the family of the Asparapets [Aspahbadh],
or Kosmids in Persia, and in that of the Mamikonean in Armenia 29a.
The office of hazarapet was of great importance; according to all
the evidence it corresponded to the third office listed by Theophylact
Simocatta, i.e. to the one concerned with " ras TroAm/cas1 fipovrtSas",
as opposed to the one dealing with "TroAe/^/cTys1 avvrd^ws" 2 9 b . In
Faustus' History, the hazarapetut'iwn, or office of the hazampet,
was in a certain sense contrasted with that of the sparapet. The
former official was appointed for " public welfare [supervision]
w^pjujp^minkuli fuhuidwliuiinLJUkw'ii'ij ", and concerned himself with
rimfiubnLpkiuh, i,e, with the peasants working the land. The Grnuni
house, which held the office of hazarapet, was called ^pLm^wLw^ (sina-
Jcanasen [peasant ruling or supervising]). On the other hand, the
Mamikonean, as sparapets, were said to stand, "
340 CHAPTER XV
f] tJknuij unlkîwili anntug nnnujJiunnLl<}kiufi&, above all the

princes, above all the zoravarJc1 or military commanders] "290, The
Armenian army was made up of many contingents furnished by
the princely houses. Each of these detachments was commanded
by its own prince, but the supreme command belonged to the
hereditary sparapets, the Maroikonean house, who, in this sense,
stood " above all the princes ", and their armies.
The entire peasant population was under the authority of the
Jiazarapet. Hazdra-pati = %i)(tapxos; " cJiiliarch " or " ihousander ",
was a military term which had been transferred to the civilian sphere
as early as the Achaemenid period. According to Xenophon, Cyrus,
concerned with the regularization of finances because of the enormous
expenses resulting from such a vast realm, decided to adopt the
system of military divisions for this purpose, and consequently set
up deJcadarcJis, looJiagoi, cJiiliarcJis, and myriarchs in the financial
branch to simplify its administration 30. According to this system,
Jiazarapet must be the title of the highest ranking official in the ad-
ministration of the state revenue, and his relatione to the taxeable
population, i.e. to the peasants becomes understandable. The Jiaza-
rapet might be thought to have supervised taxation as well, but we
know from the list cited earlier that the levy and collection of taxes
formed a separate department. It is possible that this duty was at
first included among those of the Jiazarapet, but that it was later
removed to a separate division. The all-powerful Sasanian magnate
Mhr-Nerseh was called great Jiazarapet (Jkb £uiijuipminimi) by the
Armenians, and vuzurg-framadMr by Tabari, a title which,
according to his own translation, meant grand vizir31. Nevertheless,
Mihr-Nerseh had under him a certain Mahgusnasp, who supervized
the department of taxation and was called vastryosan-salar, i.e.
" overseer of the tillers of the soil" 33. This title is similar to that
of the Jiazarapet in the sense in which Faustus used it to characterize
the G-nuni family 33. Perhaps the former office of JiazarbadJi was
split in Persia into two departments: one forâs TroAmfcas foovrlSas
was supervised by the vuzurg-framadMr, and the other by the vastry-
osan - solar, whereas in Armenia this office remained unaltered.
The judicial power or the administration of justice lay in the hands
of the Magians or of the clergy in general. With the conversion of
the country to Christianity, this passed to the Church, and_bejonged
to the bishop in each province. The authority of bishop Daniel of
THE FEUDAL EASES OF THE NAXARAR SYSTEM 341
Taron is defined by Faustus as that of

ilkbp quimujLnpnLpkiuhh : [the office of great justieiar, or high
justice]" 34. Both the interference of the clergy in political affairs,
and its great importance in both Armenia and Persia is partly explained
by the fact that it served as a judicial institution 35.
The command of the cavalry TTJS IWov) was also a hereditary
right, but we do not know to what family it belonged. The Armenian
army consisted primarily of cavalry, but it was under the over-all
command of the sparapet. According to some indications, the Persian
cavalry was commanded by the Spandiyadh house 36.
The supervision " TWV oTrAcuv /cat r'fjs TroAejUtK^s" eadjjros " corres-
ponded to the modern quartermaster's duties and was apparently
connected with the house of the Mardpet36a. The exalted rank of this
house at the court of the Christian Armenian Arsacids was noted
in historical sources, but its duties remain altogether unclear, and
we have nothing but contradictory evidence on this subject. The
origin of the title, mardpet, which we clarified earlier, had been forgotten
at the time of the advent of literacy in Armenia. On morphological
grounds, this term seemed to contain the Armenian word Smpij. [mard],
" man ", and this mistaken etymology interfered with the under-
standing of the true nature of the office. .Xbrenaci did not even
mention the title of mardpet, and admits truthfully that he knew
nothing about the house of prince Zwjp [Hayr] 37. Mardpet was a
tribal princely title, and had nothing to do with any office. The
mardpet " was called, according to his duties, father of the king
(fitupqufkii]) np iiifinLiiibkiui bn}£p PUW anpbnjfi ' £wjp Buinuiuipp'u) "38
For this reason, SuipmnkmnLppLii [mard-petutliwn] and ûijpnLJ^ptSi.
[Jiayrut'iwri] are used as synonyms39.
We do not know the true meaning of this imposing title; we know
only that the supervision of the royal treasure and of the fortresses
in which it was kept was one of the duties of the mardpet, and that
" this duty and the office of mardpet called Jiayr [father], had been
the prerogative of eunuchs from ancient times " 40. The pompous
title of the mardpet indicates a very close connexion with the royal
court. Because they were eunuchs, the mardpets served as the guar-
dians of the queen41, and the supervision of the royal wardrobe
probably also belonged to them. When King Pap decided to kill
the mardpet Glak, he ordered first that the mardpet be dressed in
inordinately wide garments, then that he be taken to the " house of
342 CHAPTER XV
the wardrobe (wniSi ufivuiSnîuIiuig) ", and executed there 42. If the
wardrobe was under Glak's control, the execution of its supervisor
within its very walls must have seemed particularly humiliating,
as the king had intended 43.
The administrative system of the Arsacid state was not limited to
the offices listed. Our purpose in investigating them was to demon-
strate the similarity of the Arsacid administrative systems in Persia
and in Armenia. The custom of granting lands and offices necessarily
produced the same results in Armenia as in Persia, namely the creation
of social entities similar to the native princes both in rank and terri-
torial possessions, but distinguished from them through the origin
of their status. The Persian Arsacids created such positions for
their relatives, but the Armenian kings, at least in the Christian
period, for the most part promoted influential representatives of the
native hereditary nobility, though it is possible that they too, at
first, primarily favoured their kinsmen. In either case, a new element
was added to the native legal system, either through giving a conno-
tation of officialdom to the aristocracy, or through the creation of
new noble houses, whose privileges derived from sources other than
those of the native princes.
This innovation was reflected in the relevant title, which is that
of na-ârar. Unfortunately for us, this term does not yet lend itself
to etymological analysis 44. Originally it probably designated the
provincial governors, rectores. As a social concept, na-ârar was the
equivalent of the Persian sahrdar, and the corresponding territorial
unit, the nahang, was equal to the saJir. It is also possible that the
term azat designated the son of a naywrar. The new terminology
did not oust the old, since the new concepts it expressed had not
replaced but only paralleled the earlier ones. But the older tribal
terminology tended toward greater uniformity as the result of the
wear and tear of new relationships, Ter became the predominant
title among all the terms by which clan leaders had once been known;
the others either vanished or became localized and frozen in a particular
clan as its hereditary title. Ter became the technical term used to
designate the head or senior member of a princely clan. The terms
used for the sons or children of a clan underwent a similar standardi-
zation. SepuJi was assimilated exclusively to princely families,
while the other terms kept their original general meaning. In the
same way, among territorial terms, tun, " house ", became the tech-
nical term used to designate the corresponding territorial concept.
THE FEUDAL BASES OF THE NAXASAS SYSTEM 343
Thus, side by side with ter, sepuh, tun, which had been the concepts
of the tribal society, appeared nayarar, azat, nahang, which were the
concepts of the administrative order, but the tribal traditions proved
so powerful that whatever new relations arose had to be fitted into
the earlier framework. For this reason, the sources alternate ter
and naxarar, sepuh and azat, tun and nahang, as equivalent terms.
With the consolidation of the administrative pattern, the term naxarar
became the dominant one with the meaning of " prince " or " noble-
man ", while ter turned into an uncharacteristic expression for " lord "
or " owner ". Secondary expressions, such as nahapet and tanuter
which replaced ter and naxarar, became necessary for the identification
of the head or senior member of a princely house. The origin of the
first term is not clear, but it seems to have had the same relation to
nahang as tanuter to tun. These newer expressions must have taken
over the original meaning of ter and naxarar. They did not, however,
replace ter and naxarar altogether, but were used in preference to the
earlier terms whenever the head of a clan had to be singled out
from it 44a.
This is the manner in which the more characteristic terms of Ar-
menian social life made their successive historical appearance. Up
to now, we have pursued our investigations according to general
historical principles, while maintaining a contact with the historical
reality reflected in the sources. Returning to our earlier simile,
we may say that starting from the top of the tree under investigation,
we have tried to uncover its roots according to the guidelines found
in its visible or accessible parts. < The hypothesis we have elaborated
on this basis can only have the validity of all such inductive work.
We shall now turn to an analysis of that phase of the phenomenon
we are investigating which is known to Armenian literature, and
which has served us ex silentio as a foundation for our earlier excursions
into antiquity.
II
Arsacid Armenia is depicted in historical literature as a country

divided into several dozen principalities. Although legally equal,
these principalities were differentiated in fact by their political im-
portance and their degree of dependence on the crown. The most
independent were the principalities which lay along the borders.
344 CHAPTER XV
First among these were the domains of the so-called ZxM^sT&nd next
to them the principalities of Siwnik5, Mokk', Tayk{, and Sophene
[Cop'k']. Among the central principalities those of the Mamikoneans,
Bagratids, Mardpets, Arcrunis, Jforôrunis, and Kamsarakans, were
especially outstanding. The remaining majority consisted of small
principalities whose rulers were greatly inferior by birth and ancestral
possessions, and who mostly took refuge within the sphere of influence
of the more powerful princes,
All territorial units were considered equal in rank. Each unit
was a tun with a ter or tanuter at its head, and these units were called
tanuter&oms [tanuterut'iwnk1'] or âârardoms \nayaramtfiwrik^. The
tanuter&OTas were closed circles with sovereign prerogatives. They
had judicial and administrative autonomy as well as the other attri-
butes of sovereignty. They were a type of small kingdom, and their
ruling princes were little kings or minor sovereigns. The limits of
each one's jurisdiction depended de facto on the power he possessed
at a given moment. The historians often speak of great nobles
b wLimfiuhf} \mecamec awagani]) and distinguish the senior
[awag]) tanuters or naârars from their juniors (Ifpuwkp
[foster]), evidently on a basis of relative power. The general position
of a tanuterdom was determined by the actual relationship between
the power of its prince and that of the king, and by the predominance
of centripetal or centrifugal tendencies. Whenever circumstances
were favourable, the kings did not hesitate to confiscate the territorial
possessions of guilty princes44to,
This general picture outlining the political aspect of Armenia,
should prove sufficient to compare its internal structure to the system
known to us under the name of feudalism 44 °, A many-headed political
body with little administrative unity, is particularly characteristic
of a feudal state. In the period of the flowering of feudal institutions,
France, the locus dassicus of feudalism presented the same aspect
as Arsacid Armenia 44d, The country was split into a multitude of
large and small principalities which enjoyed sovereign rights to various
degrees. Some exhibited a highly developed feudal organism and
enjoyed full sovereign powers; others were great lordships \seigneuries\h the sa
rights, Erom the point of view of sovereignty, all principalities were

divided into two categories: great and small lordship (grandes seigneu-
ries, petites seigneuries). The former, up to forty in number, enjoyed
THE FETJDAL BASES OF THE NAXAEAE SYSTEM 345
all the rights inherent in a state (droits regatiens) and made up the
various duchies, countries, and vis-counties (duches, comtes, vicomtes),
The small lordships were very numerous and consisted of eMtellenies,
secondary vicomtes, vidamies, and avoueries; these did not have the
same political importance as the grandes seigneuries, and their lords
were often indistinguishable from vassals, because of the limitation
of their rights 45. The feudal character of Armenia was not expressed
exclusively in its external aspect, however; the similarity went deeper
and also included the legal system operating within the country.
Feudalism is a well known politico-social pattern which is not
exclusively characteristic of the Middle Ages, In a certain sense
it appears to be an inevitable stage in the development of human
societies, and can be traced among various peoples and in different
periods of the history of culture45a. It has been shown by historical
science that feudalism develops in both ascending and descending
orders, that is to say, either when the cultural level is rising or when
it is falling and disintegrating. In this sense the controverse between
the Eomanist and Germanist schools over the origins of feudalism
ceases to be a true conflict. Both sides are right albeit one-sided:
The dissolution of the Roman Empire already disclosed processes
of feudalization, but the barbarians, who had vanquished the Eomans,
were also set on the path of feudalization insofar as their own tribal
pattern was disintegrating in the fifth century. The two independent
processes were leading to one and the same system. Their meeting
and clash after the Germanic invasions merely complicated the nature
of the institutions developing at that time.
One of the most characteristic traits of a feudal system observed
by scholars is fragmentation, or the dispersal of supreme political
PO-WSJ:- According to this definition, feudalism begins to develop
when the territory, the supreme power, or the political and legal ties
in general are divided among many regional rulers and when groups
subject to private rather than public authority make their appearance.
Large-scale tenure of land simultaneously marks the point of departure
of feudalization; it is the foundation of the entire system, all of whose
other features then follow from it.
Two categories of holdings are recognized as the bases of feudal
land tenure: the allod, ancestral or royal, and the beneficium, or grant.
The institution of the fief [feodum], from which the entire system took
its name, is supposed to have developed from the second category.
346 CHAPTER XV
The word feodum - fief does not appear in documents before the
tenth century. It was first used side by side with benefice, and in
the same sense, but subsequently, from the end of the eleventh century,
it replaced the earlier term. From that time on, fief began to designate
land whose use was contingent upon military service. Scholars have
also shown that a fief was further distinguished from a benefice by
the fact that the fief was granted as a hereditary tenure, whereas
the benefice was only granted for life 46.
The origin of the fief and its relationship to the benefice have not
been interpreted altogether correctly by scholars in my opinion.
Although the teim feodum =fief appears in document only from the
tenth century on it is unquestionably of ancient origin. Moreover
the Roman and Germanic antecedents of feudal concepts and termin-
ology must also be distinguished on analysis. The/^'ef, like the allod,
is an inheritance from Germanic society. The equivalent Roman
social concepts were the latifundium and the beneficium. Allods,
as ancestral holdings, i.e. hereditary lands free from all obligations.
They went back genetically to lands once held in joint ownership by a
community, but which had passed after the dissolution of the com-
munity to its chieftain or to its more powerful members who sub-
sequently turned into an aristocracy. The feodum, in opposition to
the allod, in all likelihood originally designated land liable to taxation
or subject to certain obligations. Whereas the allod, because of its
lexical composition (from all. " all " and od, " possession ") indicates
total possession, or more accurately the possession of the whole clan
or community; feodum -fief, derived from feih and od (where fieJi =
German vieh, from the same root as Latin pec-us and with the same
double sense of pecus and pecunia), characterized a particular category
of land according to the revenue furnished by it. In this sense,
feodum could designate both a censive tenure [tenure a cens] or a benefice,
depending on the nature of the obligations laid upon it. This fact
would explain why in feudal times, when the fief had acquired the
sense of hereditary benefice, the term fief a]so designated censive
tenures (terres roturieres), or peasant holdings in certain regions of
France 47 . From the beginning, hereditary tenure was inherent
in the fief, and from the tenth century we also meet the expression
perpetuum beneficium, which indicates that the evolution of the benefi-
cia also tended toward hereditary tenure. It is very likely that this
circumstance assisted the fusion of the benefice and the fief and the
disappearance of the former.
The characteristic feature of feudalism is the fact that territorial

relationships are closely tied to relationships between individuals.
Land is not only a source of wealth, but also a means of ruling over
men. The owner of free lands becomes a lord [seigneur], while the
holder of a fief becomes a feodalis, or vassal, depending on a lord.
The roots of this type of subordination are also traceable back to
Germanic and Koman antecedents. Various types of patronage
and clientele had existed among the Romans, particularly in the
period of decline. Among the Germans, we find lords and his gassindi
or vassi, i.e. a group of companions or a bodygard composed of men
loyal to their lord. In exchange for their services to the lord these
men enjoyed his protection, but their type of service differed from
the one found in the feudal period. Service, even military, may
also exist without territorial compensation, and such service can
probably be called vassalage, but the basis of feudal vassalage was
service, primarily military, in exchange for land. This service deter-
mined by land tenure is the crucial element in the feudalization of
personal relationships. Thus the allods and latifundia provided the
foundation for free and seigneurial land tenure, while the/eocfom and
beneficium were the basis for feudal or conditional tenures; sociologic-
ally the suzerain-seigneur was descended from the German lord and
the Roman magnate, while the vassal was descended from the vassi
and clientes.
These basic elements of a feudal regime were clearly present in
Armenia. The indispensible foundation of land tenure showed great
similarities to the feudal pattern, not only in type but in origin47*.
The Armenians also distinguished two categories of lands: {wjpktipf
[hayrenik'] and iûipqlualjwlif [pargeivakank'], i.e. ancestral posses-
sions and benefices. In addition, we also find mentions of guwliui-
yp&g [k'sakagink'], or purchased estates, a type of lands also found
in western feudal society after the twelfth century, but the main
categories of land holdings both in the West and in Armenia were
ancestral holdings and conditionally granted benefices48.
The Merovingian allod corresponds exactly to the Armenian
{uijphLpf [hayrenik'], as a type of land tenure. Both are inherited
lands transferred from one house to another on terms of outright
possession. Zwjpkhpf [Hayrenik'] was the general term designating
the whole of a princes hereditary possessions, each unit of which was
called a wniSi [tun], " house ". These houses are depicted as lordships
348 CHAPTER XV
in the sources, and they make up a w^p/u^/nii (terut'iwn) or lord-

ship; in the same manner the feudal dominium, or unit of allodial
tenure lay at the foundation of the lordship or seignemie*83-,
In the case of i^wpqLuiliuifif [yargewakarik(~\, the terra was
perhaps used by historians to designate exclusively small holdings,
such as hamlets or villages, bestowed on a prince as reward for some
service, but in earlier times, more extensive territories had also been
subject to grant. According to the Arsacid historian whom we
have already cited, many of the princes became the rulers of great
provinces, countries and important villages thanks to the favour of
the Arsacid kings. These words are corroborated by the concrete
examples cited in historical literature 481).
We have already presented the hypothesis that a naJiang had the
same relation to granted lands as a tun to elan or patrimonial lands,
but that it was at the same time an administrative unit. A na%arar
held a naJiang just as a ter, or tanuter, ruled over a tun, and the tenure
itself was called nayurarut'iwn. There were no essential differences
between waâmrdoms and tamêrdoms; both were-territSrial-politieal
units similar to the seignewie. Moreover, the naxa/rcvrutfiwns can be
equated with western comtes and ducMs which had grown out of
former Roman provinces, while the tanuterut'iwns were the equivalents
of allodial lordships (alleux souverains)430.
The evolution of the allods took place in two directions. Some
gradually extended their boundaries and became such important
territories powers that their lords easily obtained political rights
through so-called immunities. The crown conceded to them judiciary
power, taxation, and other branches of public jurisdiction within
the -limits of their allod; at the same time, they were often invested
with administrative functions such as the office of count. The rights
and privileges so acquired generally became hereditary; once it had
entered upon a political course, the allod tended to become a seigneurie,
and indeed all important allods eventually became lordships. Other,
and very numerous, allods were unable to expend either territorially
or politically; on the contrary, they were forced through circumstances
to give up their privileged character of free inherited lands, and came
closer to the category of benefices, or of the conditional service-
holdings known as fiefs. The owners of such former allods became
the vassals or feodales of more powerful lords.
A similar process can also be traced in Armenian land holding
THE FEUDAL BASES OF THE NAZARAS SYSTEM 349
relationships; "but first, how should the relationship of the Armenian
princely estates to the crown be characterized from the feudal point
of view ? According to the indications given by Armenian sources,
the princes — naya/raxs or tanuters, — were the bwnuijg [cafayk']
or " servants " of the king; their relation to him was called bwnmjai.-
fiju.fi [cafayut'iwn " service"] to them the king was a m£p
[ter], or lord. The terms servant, and service correspond to servitium
and obseguiwm, the terms expressing the obligation of a vassal to
serve his lord, and the vassal himself was nothing more than a servant,
famulus 49, The obligation to serve may have been founded on fides
or on the fief; the Armenian sources do not present this matter very
clearly. On the one hand, the princes are shown as the absolute
owners of their lands, with the same unaHenable rights as the king,
On the other, there are relatively common cases where the king either
confiscates the lands of a prince for the benefit of the treasury, or on the
contrary, presents a prince with new lands. The right of confiscation
and grant affected the dominium utile which characterized lord - vassal
relationships. The confiscation of princely estates under the Arsacids
may be equated to the right of forfaiture claimed by the feudal lord
against his guilty vassals. On the whole, conditions in Armenia
were marked by instability, which is a feature characteristic of a
feudal society.
The Armenian form of princely land tenure is perhaps best defined
as the type known to historians of feudalism as fief- seigneurie.
Historians distinguish true fiefs front this type, which may be classified
as a lordship from the point of view of its legal status, although it
is called a fief 50 . These two categories of fiefs were founded on two
opposite principles of feudal land tenure: on the one hand, the fief
was seen as a conditional land-hold, subject to confiscation in case
of a breach of the oath of service by the holder; on the other, the feudal
tenant who no longer wished to serve a certain lord, moved with his
land into the service of another lord by means of the so-called commen-
datio. Such transfers indicate that the individual was acknowledged
to be the absolute master of the land, and could serve whomsoever
he wished. In such cases, then, the personal dependence of the vasals
on his lord prevailed over the dependence of the land. This type of
lordship is especially noticeable in the initial period of feudalism.
In the opinion of a recent historian, the territorial sovereignty of
counts or princes extended only as far as their own domain. Outside
350 CHAPTER XV
this domain, their authority expressed itself not so much with regard
to land, as over the persons bound to them by the vassal oath of
allegiance 51. The relations of the king to the Armenian princes may
be defined in similar fashion. They too were characterized by personal
rather than territorial dependence. The king might deprive a prince
of his possessions for a particular offense, but this punishment did
not extend to his descendents; the nearest heir of the guilty prince
assumed his rights, and the confiscated lands returned to him as the
unamenable possession of his house. In reality, in Armenia as in all
of feudal society, social relations were governed not so much by legal
regulations as by concrete force, and the relationships entered upon
varied a great deal as a consequence. In the West, some lordships
were true states in which the king was the head of allied princes, other
lordships enjoyed the same rights to a lesser degree but were still
considered sovereign units, and finally there were fiefs of various
status, some with the prerequisite of service, others with the right of
commendatio, etc. Similarly in Armenia, the marcher lords or bdesys
were seen as lesser kings, the senior tanuters, possessed de facto rights
which were incomparably greater than those of their juniors, and there
were princes, who occupied very subordinate positions as well.
According to the generally accepted pattern, the feudal system
consisted of three links of personal and territorial dependence: 1) the
lord and his domain, i,e, the part of his lordship which he held directly,
2) the group of his vassals and their fiefs, i.e, the lands granted to
them from the lordship, 3) the common people and their lands called
censive tenures. Formerly, the fief, that is to say the territorial
dependence, was thought to have been the fundamental feature of
feudalism; at present, however, historians give greater importance
to the commendatio of the individual holding the land, and they
shift the center of gravity of the feudal system to the seigneurie.
But, in fact, the commendatio did not contradict the principle of
conditional tenure; it only preserved the fief from enslavement.
The mark of conditional tenure stayed on the fief, since its holder
was not freed from the obligation of serving by passing to another
lord. Every schematization of feudal relationships, which attempts
to establish distinctions between the important and unimportant
aspects, is in some sense an abstraction and a hypothetical structure.
In reality, these relationships presented themselves in a variety of
forms and combinations. For purposes of historical investigation,
THE FEUDAL BASES OF THE NAXASAS SYSTEM 351
it is more fruitful to trace this phenomenon in its concrete forms than

to dwell on the degree of comparative importance of this or that
feature. We should be on the right path if we divide those legal
relations in the feudal system, which correspond to the two classes of
persons, lords and vassals, found in feudal society, into two categories:
seigneurial and feudal, in the strict sense of that term; and if we
then study each category separately.
Arsacid Armenia as a whole may be taken as a single large lordship
in which the lord was the Arsacid ruler, the vassals were the princes
acknowledging his authority, and the remainder of the population
was made up of the common people or peasants. It is evident from
the relations of the waârardoms to the crown that each of them could
be equated in some degree to an ordinary lordship. Like the French
crown, which was above all a lordship of superior rank, the Arsacid
kingdom formed a single waârardom, while the waârardoms, in
their turn, tried to turn into miniature kingdoms of the Arsacid type.
For an investigation of lordship and vassalage in Armenian society
it is important to note the presence of the characteristic features of
waârardom, whether these features appear as attributes of royal
or of strictly naârar power. Because Armenian life was subject
to tradition and custom more than to law, it is vain to seek in it the
legal codifications of relationships found in western feudalism; the
forms expressed through legal aspects in the West appear in Armenia
under the guise of custom. This difference does not prevent us from
comparing the two systems, since feudal legislation itself was merely
the sanction of an existing order, which had been worked out in
practice.
The institution called seigneurie in France, manor in England, and
GrundJierrscJiaft in Germany, was designated in Armenia by the terms
inkpni.ppLh (tentt'iwn) and iniubnLintpnLppLb (tanuterut'iwri), or hwpjwpiupnL-
Pt>Lb( nayararut'iwn) and hulZuiujkinnLppLh (nahapetut'iwn). The lord
of such a holding was called correspondingly, w£p[ t&r] and uiiuhnunkp
[tanuter], or buifuuipuip [waârar] and biu£uiufkui[nahapet]. In the
historical sources that have come down to us, these terms alternate
as absolutely synonymous concepts; the only variation being that
some authors prefer one of them, and others another 52.
Terut'iwn and na-%ararutliwn were the political formulae correspond-
ing to the territorial concepts expressed by the termsOT/JL&[tun],
[gawaf], etc. The central core of such
352 CHAPTER XV
territorial units was the nuinwh [ostari], or " court " (lit, " threshold ")
which corresponded to the seignorial curtis dominicalis in the West;
another name for it was ip4 ^w^njlif [gah, gahoynk1'], " place,
throne ", in the sense of residence53. The lordship, par excellence
was held by the Arsacids, Just as the head of the Church was acknow-
ledged as kat'o&kos of all Armenia but also as bishop of Ayrarat,
so the Arsacid rulers were simultaneously kings of Armenia and
princes of Ayrarat, To distinguish it from other princely holdings,
the domain of the Arsacids was called the royal ostan or " house "
(uipgnLlili OTOI& mpfnififi nuwmU)53a.
We can see from its relationship to the royal power that the tanu-
terut'iwn was not simply an estate but a lordship, i.e. a territory
possessing sovereignty. It is well known that the power of tanuter
was hereditary in a given house and passed from one of its members
to another according to seniority, as was the ease in feudal lordships 54.
Even so, the sovereign interfered in questions of na-ârar inheritance;
first the native kings, in the period of the Arsacids, and, after their
downfall, the Persians, watched continuously to see who inherited
the power of the tanuters. Historians even claim that the king ap-
pointed the tanuters or that they granted the tanuters their position 55,
Boyal interference seems unnecessary where a strict pattern of suc-
cession already exists, and there is no evidence that the kings acted
against the rights of seniority. Hence, the appointments or grants
of tanuter positions mentioned by the historians must evidently be
understood in the sense that the king acknowledged and confirmed
the rights of the legal heirs. Had the tanuterdoms been essentially
private holdings or estates, the confirmation of the king would not
have been needed. The tanuter performed important duties, and
the purpose of the royal confirmation of the tanuter's authority was
to insure his obligation to serve the ruler as his vassal55a.
In the feudal world, a vassal's tenurial right ended with his death;
the lord had to revive it in order to transfer it to another vassal, and
usually, in his own interest, he left it to the dead man's son. In
Armenia, royal recognition of the rights of the heir of a tanuter was
not a general custom; it was stressed only in particularly important
cases. This grant of recognition had the same significance as the
installation or investiture customary in the West. The symbols of
the investiture in the West are well known; they consisted of a green
branch or a piece of sod representing the land, together with a hat,
a ring, a standard, etc., depending on the customs of each locality.
A similar practice can also be observed in naya/rar society. We know
that each tanuter had a ring which served simultaneously as his seal,
and each princely clan had its own standard; the hat was replaced
by a diadem (ZÛ/OT/NL, patiw), which was part of the headdress. We
know of eases where the diadem and ring were given at the time of
entery into the tanuterut'iwn, a significant gesture giving to these
objects the character of an investiture56. The standard (qpuiL£
draws) undoubtedly had the same significance5 7, We had occasion earlier
to refer to the branch or wreath with which the Persian king greeted
the Armenian princes, though we do not know what they signified58.
In the West, the lord gave his vassal a green branch or piece of sod
as a symbol when bestowing his lands upon him, and in all likelihood,
the gift of a branch or wreath had the same symbolic meaning among
the Armenians, Finally, the seignorial character of the Armenian
tanuterufiwn is shown by the fact that the term m//miî& [terut*-
iwn], the older and more common name for the authority of the
tanuter, eventually acquired the meaning of state. Moreover, the
lands of a tanuter were called \as-xmJi, gawar], that is to say they were
designated by terms likewise having connotations of statehood.
The above discussion gives a basis for considering the tanuterut'iwn
as a politico-social institution in the general spirit of the feudal sei-
gneurie of the Middle Ages, but there is little evidence on the manner
in which the rights of the tanuters were more closely defined. In the
West, the lord's power included the most împortant aspects of life.
He had the right to legislate, droit de ban, and to issue decrees, consti-
tutiones or assisiae, which were binding within the limits of the lands
directly subject to him. If, however, they affected his entire lordship,
including the fiefs, the agreement of the vassals was required and a
curia plenaria was summoned to the lord's court for that purpose59.
In Armenia, the right of legislation was inherent in the royal power,
and the na%arars and tanuters unquestionably also enjoyed this right
to a greater or lesser degree. If references to legislative acts are rarely
found in the documents that have reached us, this can be explained
in part by the fact that Armenian life was governed primarily by the
rigid tradition of the past and consequently had no pressing need
for legislation. In such a society, usages and customs (pwpg k
uni^7nz^?/u.&£,, barJc( ew sovorut'iwnk') rule in preference to laws 60.
Bach naxarar, like every feudal lord, was judge within his own
354 CHAPTER XV
domain 81. Powerful princes in the West passed judgement over

their vassals, in their quality of seigneurs justiciers. The Armenian
king, as the supreme lord, had the same jurisdiction over the princes
subject to him 6a. A medieval lord supervised administration together
with the council of his vassals. He also had various ministeria, or
instruments of government whom he appointed in a manner similar
to that of the king, and the courts of the various counts and dukes
likewise reflected the protocol of the royal court; they had their
senecJial, cJiambrier, connetable, bouteiller, and chancelier, who served
at court and simultaneously performed the administrative functions
they had received as fief-offices. The system of administration
current under the Armenian Arsacids was relatively complicated.
Offices were known as qnpb [gore], " function, work "; an individual
invested with such an office was called ^npbuil{m^ [gorcaJcal],
" officer ", whence we find qnpbmlfiainLppL'ii [gorcaJcalut'iwn] =
" ministerium, office ". The corresponding Persian form was fpwpljwp
[k'rtikar], Jcarta-Jcdra = i^npb—lfiu^ [gorc-JcaT], More than nine hun-
dred gorcaJcals were said to have existed at the court of the Arsacid
kings, but this figure drawn from Faustus' History, is unquestionably
an exaggeration 63.
We have already studied the more important offices which have
much in common with the leading offices (grands offices) found at the
court of great lords and kings in the feudal period. In Armenia,
as in the West, the chief offices were held as hereditary possessions
by the more powerful houses. Foremost among the leading officials
were the senecJial and the cliancelier ; the former was considered to
be the most important personage in the lordship after its lord, and his
importance was based on the fact that he was the commander of
the army. The chancelier, on the other hand, had a court title,
but he simultaneously administered the revenues of the state, and
derived his influence from this fact 64 . The functions of the senechal
and of the chancelier were essentially equivalent to those of their
Armenian counterparts, the sparapet and the hazarapet. In Armenia,
as in any feudal state, land subject to the king was held partly by
princes, who ruled over estates, and partly worked by peasants.
Two offices were needed to correspond to this division, one " p ^pmj
[over the princes] ", and the other " p iftpwj
[over the peasants]". The obligation of the
princes was to render military aid, i.e. to furnish knights; for
this reason the official placed over them was the sparapet, who was
the commander of the army. The hazarapet, on the other hand, was
the supervisor of the affairs of the taxable population, that is to say
of the peasants64a, We have no information about the internal organi-
zation of Armenian peasant communities; we know only that they
had headmen called qiauiuufhuif [dasapetk'] or qk^wLuiq [gelja-
wag], who may be equated with the doyens = decani, and maires
— maiores of France 65, Similarly we know very little of the internal
administration of the principalities. Like the king, their rulers
probably had administrative officials commensurate with the size
of their possessions 66.
We have already distinguished seignorial duties from those of
feudatories or vassals. Feudal obligations in the latter sense took
their point of departure from hommage et fidelite = hominium et
fidelitas; since the dependence of the holder of the land, or feudatory,
on the owner of that land, or lord, the so-called engagement de vassalage,
was created by this means. Hence, the obligations of the vassal,
made possible in practice by land tenure, were derived from concepts
of fealty and homage. The form taken by these obligations were
primarily auxilium, consiUum, and participation in the administration
of the lordship. The basic aspect of feudal obligations can also be
traced in na-ârar society. Hominium (from homo} consisted in the
act by which a given individual acknowledged himself to be his lord's
man (homo), and confirmed this by an oath; the Armenian engagement
or vow (UL[UW, uxt), by which the princes swore to the king that they
would be his faithful servants, had the same significance. This
engagement was in turn accompanied by an oath whose symbolic
expression was the offering of salt 67 ; as a result of this oath, one side
took upon itself the duties of lordship and protection, and the other
those of faithful service and obedience 68.
The military obligations of a vassal consisted of three types of
duties: service in wartime (service ffost et chevauchee), defense of his
lord's castle (estage), and surrender of his own castle at the demand
of the lord 69. Military service was likewise obligatory in nayarar
society. Just like western-European vassals, the Armenian princes
had to appear together with their contingent of knights at the summons
of the king in order to participate in military undertakings, either
campaigns (hostis, ufuiinkpuniS —• paterazm), or raids (chevauchees =•
cavalcata, u/uû/wu/^ — aspataJc). The listing of na-ârar cavalry
356 CHAPTER XV
contingents in the Military List discussed earlier, gives us some idea

of the military strength of the waârardoms. In the West, barons
of the first rank furnished a few hundred knights to their suzerain;
a senior fief furnished only one knight, and frequently several fiefs
joined together to furnish a single armed man 70 . According to
the Military List, the Armenian princes were divided into several
categories for this purpose, but according to this List no prince furnish-
ed fewer then fifty knights 71,
The obligation to defend the lord's fortresses was the duty of a
single Armenian family, and formed its hereditary prerogative on a
par with other hereditary offices. The defense of the royal fortresses
in Cop'k5 and Angeftun was entrusted to the prince Mardpet 72 .
Among the Persians, who considered this office very honourable,
this office was held by a member of the royal family, who was called
the Argabadh (the ancient arJcapates) 73. Each principality contained
its own castles which were, however, at the disposal of the Arsacid
kings; the prince's castles were jwabilia et reddibilia to them, as was
required by feudal custom in the "West. After the disappearance of
the Armenian kingship, the Persians occupied many fortresses in
various parts of the country and kept permanent garrisons in them 74.
We presume that these strongholds came to them not by way of
conquest, but as an inheritance from the Arsacids.
A duty similar to the feudal consilium also existed among Armenian
princes, and the Armenian nobility unquestionably shared in the
administration of the country, since a large body of officials was
recruited exclusively from among of the princes. Moreover, the
princes frequently assembled at the king's court to discuss with him
various questions of internal or external policy; in important eases
the king summoned them himself, while on some occasions they came
of their own accord 75. The rule that the mightier princes, those
having more than a thousand knights, should reside continuously
at the royal court and ride forth with the king, was attributed to
Trdat Ill's son king JTosrov II, but in fact, Cyrus had already obliged
those who possessed lands and power to spend some time at the court
of the satrap and to have their children educated there 76, This
custom was apparently traditional in Armenia as well.
One of the characteristics of the fief was its tendency toward hier-
archy. With the passage of time, a fief might grow territorially
and politically; the holder would then parcel out estates from his
lands and grant them to his friends on a basis of vassalage; thus,
while remaining the vassal of his own.lord, he became simultaneously
a minor lord in his own right. A subinfeudation of lands and indivi-
duals had taken place, and the new estates and vassals were considered
to be sub-fiefs and sub-vassals (ameres-fiefs, arrieres-vassaux) of the
original higher lord. A similar phenomenon can be observed in the
Armenian feudal system. Here the division within fiefs took place
inside the limits of the clan and as a result of the disintegration of
seniority rights.
The inalienability and indivisibility of the fief through a system
of single inheritance was characteristic of the feudal world and served
directly the interests of the lord, since the obligations of vassalage
were better guaranteed under such circumstances. If the lands
were to be divided equally among the heirs, the vassals would soon
loose the minimum territorial endowment indispensable for the
performance of their duties. Consequently, the lords stood for unity
in the fief, and for the rights of seniority in inheritance. Little by
little, however, equality of rights fought its way to the fore. At
first other sons were allowed to inherit as a favour, but the best part
of the land was preserved for the eldest, and he was considered res-
ponsible for himself and his brothers; he alone did homage and received
the investiture, but in the end, the principle of equal inheritance
gained the upper hand. Hereditary tenure and seniority were funda-
mental features of Armenian feudalism. The so-called rights of sepuhs
grew only in proportion to the weakening of this basic aspect76a.
As we have already seen, s&puh had originally meant a " son of the
clan ", and the word was used in the naârar period as a technical
term to designate any member of a princely house. With the exception
of the tanut&r, or head of the elan, all its other members were considered
to be sepuhs. In the sources, the tanuter's brothers, sons, nephews
and kinsmen in general are designated in this fashion without any
distinction 77. As long as the system of single inheritance continued
to function, the power of the tanuter passed to the senior sepuh, the
ifkb \rnec] or iuLwq ukufni.£ \awag sepuJi], With the passage of
time, however, the principle of the indivisibility of princely lands
was undermined, and the sepuhs demanded their share. Jl^new
sy§lem.,of .diyided^holdingsâccording to which the lands were parcelled
out among the sepuh heirs, appeared, with the result that a new rank
in land tenure as well as in the nobility came into being. The portion
358 CHAPTEE XV
of land alloted to a sepuh was named sephakan, and the sepuh class
of free men was referred to as the sepuh nobility (ukiii&ljiuh
juû/wnt^/MJ}, sephakan azatutfiwri)11*.
The process by which the sepuhs, were transformed into an
independent group cannot be traced. Some indications of the in-
dependence of sepuhs can already be seen in the historians relating
the events of the fifth century. In all of them the sepuhs appear
next to their tanuter, as seemingly free agents. At the time of the
Armenian uprising, the sepuhs were invited for negotiations at the
Persian court along with the tanuters. During the rebellion, decrees
were signed not only by the tanuters but also by the sepuhs, and,
in general, on all important occasions, the sepuhs appeared inseparably
from the tanuters 78. The first manifestations of sepuh rights appear
in a period following the fall of the Arsacids. ^"orenaci asserts that
according to the custom of the Arsacid house, only the heir remained
at court, while the other children and kinsmen of the king lived else-
where, in districts especially set aside for them, first in Hasteank',
and later in Aliovit and Afberani, In time they found themselves
crowded in these districts, and petitioned the king to have their
possessions enlarged. But the king refused the request and decided,
" not to set aside new estates for them, but to divide equally among
them the lands in their possession ". A new division of the lands,
conforming to the number of individuals, and the Arsacid princes
were evenly distributed in the districts indicated 79.
The more credible and valuable part of the story lies in its indication
that the custom of dividing land according to the number of heirs
was common among the Arsacids. Since the royal house was internally
held together on the same basis as the families of the princes, this
custom of dividing lands, noted by the historian, should hold for
princely houses in general. This phenomenon does not belong,
however, to the period of the Arsacids in which it has been set by the
historian. We have in his account the reflection of a practice con-
temporary with himself, and which he has set back into earlier times.
The division of the inherited domain among the members of a family,
is a manifestation of the new -s.epuh system, which apparently made
its appearence in the sixth century, since it was quite clearly developed
by the time of the Council of Dwin of 641 80. Private quarrels over
the division of property resulted from the sepuh system, and were
duly recorded by JTorenaci, in whose time a rich documentation on
THE FEUDAL BASES OF THE NAXAEAE SYSTEM 359
litigations, both in Persian and in Greek, was still available. The

historian made use of these documents and he confirms the fact these
acts dealt for the most part with the inheritance rights of sepuhs 81.
Subsequently, the terms sepuh and sephakan, acquired the meaning
of private property. At the present time, there is no term for private
property in Armenian other than uAiyû/û/&fltî& \sephaka-
nut'iwri\. In ancient documents this word is also used as a synonym
for duinuibi}, duinuihqnLp}IiLh [zafang, zafangut'iwri], " heir, inheri-
tance ". The second meaning of the word is easily derived
from sepuh, as a son and heir, and it apparently also served as an
intermediary step to the sense of private property 82. The sepuh
system of inheritance undermined the foundations of waârardom,
through its replacement of the rule of seniority. As a result of the
division and redistribution of lands, naârar holdings necessarily grew
smaller. Inevitably artificial means were sometimes taken against
the disintegration of princely houses; thus, for example, marriages
of near relatives were allowed to preserve the unity of the land 83.
The status of a sepuh separated from his clan is unclear. We do
not know the relation of a sepuh who had left his clan taking his terri-
torial portion with him to his former tanuter. As the holder of a
relatively small landed estate, he could not aspire to an independent
position. According to some indications, such an isolated sepuh
sought the protection of a more powerful prince and bound himself
to him through an obligation of service. In the ninth century a
man of sepuh rank served Prince Asot as his bodygard, and there were
other sepuhs around Asot performing various other duties 84 ; sepuhs
in such positions should be classed as vassals. As owners of an
independent territorial property, they were free to serve their own
tanuter or to seek another, on the same pattern as holders of allods,
The development of the sepuh class was halted by political conditions
which brought about the concentration of feudal forces and the forma-
tion of several large units which engulfed the smaller proprietors.
Another distinct category of free men is recorded in the sources;
these are the so-called men of the ostan, or ostanik' [numuiLfif] 8s.
Ostan, as we have already seen, meant " court "; the ostanik* were
" court people, courtiers": " ostan freedom", corresponded as a
class to that of the Russian nobility [dvorianstvo, from dvor, " court "].
The sense of ostanik1, however, was equivalent to uipgnJifi [ark'uni],
" royal ", a term by which it was often replaced or explained. Each
360 CHAPTER XV
princely court was called its ostan, but the term was used primarily
to designate the royal court as the most important one among them,
and it sometimes referred to the entire royal domain, Ostan freedom,
as is implied by the name itself, was closely connected with the royal
court. In my opinion, the ostanik( had the same relation to the
royal house as the sepuhs to the na%arars85a,
The problem of the origin of the ostan freedom and of its nature
already attracted the attention of Xorenaci, but the historian appar-
ently had no more information on this matter is available to us. He
came to the conclusion that the ostanilc's were descended from the
four regiments supposedly created by king Vaiarsak out of the descen-
dents of the ancient Armenian kings of the house of Hayk in order
to protect the royal court. Subsequently, according to the same
historian, the Persians formed regiments composed of other men and
called these ostan, Movses does not know the reason for this trans-
formation, whether the former clans had died out, or whether they
had been dismissed for some act of disobedience so that other regiments
called lupgnLbjt [artfuwi] had to replace them; he merely insists
upon the fact that the former regiments were descended from the
house of the first kings, like those which in his time were called sep'ecul
by the Georgians8B. .Xbrenaei's conjectures ar9 undoubtedly based
on suggestions found in the Histories of Lazar P'arpeci and Elise,
which we have already cited. Having noted that the terms numwlt
[ostan] and wpgnLhfi [ark'uni] alternated in them, ^Corenaci postul-
ated correctly the identity of the two terms and suggested hypothetic-
ally that the first term was older, i.e, Arsacid, while the second belonged
to the Sasanian period. That ostan regiments did indeed exist is
evident from the historians who speak of " uijpm.&p" or " qnpu
jiupgnLiip ««;&£" [the cavalry or forces of the royal house]86a,
but that these regiments were intended especially for the defense
of the court, or that they were four in number, are mere guesses of
the historian inspired by the information he had about the prince-
bdes-^s who held the first rank at the Arsacid court 87 , The authentic
part of the historian's explanation is his statement that the ostanik*
were men of royal origin; but we must take this in the sense of descen-
dents of the Arsacids and not of the earlier kings, as .Xbrenaci beHeved,
The ostanik' were Arsacid sepuhs, and the historian is right when he
equated them with the sep'eculs in Georgia, There is also no reason
to doubt the correction of his assertion that the composition of the
THE FEUDAL BASES OF THE NAXAEAR SYSTEM 361
ostcmiJc* in his own time was not the same as before. The ranks of
the ostanik1 must have included not only Arsacid descendants but
also men of other origin who had distinguished themselves in some
fashion. Among them were the minor princely houses found within
the Arsacid domain, i,e, the province of Ayrarat. Perhaps this is
the reason for which this class of free men began to be designated
by the uncharacteristic name ostaniJc' (men of the ostan) rather than
sepuh, the term probably used for them until the change in their
make up.
The documents speak of ostanik1 only in the royal province (jwpfni.b[i
wu/&, [in the royal court or domain]), meaning Ayrarat. In speaking
of the origin of waârardoms, .Xorenaci notes that men were raised
to the rank of free men for outstanding service to the king 88, Such
cases became more common after the fall of the Arsacids, and these
are the means by which the Persians prepared a circle loyal to their
interests. Consequently, JCorenaei attributes the change in compo-
sition of the ostanik' to the Persians, The Armenian Arsacids had
also rewarded persons who had rendered important services with
landed estates in their own domain of Ayrarat. The enormous staff
of officials serving at court consisted of men from the free class, and
after the fall of the Arsacids, these must have passed into the ranks
of the ostanik1. Thus, the so-called " ostan freedom " was composed
of persons of three types: descendents of the Arsacids who had sepuh
estates in Ayrarat, men having received grants of land there, and
finally court officials after the abolition of the royal power in Armenia88a.
Ill
There is very little information concerning the Armenian rural

population and particularly its social status. The sources sharply
distinguish the peasants from the rest of the population and contrast
them with free men, but they say almost nothing about their relation
to each other, or about the dependence of the peasants either on the
land or on their lords. According to the sources, all those who did
not belong to the classes of -free men, nobility or clergy, formed a
single mass of inferior population known under the name of £/»&«/-
lluilmLfUfiLii (sinahanut'iwri), SinaJean, in the sense of peasant,
is the term most commonly used, but it alternated frequently with
362 CHAPTER XV
(ramik), qk^n^ (geljuk), and the ecclesiastical term

(zolovurd)89. The hazarapet stood at the head of the
peasant population, just as the sparapet was at the head of the princely
class. We do not know whether the entire peasant population of the
country was subject to the hazarapet, or whether he was the official
supervizing exclusively those peasants found in the royal domain.
Although the first thesis seems to have better support, we are still
not clear as to what determined the relations of the peasants to the
princes and to the king, and what was meant by peasant land holds89a.
In western feudalism the status of peasants was known as servage,
Legally the holding of a serf was considered as being merely a life
tenure conditioned by the performance of certain services. On the
death of the serf his portion returned to his lord to dispose of at will.
The serf did not have the right of hereditary transmission, but was
said to hold in mortemain insofar as the transmission of land to his
heirs was concerned, though in practice, the lord usually transferred
the allotment of a serf to his son. The serf was also personally subject
to his lord; he could not leave his land without his lord's permission,
and this is the characteristic trait of serfdom. The legal status of
the medieval peasantry was also reflected in its financial subjection
to the lord; the peasants were subject to taxation for the lord's benefit.
The basic tax was the chevage = census capitis, a poll tax collected
from all of the common people. Servile lands paid tenures a cens,
or rent for the use of the land and tenures a champart = campi pars,
or the share of the harvest designated for the lord's use. In addition
to these there were the corvees or obligatory services of various kinds
such as carrying, building, work on the lord's fields, etc.89b.
Among the Armenians, the peasant allotment was known under
the following names: l[kuLg [keank'], mpwp [arar], //u/pimd [kalo-
wac], though the same terms were also used for the possessions of
the princes and of the clergy, fyu//nuud [kalowac] corresponds
semantically to tenure, and IfkuLg [keank(] literally means " life ".
Might we, therefore, conclude on this basis that the legal nature of
these allotments was a tenure and a life holding ? 90
Definite information about the territorial obligations of the peasants
has also failed to reach us. No evidence on this subject is found in
Faustus 91. We know only that the Armenians paid a tribute to
the Persians in the period of the Marzpan&tQ; such a tax had undoubt-
edly also been paid to the Arsacid treasury. The Marzpan Vasak
THE FEUDAL BASES OF THE NAXABAE SYSTEM 363
is quoted as having boasted, " I have before me all the taxes of the
Armenians, and the Persian officials are in my hands, and much wealth
I took from them " 9a. After the fall of the Arsacids, the Persians
took a new census most likely to determine the amount of the taxes
and to distribute them accurately. According to Elise, one of the
results of the census was an increase in taxation designed, as he
assumed, to ruin the rural population. The taxes were enormously
heavy,
where one hundred dahekans should have been levied,

twice as much was taken; even bishops and priests were taxed;
not only were the inhabited lands taxed, but even the ruins.
Who, " exclaims the historian, 'is able to speak of the burden
of taxes, of fiuifiij hi um^g^ pwdfig ^L ^wufiij hi. {wplfiuij levied from
mountains, and fields, and forests' ? They did not take as
becomes the royal dignity but plundered like brigands " 93.
The Armenian princes come before Yazdgard, claimed that Armenia

was paying in this time more Snung [mutk'] and uuilff [sakk'~\, and
other {luplff [harkk1] than in his father's days. These statements
are valuable in that they apparently contains the technical names
of the various taxes, and it is possible to form some idea of them,
in the absence of direct evidence, through a comparison with the
tax system common in Persia.
Two types of taxes existed in the Sasanian Empire: the kharadj, or
land tax, and the gezit' [jizya], or head tax. The same taxes were
also custommary among the Romans: the tributum soli and the tribu-
tum capitis, or, according to the terminology of the reform of Diocletian,
capitatio terrena [jugatio] and capitatio liumana or plebeia [capitatio'],
Under the Arabs, two types of land tax were distinguished: the wazlfa
and the muqasama. The first corresponded to the European cens,
or rent for the land, and consisted in the payment of a given sum by
each unit of land; the second was the European champart, or share
of the harvest due to the landlord. The tax system of the Arabs was
not created by them, but went back to the preceding period and was
their inheritance from the Sasanians93a. Among the Arabs men younger
than twenty and older than fifty years of age, the years unfit for
military service, were free from taxation, and we know that the Per-
sians performed military service between the ages of twenty and
fifty 94. This fact indicates the antiquity of the regulations inherited
364 CHAPTER XV
by the Arabs from the Persians, The Arab wazvfa in fact corresponded
to the kharadj, and the muqasama was called bahmk in Persian 95.
The types of taxes mentioned above: &u«, uw^ pud-,, £wu and
£wpll ca:n ke explained within this framework. Of these uwlj [sale]
and pud [baz] are very familiar in Persian literature, and are charac-
teristically often mentioned together: sak and baz, or sav and baz 96,
We consider this pairing characteristic because it shows that these
terms expressed definite tax regulations. It is more than likely
that sak and baz corresponded in content to kharadj a,nd.jiziya, i,e, that
they designated respectively the land and head tax. An explanation
for these synonymous expressions may be that some of the terms
apply to an older period and others to a more recent one, or that some
were customary in one part of the empire and others in another.
The etymological content of the terms might have solved the problem
had it not raised doubts. Baz, the Armenian pmd [baz"] means
" share ", as does the Greek Sacrpos (from Scuco, " to divide ") =
" a share or a tax ". The tax collected by the Achaemenids from the
subject nations was called bazi [baji]. In the Cyropaedia, Savpos is
used to designate the tax collected by Cyrus, and is a translation
of the Persian baji97, The term [sak], the Persian sa or sav, is
unquestionably related to the Armenian word //«/// [sak], " count",
umlf—uiplik^ [sak-arkeT]98, but its Persian or even Aryan origin is
doubtful. There are also grounds for relating the kharaj (from the
Persian *haraka) with the Armenian {mpty [hark], Georgian bc>(*)3o,
thus linking them with the root from which is derived the Ar-
menian #/J//£| [Ji&rk-el], " to plow". Finally, gezit" corresponds
letter for letter with the Armenian y^wp} [gzat(], which means " a
measure of wool, a fleece ", from the root ^5^ [gzeT], Semitic gizza,
" to comb out waves ", whence comes gizzaB, This word acquired
the general meaning of tax, evidently because in some period gizzaQ's of
wool had been paid in lieu of tribute98a. Originally all taxes were paid
in kind. The payment in wool is particularly suited to a pastoral
mode of life. There is nothing surprising in this, since even in the
middle ages the feudal lords sometimes still took several pounds of
wax for cJievage or census ca'pitis,
If the Iranian origin of sak were indisputable, it would be possible
to state that sak and baz, and kharadj and gezit1 were synonyms ex-
pressing one and the same idea in the Aryan and Semitic cultural
spheres. It is altogether possible that Snmjf \muik*~\d £iau [has'],
THE FEUDAL BASES CXF THE NAZASAS SYSTEM 365
which the historians give side by side with sak and baz, served as
the corresponding expressions on Armenian soil. In the same way,
ujtnnLii [ptul] was the equivalent of baJiraJc. Baz is probably the land
tax, and sak the head tax. In fact the same terms may have been
used with different meaning depending on circumstances of time and
place. So for instance, Jcharddj among the Arabs indicated the land
tax, while in Hebrew documents this is called tasqa, &nd'k]iaradj[keraga~]
has the meaning of head tax ". For our purpose it is the tax system
itself that matters and not its terminology. In addition to the taxes
mentioned, a tax of the same nature as the European corvees =
corrogata opera, " service", was known and called pkljiup (beJcar).
This word is derived from the Persian expression bekar amadan,
"to go to work ", and is used to this day among the people in the
sense of corvee. In practice, the service was called Jcdr, Armenian
Ijnn [Jcof], " work ", and occasionally the two forms are given together,
Ijnn m. phîiip [Jcof u beJcar], but the term beJcar is the one found in the
Canons of the Council of Dwin of 64110°.
Thus, the main types of obligations were the JcJiaradj, or land tax,
the gezit' [jizya], or head tax, baJiraJc, or payments in kind, and beJcar,
services. A few indications exist as to their amounts. According
to the information preserved in Tabari, the Persian land tax before
-3Tusr5 I Anosarvan was collected in kind and corresponded to 1/3,
1/4, 1/5, or 1/6 of the crop, depending on the fertility of the land or
the quality of the harvest. In order to regulate the land taxes at
the end of his reign, king Kavadh had intended to take a land-census
of both plains and mountains, but he died soon after and left the
completion of this task to his son .Xusro I. .Xusro carried out
his father's intention and took an additional census of the taxable
population, and at the end of this undertaking established regulations
for the collection of taxes. The unit of land called ganb, and equal
to 3,600 square ells, was taxed differently according to the nature
of the crop: a ganb of wheat or barley land owed one dirrhem in taxes,
a ganb of vines owed eight, a go/nb of lucern, seven, etc100a.
All men between the ages of twenty and fifty were subject to the
head tax except princes, courtiers, soldiers, priests and officials.
From each man 12, 8, 6, or 4 dirrhems were collected according to
his income. The last figure was apparently the one generally accepted,
since Chinese sources mention that in Persia each individual paid 4 silver
coins as a tax. It was also laid down that payments were to be made
366 CHAPTER XV
in thirds, on three occasions or, as this was called in Persian, in three

simarmlcs 101.
We know that in the Roman Empire a measure called jugum served
similarly as the basis for the land tax. Each jugum was subject
to a tax whose amount was regulated by imperial decree. The jugum
varied in amount according to the nature of the land; for instance,
in Syria a, jugum consisted ofbjugera of vines, or 2Qjugera of cultivated
land of first quality, 40 jugera of medium quality, or 60 of poorest
quality, etc. It is interesting that in the Empire taxes were collected
on three dates: 1 September, 1 January, and 1 Maylola.
All the taxes mentioned were also current in Armenian feudal
society; the technical terms which have survived in the literature
are our best evidence for this, but we have no specific information
about the actual amounts of these taxes unless we take into consider-
ation some of the evidence drawn from ecclesiastical life. The Ar-
menian Church was feudal in structure; it reproduced the social and
economic regulations customary in na-ârar society, and preserved
thejn in part after the disappearance of the secular feudal nobility 102.
Consequently information taken from ecclesiastical life is also relevant
for na-ârar society.
In the Canons of the Council of Dwin it is noted that certain princes
oppress almshouses, demand from them taxes equal to those of living
[lay] men, and send their men there to levy taxes even on items of
food and drink, while on the contrary, " they should watch over them
with care, granting them a share of all the produces of the threshing
[lfaij[\, of the pressing [$)<W&], and of all produce " 103. It is evident
from this that a certain share of the rural produce went for the use of
the feudal lord. Even more valuable is the decree of the Albanian
Council under king Vacagan. The clergy decreed here the following
taxes :
This shall be the rule concerning the (fruits of the earth to

be given) to the priests by the people. He who is rich shall
give 4 bushels (griw [ganb]) of wheat, 6 of barley, and 16 jugs
of sweet (wine); the poor man shall give half a loaf of bread
and as much wine as he can; and nothing shall be taken from
him who possesses no field or wineyard He who has
sheep in his household shall give one sheep, three fleeces ( =
gzat's) and one cheese; (he who has horses — one foal, and
he who has cattle — one calf)104.
THE FEUDAL BASES OF THE NAXABAR SYSTEM 367
This official document provides a reasonably clear definition of the

material and financial obligations of the population toward the spiritual
and, of course, the secular authorities. The information that, in
addition to the tillers of the soil, there was in Armenia at the time of
this Council (i.e. no later than the sixth century) a group exclusively
occupied with stock raising is important for a picture of the social
structure of the country. .Zorenaei was consequently not speakingly
idlely when he complained that " not all part of Armenia were given
over to agriculture, but here and there lived men who ate raw food
and the like, as in northern lands " 105.
According to the information incorporated into the Law Code of
Mîfar Gos,
... from the plowed lands a fifth to be taken ... purchased

fields, orchards and gardens shall be exempted from the fifth
as are mills, houses, and shops. Persons occupied with crafts
or trade shall pay a tax; the head tax shall not be collected
from the peasants but only from foreigners conquered by force.
Irrigated fields shall be subject to a fifth, and non-irrigated
ones to a tenth.
Limits were also set for required services and for taxes on household
cattle 106. These taxes are often mentioned in the inscriptions from
Ani and we know that several dozen taxes of various types were
enumerated and named on them 107 . This evidence, however,
belongs to a period outside the limits of our immediate problem,
although this needs not mean that the tax system given was a product
of Arab rule. Muslim law undoubtedly brought about alterations
in the naxarar system, and single regulations or the evaluation of
taxable items might be affected, but the system of taxation as such
was inherited by the Arabs from their predecessors.
The form taken by naxarar relationships under the Arabs, and the
degree of their influence are problems which concern scholars of the
Bagratid period. Our own task has been to trace the na-ârar system
from its origin to the period when Persian rule, which had provided
the foundation for its development, was replaced by that of the Arabs.
As such, the period of JTorenaci marks the close of our investigation,
and our intention has been to repeat the task performed by him in
his own time. It is, therefore, interesting to compare our conclusions
on a given problem with those reached by Xorenaci. This comparison
will serve in part as a verification of our hypothesis.
368 CHAPTER XV
Although negative criticism has succeeded in undermining the

authority of .Xbrenaci as a historian, it has in no way shaken the
importance of his work as a historico-Hterary source reflecting the
atmosphere and attitude of the author's world, From this point
of view, the work of -Xbrenaci is of the greatest interest still. Indeed,
what really matters in problems relating to the na-xarar system is
not this or that item of factual information or a particular explanation
given by a historian, but rather the value of that author's ideology;
the manner in which he understood the nature of nayarar society
and the methods he used in solving the problems he raised about
the nayarar system.
Xorenaei could not free himself entirely from the contemporary
scene. Every investigator of antiquity suffers to a greater or lesser
degree from the weakness of looking at the past through the prism
of the present, and many of the ideas of JTorenaci concerning the past
of Armenia are echoes of conditions found in the period in which he
lived. We can doubt the accuracy of his information and whether
a particular weârardom arose in fact in this or that period or under
these or those conditions, but we cannot doubt that one or another
quality attributed by the historian to the na%arar system is correct,
or that the particular method for the development of nayamr houses
given by him was considered possible, at least in the period when
he was writing. Our historian undertook a responsible task in the
bitter knowledge that he possessed no reliable sources for the history
of his native land. He was forced to work on the basis of disconnected
and fragmentary data, of occasional references, of incomprehensible
misstatements, and of similarly unpromising materials. He was forced
to arrange odd facts and data in the light of the pattern of his own
times, so that he involuntarily archaized many phenomena and
situations drawn in reality from the life of a later epoch. .Xbrenaci's
pattern of thought moves from facts to ideas, from actuality to theory.
Though on the contrary, he may select or even occasionally invent
a suitable setting to illustrate a preconceived idea, piecing
together more or less credible facts in the process. Often Xore-
naci bases his conclusions on an etymological interpretation of geo-
graphic or nayarar terminology; this is the method on which he relies
extensively for his analysis of nayo/rur genealogies. Irrespective
of the degree of acceptability of these etymological interpretations
(indeed the majority of them is not acceptable and many of Xorenaci's
THE FEUDAL EASES OF THE NAXARAS SYSTEM 369
conclusions owe their dubious character primarily to doubtful ety-
mologies) his method, as such, is unquestionably scholarly107a,
Our own investigations resemble those of Xorenaci from a metho-
dological point of view. Taking as a point of departure the existing
conditions which are reflected in the sources which preceded the
period of Jforenaci, we have attempted to penetrate into the depths
of antiquity in order to seek in them the origin of the phenomena
interesting us. At the same time the etymological analysis of the
more characteristic terms of nayara/r institution and terminology
have been of substantial assistance to us. The results of our investi-
gations have also been similar in a certain sense. For .Xbrenaci
as for us, naya/rcvr society was closely tied to the Arsacids. .Xbrenaci
tells us on one occasion that Valarsak, the first of the Arsacids, found
naxarardoms already present in Armenia when he came to power
and that he consequently asked his older brother Arsak, " whence
originated the waârardoms existing here ? " though on another
occasion, the historian claims that Yaiarsak " established the naxarar-
doms and naJiapets for each one of them " 108, so that we might accuse
convict him of inconsistency and contradiction on superficial acquain-
tance. But when we penetrate to the heart of the matter, it becomes
clear that ^"orenaci was attributing to the first of the Arsacids only
the regularization of the naxamrdoms and not their creation in the
strict sense of the word.
-Xbrenaei set for himself the task of clarifying, " which of the nayaia/r
clans had been related to us from ancient times, and which came in
[from outside] and became related"109. Strictly speaking, this
clarification was really the valuable result reached by the historian
at the end of his investigation, but he presents it in his account as a
problem to be examined. Our own analysis justifies his interpretation
since it too has shown that the nayarar system did in fact consist
first of native and later of foreign elements. The fundamental differ-
ence lies in the fact that according to ôrenaci the great waxGWwdoms
were descended from single individuals, while in our analysis they
were derived from previously independent ethnic groups. According
to .Xbrenaci's version, some nobles, in fact the majority, had risen
to the rank of nayarar by way of court and administrative service.
Such were: the Bagratids as coronants, the G-nt'uni as keepers of
the royal wardrobe, the ô^crruni as bodyguards, the Varaznuni
as masters of the hunt, the Abelean as supervisors of the granaries,
370 CHAPTEE XV
the Gabelean as royal chamberlains, the Arcruni, as eagle [standard]

bearers, the Gnuni, as butlers, the Spanduni as supervisors of the
slaughterhouses, the Hawnuni as falconers, the descendants of the
house of hAyr (i.e. the Mardpets) as eunuchs, etc. ...; the princes of
Siwnik', the princes of Kadme, and the princes of Gugarkc, Angeltun,
and Aljnik' guarded the frontiers and the Vahewuni were clerics.
Some of the nobles were included among the waârars thanks to the
nobility of their stock or because of their descent from the progeny
of Hayk or of the ancient kings; such were the Orduni, Apahuni,
Manawazean, Bznuni, Afawenean, Zarahewanean. There were also
noble foreigners such as the Amatuni, Afawalean, Kop'sean, Mami-
konean, and Kamsarakan. Finally, a few men had obtained na-ârar
status through merit and personal valour, such had been the ancestors
of the Dimak'sean and of the Truni.
It is evident from the examples just cited that for ^"orenaci two
qualities were the bases of naârar status: service and nobility i.e.
superiority of blood. On this point too we have no disagreement
with him, since the roots of the na-ô/rar system found by us go back
either to a tribal stage or to bases of an official administrative cha-
racter. In Jforenaei's opinion, the aristocracy consisted of the more
ancient families, primarily those presumably descended from Hayk,
which were already present in Armenia at the time of the coming
of the Arsacids. According to us, the aristocracy consisted of the
houses which had developed through the disintegration of tribal
relationships. Here, however, our agreement with Jôrenaci is only
one of principle; in actual cases, i.e. on which naôrardoms belonged
to which category, we are in disagreement.
For JTorenaci, as for us, land tenure also provided the material
basis of the na%arar system. Promotion to the rank of na-ârar
according to him was nothing more than a grant of lands no. Nobility
and na-ârar status were synonymous concepts for him for the very
reason that all nobles possessed lands, and lands were granted in
hereditary tenure. The expression mt^. ukpk^, " to lay the founda-
tion of a clan ", which he used in speaking of someone's elevation
to naxarar rank is significant in this connexion. If to grant lands
was to create a new clan, then it is clear that these lands were given
in hereditary tenure nl . According to jôrenaci, the grant and
confiscation of land was a prerogative of the sovereign power, which
is a feature characteristic of feudal land tenure lla.
The clan and its territory were both called na-âraruîwri by JTore-
naci, and this is the term he commonly uses. Occasionally he replaces
it by biu£uiufkninLp}tn.h (naliapetut'iwn), but it is evident from his expres-
sion liuijuuinuinnL^hiSiD L &BO/T& hiajuuipinnnLpkiuhn fiw^mufkinnLBhifiD [" the
waârardoms and the naJiapetdoms of their naârardoms "], that he
assumes a difference between the two terms: naJiapet designates the
head of a nayarar^sym., Ter and tanut&r are likewise found in his work as
synonyms for nahapet, and also m^/miîJ/ \terut(iwn\d uiuibnun£pni.pliJi
[tanuterut'iwn\n the sense of âârardom and nahapetdom 113.
Finally ôrenaci is thoroughly familiar with the sepuJi system of
inheritance and with the institution of ostcm freedom at the very point
in their development when they were turning into a separate new
rank within the feudal-waârar aristocracy. Thus, if we discount
the factual setting and turn instead to a theoretical study of the
nayctrar system, we cannot deny that Xorenaci was correct both in
his methodological approach and in his setting of the problem.
The points where our own interpretation of the origin of the nayara/r-
doms and of the nature of the system itself have coincided with Xore-
naci's should be counted in favour of the accuracy of our conclusions.
How far these are acceptable and what is their historical value, is
open to differences of opinion, and we are far from any idea that
anything beyond challenge can be created on the basis of the insuffi-
cient and fragmentary material at our disposal. There is unquestion-
ably much that is hypothetical and biased in our thesis, but these
are defects which characterize all historical interpretations to a greater
or lesser degree. "What matters here is the general setting of the
problem and the broad lines of its solution: have we been successful
in uncovering the roots of the na%arar system, how accurately have
we observed its subsequent development, and are the points of contact
between the institution of waârardoms and western-European feudal-
ism suggested by us acceptable? Our clarification of the nayarar
system should bring a ray of light into the darkness which hangs over
the Armenian past in the pre-Arsacid period, and should provide a
starting point for a scholarly analysis of the extensive subsequent
period of Armenian history which leads all the way to the destruction
of the naxarar system in the period of the Mongol invasions113,
ABREVIATIONS

1876).
(Paris, 1967-1869).
CMH
ABREVIATIONS XXIII

(Washington, 1960).
cow).
1857-1866).
1855).
XXIV ABREVIATIONS
1893).
1964-).
S Syria (Paris).
1947).
ABREVIATIONS

1876).
(Paris, 1967-1869).
CMH
ABREVIATIONS XXIII

(Washington, 1960).
cow).
1857-1866).
1855).
XXIV ABREVIATIONS
1893).
1964-).
S Syria (Paris).
1947).
NOTES: CHAPTER IX 433
CHAPTER IX
a [See Introduction n. la for criticism of Adontz's periodization. Eor the nayarar

system in Armenia see particularly, Toumanoff, Studies, Manandian, Feudalism and
for a more recent SoTiet interpretation, Sukiasian, Armenia, On The Sasanian Empire,
the fundamental work is still Christenseri's against which all of Adontz's discussion must
'be checked. See also Erye, Persia,,']
1 Arm, Oeogr,, p. 40/53, " Ifnium p Junpuiipuilj (pro Jtfnpiuiiwfi, short form
Jtfnpiujwpui&g found in the printed text) Ionium p \fhSnn^ l^nui-m p
linuim p Ijuiuibnf, np / hnnifii IjuiLbumnL ikpiubg ". The phrase uu
tjnp J\Jnpim.iupiuh& Lnik'u i.e. " the sparapet of .Xbrwaran " of the western region,
which the editor Miaban, Ararat, (Eeb.-Apr., 1906) failed to understand, is found in
Ananias Sirakaei, [Of, Markwart, Bran, pp. 16-18, 94 sqq. Also, CJiristensen, 352
n. 6, etc.]. . (213. 1)
2 Rawlinson, The, Seventh Monarchy, p. 439 \Cf, Christensen, .p. 102 and Toumanoff,
Studies, p. 158 n. 33]. • (214, 1)
3 Noldeke, Tabari, pp. 151-153, " Darauf ward Konig Chosrau Andsarwdn, Sohn des
Kawadh u.s,w, Nachdem er Konig geworden, schrieb er an die 4 Padh&spane, deren
jeder eine Gegend Persiens Terwaltete, und ihre Gefarten (== TJnterbeamten), Briefe,
Ton welchen der an den Padhospan Ton Adharbaigan gerichtete also lautete : * ... an
Zadh6e( ?), den ITachwergan, den PadhSspan Ton Adharbaigan, Armenien und dessen
Gebiet ... ". [Of, CJiristensen, pp. 363-364]. (214, 2)
4 Ibid,, p. 155, " BeTor er Konig worde, hatte ein Mann die Stelle eines Spahbedh's
d.h. Oberbefehlshabers der Truppen bekleidet ; dieses sein Amt hatte das ganze Beich
tunfasst. Als Konig Tertheilte aber Chosrau das Amt und die Wurde unter 4 Manner
namlich 1) den Spahbedh des Ostens d,i. Choerasan und dessen Nachbarschaft 2) den
Spahbedh des Westens 3) den Spahbedh Ton Nimroz d.i. Jemen 4) den Spahbedh Ton
Adharbaigan un dessen Nachbarsehaffc d.i. dem Lande der Chazaren ". \Cf. Christensen,
pp. 130 sqq., 370, 518, and Erye, Persia, p. 220], (215, 1)
5 PadhgTidspan (which was incidentally the title of the goTernor of Isphahan at the
time of the Arab conquest in 641, Talari, TH, xliii), Arm. ^juiin^numu^mlj, Sebeos,
xxiii, p. 77 is formed in the same way as marz-pan, and means " protector " or " ruler "
of a " country " or " region ". PatTeos occurs in PehleTi leterature with the sense of
" proTinee ", West, PaMavi Texts, II, p. 297, Hubschmann, Grammatilc, I, p. 223.
The word ufiuinqnu has a definite meaning for the historian Thomas Arcruni,
juip^niijnuap ufium^nu^ inuiinni.iiii.npg i[op,g f1111^0-^ "» ^7°w- Arc., p. 286,
it is used in the same sense by Mov, Kal,, p. 265, " kMi piuinvap ifiimnqnu " and
probably by Lewond, p. 133, " n£ Ijuipwif plitj.nuaiiupinu TqunngpnuG wjli
£ja Spin nfi iu£ înLJufi pLp ". The word underlined being a mistake for i^H/wjpz/,
In the examples cited the word inuiwanu means " ruler, official " in the sense of patlcos-
pan, "Unfortunately the etymology of the word is not known. On the basis of the
Armenian examples it may be broken down into pati-Tcos, " head of a country or region "
(of, Jcos with Arm. ^n/w). On the other hand Jcos begs the comparison with Jcost, JcostaJc,
Perhaps patgos-pan < pat-Jcos-t-pan, while patJcos < patlcost. We should perhaps
acknowledge Tcos as an independent word and derrro Icost from it. (215, 2)
434 NOTES : CHAPTER IX
5a [There must be a misprint in the text at this point probably due to the quoted
passage of Sebeos which speaks of " Yazdgard the grandson of .Xusro ", but the ^nasro
meant here was Xusro II Abharvez, who was indeed the grandfather of Yazdgard III
the last Sasanian ruler. [Cf. Frye, Persia, p. 283, whereas the divider of Persia into
four regions is usually held to be .Xusro I.]
6 Sebeos, xxviii, pp. 99-100, " •••o h wuiimunkiai puiduibknvuli cfuiLpo
iqiapupij* J^PPU SvauniUu : QIULH ilh «//&* np p ufiupujin IL jwpLb^pg
fct iuit-p t^t JflnpbSwj ' np jUtunpkuuiw'uku]jni Ijnq^SiuIi^ : fei ijiuip
np inpufuiwiuliiub l^nnSuili^ : puijg puinujLnp linpw l;p p SplpnL^ li
i/puipuiti ufuiinni^pfi ajiiu JpuipuifjnLJdkiaLlp. uiSlli ". An echo of
the Sasanian division of the army into four parts is found in MX, II, liii, where the
Armenian king Artases divides his army among four commanders. (215, 3)
6a [See, Christensen, pp. 181 and 371 for the opposing theory.]
7 West, Pahlavi Texts, II, 7, p. 12 [" As it is said that Tistar is the chieftain of the
east, Sataves the chieftain of the west, Vanand the chieftain of the south and Haptok-
rmg the chieftain of the north "]. (216, 1)
7a [See Stein, Ein Kapitel, and Christensen, Excursus II, pp. 518 sqq., for the thesis
that the organization of the Empire was copied on that of Iran, but in the Vllth century,
also Altheim, Ein asiatischer Stoat,'}
8 Arm. Geogr., p. 40/53, " Utnpiuujuiiniuliuib, Hpffii np I Zuijg, ^wpûiu ' np
_
Ifiaj 1/ktj^ ". [Cf. Eremyan, Armenia, p. 26]. Which lists 14 districts instead
of the 13 announced [See Appendix IV B for the context. The Soukry translation
Ibid., p. 53 omits the district of Are, which is, however, included in the text, Ibid.,
p. 40]. Markwart, Eran, p. 125, takes Sancan (pro erSan) as an interpolation. The
final comment in the cited passage of the Arm. Geogr., is interesting since it suggests
either that our version of the Geography is incomplete, or that the section dealing with
the subdivisions of Persia has been taken from another work in which a detailed descrip-
tion of the provinces listed had been given. [On the problems of the Arm. Geogr., see
below, Chapter XI n. 1]. (217, 1)
9 Markwart, Eran, pp. 94-95. Might this indicate that the creation of the four
toparchies preceded the actual subjection of the districts named to the Persian Empire ?
(218, 1)
10 Ibn Khordadhbeh, pp. 118/90. Cf. Eremyan, Armenia, p. 66 n. 1. (218, 2)
"
11 Ibid.,p. 17-8, ±J _)j < L5
pro
_ J * - pro 0Li as we believe this
passage shoxild be read. (218, 3)
" Zach. Mityl, II, vii, pp. 327-328. (219, 1)
13 According to Ibn Khordadhbeh, p. 121 there were 12 farsaJchs from Berzend to
the plain of Balasakan and from there to the frontier of Azerbaijan. According to the
short version of the Arm. Geogr., the niupin h piunuuiuhuih is mentioned among the
districts of Albania. Because of the defective description of Albania in the longer
version of the Geography, we cannot tell how the subject was treated there. Lewond,
p. 132 lists the districts devastated by the Khazars in 763 with the comment that
" uiju afuiLuanD ui^hiwp^p'ii l^njiLiulipn " and furthermore that " iun.ph It
nnuihliiui[i ntupinb puiiuiuuiliiuh ". Balasakan was perhaps moved to Albania
NOTES : CHAPTER IX 435
on the strength of this passage. If the corrections nnin - p - p.uinwu and PWIÛJU
— nnin " the Balas river" are permissible, Piuqiuu—uilfui'ii might be connected
with the district of PUIIÛI/LI - nnin orfanin—ft—piaqûiin P'aytakaran. In Alisan,
Great Armenia, p. 92, the Bolgaru gay is called Bala-rud and equated with the Balas-fot.
[Cf. Manandian, Trade, pp. 163-168; IPrye, Persia, p. 206 and n. 20; Eremyan, Armenia,
p. 44, 83, 88, 109; Honigmann and Maricg, Eecherches sur les Res gestae divi Saporis
(Brussels, 1953), pp. 80-87.] (220, 1)
isa [Koriwn, xxi, 5, p. 34 and p. 92 n. 46.]
13b [Sebeos, i, p. 26, " Quij'iitJ-uiS juinui9 piuii I^J11 uiuiuiniuSp.kw^ p puia
kbuiq p Zuijnt] uitinLuilibuii ûiûifi fopiuib uipfvuip^pb Upi.bkuiq, L fubnphuiij
p J\)nupni£ujj jwppwjlli tfjuipupq. ij^p inuipqkh ^pLw/U uippjuip^ph DpiLkwq
ft ^niSiuij p tpuijinuilimpiiifi Diiinuip, Ii lûipqbuql npwnjugli p fjW^pSwp
Uiinpufiuinuilfuibp. ah Sp^ Lu Ifnfhuqfi uibnib £uijnq fi >Jbpuij Hincjva ". [Adontz
translates the last clause, " ... so that in the futitre it should no longer be considered
an Armenian city, but bnqui is a plural, as it is rendered by Macler in his translation,
I1. Macler, Histoire d'Heradius par Viveque Sebeos, Paris, 1904, p. 5 and n. 5, " ... de telle
sorte qu'on ne donnat plus aux Siuniens le nom d'Armeniens ".]
14 Sebeos, xxxviii, p. 152 who speaks of the princes of Siwnik', " ••• npg [dkui^
^hli juin.ui9iiiij.njh juiypjuip£uinpph U>inpuiuiuiuiLuifip, i/pbili p.uip&uiL puiifiiiLn-
pnLJdpLltii tfjuipupij, ••• ". sahr-mar is correctly rendered by the Armenian term
ui^pjuip^wqpp, [Cf. Markwart, Eran., pp. 120-122, Tournanoff, Studies, pp. 131, 214
and n. 244, 332. Eremyan, Armenia, p. 88.] (220, 2)
15 Procopius, Pers., I, xv, 1 [L. I, 128/9], " TO 8e crTparev/j-a TOUTO Jlepaap/ieviW re
Kcd Hovvirutv rjauv, o" 8^ '^4/\[j8]avo?s' etcrtv opopoi ". (221, 1)

16 Arm, Geogr., p. 40/53 gives £Tû/^«/&, lTuij&pfipuuili£ of which the second is
a distortion of Hp^fi nuinuib. The Syrian sources distinguish between Arzon and
Arzon-ostan, see above Chapter II, p. 35 and n. 25. The short version of the Geography
gives this name as iinct^»&, U,p£kti,, which Markwart, Erdn, p. 25 takes to be a
dittography. [On Aljnik and Nor-Sirakan, see also Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 33-34,
72, 77, etc.; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 128-129; and below n. 32, 33, 35a]. (221, 2)
17 The correct form is marzpan from marz, " country, region " and^pem, hence " keeper
of the country ". Marzban is the modern Persian pronunciation. [Cf. Hubschmann,
Grammatik, p. 193, Christensen, pp. 136-137,519, Toumanoff, Studies, p. 153 etc.]. (222, 1)
18 Procopius, Pers., II, xxv, 1-5 [L. I, 478/9-480/1]. According to which Dwin served
as a mart for the exchange of Persian and Roman goods, " ... SK re yap 'JvScov KO.I TOW
irAijcrioxwpajv '//Jrypcov iravrcov re (Ls enrelv Ttov ev IJepoais edvwv KO.I 'Ptafj,aiwv rivtov TO.
(f>opria eaKOfjuiôpevoi evravBa dAAÂoss û/Aj8aAAoucri ". [Of. Manandian, Trade, pp. 81-
82]. Dwin stood on the bank of the Araxes, presumably at the site of the present village
of Diurgiun. [The site of Dwin is now identified, cf, Eremian, Armenia, p. 49 et al.].
The name of this city, which was of such interest to Armenists, must, in my opinion,
have the same origin as Dabana, a town in Armenia Minor and have had the sense of
" village " from the pre-Indo-European Armenian *dava-, Georg. Qpi6c>. [Cf. Minorsky.
"Le nom de Dvin ", EEA, X (1930), pp. 117-120, Hubschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 422,]
(222, 2)
19 LP\, pp. 428-429, " nnt&n uuiuinpb k£uiu jkpbppu ^puitf, b. hS
£ kS lûipni^ Ifiu^ uinui^p, funju wnLkwj^ p [kppbu 2,uijnij Sow fi
dkuitiL ^puin iKiuiS &kn : • • • noppli £wjnn uin uipgwjh
k p.wliuilfkmip uin yjujn ilh nuiminhb ljuiba.uipiuq qiii
(222, 3)
436 NOTES: CHAPTER IX
20 Lewond, p. 168, " ûivva^p p uiu£Suihu ^puig p qiuminb fy/j^". [Of.

Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 59, 84, 118; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 131-132, 452-456, etc.]
(223,1)
20a [ZiP', xxxv, p. 202, " » « « ilpb^h. ft qkonji np Ifn^p Jnuun^pjui^ J^PkPP^1 l]>1nL~
w&pQ "• SMse, p. 75, " ift»p& n uui^Sui'iiu ^puig ^luhnfcuj Jijiunjutuq guiquinh^
np &ilkpnij lp puiifiiiLnpiuif H,rwuaupg ",]
21 Alishan, Great Armenia, p. 84; Barûdarean, Arcax, p. 420; Vayust, gives .Xilxil,
a city in Shamshadilo, on his map. [Of, Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 75-76,118; Toumanoff,
Studies, p. 132 etc. The Zegam or rather Jegam cay is indicated in both the Armenian
and Azerbaijan Atlas, — AA, AzA,] (223,2)
22 FB, HI, vi, " pkppli p qiuLuinSi pLpkuibg p I^nq^Suiuu Ihqnuahptj h
vui^Suiliu ^mjnq h Ziupiuhiiy h nkonji « « » JJ,Smpuin = MX, HI, iii, "pd;nkini£
p ifingp JJpihpu, puiqkyph jU,Smpmu mualip ", Arm, Qeogr., p. 33/44. (223, 3)
33a [Idem., the printed text of the Arm. Geogr,, p, 33 has the following reading,
" ijljpmulfm^pu, if^Jnaiui^">' ", Cf. Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 70, 117.]
23 £P', xxxvii, p. 216, " jpkpkuj u/ft^fi p w£^tn<9& p £kp li fi ^mpuiuuliij.
niULiunpHi* ifjSwpph kjo tj.npbnt'ii luuimkpiut^Jp'ia, It nt ng ^pfiip mpi}li^ ijppniSi
'iiki jui}[vu>p$ £iujna uuitufinLpkiuSp. h. akphini^ juip&wliki h.
". Ibid., Ixxi, p. 416," • « « pkpkm ni, zwi//n, ifap m^qmfjk^ pui^3nL~
pkuifib ^wpufjy [i dp^nij l^nijpii iny[uuip£pu Ziujntj". IMd., Ixxxix, p. 519,
" fet kLkiai \,pjunp jin}hjwp£h filling n°* p^nibwq iffrtyuiSfuki p 2,ta\nrj inkq^puu,
WJL IÎ^P^^L p q-uiLiunplu np l{n^p Z^p *•• "• [Of. Eremyan, Armenia,
pp. 51-52, 63, 117.] (224, 1)
23a [Lynch's Map still indicates Hogeac Vank' due south of Kasrik c. 38°o3'Nx
43°25'E. but no such indication appears on USAFM 340 B IV.]
24 Oeorg, Cypr,, p. 48, " 17 /cAetcrovpa BaA-aA-eicrcov Kal apxîrai Kara TO apKTtfov jwepos
TJ MeydJci) 'Appwla", The kleisurai are the pass called Qnpivjh Ifnju by the Ar-
menians, FB., IV, 1, " uiuippuin uibfcpii p Zwjny Ifnm^ np Qnputjh ^nsA&,
qpnibu nfikpli". Sebeos, xxx, p. 108, " '"pjit]. ûifiiuufiapû Qnpnj jui^Jump^
Siupohnj'" ", Nowadays this pass is called f^m^Jia Inci5ean, Geography, p. 176;
Sargisean, Itineraries, p. 274. [Cf. Markwart, Sildarmenien, pp. 376-378. Eremyan,
Armenia, pp. 33, 36, 58, 63, 71, 117; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 198-199, etc.]. (225,1)
. 2â [Arm. Geogr., pp. 28-29/39-40, 33/44; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 128-133.]
*»> [IB, TV, 1, c/,, V, viii-xvi.]
25 Ibid., V, viii-xvi. (226,1)
25a [Ibid,, V, xiii," J)L ffinLp ij.kui1 npufû h. jmnuiÎi jkiuj_ ip, nii^ kpljpph
pn k nun kpbhpli pLpkuiba uui^Siuli lupiapkuti LuinnLnia^pli".]
ia,, V, xv," ??t ij[£pb oo/^/?«i&o&, np juinuiQniSi kp ]kiu^ jkpfypph Zwjng
k phq kplfppli taping, np f; piiî Jkb qkuili *]nLp, wjhni.£huiki. Jphfh i[uiu]pkii]^
nuiniiuijp whuip ".]
26 Ibid,, VI, i, " piajg h. p LnguiL} pwijnLS quiming l^pbkva^
^ It dumg umliaJL Suiuli jm^pjuipîug kplingmug uin
- (226,2)
27 Ibid., TV, xxi, " frub uui^Siu^muiia^Du IdiaiiiaLnppu îw/nn, np uutnfcph fi
9»«/&ctu/^ U,inpu[uiuiuiliui&p) « » « ", Ibid,, V, iv, " . . . Jfih^k 9»«
jiubuiu h uuiîiniuu Zwjng û//«/Â&««> ", Ibid., V, v, " ... n&iw; h
Ztujng p Qiuu&iuh£ liniul; jiuinpuiutjuiliuju mwli^ ", [Ibid., V, vi, "
tfiiuj u£fiiuwhuju{iu£ p Quib&iuli* np £p um^Sm/ti pjj^ tyuipu k
NOTES: CHAPTER IX 437
Ibid,, V, xxxiv, " •••u^& ( $A p Qiah&iuli uiu^SuiL kplfpph np tfjiupupn Lnm^ £n,
lp Of. also, Ibid., ~V, i, " bt i/pbiki. ji paiSi p uui£Siu'uuh
p Qiuh&iulf Uiinp and Ibid., Ill, vii, " •••â/i/&&iw/& kplinph
£uijng. • •• i/pb^L p t^ L iIph^L p ûiîalf um^Smliu
minpufuiinwlfuili ". (226, 3)
28 Hoffman, Auszilge, p. 250; Noldeke, Tabari, p, 100 [Of. Christensen, pp. 142, 166;
IPrye, Persia, pp. 221 and 259 n. 23 ; see also, Chapter I n. 1.] (226, 4)
29 PelT. Patr., p. 135, " 'Apêviav 8e ZivBo, TO KavTpov ev êOopitu TTJS MT)$IKTJS Ksipevov
o/>i£eu> ". Kiepert, Karte gives a Zindu north of Nineveh near Akra, but it is doubtful
that it is related to the historical Zintha. [See next note.] (227, 1)
S9a [Of. -Frye, Persia pi. 5, " Zindan-i Sulaiman, and Manandian, Hisl.-geogr. Studies,
pp. 15-18.]
30 FB, IV, xvi, " '"L kpljpnpquilfui& tjjJkb in77t&& wuijp hSu] jiampujuiiniuîijli
ui^hiuip^nli". Ibid., IV, xx, " • * • k inuig hSui inntii ilbb, a h jnpdvaS ntiiun};
h Ruling qui]^ ian ifkfa uijLû iniiignLg hSui innt&, ^ p p £iujng ilp&sL. h Spnpnh
i/hfiik ian ilka ûiSmlj jpipnLJ) uiuili uinqp, i/phpk tun ilka klikunl; ", (227, 2)
31 MX, II, liii, " • • . p&uilik p SSnppu, np wjdS Ifn^p ^nptlppg-, f> jU.jl{p"'"'
[On Alki-Elki, see Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 32, 60. On the various districts, Ibid.,
pp. 49, 60, 64, 72, 86; also Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 163-166, 180-182, etc.] (227, 3)
33 SL, p. 41, " • • 'fppmnnLkuijf t,n^^?iwîw&^& p ^&nt/- livaûiîj. ". [Cf.
Markwart, Bran,, pp. 165sqq. ; Siidarmenien, pp. 378 sqq., etc.; Toiunanoff, Studies,
pp. 161-166, et aZ.] . (227, 4)
33 Syn, Or., p. 272, [" Ensuite vient le siege d'Arbele, et 1'eveque qm 1'oeciape est
me'tropolitain de Beit Nouhadra, de Beit Bagas, de Beit Dasen, de Bamonin, de Beit
Mahqart, de Dabaronos( ?) et de leurs 6veques — ". Of. Ibid., p, 617. [Of, Markwart,
Bran, pp. 22-25, and Manandian, Sistor. Geogr. Studies, pp. 18 sqq.]. (228, 1)
34 Gever = Arm. QiuLiun; the modern name may be Bales gewer. Chabot, Syn. Or,,
p. 617 identifies Bales with the modern Ba§kale, an old theory which Hoffman, Aufziige,
pp. 227-230 and n. 1826 considered unacceptable. $ee also, Ibid., pp. 206-216, Nohadra;
pp. 202-207, Dasen. The Kurdish tribe of the *^^ is found in the Sheref-Nameh,
cf. CJmrmoy, I, 2, p. 28 and in the JeJian-numa, Ibid., 1, 1, p. 73. According to Mas'tidl,
II, p. 423, the (j!,}ys.UI are in Azerbaijan and theirs is the settlement of » a5^XJl
Eankivar, Markwart, Eran, p. 24. Markwarfc accepts the recent opinion of Hartman,
Bohtan, p. 128 that Eankivar = Arm. IjuitiqnLiup a city in the district of Anjewacik',
[Of. Eremyan, Armenia, p. 58]. (228, 2)
34& [Arm, Geogr,, p. 32/43.]
34b [Of, Markwart, firan,, p. 24.]
35 Arm. Geogr,, p, 40/53, " \fninwpmuij pro \n£,uiuipaij [t,n]>^/7iw^zw& ".
[Of. above n. 16]. (228, 3)
35a [Cf. Markwart, firan, p. 25, Syn. Or,, p. 272, " Ensuite vient le siege de Nisibe;
1'eveque qui 1'occupe est me'tropolitain d'Arzon, de Qardou, de Beit Zabdai, de Beit
Rahimai, de Beit Moksaye et des evSques qui s'y trouvent ". Ibid,, p. 617, II, " Pro-
vince occidentale : 'Arab, Beit 'Arabaye ".]
35^> [FJB, IV, 1.]
36 Sebeos, iii, p. 37, " 5i finqtiLJ) &kt£ ijtuiMimfi kpljppfi Zwjn^ dpfyli
qljuiwlin^ Ii nqnuib UnnLwhpn. L jU,unpi.nn IinnSuibfr aHpnuuuiniuli h.
438 NOTES : CHAPTER IX
JjiIiiL g
ikuii £. IL pLn uinliSnLinu i/pLiL. n^jkuiuphw ^jmujiuqni^lfwgLng ", Gj '. also Ibid.,
p. 9, where \jnppppuilj should be read \jnp^ppiulf <«/&>. In FB, V, xxxii, King
Pap says to the Emperor, " bf}£ IjkuiupputL £kin It inuiub puirjuig ifkp /£*-"£ £, wpi].
h piug uinLn. IL nf)Ln£iu guiquig £ph£uij^ £ butpjbkwijli i/kpng " . (229, 1)
sea [Arm. Geogr., p. 29/40; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 132, 163-164 and n, 43.]
36t> [Arm. Geogr,, pp. 31/41, 33/45; Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 35, 85; Toumanoff, Studies
pp. 129, 148, etc. Goubert, ISOrient, pp. 167-170, 290-302.]
37 Sebeos, ii, p. 33, " fct winy fkt^ abnqSuiliu qlûnpin^ ijlJ>pnLuiuinuiub
1/jibih. gUpuipuiut IL g^nLpb Diuqiu^^ k ilpbiL

IL gU^nhuwuiLuifi ". Ibid., iii, p. 45, " • • • kin lingua qU>pn LIU u in tub
fjihiL nl}*c)ppfi, L i^kpljpph 2wjnn* np p_bq
Siubnunkpuilfujli i/pLtL tjifkinb ^nLpuiiffluih
Quinhh L qknp bnihiLli f^tînLlihuin^ L. nUnkumuiLUiL L i
i/p&iki. g£uiijpi.Ii L glTiuljni. " and not " UnkuinuiLuih L.
as it is given in the printed text. (Of. Tov. Arc., p. 88, " JphiL
IL jfinipiijpin"- ") fci l^nijiKi ûiuujnLpuiIfiuh ifbifpfi lp p diun.uijni.ppLh
ufiupupg uipguijph ". (223, 1)
37a [C/. Christensen, pp. 103 sqq.]
38 The term û/u/^/7iy7u/û»& is first met in Sebeos in two forms: iîuuinnLpwIfuiL
and ukip£uil]ujfi, xxxv, p. 140. It is used only once in MX, II, Ixii. See above, Chapter
VII n. 55. An interesting composite form, iîuuufnLpmlfUjIiuja^njIi is found in the BL,
p. 170, where Kyrion, kat'o&kos of Iberia wrote to the Marzpan Smbat: " l),uinnLiub
Ifkq^ I inkpiuhn iûiuuinLpiulfiuîm^njfi ujpuiuz/k /f/wtu/û/t^ £uibnfkp& ". Kyrion
is praying here that Smbat should become not only a mere ter [lord] but a t&r among
ters, so that JuiuufnLpwûiLuia^njL is the equivalent of inkpiui^njli if such a term is
possible. This interpretation supports our hypothesis as to the synonymity of
iîauufnLpwtjujfi and inuiLnLinkpuilfiiih. (223, 1)
39 Diehl, Ch., Uorigine du regime des themes dans I''empire byzantin, Paris, 1905;
H. Gelzer, Die Genesis der byzantinische TJiemenverfassung, Leipzig, 1899. [Tie litera-
ture on the problem of the Themes and their origin has grown rapidly since the time of
composition of Adontz's work. See for the more recent views on this disputed problem:
J. Karayannopulos, Die Entstehung der byzantinischen Themenordnung, Munich, 1959;
N. Baynes, " The Emperor Heraelius and the Military Theme System ", EHR, LXVII
(1952); W. Ensslin, " Der Kaiser Herakleios und die Themenverfassung ", BZ, XLVI
(1953); I1. Dolger, " Zur Ableitung des byzantinischen Verwaltungsterminus dlpa ",
Historia, IV (1955), G. Ostrogorsky, " Sur la date de la composition du Livre des Themes
et sur 1'epoque de la constitution des premiers themes d'Asie Mineure ", Byzantion,
XXIII (1954), and " Korreferat zu A. Pertusi ", Berichte zum XI. International
Byzantinisten-Kongress, I (Munich, 1958) ; A. Pertusi, " La formation des themes by-
zantins ", Ibid., and " Nuova ipotesi sull'origine dei temi bizantini ", Aevum, XXVIII
(1954). See also E. Stein, " Zur Entstehung der Themenverfassung ", Studien zur
Oeschichte des byzantinischen Eeiches, Stuttgart, 1919, Eiri Kapitel, and his " Review"
of A, Christensen, " L'Iran sous les Sassanides ", 1st ed. in Le Museon, LIII (1940),
pp. 123-133, where he discusses the thesis that the Byzantine administrative re-organi-
zation of the VII was influenced by the Sasanian reforms of the VI ; a thesis adopted
NOTES : CHAPTEK IX 439
by Christensen in the 2nd edition of his work, " Excurstis II ", pp. 518-526; though
questioned by most other scholars.] (233, 1)
40 Diehl, L'Origine, p. 12. (233, 2)
41 Justi, Geschichte Jrans, p. 469 [Cf. Christensen, p. 210 and above n. 39.] (233, 3)
4ia [The " Leo I " of the Russian text is obviously a misprint for Leo III.]
42 Georg. Cypr., p. 46, " l-no.py(a MeaoTrora/jLias avco TJTOI A 'Appevlas "ApiSa p.t]rp6-
TTO/US "• Ibid., p. 48, " eVajoî'a A 'Appevlas aAAi)?, AaSipcav vvv fj/rjrpoTroXis ". [Cf.
Appendix II !F for the context]. Elias, the representative of the latter at the Quinisext
council of 692, is called, " eTrioKorros AaSifjuov /j-erpoTro^stas TTJS A 'lovanviavrjs ",
Mansi, XI, p. 992. The Armenian historian Joh. Kafol., xvi, p. 88 mentions these
transformations and renders lustinianea by QnLuin[hb~]jiu]LniSi jjuui. Gelzer,
Georg. Cypr., pp. xlvi sqq., suggests that the episcopal residence of Armenia IV or Upper
Mesopotamia was Martyropolis rather than Amida, but this was the situation at an
earlier date, before the changes just described had taken place. [Cf. Goubert, VOrient,
Appendices x, xi, pp. 290-302]. (234, 1)
440 NOTES: CHAPTEE X
CHAPTER X
a [On the question of Adontz's periodization, see above, Introduction n. la. The whole
of this chapter, and indeed, the entire section dealing with the nayamr structure of
Armenian society must be taken now in conjunction with Toumanoff's major study
on this problem. Toumanoff's work, being a continuation and revision of Adontz's
earlier work, (see, Studies, pp. 149-150), is relevant to all of the aspects treated here,
but it is far too extensive and detailed to permit a discussion of its contribution at this
point, since any adequate treatment of this would entail its incorporation nearly in
extenso. Hence, only separate points from Toumanoff's work can be introduced into
these notes. See also below, Chapters XIV-XV-]
* [The date of composition of the 'History of Armenia attributed to Movses .Xbrenaci
has proved to be one of the most controversial problems in Armenian studies for nearly
a century, and Adontz was one of the leading protagonists in the debate. See, for
instance, his discussion with H. Levy in JByzantion, XI (1936), The literature on this
subject is far too extensive for even a meaningful sample to be included here, but see
on this question, Toumanoff, Date, and Studies, pp. 18, 104-105, 307-308, 330-334, and
particularly p. 330 nn. 113-114, for some of the bibliography, as well as pp. 108-111,
for Toumanoff's appreciation of Adontz's thesis.]
1 MX, I, ix, " '••[unp&L.pn fj Sinp kn^fr qjiin !;[••• nmmp ^mpjiapu
np mum ^f«/fi : Qp n$ Ifiupqj) pup £&*«£ wuia jiajinlap^ k n J i/k£kupij iif
L n$ nipiuiLnpuiq ui\pjwp£pu wnai9puu jwjinujj £ L n i ilhp9pbb, A ns mil hup
opphuiLnp, iiijj^ pjuinli p juninu uiifkuuiju L i^tujphufi " : (237, 1)
la [JFJB, IV, ii, ilhbuiilhbîi jpLpiuDiuuppip nu/^nt, h. qnpbiulfiaiDU
2 Ibid., " I)L uiji JvajuS uiaaiUD L fi jvnumpC np nnpbuiliwiu whni.Ii auip^pLD
wpoiujpli ujuiinpL. ji t}jni-[u piui^S^p^. Pn1 tîui£,wmbmu ilbbuiilbbu h
npg ^npbuil^w^ ilpwj'ii Ipb, phh ^wphip p.uip&* np Siauililp h
iniu&uippb nLpuipjnLJdkuiuu p.uiajSwl^wiwg'ii Ifiup^h^n^, finn^ nninuliuiju
uufiuuni. ". The punctuation of the 1889 Venice edition is
incorrect, as a result the words " np i^npdialfmiD tlpwili Ip'li " might seem to be
related to the preceding phrase, " fini^ ajuuîauikinu ", etc., whereas they are in
fact a repetition of the clause, " np nnpbiubnjni uifiniii piup£pLD ", etc., evoqued
by the introductory phrase, " ftni^ uiii^mujkinu ••• ". Moreover, puinSuilûinugli
should be read p.uiaSuiliui'iiuinli which means both " feast " and " seat ", hence
" f.uiaJJwliw'Liuiij'ii Ifiup^k^ng " can mean either "the organization of a feast", or
" the putting out of seats ". Cf., Ibid., IV, liv, " • • • p inwfuinpu wpûiiiki
p.uinSuihui'ii "• ". As for the expression " afnpbuilûiipLJ^kui'ii uwuiuni ", it has
only one meaning here and refers to the " gorcakal office, or function " and not to
" service " at the table. (239, 1)
aa [See below, Chapter XV, pp. 354 and n. 63.]
3 Nerses, p. 32, "... k fjiu Luipu^p p duiS fiiupnih h ukniuh ujpowihli
U,p£iulfiuj p.uip&u fnphf^mppLp ". [Cf. Appendix III C for the context. Also,
Toumanoff, Studies, p. 229 and n. 273.] (240, 1)
3a [Nerses, pp. 38-39, " tjnp finpnqkiug Hpyiulf ftiuqiuLnp L Ifwpnkian h diuii
£uj}nju pLpnj p ukqiali pip p.wp&u pnphgûjppLpii ^puiSuiîuiL iJhbpu \
NOTES: CHAPTER X 441
4 StepJi. Orb., vii, pp. 63-64, "... unipp. â/£u/&ayu;uy&uj& Qppnnppu,

ifkbpli Spipuinwj Ifuipqk^ ij^puiij.wi.npnLppLfi flip puin uui^Suilih Luijukpuiafi
QnLhuii], h. mui^ puin pLpiugiuhspLp tîainyia^fj qw£, h. wwinpi fohiiahiunh Jiu9S^
h. jui^klfl; : ftp L nkijkijl[imii£u joppiikui^ p dwS i>unni& Iiuinki pwpû 400
(240, 2)
5 Tov. Arc,, p. 239, "... iûnnpL £UILIU —
mwghiuj^ pjim Ifwpqli p.uip&uip.kp&ni.jilkai'iii ftniij.uii.npuitj'i] {.uijnij,
ilkbpii Spqiuinwj piaîmnpp ". (240, 3)
6 ZG, p. 43, "... L uibpfi phtf ptigkwLu kppu fojuuibu k
mjp pbqpp " : Ibid., p, 49, "... L ujufia ilhuinwh fuiiimunpb n&mn A& h nuii.wn.Ii
Huîii^nLlikuig^ ftliij. phgkiuhii inuiiuk^ni^ t^p^pjuihiib npj> Ipfi p phpifi fji^lfwli.
k i£)nphg£uipki.p uipuli p npLiulili iupj)ni.£ip uiiujp wpbialiki". [On the accxiracy
of Zenob, see, Alelean, I, pp. 345-362.] (241, 1)
6» [Cf. Tonmanoff, Studies, p. 128 n. 226, and Mow Chapter XV, n. 63.]
7 The "work of Ya'qiibl is known from excerpts and fragments found in the works
of other authors. The information quoted is found in Ibn al-IPakih who was almost
his contemporary, Geogr. Arab,, V, p. 281 = Karaulov, Sbornik, XXXI, p. 23. Yakut,
XIII, century gives 118 instead of 113 principalities, he evidently likewise depends on
Ya'qubi [Of. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 229, n. 273]. SJU 1&53 1^ oJLft <jl &j
IjZ* ^Jl$> (242,1)
8 Sahib as Serir means " lord of the throne ". According to this account, the golden
throne of Persia fell into the hands of a descendent of Vahram Choben after the downfall
of the Sasanians, He took it with him and ruled in the country called by the Arabs
9 ~«J I after the name of the throne. According to Movses Kalankatwaei, the descen-
dents of Vahram Choben settled in Arran and Juanser [637/8-680/1] was descended
from them. [Of. Mov. DasX-, H, xvii, pp. 107-109 and p. 107 n. 3 and pp, 109 sqq.
also Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 392-393 and p. 392 nn. 10-11]. In such a case, it may be
possible to identify Serir with Arran, or rather with its northern portion. (242, 2)
9 ZiP\, pp. 133 sqq. [For the text of this list, see Appendix III L, i. For the
lists of princes found in Lazar and EKse, see also Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 223 and n. 290
and particularly pp. 246-248 and tables viii-ix]. (242, 3)
!° Ibid., xxv, pp. 143 sqq. = Elise, ii, pp, 42-43 [Of. LP\, pp. 236 sqq. [See
Appendix III I1, for these texts.] (242, 4)
11 LP\, p. 209 = Elise, pp. 74, [See, Appendix III G and n. 14.] (242, 5)
12 LP\, pp. 227-228 = Elise, pp. 99-100 [See, Appendix III H, and below
n. 15, also LP\, pp. 198-199.] (242, 6)
is Z,P\, pp. 272-273 = Elise,^, 193 [Cf. Ibid., pp. 178-179, and Appendix HI, I.]
(242, 7)
14 Elise, p. 92 [See, Appendix III, H, ii.] (243, 1)
15 Elise, p. 119 [See, Appendix HI G, ii.] (243, 2)
ig The text has " \kp.br]kuili ", instead of " 9"— uip.krjkui'ii ", as it is correctly
given in LP\, p. 231 in agreement with the same passage in Elise, p. 119 which
reads, " U,pin£h ^wp.hqbwli " ; the representative of the Abeleans was named
Gazrik. In the list of the partisans of Vasak we find the name of " ^winhynj
fynpfunnnLbfj ". This family is listed earlier under its hereditary title of " Suinfuiai^ ".
Its representative .Xbren is referred to once as " 3ui\jfj^piuii^ ", LP\, p. 225,
and several times in the same passage as " JtfnppjnnnLbp ", [e.g. Ibid,, p. 227.] (244, 1)
442 NOTES: CHAPTER X
"> Ibid., xxxix, pp. 227-228, " 9-&/?/u&Aiu^ ", Ibid., xlii, p. 237.
(244, 2)
18 " $ui£pujij<hiuti> " Ibid., xlvii, p. 273, and " Sm^fiuj ". Ibid., slii, p. 237,
more correctly, " Swyiiug ". ^fo'se. p. 194 has " friuipunhkuih ". Nerses, p. 35
has " H.nninunLlipD ", and " fyiuipukiahj) ", p. 36. There were two Arcruni houses,
one represented by ISTersapuh, as noted above, LP\, p. 135, and the other by
Aprsam, Hid,, xlii, p. 237, and xlvii, p. 273. (244, 3)
19 The prince of Ake is given in the list of the Vasakists, EMse, p. 92, where we also
find the name of Upwiub f^yinnLlip indicating that the &stuni shared Vasak's point
of view. The list of Vardan's supporters in Elise, pp. 99-100 has only 26 names, of
which 20 are known from other referrences. The Uui£wnni.hp are found in LP\, p. 406, a
be corrected into Qiaijjiplf U,p.hqhm^,a,s in LP\, p. 135, and xxx, p. 179. Might
" ^wijji—pli " — c <T be a dialectal form of " fonupni[ " ? Of. " goi^&u/& ",
Mi$e, p. 194 [n, 1] = LP\, p. 273. The ^lap.ktjkia'ii were in Vasak's camp. (244, 4)
20 IUd., Ixx, pp. 412-414; Ixxi, p. 419; Ixxxi, pp. 483-484; Ixxxiv, p. 497; xc, p. 526.
" Ijuip Diujhfi ". Idem.., should probably be read " îwn Diui^S ". Among other
princes already listed earlier, we find the following:
1. Ifuiiiplinbkiuh, ûiûili, û/utw/f, Hpinmû^ û/nn, lftiL}ki[
2. y^t&^ Pwppll, Putpqtt, 9-^£j& 11.
3. lASuiinniSip, Unliiulj, ^lapwijûiu^nL^ -12. tTnlfii
4. ifiuipjma^ ^tuinpynj^ QwpPnjI 13. f)*yinnLfjkiuij, imjuiinnpkujp
5. f)>-pbu]j^ ^nqpkl^ ûipuiijhhpu^ 14. ûiflinLlip, pui^l
6. puiiipuiinniSip^ Dmîuli 15.
7. ^luSulûIlm<il^ 2w£win, \,kuk^ 16.
8. ^tinLiikvaq, Hinnd, U>nuiuinn5 17. ûipkq^fipg^ l}uimnj, ûipuit^

9. ^hflnLiikuig, ûinnny 18. ^pSuiDukfipa, flpnfr
10. UpdpULiUpi Qiu^LtiLp 19. Uw£,uin.nLl]p^ ^M/UU/^, *ftuiQiu£
[Cf, Toumanoff, Studies, p. 233 n. 290, who rejects Adontz's additions to the List of
princes.] (245, 1)
21 According to the sense of Lazar's words, Atrormizd was of Armenian descent,
LP\, xl, pp. 229-230. We should perhaps read " jiuûuip^ph Zwjnij ... ", i,e,,
"i.e., " to leave Atrormizd as Marzpan, in the land of Armenia ", in which case the origin
of the Marzpan becomes doubtful. The same passage in Elise [p. 128] is very interesting,
" QiujliduiS mlh juimia huihiuipuipwa'ii* UinpnpiJpnn uiHint.li npnj
pull pjuin£i £p pjitj. Zwjnn lapjvuip^pfi h. ipipbuilfpi/ lp jjopiuiûippli
since it reads as though the historian had the parallel passage of Lazar in mind, and could
not work out Atrormizd's background. Atrormizd's family name, " Uppiiilj —u/& ",
is the Persian form of the Armenian " IJ^pyulj—ni.'lip ", and he was probably a
descendant of the Armenian Arsacids. " Qm^quifj^huifi ", is the name of an individual
from " jnuuimbkuiij WIH&/-& ", LP\, p. 188, as is [tyuiuj] UpinuifynLbp, uijp
numuiJiipli ", Ibid., Ixxi, p. 419. It is not clear whether Zandalean is a praenomen
or a nomen gentiliciiim; we shall see it given as a nayamrAom in the Military List [See
Appendix III B]. The " C!iapjnnmu^kin^ ujponLlip ", is found in , both MliSe,
p. 100, and Nerses, p. 35 and designates the royal equerry, probably because of his
duties. [Cf. ToTimanoff, Studies, p. 233, n. 290], (245, 2)
22 BL, p, 42, [The list of those present at the Council of 505, including the names
given by Adontz in the note though not in the text will be found in Appendix III L, ii],
Vard Mamikonean was the brother of the famous Vahan, Marzpan of Armenia; he is
also mentioned in -£P', Ixiii, p, 357, etc,,. In the " Letter of the Armenians to the Per-
sians on Orthodoxy ", BL, p. 48, Vard is referred to as the Marzpan, "' p ^wpnuij
lfiuifjil{nh£pij mkuinSi^ L ft Z^jny ^mp^mli^ ". We know from Sebeos, i, p. 25
that Vard was named Marzpan, " Qkm ^m^wliuii LuinuL np}hiui'iini.j}pLii
^tupij. ^muipplf hi£p.iujp hnpui". Sahak Kamsarakan is probably the well known
leader and collaborator of Vahan Mamikonean, ZJ", xc, p. 526. " ftuifpikti ûi^hniSip
is perhaps to be identified with "fiuip'^n^wtJiiitSip ", a contemporary of Vahan,
Ibid., Ixxi, pp. 420-422. This information shows that our documents really belong
to the early Vlth century. (246, 1)
23 BL, p, 74. [The list of those present at the Council of Dwin of 555 including the
names given by Adontz in the note but not in the text, will be found in Appendix III,
L, iii]. In the list given here, only eleven names belong to famous princely families,
the remainder do not seem to be princes, but since they are listed under the heading
" t>%btiu^l£ " we mi:l3t presume that many of those present at the Council were listed
according to their patronymic and not by their nomen gentfliciwm. Only the first
signature is given in full: praenomen, patronymic, nomen gentilicwm. Judging from
their names, " V>p>nin h ûipiuqinppnnkiuh " " and Ziudiuauiuui p Uui£uiljuih "
are from the Bagratuni family (the form " Hp^nin " is interesting as the prototype
of the later Bagratid praenomen " H>nm "). " QuiLpuih h ^mui.nhkni'ii " and
" HumnLiabuimntp Hp^mLphiula " are from the Kamsarakan family, Anania SiraJcaci,
i, pp. 514/520, mentions a " Zorak Kamsarakan during the rebellion of Armenia in 571.
(Concerning Gazawon Kamsarakan, see MX, HI, xlviii). Moreover, " ûiinnj p
QiuptynLnkiufi ", and " *l^ppi] U,piniu>pui& " are names common in the Mal^z
house. The remaining signatures with the repeated praenomem û/nû/S, tTnti/r/j,
IfuiUnL^j^ ", etc., which are so characteristic of the Mamikonean family, must belong
to members of this house. The influence of the Mamikonean was strongly felt at the
Council of 555. They had a powerful representative in the clergy in the person of
bishop Neraapuh, one of these responsible for the Council; The construction with the
ida/at " ^ppij.np p Z^tajuil^ ", is noteworthy. The p becomes a j— before vowels:
" IJuiS^n jUpuiiuLiannaib, *lpf"l jU.piniufpw'u ", In the case of the twelfth signa-
ture, we have either ûidiaqiuuuf [A] JJia^mlf p ti«/uuiô/& ", or Hamazasp's
patronymic has been omitted. (246, 2)
24 Sebeos, xviii, p. 65 and xxviii, p. 98. Among the other princes, we find references
to the following:
p. 24, ûipifufiuwpplj^ p. 25, npij.p *£«/—
uialfiuj, pp, 26, 29, Ifni^kij^ pp. 37, 52, îw&wîwoz^, p. 50, Umiul^ p. 53,
9*«fif/^ "PIP Vw&niJ;^p, pp. 56, 58, tfuiduilj, pp. 48, 56, [Tnt^J^ "Pit1
liULpp, pp. 107, ZwSuujuiuui pp. 139 sqq.
Upi&kuig^ *£///£«&, p. 26, Uinkijiuibhnu, pp. 48, 56, Um^mlf fapkiyziujp JJinb-
ipui'ii'iinup, p. 58, typijiuinu, p. 29, Qppqnp, p. 107.
^HiÂni&A, UiaSnth, pp. 48 sqq., Uuipqpu, ^mpian —likpul£, *]ûinuiS, pp.50
sqq., fOnupni£, pp. 56, 58, pfcnqnpnu, p. 108, ^ppqnp, p. 109.
, p. 69, /9^n/po, pp. 74 sqq., ûiû/i/, p. 102.
5. ^ ^Jnajpiny p. 56, &iuiifni.£, p, 108.
444 NOTES ; CHAPTER X
) pp. 50 sqq., JJwpifpu, 65 sqq.

, \JSp.vain npq^ lfuihnL£[Ji, pp. 53 sqq., tfjuiuj npqfi
inp^ p. 56, USp.ujin Suipmuwli ^nliui'iiuij, pp. 59, 61-63, ûip
iinpui, pp. 63, 68 sqq., ]}Sp.mw npqp ^wpiai^ — £//WÎW^M/J, p. 117.
, p. 56, ^mpiun — DuiwnL^ p, 65, ^muiali npnfi Uiu£wliwj,
p. 78.
r}"pS , lfk£pnL, p. 63, Uuipqpu, pp. 65 sqq., Upinwuuqif
p. 149, inuih'ii l^pSiupuklipq, p. 139.
10. Up in iu LIU iff, ûrnuiS, ZSiujuilj, p. 65,
ut£p \Twfi ni£ij p. 65.
, pp. 97, 103 sqq., f)*£inni.huilfiuh, p. 139.
p. 101, 'lujpuiij—Wki, p. 103.
uiLpp, p. 103.
15. w^hw'ii^ pp. 108, 139.
fafuiali ûipr^plf ffnfkghua^ p. 109.
inLhpj), p. 20,
— \jkpuh£,, p. 140. The
;, Ijiupfiiunpn^piuuhhuinpj) "are likewise foiond here.

We have included in our list only the principality of Basean, which from Antiquity is
referred to only by the name of its territory, as is also the case for Goltn, as is evident
from FB III, 9, " -"pûwli Puiuhtinj Ifwhwlj", lUd., Ill, xii, "...Uwia^ fafuiub,.,
^nijjdiiili ". The remaining princes came from outside Jfargpem-Armenia, and may,
furthermore, have been members of the Arsacid, Bagratid, and other houses already
listed. Sebeos, p. 93, mentions a certain " ^pli^niSipg " = MX, I, xxx, " ^pujfi-
tynLlipg " from the name of a vanished naxararAoTd, [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 233
n. 291, on the inclusion of Tayk' and Phasiane [Basean]; 251 and table xii]. (247, 1)
as ZG, p. 48, " ITk&nLbiuigb wppg ". BL, p. 70, " lûiq^nu ITk&njLZkiuij,
U'pf'jiL QwpkîuLiuhptj ". Ibid., p. 42,
Qiupp&Liuhp, f^lSpwj VktfinLlikuii] ". Cf. MX, II, viii, " ûiph^-
p ijuipilpg Pmûiuipiiig ". (248, 1)
25a [Of. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 128 n. 226, 227 sqq.]
25b [The entire text of the Gahnamak will be found in Appendix III A. See below,
n. 43 for a discussion of the problems found in its preface.]
26 The Gahnamak was discovered by J. Akhverdov who realized the full importance
of this document and transmitted it to J. Emin, who published it as a supplement to
his Russian translation of the History of Movses .Xbrenaci (Moscow, 1858). A photo-
graphic reproduction of the MS of this document is to be found in Alisan's Ayrarat,
p. 430. [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 229 n. 274]. The following errata should be corrected:
" ûiynijkwh " for " £Jbnz/Aflj&, ", where the —a has been shifted from the numeral
£j£; "lfiu^p.kpuigp" for " SuiSp.kpiagp " ; and " Uûi^Suipkush ", which is pro-
bably a distortion of " Uppjuiquipkwh ". (250, 1)
26a [The entire text of the Military List will be found in Appendix IH B.]
87 This document was first published by bishop Sahâtunean in Storagrut'ium Ejmiacni
(EJmiacin, 1842), II, p. 59. (252, 1)
28 Untunes, I, xxvii, p. 40, " • • *npnhki anpLialifi wpgnLUp L wu/i nnu/4—
hut Sun 1} huipjuipwpuitjii Zwjnij ... f>ulf bui ninkiuj_ iffiiu£buiiiwljb pkpiaL uin *]ûi —
ilp Hum Jpn9£ lfiapn£ L bnd wiinnuliu.
innpnpnh* IfuinhjuianLlip, £hfinkpnpnb* IfiaSplinlilnuii It ijuiji lui hiupn.£ k £,ui —

umiuuil jpLpuiDuitiipLp pypiwiinL^kuilili ». (253, 1)
89 Steph. Orb., vi, p. 64, " . . . frulj qopuig k ui^fuiup^pb £npu
li man in mill . » ^puiSuiliuiinuipu • > . uipkikikiuli lâaSuilili ahyhiuilili
A>/t/H/&oj>, wpliSuijui'li hnnfiuibh ^jnpnnLiughfi oumliLifjj pyhiuiiiop,

pypjuihh IJJiij.kqinia'ii'u guuihLkplfni. p^pjuibog : Qwju uijuuû p
fefuiuhiunti £uijnq anp ^hnlin npkwa, L uwhaiL ifh gninuifi^
k \fkpupupli ". The final remark does not refer to the four
military leaders which are not mentioned in the Gahnamalcs of Agat'angelos and ISTerses,
but to the princes listed before them who occupied the first gahs. (254, 1)
80 Lewond, " tfluiuiSnLJdpLi] l^kn&qkiuj ifkbp i£uipquiii[kifil} £wjnij np juii^mqu
kpkkjnj Ifuiî/htnfi A ahiip happily &£ npiq£u b. liwS npni^ opphinlfini. mppkt/piti,
Iw uinuiLh^ ui^pu ^wjng ", Sahnazarean ed. (Paris, 1857), p. 11, Ezov's MS lacked
the beginning up to chapter xiii. The Paris edition was completed on the basis of the
Ejmiacin MS which contained the full title. (254, 2)
30a [The question of the Anonymous History found in conjunction with the History
attributed to Sebeos has been the subject of considerable controversy among Armenists.
For Adontz's contribution to this problem, see, W, VHI (1901). For more recent
discussions of the problem, see Abgaryan, Sebeos, and Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 18 and
306 sqq., who refers to this work as the Primary History of Armenia.']
31 Sim. Aparan. The investigators of the Anonymous History have failed to observe
this fact which was noted by Ali san, Hayapatum, p. 62. It is possible that in the MS,
the History of Lazar P'arpeci was followed by that of Sebeos, in the version in which
it has reached us, i.e. with the Anonymous. Simeon Aparaneci then mistakenly connect-
ed the Anonymous with the work of Lazar P'arpeei which preceded it. [See above,
n. 30a]. (255, 1)
32 The famous house of the Amatuni is missing from the Military List. We believe
that the principality of the Amatuni is to be found hidden under the distorted form
U^Svaul^nfip (or also û/i?a/«i/j/7i&&H/&) although the size of its cavalry contingent,
200 knights, is far from representing the true strength of the Amatunis. \Cf. below
Chapter XIV, n. 63, also Toumanoff, Studies, p. 230, n. 282, 237, nn. 305-306.] (256, 1)
32a [Arm. Geogr., pp. 32-33/43-45. Cf. Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 61, 109. Mazaz is
the seventeenth district of Ayrarat, see, Ibid., pp. 64, 111, 118.]
3ai> [Arm. Geogr., p. 33/44; Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 82, 107, 109, 111, 116-118.]
320 [See above n. 21, and below n. 32e.]
32d [Arm. Geogr., p. 32/44; Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 80, 117.]
32e [MX, II, Ixxxiii. Cf, Toumanoff, Studies, p. 232 n. 287 who objects to some of
these identifications as incorrect.]
32f [Sebeos, xxviii, p. 98 ; vi, p. 48, vii, p, 50, xviii, p. 65. Of. Toumanoff, Studies,
objections, pp. 221 and n. 266, 233 n. 290 and 235 nn. 299, 301.]
sag [0>, Toumanoff, Studies, p. 232 and n. 286.]
321t [The text of the Pseudo-GaJinamaJc of Nerses will be found in Appendix HI C.
Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 229 and n. 273.]
33 [The additional names from the Pseudo-Gahnamalc given by Adontz in this note,
but not in the text, will be found together with the text of this document in Appendix
HI C.] (259, 1)
33a [Alishan, Haya/patwm, pp, 227-229. See, Appendix m J,]

34 Ibid., p. 227. The princely families mentioned by name are as follows:
fynLqinpiug, jpqk^pjfj (sc,
^ UJj&luuqbiuq,
, qjip USpiuin P
Suiypui~q<.nq> and a few more given according to their districts. Several houses
are given twice: Hjj^ fabf HSuunuLfikiuq, DJi&bjuijbwtj, UpLhkwtj etc.,,, which
is also similar to the QaJmamak, According to the assertion of Anastasius, all of these
churches, " h up. J^nLuiuuipdh ûniiniuinkqlifi, p^J^ J'^lP'l11 P \?bpufiul " an
affirmation likewise influenced by accounts giving Gregory and Nerses as the authors
or the ones responsible for the creation of the Gahnamak, [Of. Toumanoff, Studies,
p. 310 n. 32], . (260, 1)
35 Mov, Kalarik., H, Hi, p. 324, " Ufrnuuhg i£iuhnp£pq»* 1nPu I1 PlPnJ
bnuifikiLnj'ii yjiuiuwuiuwj van ûiîafi IfuiStiliniikiuV tanhiiti timing ", Surpri-
singly, Vahan Mamikonean replaces Hamazasp Kamsarakan in this passage.
At the end of the List of GJmrches, Anastasius mentions the kat'olikos John, who from
the context must be John [II Gabelean] o&, 573, the successor of Nerses H. This fact
may perhaps explain the alteration in the name of the prince ; the Albanian historian
mistook the kat'olikos mentioned for John I Mandakuni [478-490], the contemporary
of Vahan Mamikonean. (260,2)
35a [The last nine families listed are found in the History of Movses .Xbrenaci, but not
in MX, U, vii,^ viii: îw&iM&n, Jbid,, H, vi; ^pdiuDukiub) Spnibp, H, xlvii ; H,iiiuin-
niSip^ UtWniktjkw'ii, 31, Ivi; fl*ntjiukinb, II, Ixiv ; IfuiSpl^nlikui^, n, Ixxxi ; ^fmSaia-
piuliuiii^ Hpfutnnnjp, 3J, Ixsviii. See above, nn. 32e and f. Of. Toumanoff,
Studies, p. 252 and n. 343.]
35* [See Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 232-233 and nn, 286-291 and p. 245 and Table vii,
for his objections to some of Adontz's hypothesis and his failure to make use of the
material found in the History of Paustus,]
36 .Xbrenaci was probably acquainted with the Artaseseans. In the GaTmamalc, the
Artasesean follow immediately after the npuwuikin uipgniUp, According to MX, I,
xii and U, vii, the office of npuuiiuhin, i.e. of " keeper of the royal hunt " belonged to
the Varajnuni n^yarars, the descendents of Varja who had been appointed keeper of
the king's hunt, " .•«•« h ijkpuij npunq mponLUkiag", According to .Xbrenaci,
Ibid., II, vii, this had taken place in the days of Artases, " ••>« uiju qj{iip jiaimpu
Upininppup ". Might this be a guess of the historian based on his reading of
" npuiumkm uipgnibp Hpiniuûbwb " ? (265, 1)
37 MX, II, Ixiv, "... ki. uajf np A&J Ijpinukpuiqnjfi tosjay kid I mum
qJiniiSujSp,j) 1jnp££pij ûiuiniutnj; uiju Sjiqpiuh, npg ilpiufiûiS
h Jui}inu h. vjiiûiSp. hplikiho, It iluiuh hnpiu ihphrn.ftkiu'i} uûii
Snjliu^ npg p *]np££pif h. npg p ifhpdl l^ntjSwIilu^ qjuinui^mqn
Somiaunnuiq ^&k^ha (read ajSkinhq} L qiapifha îwiAu;û/&g, nSwlio h jhlimq :
Qnp Hi luhnLiuSp. uiimni/kuqnLD, I phs np t£u/u& jmtwHip n x ^phkfnj ilka, h /•
ph^np ilmuu ui£pjiuinni.pkiiih p i^mutnialfpiji junju mui^n^ kppnpq., qji A uifr£u/—
uinuiinni.ppLh& puiqSwq* biapbhu n fikpou wbl; pjitj. pliuiiu uibguibki" :
Emin's translation of this passage [in his Russian edition, Moscow, 1858] is inaccurate.
(266,1)
3?a [See above, n. 32.]

38 MX, III, li, " • • • Hpng iRiwgkipg^ ufwpqlikm^ tjl^kmî^ ^piaSiajktug
kpIiiuguihipLpngili gbwikuinifi juipDniSipu* nuip£nLguihki h linuw. pwjg
p q.iu£ £uijpkfip ni ^wumuiinh^ uiji fi funhiup^ j?«/& J^p.uiani.Su
fiiahjtijpuipu, h Ijiiipn hpinukpiugjiifipg uiiampmuinkj, f>ub ainaali
np £ inn£S Suiilpl^niikuj^^ h ijkp Suiinni.qw'iiki », nh Liupnkugph niSikt
qkpnpij. zp/£ iiiupjuipuipuigh £uijng, h. p qpiuihp pLpnid qpfy » :
{Of. LP\, p. 111. See Mow Chapter XV n. 54]. - (267, 1)
39 The number of knights at the disposal of the Kamsarakans and the Amatunis on
this occasion is not "without interest. In the Military List the Kamsarakans have
600 -knights and the Hamastuneans (sc. Amatuni) have 100, or 700 in all. The coinci-
dence is "worth noting. {See above, n. 32], (268, 1)
40 Khalatiants, Arm. Arsacids, p. 294. [On the problem of a system of precedence
indicated by the documents, see Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 242 sqq.] (268, 2)
40a [See, Christensen, pp. 393-394.]
41 MX, III, li, " î/mft npnj i^npqpiuijkiiiffl qnpm tjZuiSuiiiuiuiii Ifiugniugku p
ijkpuij nopiugn uuiuipiutukm* ifkp {.puiSuiHiuiL, It luffjlp nnpw mianku
iqiainnLnj Hnupiwpuipuigij., L fjij-lujii It ijtj.uiuinl^kpiau^ gnp
nng £wpg nnpw^ liiaigp'ii nnom : Uwai£u h. giambii ifinauuiliuipiug
tjnp Ijiunug juipgniSipu^ fdnnghii h ping* uiithplfpLqinpinn <fiunaj&g];t
dumgnpqmg. pwjg qiu&Lg ^tajpkfiuiûiîag uûiinnLnj ifp uipiuugbu
uipctuiSip, gji It ifbg p likpntS npmi&p ^pmSmjkguiD qpk^ ". Emin's transla-
tion is unsatisfactory, (269, 1)
41a [Vahram IV was not the immediate successor of Ardasir II, See, Christensen,
pp. 253 sqq. ; Frye, Persia, p, 283.]
43 MX, HI, Ixv, " •*• pwjS rtnL '£mLuibbnnmnku n&iw' mini nkpLnmu
gjuju Jpuijh* l1}^ 'uuipiuipiupujgla £wjngy npaflû Ijiupqkiai I mwil It
pkgiah ilph^k guijdd, hnpph oppfiujûiL^puiSujjkugl; k uin juiiyiuj,
ilp IfiapmugkL btuhnLnni.i& uuiltu wj&p tunhk^ni^
puin IfiuSuig jiLpbuibg » : fet i/&tw, gji quip&nLugl;
It DO, tjSiu'iiliiuliii ^mguiui'iip nnpnunj'ii
gjupâilinLlipla jmîiiijkjpi^ u/&ni&, g£p p _
[uuipiupiiiub jdnLkugh, jnpniS inknnui9 /»&j?& Lwifkugn, npiu£u ûiSiugJi hnp
I[uji)uuipii]lfuih& L l^mS auiSiuinniSip'ii Jduiihbuii h ûipqli uiiamninj litmnw^w
p uinnphiulfiajp&, k IjiiiS tf-pk^t npigû g_uipgni.hp
lULUiinuiugl; k IinpniSi qjiiLiuliuig ûi
Sahak asked for the return of their possessions to "
£pui£uiuiuij) ", which Emin translated " Gazawon son of Hrahat ", But Gazawon
is none other than the prince mentioned earlier as having been taken into captivity
with king .Xbsrov, and Sahak was beginning for Gazawon's son Hrahat in whose favour
he had already interceded before with Ardasir [MX, III, li] Emin, misunderstanding
the phrase, " npiu£u âiSmali Hinpui biuSuiupmbiu'iiî h liuiS giuSiainni.hp&, etc... "
translated it to mean that Sahak, having previously obtained the abbrogation of the
Kamsarakans' and Amatunis' disgrace, was now pleading for a Gazawon, who was a
relative of the Kamsarakans. In reality, however, the kat'ofikos was merely repeating
to Varahran in person his previous intercession for the dispossessed houses. Hrahat
was the son of Gazawon, so that a better translation of this passage would be, " ... to
assign him (i.e. Hrahat) a place according to his [the king's] pleasure as his (Sahak's)
kinsman or that of Suren Pahlawuni," to whom Sahak's speech was addressed. As for
the Amatuni, " ... having deprived him of his hereditary honourable rank, at least to
lower him from the first places to the lower ones, or to grant him, the Amatnni heir
(and not the Kamsarakan one) an official position ", a hint at the position of hazarapet
held by Vahan Amatnni in Sahak's own time according to Koriwn, [XIX, iv, vi, vii,
pp. 61-62, 111, 113] and Elise. [There is no mention of Vahan Amatuni as Jiazarapet
in the text of EKSe, though his name occurs in several lists of na-ârars, e.g. pp. 43, 99,
193]. (269,2)
43 [See, Appendix III A for the text of this preface.] The text is far from correct,
and the opening words are particularly awkward. In our opinion, the phrase, " ji
guiijnq uiSunj d£ " is a gloss which has crept into the text, and which originally
referred to the document in which the famalcan nama was to be found. From this
reference, this document must have resembled the later synaxaries, and the ramakan
nama was included in it under the date 17 Icaloc along with other material. The word
inkufi may also belong with this reference instead of " inku(p) ji giaijng uiSunj t/£".
In both cases, the phrase " ku nnmStiiliwii HiuiSui " from which the verb is missing,
must be take as defective, probably as the result of an error of the copyist who in referring
his reader to another document failed to complete the sentence. If we acknowledge
that the words " qjip Hpinui^np " refer to the preceding " qJiuiSui" the grammatical
error will be removed and the sense of the passage will be that Sahak I saw " the famaJcan
nama of Artasir " in the royal diwan, and not" in the diwan of Artasir ". Khalat'iants,
[Arm. Arsacids, p. 297 n. 3] suggests that the fez. is superfluous in the phrase " k tj.pp
uipuipp ". In our opinion, either another epithet referring to the king has been omitted
here, or, as is more likely, L i^pp should be taken as a lapsus calami for pjhqpp. Kha-
lat'ians, [Ibid., p. 295] corrects ûi^Swppli into ^tu^SuipHi. Since the -h- is clearly
legible in the MS, and the space for a missing letter at the end is also visible, the reading
}ui£Suiph'ii must be accepted as correct and attributed to the linguistic peculiarities
of the document. Of. y^w^lakSwI^pli for ijipufliikSwljlu. The word bnjbufl;u in
front of \>kpuk£ refers to the preceding clause. The qualification nuipkpuip for the
Persian king is likewise to be found in LP\, p. 261, " înpûgl ilki^ painkpiupni-
Ppt-'iiJi £kp". Cf. MX, H, xliii. (270,1)
44 MX, III, Iviii, "piuqiuLnp lîagnLîa'iikwi^ ijlhpinuiplu • « » k ifwhikiui
ijuitintb Hpinw^pp lin^kjnif_' • • ". (271,2)
44a [See above, n. b.]
45 FB, HE, ix, " « • • ^m^kplg p.iup&kp£ij inui£uipph wpj>nLiip»' ". Ibid., IV,
xvi, " h JpniS uiiupiinp aui^nLti p duiS ninu/^/ni^fen/&& p.uiniil;ph*" ", also,
Ibid,, IV, liv. [On the question of precedence, see Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 242 sqq.]
(272,1)
46 FB, TV, liv, " op^liD kph* ap pmauiLnpli tflwpujig li puitf.uiLnp'i] £uijng
h i/nniS iniutvinh puinS^hfi p ilpni.S q.ui£nju ; J~>uli zwi& on Iiiufu ninnn p.uiqj)iuliiu&iuqh
^ np u/&^& ^/f&, niailklikqnLiin Ijiupqkijph. £nml{ jkuinj ^hp
h hkppnj nninphli nUpputhiaj p.uinSuibui'ii'ii um&/A&, • « • \fiufu
uiilklikokiali pppki. p.wmJbaui'u jpi.puij)uihspLp JH/iAnt, J^mnJ ui&iph puindhnnL—
qjap^mjp't] U,p£uilf » : (272,2)
xxvi, p. 148, " nwanLSo && ••• npr> fe& imuia ^/u& qhu A niu^ni li
L }iuui &&* np p pjnltiap^ kb ", Ulise, ii, p. 20, " • • « fyndp npiui^nLiiu p
puibuib j>ppinnb£pr/b : fet p cftuS nw^nib u[iuinpiaumni.pl;iii

kqji -JiinpQp fingiu pw^mîufipfi ", Ibid,, p. 85, " • • « li ijwptj.kjkiu^
îa&0& fi &flgu/&£* [i mkijjj {.puiSuijkg SwtnnLîulak^ ". (273, 1)
48 Sebeos, xix, p. 68, " • • • L £p liui kppnpn iiuipiuipuip p inui&iupp
pkuihh fonupnijuij uipgwjp ". (273, 2)
49 Mov. Kalank.f II, i, p. 119, " anpbkmi <5un i/kbuiniû latfbhujjb ilkbwilkbuin
jphhiuiflifipn inn£dpn uiquimuiwnîKi tfjiupupn ". [Of. Dowsett, Mov. Dasx,, pp. 61-
62 and notes for variants in the translation of this entire passage. Steph, Orbel,, I, ix,
p. 69, gives " uiJkiiuij'li " for " jplihuulkHiptj " in the corresponding place. The
subject here is the seven Sasanian noble clans. The original may have had " jhi^ "
whence came the reading pith from ft [Of. Dowsett, Mov. Dasx., p. 61 n. 3]. (273, 3)
50 Mov. KalanTc., II, i, p. 119, " • • * puiduiljiui. L. nuini£ mnui^f} pip • * • ilkbuipkui^ ".
The king honoured the nobles with a cup and a wreath. The comparison with Etise, v,
p. 115," fflfi SimuihuitD tjhrfi li i^muuiljii k qninub li nuinuiinui^bnii ufiop —
if /u/&, np £linp£p ^65 jiupfnifinmin " is interesting. (273, 4)
51 Mov. KatanJc., II, i, p. 119, " ntyiapupij L qtfjiuppluutj t^pfimûi'ii i^mîULplfii ".
Here iiûiûiLpli is used as a general term to designate a true or hereditary prince (cf-
Arm. inuippli = " stately, dignified "), and not a Pahlewi in the strict sense of the
word, as this has incorrectly been taken by the translators. We have maintained the
original term in our translation. [Cf. Dowsett, Mov. Dosx-, p. 60]. (273, 5)
51a [Dowsett, Mov. Das%,, p. 62 n. 1, observes that although " Andovk ... is often
mentioned in !FB, ... the ,., author's account of his feats against Sapuh (iv, 20) bear no
resemblance to the present passage ".]
52 ZiP\, pp. 360-361, " • • • [wi uijp Pwp.pl[h upiSip ". It is well known
that one of the sons of the Marzpan Vasak was also named fiiupplf, and it is difficult
to determine the relationship between him and " fiuipplj [1111. ". Perhaps this is in
fact the Marzpan's son. [Of. Dowsett, Mov. Dasx., p. 63 n. 3], who questions Adontz's
identification. (275, 1)
53 StepJi. Orb,, I, ix, p. 68, " "•juiuuignLuibng uppnjh tykuipnup*
kwpuLnuinup, Ibid., I, x, p. 77, " ••• p &o/& ûinp^li SkuinSi fykinpnup Ibid.,
p. 78, " - • • npufû ijklinjij ilki^ p hl;pp.nr£i)aihh pLpnLiS kpwhk^pli
DpL^kmn kiuhuliniunu, okp^nrjiuôpli IfnJupufi m\talfkpm : " Ibid. p. 79,
" * * * ikpuibkitmh tflkinpnup* UpiSikuii] hufpulfnufnup^ p bkpp.nqSw'ii anp
wpiapii p ifySi Piupplf, ijnp L. (fjwpuplff jpipkiuhu jtajtiLi] [ML Ijn^ph tjhui ".
J. Emin, the editor, regretably removed this valuable commentary from the text and
put it as a note at the bottom of the page, in contradiction to the evidence of the MS.
[The Sahnazareanc, Paris edition used in this edition gives the commentary as part of
the text]. (276, 1)
53a [See, Appendix IH, L, iii, for the list of the participants at the Council on Dwin
of 555.]
53t> [IB, IV, xx.]
54 Ultise, i, p. 6, " I}L ftpph- ifiiui b.u ilkpdhmg p ^?iw^K/i/Ji^?&&/&, p limpiiu —
puipuli 2,w]nn uililiuili^p jîuamuipnLJ^piSi'ii, np p£uj£ui It nztf&et& juippniSipu
tfjiupuljuin kpfiiujp, uuiliiuj'ii wjpnL&ph 2,ui]na p.nij[uihqu]Ii fi ctA«& fimpiiupw—
piutfh uinui£bnpq£p p ufmmkpmiîJp ". Por the ceremonial meeting and reception
of the Armenian cavalry at the Persian court, see, Ibid., ii, p. 44. (278, 1)
55 Ibid,, ii, p. 22, t! • « • uippjuipûiifpp uiniik^ imJk&uijb kpl^ppli £iajntj p
li p pkpkini.ppi.h buihpni.pknjfi lajpnL&pnjb ". Ibid., vi,
450 NOTES : CHAPTER X
p. 131, " Pnr^nu ^puiSuijlp q£,wpliu . k tjiujpni^pli Lu

jnjn tun dvaSwhuil] ilh ". (278, 2)
56 Lewond, x, p. 33, " '••uihanLauihki h ûtSuipnL uipjpnLbp h. £,nni{. ".
(278, 3)
57 Elise, iii, p. 85, " Jjt tûiinkuii nnSplfiiL uihqpfrh pLpuiowbipLp ",
Ibid., p. 196, " Ifiu^huig fintjiii nn^ptf, h.
ig jiupgnLlinLuin ", also, Ibid., p. 199. (279, 1)
58 FB, V, xxxiv, " • • • tûiiJkhwjh uujuiuiuli Zuijntj tjuijukpuilfuiii j^nyuilô^'ii
(279, 2)
59 Sebeos, xxxv, p. 138, "... inuiS £nnnh It p
ilpwiiptf kp}£ lt>Dh£ uipduib fiy (279,3)
60 Ibid., xi, p. 56, " ••• liuipaki linnui nnfihliu j ". (279,4)
61 Lewond, xvii, pp. 100-101, " • • • uipfuuipûinpp iu}pjuip£u Z^jnq
Jamil buibniugnujuibkinj qwhtiLp ibnj iinpntpkuifi ». ".
(279, 5)
62 Ibid., xxi, p. 113, " ••• jkppg uiSuitj L uiliij.p uipi^kikw^ lp tfiuipjwpwpwijli
Zuijnij L. lin^pfi ^bbknta'ii npjuibpjUviju'ii ".
(280, 1)
63 Idem., " ">ntu]jp ^puiSuiHi ll^nk^p îjnu Htnpui uii/p tuilp £n flippy uiiiuiij'ii ".
(280, 2)
63a [The reference is not clear. Adontz's text reads " Abdallakh (750-775) " following
tewond's form llpmjuj' This should be a reference to the first Abbasid caliph Abu'l-
Abbas as-Saffah, but his rule extended only from 750 to 754, when he was succeeded
by al-Mansur who reigned until 775, Cf. Lane-Poole, Mohammedan Dynasties, p. 12.]
64 Lewond, xxviii, pp. 128-129, " juij'iiS^kuil; ÛIUIIUL uwb uipbuiBmii, np i}wjp
uiSp mJp juipgnLUitLuin qopuigli Zwjnij : fet ûiSuip £kdb[nijfi ufui^wli^pli
jfapjuibuiijli. k £wplf Ip^lp p inuilitj fiLpkuihij ûifii^kp^k^ j^/u&jp qopwijh ".
(280, 3)
65 Sebeos, xxxvii, p. 147. (281, 1)
66 Lewond, viii, p. 23, " • • • hmp^nipn Juiin h fi£9 iiinkuii puinliuii nuimu —
inuijpjnLiip. innîRi juifpjiupQu £wjni} £iubqkp& hngph £kbk[ni£j) ". Ibid., x,
Luifuiapiupuig
(281,2)
67 Ibid., x, pp. 31-37. Theoph. Conf., i, p. 372, " ... TOWS Se /ieyicrrfivas rtav 'Appevitov
evl TOTTW evi ^taoKavarovs eôifjaev ". This event is also known to Michael
Syrus, II, p. 474. (281, 3)
68 Lewond, x, p. 35, "••• OJ puukd dp nuin dpntyl; ujuiiniJki: QLnuua nuiifkhkukuih
puap&kuij^ p l[bhtiig* uificîanui^^ uinlilpli i£iu}pjuip£u p liwpiwpwpwg :
d-uiSuiliiulili puiihnLp knkuti wppjiupû Z^jng p inn^SI; Iiiupjiupiupuia*
npiifû ijn^piiupu p 3^ ywjintj ". (281, 4)
68a [See, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 234 sqq.]
69 Indeed, we should note the words of FB, IV, ii, " • • • L îmijui'ii^p ijilbb —
uii/bbuhy nfiLpuiDuifisJiLp aopu piutîuLtiui juii/hLuijh linirSwiig^ uui^Swfiwgfi
ZWJHIJ uia^mûiajuiû lfuigni.guifj£p ". [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 235, and
below Chapter XV, nn. 86-87]. (282, 1)
7° FB, III, vii, xi, xviii; IV, ii; V, i, xxxvii, xliv. [See below Chapter XV n. 29a].
(283, 1)
voa jQn the bdeusxs or viiaya, see below, Chapter XIV, nn. 39-40.]
TOT? [FB, HI, is, "... pqkiu^fuh. np £p i/fr fr ^npufrq, yui^kpfcq p.uip&kp£q
tniu&uipjih lupjpnLhh ". Gf. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 176 n. 115.]
7°e [See above, Chapter IX and n. 6a.]
71 MX, II, liii, " puid-mbl; Upmiuû It ÂÂizi/fioiÂiS ijppniSi phi]. gnpu^
nuiph.kil;uihfi finqjiL h rfkpiuj HpiniuLianniaj, h. qjiipki.Sinkui'iili inwj Sjipw—*
&uy, qjCiupuiLuijjfihh fi Udp.iain ÎULUIUJIUJ k qjCjiuijjiuuijlibh fi Quip££ ". (284, 1)
72 ZG, p. 43, " linmfumiuw^ a A\/u«/&& Hij&hkwij )npkj> £wqjnp wpuiSp. ... ".
Ibid,, p. 46, " A ifinqnqu pnrjhui^ uiutinkpimii/fi& qpni.hu kplfni. (var, fli/?)
A nniimiauiû inknkuiqh npuinnuiinniSikuin'Li hfhiwli'ii limqnLqiali^n : /Joi ^^jP
uiuijp fr cl&n& Â/m&A& Ujii&kuiij A ^m^kiulf Â& ^r <^&n& ^^/iu&^&
; /JoA aniu£kp£g A>AfH/fio& liuignja phlibu]iuui£u hip ". (285, 1)
II, viii, "... A Ijuipnu nhhnLnpnLJdkwhii A hngni.hn mnm^fiiiu A
A kppnpqu k np fj lfiupif.[i& ". (285, 2)
Tonmanoff, Studies, pp. 236-241.]
74 ., exxvi, p. 644. Trdat set out for Rome, " » » » p.wqjii.d ifkbuuJkbog A
£uintaputL nhinhp noninSi ^«/&nAnct ". This statement is repeated
in the famous dogmatic letter of the Armenians, Sebeos, xxxiii, p. 129. This is an
important factor in the critique of the texts of both Agat'angelos and Sebeos. [On
Agat'angelos' problems see below n. 89a, on those of Sebeos, see above n. 30a] (286, 1)
75 FB, HI, viii. (286, 2)
76 Ibid., TV, xxvii, xxiv, xxx, xxxii, xxxiii, xlviii, xxviii. We also find purely
legendary figures such as the 400,000 knights of Ibid,, IV, xx, or the 600,000 in Ibid,,
TV, xxi. (287, 1)
77 Ibid,, V, ii, iv, v, vi. (287, 2)
™ Ibid,, V, xxxix, xl. (287, 3)
79 Sebeos, i, p. 24, " £ flunking ". (287, 4)
so JoA. Mam,, p. 13, (287, 5)
si ZG, pp.40, 43, 46, [On the date of Zenob Glak, see Abehan, I, pp. 345-362].
v (287,6)
82 Procopius, Pers,, I, xv, 1 [L, I, 128/9], "... TO Se vrpdrevna. TOVTQ 77epCTapjuev«W re
Kai Uovvir&v âav, ot §T) *Ah(v)avois sioi opopot,". On the size of the army see, Ibid.,
xv, 11 [L. I, 132/3], (287, 7)
83 Sebeos, xxxv, p. 138, " ^kbkuii limjlo jui^jump^hi} c// £,aiamp ". (288, 1)
84 Ziewond, xxv, p. 120," » « « b£uiu iifiumplilfli Zwjng jt PfifyniSiu ozf&iwîa&ntÂui&
A nt&A n&n frip nbinhp ^kbkwq cfkn. uipui'iiq Jianhwg ", At the time of the
rebellion of Vahram Choben, the Armenians supported .Xiisro II and sent 15,000 men
to his assistance, it is evident from Sebeos, however, that this was not the whole of the
Armenian army, but only a part thereof, Ibid,, iii, p. 36, " npg fr diaSniSi amclAfifi
(288,2)
85 Sebeos, iii, p. 42 " [tTu»?AA/7&Au/&] izm&fli n&infip wpu hplfni ^mqjup ".
Ibid,, vi, p. 48, " J\Jnp funn.ni.hfi > « « ^mÂnt&A ... IfuiiSfilfnfikiuh [A «///&] •••
Ibid., x, p, 53, " Iffi £vuqjiip gjjui
Ibid., xviii, p. 65, " A IUJID h binjuwpiupuinh : fet qjuiLpg Hinpw

fip.pli kplfnt £ivquip ^hbhuij_ . Ibid., xxx, p. 107, " ITnL^kq^ IjTuHJjilinhkuib
rÛILPl' ", etc. In IB,
III, xx, the marzpan of Atropatene had 3,000 men, Cf, tjuiuujkpij, with 3,000 men in
the Military List, (289, 1)
86 FB, III, viii, on^&o* qji ilbbwilkb lULiuquibfib
j)h* nn £A& p.pLpiiiL.npj)L L
iiinDiujhb ". (289, 2)
87 Sebeos, p. 36 (34), " mliqkwip n £uihnhup, ppP^L faijuing
pLpiugiubipLp n.ni.&n.j3 buipjiupuipuig num ûippLpuiLnpiuij njum ûiaûipwinpuig
puin qhqpg* njjin qpuiL^nia pipkiubn ". The passage is found also on p. 34 as a
result of a confusion in pagination. (289, 3)
88 £P', xxxvi, p. 209 [Of, above, n. 11 and Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 246 sqq, and
tables viii, ix], (290, 1)
89 Thus, for instance, the duplication of names some of which are mentioned by the
historians: Sebeos, xviii, p. 65 knows two H,ufiu£ni.hp, LP, xxxiv, pp. 198-199, and
Ulise, v, pp. 99-100 distinguish two Dimak'seans, the representative of one branch
being named FûiftnL]^ and of the other ^Siajkmlj; Elise, T, p. 100 also has " Jpt-U Lu
laji Qiuanhli ^nSuiDukmli ". We have already noted two branches of the Arcruni
family. LP\s two QpLin ^lu^lmLlip, one in Vasak's camp, xxxvi, p. 209, the
other with Vardan in Albania, xxxiv, p. 198. Incidentally, in the same passage of
Elise, p. 100, we read in one case nnt&n& instead of Qpiin [cf. p. 100 n. 23.] (291, 1)
89a [See above, pp. 215-217 and nn. 49-51, and Appendix III D. Even though he was
well acquainted with the various redactions (Armenian, Greek, and Arabic) of the work
attributed to " Agat'angelos ", which he cites repeatedly and discusses in this section
of his book, Adontz refers here to this work as a single unit rather than as the composite
source that subsequent scholars have shown it to be. Indeed, many of the problems
and some of the solutions connected with the enigmatic work commonly known as the
History of Agafangelos appeared considerably later than Adontz's study. For the
problems of the " Agat'angelos ", its connexions with other sources, the various compo-
nent parts of this work, new versions, and the relevance of these questions to Adontz's
discussion, see Garitte, Agathange, and later studies in AB and Le Museon, as well as
Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 16, 159-166 with their notes, 243-244, 307, 458-459 n. 98, and
Ter Lewondyan's, New Arabic Version; also List A, pp. 159-161, List E, pp. 161-162,
and p. 244 table vi. For the sake of convenience, Adontz's terminology will be main-
tained in this edition, and the documents of the " Gregorian Cycle " will be referred
to as AgaPangelos,)
90 Mov, Kafanlc., p. 182," Uhij. inkuuilf ijfiuitj5ngu]linqui] ", Ibid,, p. 189, "fewli/77n./ *
l^nnLiuhpg ... Ijmpnnplfnu ". [Cj/. Dowsett, Mov, Dasx~> PP- xviii, 92-93, 103,
229]. (292, 1)
9"a [See Appendix III, E.]
91 Had we not possessed the Arabic version of the List, this fact might have been
explained through the influence of the second list of princes in Agafangelos, [cxxvi,
p. 643], where the four bdes%s are listed separately at the beginning followed by the
princes of H&nkn wnifi et al. In the first list, the prince of Angeltun is immediately
followed by the bdesx of Aljnik', as a result the author of the story included only three
bdesxs into the list, so that the prince of Siwnik' might consequently have found himself
in the 14th place. The fact that the bdes% of Gugark' occurs twice in the list since he
is also the bdesx of Maskut found in the first list, will have to be explained in terms of
the author's ignorance of their relationship. [Cf, Garitte, AgatJiange, Ixxxviii, p. 72,
and Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 183 sqq.]. (292, 2)
92 [Armenian] A gat', cxii, pp. 590-591. Ag., pp. 68-69. [Of. Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 159-160, also Appendix III D. The order of Ag. has been altered by Adontz to
reconcile it with the Armenian list.] (293, 1)
93 Fa., p. 115. [Cf. Garitte, Agathange, Ixxxvi, pp. 72-73; also Appendix III D, ii].
The MS has .Ûs*. with the article J | . Marr Christianization, p. 202, suggests the
reading j*~sJ-l ia which he, incidentally sees, the Greek yfy, a translation of the Arm,
" w^ll " = " kite ". In my opinion, the first syllable is not an article, and the whole
word should be taken as a misreading of /vOi^-dl Anjelin = Angelene. (293, 2)
94 The MS has ^-aî?j I, which is undoubtedly derived from £\J»j ! or (JaAl?j I-
(293, 3)
95 The MS has j Uty I pro <j b ^ [,«]. (293, 4)
96 The MS reads, " the prince of the Aspets, entitled Aspet to whom was entrusted
the guard of the qwsywn and mtznywn mountains, (ja^âill ,U^». Jiasi ja-*>L*
O^-J %lajll 9- \Pf. Appendix III D ii for Garitte's translation]. The qwsywm
mountains are unknown in Armenian literature, and the word mtznywn is completely
incomprehensible. This phrase is undoubtedly a translation of the Armenian original,
" uw^Sui'iiuilûij^ juipki-Sinpij l^nuil ". (Cf, MX, II, iii) where the Greek translator
has mistaken the last word for a proper name, and the Arab translator has confused
the Gr. Spos = uw^Swlu with Spos = "mountain". As for the word (J 9,0 \Jall
it is probably a distortion of (Ja.,o Jt\\ west ". (293, 5)
97 " Prince qmrdl near the qrdytn ". J 3 *<J may be a distortion of the Arm.
*1np6kg. ^ (293, 6)
98 The MS has Qj..^.:.;.l | pro OjÂSl I - (293, 7)
99 The MS has ^j a | ^ a^nO = Seeworeieov or Bea-nortav correspondmg to the Arm.
2aamavu>v of the Greek text according to Marr. But Zo.a.ma.v&v = Arm. ûiûiuf is
found in another list which is not found in the Arabian redaction. In context, this
word corresponds to the Armenian tFa/t^/^ of which it must be considered a distortion.
(293, 8)
99a [Arm. Geogr., pp. 30-35/41-46.]
100 Sebeos, xxxiii, p. 121, "^Jnn/jiiniuu V"iuiJjj U,Sui—
wnthhuin : //t&M& uiuiinnuiuinwliujli mlin n&n hbokiuhu TO/J upp.nj npp " :
[On the date of this Council, see Garitte, Agatliange, pp. 351 and n. 4, 353.] (295, 1)
101 MX, II, viii, " J}L juinkLkipfj LnqSuilil tjkjjbpp. [uouhn
L
(296, 1)
102 Ibid., I, xiv. (296, 2)
103 Ibid., II, viii, " pliij.ij.liS jjipp'tili ûiLljiuuuij-" pqb^fu (296,3)
104 Ibid., II, viii and iii. (296, 4)
105 Ibid., II, xxiii and xxx. [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 201, 295-296, 318-320].
(296, 5)
iosa [Khalat'iants, Arm. Arsacids, pp. 294-295.]
106 [MX, II, Ix, Ixiv]. (297, 1)
454 NOTES: CHAPTER XI
CHAPTER XI
a [This entire chapter is based primarily on the Armenian Geography, the names of
the districts discussed should be checked in all cases against the more recent "works of
Eremyan, Armenia (particularly the classified lists on pp. 116-120), Hewsen, Armenia,
and Toumanoff, Studies, especially, ii, " States and Dynasties of Caucasia in the [Forma-
tive Centuries ", pp. 147 sqq. See also the Bibliographical Note, and Appendix IV B-C
for the two versions of the Armenian Geography,"]
1 [Arm, Geogr,, p. 33-4/45], The short version of the Geography has 20 gawafs, the
additional ones being: " û/û/zn, Ifmuhiag nw&, UVTOD, Ifiuauin ", Note that
this version has the better reading ^mûii/u&^j for ûiu7t&^. [Arm. Geogr,, II,
p. 366/7. The Armenian text speaks of 20 gawafs although it actually gives 19, Saint-
Martin's translation acknowledges this discrepancy " L'Ararat ... contient dix-neuf
cantons ... ". Ibid,., p. 367. On the two versions of the Geography and their problems,
see Hewsen, Armenia, and Appendix IV B-C]. (300,1)
2 Xen., Anal., IV, vi, 5 [L. H, 60/1], " $amami... "; Ptolemy, V, xii, 4, p. 938,
... ", V, xii, 9, p. 947, " Baypavav^v^ ... "; Stralo, XI, xiv, 4 [L. V, 320/1],
.,. " = kpuiujuiuZnp; MX, H, xc. (300,2)
2a [FB, Hi, xi, xii; TV, xix, etc...]
2* [Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 132,137,201-202,209-210,218,241, 309, 321, 324.]
ae [Ibid,, pp. 132,171 n. 90,202,206-207, 323-324 n. 81 etc. Cf, IB, EH, xi.]
ad [Ibid,, p. 204, and 230 n. 278.]
3 AIi, iii, p. 35," •>' * fj uufiunnLiu&b. fiiuuhfinj) ft inkm.n9h an bndi Uutignnuij
... ", [On Sirak, see Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 73-74. Soragyal cannot be found as
the name of a district, although it survives in the form Bassuregel, the modern name
for the village of Sirakawan, Ibid., p. 74 and G 46, p. 80. In the same district, the
village of Suregel, G 46, p. 578 is likewise still extant; the Arm, Atlas, p. 107 seems to
give Soragyal as a district rather than a locality. On Sirak in general, see Alisan,
SiraJc. On Basean and the village of Salk'or, see, Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 44, 79, etc.].
(301,1)
3a [Arm. Geogr,, pp. 33-34/45, see, Appendix IV B for the text. G/,, Eremyan, Armenia,
pp. 31, 46, 62, 79, 118, etc...]
3b [See above, n. 3 for Sirak, Basean, Vanand and Suregel. Ta^tin is given by Lynch,
Armenia, map in the form Takhtin and apparently survives as a toponym, though not
as a district in the village of Tahtakiran NW of Kars, G 46, p. 581.]
Se [On Bolberd, see above, Chapter I, n. 40 and Eremyan, Armenia, p. 45. Toumanoff,
Studies, does not give Bol as one of the Kamsarakan possessions.]
4 Only the short version of the Armenian Geography lists the district of Asoc in
Ayrarat; it is no longer mentioned in the longer version [Of. above, n. 1]. Georgian
sources read Aboc as the result of a confusion between y and y. See Alisan, Ayrarat,
p. 127, [Also Eremyan, Armenia, p, 36 and Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 185-186, 190 and
n. 199, 323-324 n. 81, etc,]. (302,1)
4a [The list of gawafs given here follows the short and not the long version of the
Geography, See Arm. Geogr,, H, p, 367. Of. Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 64-65, and
Appendix IV C.]
NOTES: CHAPTER XI 455
4to [On these districts, seeEremyan, Armenia, pp. 38,49, 60, 64, 72-74, 76, 82; Tbu-
manoff, Studies, pp. 197-198, 204-205, 222, etc., they are to be found in AA, pp. 7 107.]
4e [Ptolemy, V, xii, 4, p. 938; $e&eos, xxxii, p. 114.]
4d [#&se, iii, IT, vii, pp. 74, 92, 179.]
5 JO", I, xii, and II, xi, " • «- «/n kijkpp. ^piuiffluifip". [JB.L, p. 74, see, Appendix
HI for the text]. (303, 1)
6 In western sources we findtyuii£ljni.Iih= " Zachunuc " Saint-Martin, Me"moires,
II, p. 287 n. 24; Alisan, Aymmt, p. 260. [The district of the upper Zanga is still called
Daraehichak hy Lynch, Armenia, Map, but it has now reverted to the Armenian form
of Caikuni according to the Arm, Atlas, p. 7. Of, Markwart, JUntstehung, p. 43 and
Honigmann, Ostgrenze, pp. 193-194.] (302, 3)
7 MX, II, iv, " •"ijbnijktjlipkujju'u npf p
h laying.' • " (sc, Gnt'uni), cf, Hid., I, xix. (303, 3)
8 Alishan, Ayrarat, p. 248, " jju la £p
Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 204-205 and n. 233, on the Aparan inscription], (303, 4)
9 LP\, p. 113. (303, 5)
»a [MX, in, ix [Of. IB, III, Tii].]
10 MX, H, hoi. [On the origin of the Amatuni and their possession of the fortress
of Osakan, see, Torananoff, Studies, pp. 197-198 and n. 223, 229-230 n. 110, also below,
Chapter XIV n. 63]. (304, 1)
ioa [jgfgg below, n.74 and preceding note.]
11 Sahâtunean, /Storagntfiwn Hjmiacni, II, p. 46, " jmSu tnkianfi pfcnqnpnuh
^hniSikuig kufufi ^fifihguiL inni5iu • • • " ; AKshan, Ayrarat, p. 135. (304, 2)
12 Nerses, p. 15, " •*• ify nifu fi tihb hiuluiiipuipiuijh fr îaj up
lp ifpui'ilt&uiqkiiii p jkpp'iiu^ jujanl;h QiinLiilitiiij ". (304, 3)
13 Tov. Are,, HI, xxvii, p. 247, and IV, xii, p. 308, " .,.
ipiLuinpî", (304,4)
14 MX, HI, xxiii. FB, [IV, xxiii] gives (7«'â"y^«'& as a city, whereas .Xbrenaci,
loc, cit., speaks of it as a mountain not far from Kogovit [Of. Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 56,
85, also Huhschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 457 and Markwart, Siidarmenien, p. 560]. (304, 5)
14a [On the Gnuni and their possessions, see-Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 205 andn. 234, 295,
298, 453 n. 63. On .Xbrenaci's derivation of their name, Hid,, p. 206, n. 234. Cf.
MX, II, vii.]
15 MX, [II, vii] asserts that the name of the SjiLîulfuifi came from their function
which was to supply snow to the royal summer residence. The name is more correctly
derived from the " snowy lands " in which the Jiwnakan dwelt. Their home was
probably on the slopes of the Aragac in the vicinity of the Gnuni. The etymology of
Ua^m'iiTj.ni.'iip from uufwfiq " meaning " slaughter house" [supervisor of sacrifices] is
equally dubious. Uufiutu^ may be a contraction of Uu^m^mpuip a name favoured
in the Kamsarakan family, and the Spanduni were a branch of that house. [Of, Tou-
manoff, Studies, pp. 220 and n. 259, 221]. (305, 1)
16 [Sebeos, xxxv, p. 139 ; MX, II, viii, Iviii]. The form UnmLkijkm^ belongs together
with Upknkmii^ Qiupknkiah, and prince Af awelean may have lived close to them on
the border of Sirak in the locality of Osakan (now Asnak near Talis) which is still familiar
to Sebeos. ^nuiLiuIi-kwli is the popular form of HpinuiLuih-knifi^ and Artawan
[Artabanos] was a common name in the Arsacid family. The Arawanean may
have been descended from it. [Cf, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 199, 215, 305, etc.], (305, 2)
456 NOTES : CHAPTER XI
17 Sargisean, Itinerary, p. 166, " p h&h PIU£, feu y/Szîuin..« kwni aJiS
ah mi n\)ui£twn.niSipu p ifkp ûihquiniupui&u ftwquiLnpuii] p
ihaliu ZnnnSnup ". Alisan, Sirak, p, 31. (306, 1)
18 Joh. Kat\, xix, p. 103-104, " iftuiLpp Uuu^mnnLfili IfaLpiuui
£iujnn>" >phkp frull kbbijhgph a^knJiglîajwpSuip^ np p
[Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, p, 214]. (306, 2)
18a [Arm,, Geogr,, p. 34/45. Cf. Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 35, 42, 56, and Tcramanoff,
Studies, pp. 137 and n. 240, 201, 209, 218, 241, 309, 319, 321, 324.]
19 LP\, p. 186, " tTu//^f/Jiro& ", Ixxiii, p. 266, " tyui^nuih ". AsoliTc,
xxxviii, p. 266; xliii, p. 278, "tyuin^ljnjninh". The more correct form is ûiijl^lninfi
<, buinLûij — ntnh, " the foot of the flowery mountain ", cf, the present Ala-dagi,
" the multicoloured ", or " pied, mountain ". [Cf. Vita Sb. OsTceanc, p. 60, also Hiibseh-
mann, Ortsnamen, pp. 435-436.] (306, 3)
19» [Eremyan, Armenia, p, 59 ; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 200, 202, 321-322 and 322 n. 77,
342-344, 348; as well as Hubsehmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 342, 441.]
20 LP\, pp. 452, 457, " • • • pwij.WLw'ii p &u;û/ii^& piu^pkuiîq.iaj^ p
nuh9iiiIjnnSiuh ikphlih *np w'iinL.w'iip \,u[inin, fioui h uni.pp. inhnfr Suiinpw'iih
nniu£ii hpLni uihlkog ". FB, V, xliii, " p piuqphLiiihq quiLiunfi p
Piuq.ni.uih uiLuihp, np I Sow uilû'ii Quiph£,uiuii'iinf guinjugp ... Stnp'ii
uiniii9h unLpp. nulikpiugh np Ifuijp JiujLS nkn ", (306, 4)
20a [See above, n. 19a.]
31 LP\, p, 186, " p qiULUinh *np ^n^p tyuinbnun'ii, i/kpî p p.kpnfi
ijnp lUii^nJi lu'unLm^k'u ". Ibid,, Ixxiii, p. 428, " p
np Ifn^Ji âipûil^p ". Angel is mentioned by Procopius, Pers,, II, xxv, 15 [L. I,
482/3], " 'AyyAwv ", by Sebeos, xxii, p. 74, " p ûinj^ninwî'ii^ p UpLnJj np Ifn*[i
H.hqnji "; so also Vita Sb, OsJceanc, [Angl of Calkotn should not be confused with
the great southern fortress of Angl-Karkathiokerta, see next note]. (306, 5)
22 MX, II, Ixii, " njuLuilili Swinknhu ". [Cf, Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 35, 85.
Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 310 sqq.]. (307, 1)
23 [IB, IV, IT, Iviii], " The birthplace of the founder of the T'ondrakeci ", " TJSpuiin
f^nlinpiuLujn wnuitypbfi p QiiipkîULiuh fj-kn^^ jj tyuinJinmli nûiLiunl ". [AsoliTc,
III, iii, p. 160, Cf. Gregory Magistros, Letter to the Syrian Kat'otiJcos, p. 153-154,
" USpuiui «;/&". uinuilig j>ui£iuhuijni.pl;uilt likpujpL jjuiûiliwjp, •*•> klfkuai
p auiLian^n tyuinJininlil; p n^kn^^ Quipk£nuuh£) klfkm^ p.huil[knu]L p
L. nLvni.^wliik)_ ulfuuiL njaiMiuijli £iuppu pnjnp^ - . . "]. (307, 2)
24 FB, V, i, " « pkpnh luipuiLbpn np / jkplfpph nip
[Cf, Toumanoff, Studies, p. 322 n. 77]. (307, 3)
25 Sebeos, xix, p. 68, " n^duipiipb iinpui inuipiub*" p L
p iniuufiuL[i p qlujh ^riuppLuu, np £ p ^nt^nilpm qiuuimp.
., xxxii, p. 116. [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 342-344 and 344 n. 16.] (307, 4)
26 FB, V, xliv. [Cf, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 321 sqq. and 321 n. 76.] (307, 5)
27 From *Bagral-vanda, where vanda is the ancient form of the later gund, incidentally,
with the meaning "houses". Cf. tîiih^-uilf. Theoph, Sim., Ill, v, p. 117,
mentions the city of the " BeySoaapopatv " which scholars have identified with the
Gundesapur of Arab sources, Cf. Noldeke, Tabari, p. 41. [See also, Hubsehmann,
OrammatiJc, pp. 113, 130; Orlsnamen, pp. 380, 411 ; Markwart, Sudarmenien, p. *11, etc. ;
and Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 318-321 and notes.] (307, 6)
NOTES : CHAPTER XI 457
27 a [2,P% Ixxv, p. 457 and xviii, p. 110, cf. MX, III, Ixvi-lxvii. See also In5i5ean,
Description, pp. 406 sqq., Eremyan, Armenia, p. 42, Toumanoff, Studies, p. 218.]
28 [Arm, Oeogr,, p. 31/42. Arm. Geogr., II, pp. 360/1-362/3. See Appendix IV B-
C]. The last two names are missing in the long version of the Geography in spite of its
statement that there were 16 districts in all. We have completed the list from the
short version. (308, 1)
29 Tacitus, Ann., XIV, xxiv, [L, IV, 146/7], " in regionem Tauraunitium ". Procopius,
Pers., II, xxv, 35 [L. I, 488/9], " rd ewi Tapavptov ^topia ". Const. Porphyr., DAI,
xliii, pp. 188/9-198/9, " Tapu>v ". Tauraun-itis is unquestionably connected with the
Taurus mountains, Sem. tvr. The later toponym $uipnLp.kpiub < $iui.pnj -pkpwh
(cf. Siuinik^ < SwLin^kfi = vulg. Sni.pnLpkpiii'u has a similar origin. There is no
need to correct Tatiraunitis into Taraunitis as this is done by Huhsehmann, Ortsnamen,
p, 325, and de Lagarde, Ag., p. 46. [On Taruberan, see Hiibschmann, Ortsnamen,
pp. 251-254; Eremyan, Armenia, pp.85, 116; Toumanoff, Studies, pp.129, 148, 199,
209, etc. On Taron, see Hiibschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 325-327: Markwart, Sudarmenien,
pp. 204 and n. 1, 220; Eremyan, Armenia, p. 85; Runciman's notes to Const. Porphyr.,
DAI, II, pp. 157 sqq., especially p. 159 where he rejects but does not discuss Adontz's
etymology of the name; Garitte, Narratio, p, 245; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 138, 202,
209-210, 215, 218, etc., see following notes. On the later history of Taron, see Adontz's
own study, " Les Taronites ... "]. (308, 2)
3° Arm. Geogr., p. 29/40, " SiiipnLpkpuiL np £ Swpob ". (309, 1)
81 FB, III, xviii, "... tiipf ft Ifui^plfkuiti uin^S^'" fct Jozp/& jui
pLpkwhg juifinLpu Suijng. L why Iminwli uiSu p.wajiL.Su"< L. jdnqpli ajaj JEJZBJU&
pLphuilin ". Ibid., IV, ii, " afmui'likp tfiinuui [aJJ'ujJpl^niikw'iiu] juiSninu l p—
£piLi Swjog jpLphiufiij lupjvwp^pli ". Ibid., IV, xviii, " tpnwiilpli ijliui
tj.iuuunpti p Swju, jpip uiSnLp p.kpqpL* npnid u/&nt& ^«/^t/zw&^ n$ "•
iiP ', Ixii. "... ûipq \\fiuilpl^n'iikiii'ii] np lp ifiiuinkuii uiipaj h qiujkiulfii hip h
Swjii". Cf. Ibid., xli, pp. 231, 234; Ixviii, p. 393; Ixxv, p. 440. See Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 172 n. 97, 335 n. 143, 452, 498.] (309, 2)
32 FB, V, iii, " IfnL^hn^" lp p liSpî tj.uiLiunp'ii Suipolu jpipniS pkpj^pV
npni.S flrîulfiuh ^n^6&, np Ifiuj p i[kpuij qkinnjh fcijipwuiiuj ", [Cf. Toumanoff,
Studies, pp. 138, 209, and below n. 56.] (309, 3)
33 See above, n. 31 [first quotation.] (309, 4)
34 FB, IV, xiv, " £9 Zwjp îupi}u[hu] p SuipuiLtinj pjiij. pip rf.ki.nji'ii
mkumlikj^ • • ifhtp PîuiSuiHiu Spquiuiuij wpguijp • • • Qpuipij., uiu£, ûijuufpujj
ujknpii lfuifiiabijiij£u]hqkp& ^ £* k ni wpuibtj ". The patriarch Sa-
hak I was buried, "... p rj.uiuiiiiii j, p pbplf qporfi < pip u
/ia&niiu&iiu;& > jUpuifouiin ". LP\, p. 112. [The words in brackets are
missing in the Venice, 1933 edition of Lazar. Cf. MX, III, Ixvii, "
Swpilpli ... l)pkilpwjp £uihq.l;p&> " inplîuiLl
Lgpli jpipkialig i^liijli jUpinfaiain, np I p nûiLuinpli Suipoli ", (309, 5)
ss MX, II, xii, xiv. [Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 215, 218.] (310, 1)
36 Ibid., II, Ixxxiv. [On the Slkuni, see Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 212, 215, and
notes]. (310, 2)
37 MX, II, Ixxxi. The fortress of /^jû/û/li = modern Akcan on the Euphrates not
far from the village of Suluk north of Mus, where there is a ferry across the river. .Xbre-
naei's account is undoubtedly based on a connection between Slkuni and Suluk. [Of.
Eremyan, Armenia, p. 74.] (310, 3)
38 FB, III, viii, " km îiidji nuiLpmiluiplj ^ nwhiubu QiubViuhiuljpIi li

k iSlpL ij.ini.fu uiiJkhuijh ij.iuLiunuilfuiL^ ûilin^kp^ ". The
position of these localities is unknown. In the Vita Sb, OsJceanc, p, 65 Qpuiniiippj =
the Sukawet mountains of Bagrewand. [On these motmtains, see Eremyan, Armenia,
p. 81 and Arm, Atlas, p. 104], Sjni- *j?|nt/" is presumably a translation of Taurus
(Tavpos = gnL]_ " bull ") pro SuiLpnj oînipj ef. $tui.pnj nkpuih. (311, 1)
39 £P', xviii, p. Ill [See above, Chapter VH n. 55 for the text], (311, 2)
40 See above, Chapter I, p, 18. [On the Paluni, Toumanoff, Studies, -p. 212]. (311, 3)
41 FB, IV, XT, " '"jlkpyiiSnLukiuij inkqkuigh p hw£iu&nj;!i $uipiui.h qiuLiun£h ".
LP\, p, 485, " -"ij. huijp h uui^Siu'iiu £in>ink&pq>*< li ûiukiai pmfiuilf^p
p tfiuuunph KpûiiiniSikwtj ", On the same page [p, 483 of the Venice, 1933 edition]
we should read pyiapni^kiug for HpûiSni^kian in the passage, " ••« mkukiui
np p qiuLiiin.^ HpîuSniJikiug p qk^^ SppSiug rîujkiu^npql}
j IjiaSuuipuilftufipb ", Not only did the Kamsarakan's have no
connexions with Arsamunik', but we know from AsoMTc, III, xvii, p. 197, that Sirim was
located in Arsarunik', " « « « p nnjLpju Hpîapnifihiun nu/tu/n/r&, npniS fcpppifu
^pip ". (311, 4)
. 42 Babelon, Les rois de Syrie, pp. 193, 211. [Eor more recent publications on the
Nimrud-dag monuments and their inscriptions, see Honigmann, Kommagene, Toumanoff,
Studies, pp, 278 sqq. The inscriptions have been published by Jalabert and Mouterde
Inscriptions, The final report by Th, Goell and !ML Dorner, Nemriid Da$, is announced
but has not appeared to date], (311, 5)
43 AsoKJc, II, ii, p. 81, " Sn^wh Ifiufnîulfniîp^ np lp fi tûiLiun.^ U,p£-
uiStiLl) king ", [Of, Eremyan, Armenia, p, 40, Toumanoff, Studies, p. 212]. (311, 6)
43a [Arm, Oeogr., p. 31/41, cf, Eremyan, Armenia, p. 38.]
44 Tov, Arc,, II, vii, p. 121, calls the inhabitants, " tj.iui£uihuip.iiipnjg) wppLhiu-
ppni-g ", and believes that, " jmquiqu fapphp h mfi^kmmqoink^l] pjoupgh h.
pLiupriLijIi Ijniph JiJmp"' ", Of, Georg. Cypr., p. 48, " elm 3e xal ol oiKovvres els TO
ojoos TOV Tavpov wATjcrtov TOV O.VTOV /cAI/âros, êyaAij? Apfievias) Aaot /3' ovofj,a,ôp,evoi o ju.ev
els XodaiTai, 6 8e eTepos SavaaovviTai ". In the days of Yovhannes Mamikonean,
Xoyt' belonged to the princes of Taron, that is to say to the Mamikonean, Joh, Mam,,
i, p, 13, " uinkmj_ if\fnL^ki^ în/n& V>nj li J\Jni.ptaj Siupo&nj fefuuibh L
Uuiubnj ". (312, 1)
45 [Arm. Geogr,, p. 31/42], FB, V, xxix, " U,np.puilinu kwpulinwniipfi lfui&iuij~
fykpinnj ", Ibid,, YI, ii, " p tf-kq^k Ifiuliuiim^lfhpinnj ", Ibid,, III, iv [See below
n. 47 for the text of this passage], £P% xxiii, p, 134, " Sip Wkipin£ U"ia^^lipinnj
ku[pul^ni^nu ". Const. Porphyr,, DAI, xliv, I, p. 198/9, " TO Mav&KiepT ". [Of.
Bunciman, " notes " to Ibid,, II, pp. 167-169. Hubschmann, Ortsnamen, p, 328, 449-
450; Honigmann, Ostgrenze, pp, 149, 169-170, etc., speaks of Manazkert as being in
Apahunik', but he is speaking of a later period, see Markwart, Sildarmenien, p, 15,
"... an den Gau Hark', der im westlichen der Ebene Bulanyk entspricht und ursprunglich
Manavazkert (Melazkert) einschloss, .... Im 9. und 10. Jahrhundert aber gehorte
Manazkert (Manckert) zu Apahunik' ". Also pp. 78, 454, 505-506 n. 7. See below,
n. 51], (312, 2)
45a [See Toumanoff, Studies, p, 218.]
46 MX, I, xii; II, viii, " ••• ifiuipjiupuipni.ppLbh lûiw^nLUkuig k ijlTuihw-
h. paiiniSikui'ii'u h &n/6 niULialiuinjLi £uijhujj ". [Cf. Hubschmann,
Ortsnamen, pp. 411, 435, 449; Toumanoff, Studies, p. 110 n. 173, and below, nn. 48 sqq,].
(312, 3)
46a [Toumanoff, Ibid., p. 231 n. 283, and 233 n. 290, is of the opinion that the Abra-
hamean house never existed.]
47 FB, III, iv, [" fynunni] JduinuiLnpii Zuijni]-" kin nuiLuilili U qpnib nui£njpq
nknji huiûiufkuiph ]fuiiiuiuiiaklipif bufpulfnujnupti Hqjipwlinuph jklfki^kgfi,
il^kpin uiifkhuijh uui^SuilioD h. niauunialjuiLli £uihn.hp& nn >ni.p9
np Ijiuj p l^nnSuiliu nkinnjh fcifipuitnuij : fet hmnLli 1pni.Ii nknji
npnj whnLii lp DpnnpnL. nminp kufpuLnufnu pumuiLni. luifkbutjh
£uibnhp&, np phgh puty £ jhpl^ppli puiuiutini ". Cf. Toumanoff,
Studies, pp. 218-219.] (312, 4)
48 FB, III, viii, " Pajjnifipf " is listed among the ecclesiastical lands in Ibid., TV,
xiv. [Cf, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 199, 216, and 209-210, 213, 323-324 n. 81, for the
later history of Bznunik']. (315, 1)
49 IB, III, xx, " Ujl J^plipfih Hufm^nLlitiuig^ jninphh Jkbp
ITwukuitj, uikiipb ijuijb npuiuugnLj), inhr^LnjIi^npnLS u;&nz.& l[n ip guinjug
The word guinjug is obviously used here in its archaic sense of " fenced area, hunting
preserve ". Aliorsk' was located in Aliovit, the ii^ny —£ni£pin of Faustus, Ibid.,
IV, Iv, and the " l£iipin—£nilpui " of the Arm. Geogr. [p. 31/42], Both forms are
correct, " uinjiui " or " « wnji " means " salt deposit < mnp " = " salt ". [Cf. Hubseh-
mann, . Ortsnamen, pp. 329-330, 396. Markwart, Sudarmenien, pp. *14, 15, 74 n. 2,
77-78. Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 33 (2), 36. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 199.] (313, 2)
50 Sip'an = ancient \Jpipuili, was first the name of one of the small islands in Lake
Van (so in Arm. Geogr., p. 31/42), and only later was transferred to the mountain named
\fkpi ]fwupu. [Cf. Markwart, Sudarmenien, pp. *11, 15-16, Eremyan, Armenia,
p. 72.] (313, 3)
50a [Arm. Geogr., p, 31/42, "... Jjîi/£/nJi^>. piin^ npnj fi£9h uilinui^ U>pui-
biuhp Cf. Hubsehmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 328-329. Eremyan,
Armenia, p. 45. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 213, 216.]
51 BL, p. 223, " I dnqni^ p i p
Ztupguij", Idem., " p tip i^mjp h g^knji
ZG, p. 40, " p IJ.IIIL.UI nit Utiijw^nLlikiiiij p ". Asolik, xliii,
p. 277, " p nuiL.uin.il Z^PP h tfuihuiql[kpu} puinuig ", [See above, nn. 45, 49],
(313, 4)
52 Const. Porphyr., DAI, xliv, I, p. 200/1, " TO Kaarpov rov Mav&Kiepr juera rfjs x^P0-5
TOV 'ATTO.)(Owf)S KO.I TOV KopT] KO.I TOV XapKO. ". Ibid., p. 202/3, " TO Mav&KlGpT ... TO T€
'ATTO.XOWTJS KO.I TO Ropy KO.I TO Xapxa ". [See Runciman, " notes " to Ibid., II, p. 170.
Hubschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 330. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 208-209. See above n. 45]
(313, 5)
52a [Arm. Geogr., p. 31/42. See next note.]
53 The reading ûiuiuni^np is also found for ^wuiiuiLnp, Snuapbui — inuiiji =
in Arm. " shepherds' field " is equivalent to the Karayazi ovasi. ûiiuip = " greenery"
is the same as the Elmali plain = " apple plain ". ^fnus < mid. Arm., /J&nt&^,
JtfiinLUpu, Alishan, Hayapatum, p. 550. [Cf. Hubschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 327-329,
470. Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 48-49, 51, 65, 82 (3), 86, 116. (314, 1)
54 We do not know the relationship between Varaiaunik' and the princes of the
same name found in Ayrarat. According to MX [II, xxii], Aliovit had been granted
to a collateral branch of the Arsacids; might this statement be a reminiscence of the

fact that several houses from Ayrarat, apparently drawn from the ostanik's, had moved
to Taruberan ? Hubsehmann, Ortsnamen, p. 328[ ?] presumes that the Bajunis t ^^. [
of Arab sources should be identified "with îwc^&nifi/?p rather than with Uuiw^niSipD,
an opinion which is shared by Ghazarian, Armenien, pp. 21, 74. It might seem more
probable to identify Bajunis with the better known PijbniSipu, but this district seems
to have been known to the Arabs by the name of its chief city, -X"lat', which is mentioned
together with Bajunis by Ibn Khordadhbeh, p. 122. We should read Pahunis = <U>-
iHui£ni.h[iu, (314,2)
54a [Arm. Oeogr., pp. 32-33/43-44. Arm. Oeogr., II, pp. 362/3-364/5, which speaks
of 37 districts. See also, Hubsehmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 261-263, 339 sqq., Honigmann,
Ostgrenze, pp. 169 sqq., Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 82, 117, et al. Also, Appendix IV for
the text of the two versions of the Geography.']
54t> [This pattern is also suggested by Hubsehmann, Ortsnamen, p. 347, whom Adontz
follows quite closely throughout this discussion.]
54e [The Arm. Geogr. lists Dafni for Garni and places it before Afberani.]
55 This district is placed after fcpnLiiihipiLbpj) in the long version of the Armenian
Geography, and after jpnic^nitipf in the short version [See, Appendix IV B-C]. The
latter version is preferable since Unbnj—nuiL " the foot of the Afnoy mountains "
lay south of Anjewacik'. The mountain chain near Mokk' is still known as the Arnos
[Arnas] dagi and is probably a derivation from UnLnj uutp in which the Arm. uwp
has been replaced by the Turk, dagi, and the name of the mountain itself was mistakenly
considered to have been Unlinju ump. This was the ancient name of the range
stretching from Mokk' to Julamerk. The part of the chain directly above Julamerk
was the one known as Unhnj ninh. [Cf. Hiibschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 402, Eremyan,
Armenia, p. 37.] (215, 1)
56 The Arm. Geogr. has D,p£pyw£ni]jiin instead of Qp&pfutlinilpin, which is found
in the short version [See, Appendix IV B-C]. The modern form Er9ek is a contraction
of IZpfifeiulf the diminutive of U>p6fo which is the name of a city in the northern
corner of Lake Van. Part of this lake was called the bay of Arces in antiquity, and
subsequently, the name was given to the whole of the lake: Strabo, XI, xiv, 8 [L. V,
•326/7], " 17 Se'Aptrrprj/), yv KQ.I ScomTiv KaAovviv... ". This passage should be read,
" 'Apajjo'tj /ecu ©oDamriv ". " ©eocTTrmv " = Ar5es and Tosp, the name of Lake Van.
Pliny, NH, VI, xxxi (127) [L. II, 434/5] gives the name in the form " Arethusa " where
the th corresponds to a palatal. [Adontz's thesis is followed by Eremyan, Armenia,
p. 37, but Bakham in his edition of Pliny, loc. cit., gives the name as " ... lacum Are-
tissam ... ". Cf. also Ibid., VI, xxxi (128), [L. II, p. 434/5], " alterum deinde transit
laeum qui Thespites appellatur ... ". The small lake above the city of Van [Ergek
golu] is called U>p£p£iulj " little Arces ", to distinguish it from Arees. Perhaps uip&i^
had the general sense of " lake " in the language of the pre-Armenian population.
[On these districts and their respective positions, see, Hiibschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 339-
341, 405, 476. Markwart, Sudarmenien, pp. *33-34, *59, 4, 29-32, 77, 232, 345, 358,
370. Honigmann, Ostgrenze, p. 21 n. 3, 170, 207, 209. Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 39-40
79, 86. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 50 n. 44, 160, 205, 213]. (315, 2)
57 Z/ewond, xxxiv, p. 146, "... p tj.uii.wn. U>np.kpuibp p ^tujji fikpl^pp".
Sebeos, xxx, p. 108. Const. Porphyr., DAI, xliv, I, pp. 198/9-204/5. Might Gure be
related to ^mnUp, and Giresor, a village at the foot of the mountain, to
Cf, also the name of the river at Bayezid, the Gernevik [Gernaoksuyu]. On the Gafnijor
mountains, see Eremyan, Armenia, p. 46. Mt. Gure (c. 39°25'N X 43°58'E) is given
by Lynch, Armenia, map, and the Tillage of Giresor (e. 39°14'N x 44°02'E) is found
both in Lynch. Loc, tit,, and on the TJSAFM map 340 B I, but neither can be other-
wise identified. On Afberani and Garni, see also, Hiibschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 341-
342. Markwart, Sudarmenien, p. 459. Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 37, 46. Runciman,
" notes " to DAI, H, p. 167. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 205]. (316, 1)
58 Tov, Arc., Ill, xiii, p. 197, " • • • fi lynLpjii ZnpnjL Zwjng " (and not Zwgnijt
as in the printed version), " np £«/&£ jD^pnLuilipnLiip quiLiunu ". MX, I, x.
This is still its name at the present time, Cf. Ineicean, Geography, p. 144. [For these
districts and their respective positions, see, Hiibschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 342-343,
400, 443. Markwart, SUdarmenien, pp. *37, *53, 359-389, 422-423; Honigmann,
Ostgrenze, pp.147, 170; Eremyan, Armenia, pp.36, 45, 51, 86; Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 198-200, 204 and n. 232, 221, 235, 310, and Mow n. 75]. (316, 2)
59 MX, II, lii, " **• fj £uipiui.nj jwlikipg Ifnml; Ifuiukiutj, np Ifn^p &UILUJ —
pûilfiiiu jpriian, p foP^J ulu'^lnil 1p^p\ Hpinuia^. guihaji k ui^fuwpffi
nminh nkpknwhu* Hpinwn knib ilhlidi nuijuop duiSiuHiui^ ". LP\, p. 532
" ••• [j quiuiinh np knih Hpinuiij^ ji qbonji np luhnLbkhfenJiHiq••• ". Ibid., xxxviii,
p. 217, " ••• U,piniui£ &LUJ fi jj.konjj np Ifn^fi Umipwjp [i ^p^wiûjlf wA^
SnSnLin nmyinh'ti ". Vardan, Geography [p. 16], " Upmiaa^ Ifuilfni. ^, nip liwj
up uinwfkiajî piii^nu ". Gf. Tov. Arc., Ill, xxix, p. 259, " • • • [i ûibqump
uppnili P>uin£nu[i uiniugkjnj jU>pnfnajuuiui'u tîaLuinfi ". {See also, Hiibschmann,
Ortsnamen, pp. 343-344, 451. Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 40, 65. Toumanoff, Studies,
p. 169, and Mow, nn. 74]. (316, 3)
60 Tov. Arc,, III, xxii, p. 232, " ••• noiSm-ph \tlfiuh Ji j^nnuaiLiuli (pro f^n
of the Arm. Geogr., p. 32/43) nîuLiunp^ k iûiSntpL Ijninnp ji &np& fûbiujptj,
h ihnpfi l^dpuij". (G/. Ibid., IV, i, p. 275, " ••• ji qwLitinph J^n
]_ fjpnpwli ") ; Hid., Ill, xx, p. 226, " • • • &npli Qhbwjpij, npnj kjj>ii
nbn nwLwnia £kp Dwnwgp ". Ibid., Ill, xxix, p. 264, " • • • £& j £nph H.u t£nj*
kljh /^ fi Jijkpiulfuiii^ Ifn^kgkwj^ qui^w", Tov. Arc. Cont., IV, ii, p. 271, [i
pkpnfi ^ninnpny p ^npfi Ufr&wpinj", LP\, p. 228, " ••• jimja^
&tnj. ". Etise, V, p. 100, " Iûdiuj\li]uigji ", p. 116, " ^buijpla " ; p. 120,
. Einally in the Gahnamak, " [Îibuijkgli " and in the Military List,
instead of mbctiiipjph = pubui£hb. [See, Appendices III A, B].
The correct form apparently was pubiujpu, — uij (the niibuijiinuij of Lazar should
be read phbwj'unj) and the other forms sprang from the erroneous phbw^p'ii. In
Tov. Arc., I, vii, p. 51, we find an attempt to provide an etymology < wh— ct/i/^w,
&uipjk£, but it is incorrect, and the whole passage may be a late gloss. Nkan = Nagan
(though Hiibsehmann, Ortsnamen, p. 395, repeating Incicean, Description, p. 209,
asserts that " Die Lage der burg Nkan ... ist " unbekannt "). The position of Nkan
justifies the transfer of T'ofnawan from the basin of the Araxes where it was placed
by Hiibschmann to that of Lake Van. [Although Nkan is marked in A A pp. 105-107,
c. 38°40'N x 44°10'E, and is discussed by Markwart, Sudarmenien, pp. 311, 466 and
n. 4, Hakobyan, Geography, p. 187, as well as by Laurent, Armenie, pp. 52 and 95 where
he gives its approximate position, " ... la forteresse de Nkhan, situee a peu pres a egale
distance des lacs de Van, d'Ourmiah et de Sevan ... " its precise position cannot be
determined since it is not indicated on any other map to my knowledge, either contem-
porary to Adontz's writing, or more recent]. The other fortress, Sewan = Seyvan
kale is placed closer to Kotur on the Russian maps and closer to Van by Lynch, Armenia,
map. [As in the case of Nkan, there seems to be some confusion in this case: Seyvan
is not located on the Mehmedik riYer, as Adonta claims in his text but on one of its
southern tributaries. See, Lynch, Ibid,, USAF map, 340 BIV, et al. On the 'districts
discussed in this section, see also, Hubsehmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 344-345, 400, 430.
Markwart, Sildarmenien, pp. *59, 357, 390-392, 426. Honigmann, Ostgrense, p. 170.
Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 32, 33, 36, 117. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 170 n. 85, 181 n. 143,
197, 199-200, 219-220, et al] (317, 1)
61 Tov. Arc,, HI, xxix, p. 264, " ... pfiq clnph tth&uihfrf kip £P ji J\}kpuilfwliij
J^n\kgkuij_ i}.ui\in, « « « jj îlkpngufi mp^nififi^ ft qiaLuinh tenuity JMJHO&& U'mnuilfw'u "
Ibid,, p. 254 " . . « . l]"mniabiaHiii UM.U/&, tun 1jiupi/[tp& linthnkuii nkmni£, up
ji9ia&£ ji qkinh fcpuiuju ", In antiquity, the river bore the same name : zs/uun —
nnw i,e, " the Cowas river ", [See also, Hubsehmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 345-347, 448.
Markwart, Siidarmenien, pp. 205-206, 208-209, 311, 313, 401. Honigmann,
Ostgrenze, pp. 166-167, 170. Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 63-64. Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 219, 305 n. 119]. (317, 2)
62 According to Tov. Arc,, III, xxix, p. 260, from Mardastan, " • « • ft jwhtjfih qwn-
&H/& ft 2?/uu/£ (on the left), and fi P'nnhuiLiu'u amiian (on the right), luhghuii nfin
^p^niSikiag û/tmn& ". Krcunik' is not derived from *l[ip£—nLbfi as might seem
probable, but rather from 1jpinji&—ot&^. 1jpin—[i& has the same formation as
U>u>pufiuui—[i£ and means " Kurd -". It is interesting to compare *lp£ni.h[] with
the Ijnpin&iujg (< ^jnpmjj^—uijf) of FB, which he uses [IV, xlviii] for the region
of Salamas adjoining Bo-eunik'. ]Gf. Hubsehmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 345-347, 442, and
Eremyan, Armenia, p. 61, where he assimilates the name of Kr5unik' not only to Ku-
rucan, but also to modern Kurcivik. See below n. 75a]. (318,1)
63 Ztewond, viii, p. 26, " •••••« [t qiuLiunfi f^ûinLtibuiq fa njiLift^ npniS 9"Otûj&«&
Ijn^kb ". Of. Tov, Arc,, in, xxix, pp. 251-252, " . . . < ^/miy > n^wniSijif,
finipiiSifig) 9-otâi& ... Hpinaiûkai'ii ", [See also, Hubsehmann, Ortsnamen,
pp. 345-347, 409, 420. Eremyan, Armenia; pp. 41, 48.] ^^ (318, 2)
64 Among the doubtful districts, .tf)uiinuuiwpnLh[]D^ UpmuiLia^kia^^ /*M/ZJH/&,
9«H/z.^«f6 are [un]known. even to Tovma Arcruni. [Since these districts cannot be
found in the listing of Tov, Arc., HI, xsix, pp. 251-252, see next note, it seems likely
that the negative was accidentally omitted from Adontz's sentence. Of, Hubsehmann,
Ortsnamen, pp.345-347. Eremyan, Armenia, pp.41, 44, 46, 77, both give alternate
forms of these toponyms. See below n, 76.] (318, 3)
65 Tov, Arc,, III, xxix, pp. 251-252. [See, Appendix IV for the text]. Tovma says
of the last districts that they were won from Parskahayk', which is the situation depicted
in the Arm, Geogr,, [pp. 32-33/43-44]. Tovma goes on to explain the absence of Naxca-
wan and Golt'n by the fact that they had been lost to Vaspurakan, the former 210 [sic],
and the later 186 years earlier. Since both districts are listed by the Arm, Geogr, in
Vaspurakan, we should conclude that the redaction of the Geography dates from a
period 210 years before Tovma. On the other hand, in view of the doubt we have
expressed as to the authenticity of these thirteen districts, it is possible that Na^cawan
and Golt'n are among the thirteen districts included in Vaspurakan on .the basis of
Tovma's commentary. In such a case, the redaction of the Geography must postdate
Tovma's History, [On the problems of the Arm, Geogr,, see, above, chapter X, n. b,
NOTES; CHAPTER XI 463
and for the chronology of the commentary of Tovma Arcrnni, Brosset, OHA, I, p. 203
n, 4. On Goitn, Na^cawan and the presumably transferred districts, see Hubsehmann,
Ortsnamen, pp. 338, 346-347, 419; 427, 455, Eremyan, Armenia, pp. 48, 52, 53, 72, 84,
117; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 170 n. 85,203-204 and n. 230, 293, 305 and n. 119, 310 and
n. 32, 323, [See ~below n, 76]. !For the entire discussion of the title of Mardpet and its
identification with the Arcruni house, see, Ibid., pp. 131, 169-170 and nn. 81, 86, 176-
178 and nn. 115, 118, 199-200, 220, 231 n. 185, 233 n. 290, 237 n. 305, 248, 314; also
Hiibschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 343-344, 541; Markwart, Mran, pp. 166-167, and Genea-
logie, pp. 34-41; Garitte, AgatJiange, pp. 224-225; Manandian, Feudalism, pp, 46, 61,
63-67, 271-273, 276; Sukiasian, Armenia, p. 190, et al. Also Mow Chapter XV n. 36a.
(318, 4)
66 In BL, Gregory is called, " « * • uhufûilfia^ tfii^pli kujpulfnufnu", .p. 73, but
" » » « ywprf.uiktnwlûi'ii bufpulfniôu " on pp.70, 76, 81 [NB, both on p. 70 and
on p. 76, though not on p. 81 we find a double listing:"... (70) ^ppnnpp U,pb-
pniiukuiq kuipulinuinu-) • » « n Qphnnpl; U'uipnuihuiuiliui'u kuipuLnuinuj;"* (76)
^•ppijinp y*u/n^«^wu/û/& kuipulfniunup, ^ppnnph.U,pbpniSil;uiq fmjpuljnuiniip,..."
Similarly, Theodore is given as bishop, " « - • ukuf£uilfiub ifitj.p » • • ". Ibid.,
p. 151, but as bishop " • • • U"mpiûil;iniijlfiiili", pp.146, 196. [Here too a double
listing appears in one case. On p, 146, Theodore is given as bishop of Mardpetakan,
but the name of the Arcruni bishop is John]. (319,1)
66a [On the toponym Vaspurakan, see, Hubsehmann, Orfemramew, pp. 210-211, 253-254,
261-263, and GrammatiJc, pp. 60, 80-81. Justi, Namenbuch, p, 359a, OTiristensen,
pp. 100-103, 108-109 n. 3, 123. Manandian, Feudalism, pp.50sqq,, 65 n. 1, 77, etc.
Garitte, La Narratio, p, 244, Toumanoff, Studies, pp, 331-332, and below, Chapter XV
n. 26-27a.].
6("> [See below Chapter XIV n. 57.]
67 FB, m, xviii. [Of, above, n. 65, on the Mardpet with the Arcruni.] (319,2)
I,, IV, xiv, . (320,1)
69 £P', xxxix, p. 225, £/i& UpbpniiJkuiq h qSuipnuikmb Vp£p~
ûiiifnL^", JEtise, p, 193, UpbpnL&hwq Ifkpûiu^ni.^ • - ". [(7/. above,
n. 65], (320, 2)
7° Z,P\, p, 199, " ^r no/7fl/D& U"mpqîifkinujljiaij
JEK&, HI, p. 74, ujiujph q\fkpyj]uinL^
qjjui , i^ryjct ^ vui^Sialiu
[Of. Ibid., pp. 43, 99, 193]. ISTersapuh is the popular form of Mihr-
Sapuh, and both^forms are found in £P', pp. 135, 144, 225, 236-237, etc. [Of. Hiibsch-
mann, GrammatiJc, pp. 54, 56. Justi, Namenbuch, pp. 206, 228, Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 231 n. 285]. The meaning of the name f^Sp.nuhui'ii is unknown. (320, 3)
71 ZrP', iv, p. 16. Tov. Arc., H, vi, p. 116, " • - « klffi kSnmi plarj. l^ntjû U,inpiqui-
mtulfiu^ jHqpiuq ammin jkpbpph k puihialfkijuiL p
numuihph UpbpnLUkuiq* et al. [Of. Hiibschmann, Ortsnamen,
p. 442. Markwart, Sudarmenien, pp. *59, 426. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 199-200, 304.]
(320, 4)
™ LP\, pp. 236-237, " ••• qjj^vui'i t Jkb ttpbpnLhkuiij
*** ifatuwbh HpbpnLhkuiij qJlufpuiaS". Of. JEttise, pp, 99-100, and 193, "
UpbpniSikiutj IfhpîaitfnL^ k ^mLinuaj L (7&J^& k tfk£pni.dwh k tflwptfh. k
«• Smpbpnifikuig uin^lli UmpumS." Nersapuh was prince of Albak,
464 NOTES : CHAPTER XI
xliv, p. 248, " • •• U"ni.y£ mnawliwah^ nn i;

Lfikwg ^kpûiuf^nj ", Cf, xlii, p. 237; xlvii, p. 272). The branch of Aprsam
must have ruled Mardastan but contrary to expectation, it is Nersapuh and not Aprsam
who is given the title' of Mardpet. Evidently, with the passage of time, this title had
become generalized among the Arcrunis. [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 199-200, 231
n. 285, and above, n. 65.] (320, 5)
73 "Unless Snuufn.pinni.fifig in Tov, Arc,, III, xxix, p. 251 is taken merely as an error.
[See, Appendix IV, and Toumanoff, Studies, p. 213.] (321, 5)
74 It is evident from Tovma Arcruni that the Amatunis first lived in Artaz, since
he speaks of the bishop of Artaz as " • • * hufpulfnufnuL Qppqnp U,duiinnLllihiiitj
up &WOT/77 p £uibquinh unnnjli ft*uin.£nup uinuigkinj jUpn^najaliui'ii
", Tov. Arc., Ill, xxix, p. 259. As we shall see, ecclesiastical subdivisions
usually reflected an earlier state of affairs. The Amatunis were one of the oldest princely
houses, and its origin points to an ancestral domain on the frontier of Atrpatakan.
See above, n. 59, and below Chapter XIV n. 63. (321, 2)
75 Tov. Arc., II, vi, p. 109, " •*« p mn£Sl; £Innni.bkii]ij"' " should be read " ...
• •• [> wn£ii£ SpniSikuiij"- " as it is given Ibid., Ill, ii, p. 134. Tir-uni is apparently
a contracted form of Tirpat-uni. [Cf. Hiibschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 343. Toumanoff,
Studies, pp. 221, 235 n. 301. See above n. 58.] (321, 3)
?5a [On these principalities, see above, nn. 57, 60,62, and the next note. Also, Eremyan,
p. 45, and Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 110 n. 173, 130 n. 229, 197 and n. 222 on Ake;
pp. 132, 199, 205-206 n. 284, 298, 303, 318, 327, 453 n. 63 on the Gnuni.]
76 Puigiub should be compared with Pahgan, a village south of Maku [Lynch,
Armenia, map], ûi^pplf—iuli < ûi^pfilf — with the Pers. suffix -an — the
Arm. ûi^pplf—g of Tovma Arcruni, who gives " îm^pplfli HufULûipuin ", Tov.
Arc., II, vi, p. 109, but " ••• ûi^pplfffi U.u[nuikid k ^muialf L ^«/û/&".
Ibid., Ill, v, p. 146. ^pdiuhnLhp is given as " ûjdniLp " in the Arm. Geogr.
and " ûipuidbnifip " in Arm. Geogr., II, the last form apparently being the more
correct one [See Appendices TV and above n. 64. The name Vara&ranik' in its various
versions appears in Ayrarat and Taruberan, as well as in Vaspurakan, cf. Eremyan,
Armenia, p. 82]. The H,u£^hua^ of the Gahnamak is apparently a distortion of
finLiup^kiuli, $iuji[pkiiih might be compared with Deir [now Der-§ikefti, see, G 46,
p. 178], a village north of Baskale. [For these minor districts, see, Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 230-233 and nn. 281, 283, 286, 289, p. 236 and n. 303.] (321, 4)
77 [See preceding note], For example, Tov. Arc., II, vi, p. 109: H,â/^nt&^,
ZuiiSinLti^^ Quip.uijk^kli. Ibid., Ill, xxii, p. 235 the H.p.knl;bpn in£p is given in
Vaspurakan, as is prince *lPui£p.l;pnLhp. Ibid., II, vi, p. 109. [Cf. Hiibschmann,
Ortsnamen, pp. 329-330, 363. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 206, 220-222. (321, 5)
NOTES: CHAPTER XII 465
CHAPTER XII
a [For more recent discussions of the place of the Church in the nayarar system, see
Manandian, Feudalism, and Sukiasian, Armenia, Garitte, Narratio, also individual
notes below.]
1 Ter Mkrttsehian, Die PaiiliTcianer, p. 55, " Die armenischeEorche aber ist von Anfang
an als eine selbstandige, nationale entstanden, in ganz anderen politischen und kultu-
rellen Verhaltnissen als die grosse katholische Reichskirche ".
la [Marr, Arlcaun, pp. 1-2.]
113 [See above, Chapter I n. lb.]
2 Agaf, cxxiii, p. 631. [Of. Appendix III K for the text of this passage. Also,
Garitte, Agathange, pp. 321-323 for the variant versions. On the problems connected
with the text of " Agafangelos ", see above, Chapter X n. 89a,] (324, 1)
3 Agaf, cxxi, pp. 623-624. [See, Appendix TIT K for the text.] (324, 2)
4 Idem. (324, 3)
5 Uxtanes, I, Ixx. [Cf. however Ixxxix. See, Appendix III K, vi, for the text. On
TJ^tanes' date, see, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 19 and n. 21.] (324, 4)
6 Steph. Orb., vii, I, pp. 64-65. [See, Appendix III, v, for the text.] (325, 1)
7 -AsoliTc, III, vi, p. 174, "... pSwumuiliii ^JiaSnih^ p.mij3ui-înpî p
ij.liuinLinfii.hu Qpng uppng h- jbpfu bpuidpinnLpbaihij. " See also, the " His-
tory of the Vivifying Cross ", in Alisan, Ayrarat, pp. 547-549. (325, 2)
8 AsoliTc, HI, vi, p. 174. The abbot preceding Samuel was Polycarp, who was
present together with Xaeik at the election of Kat'olikos Step'annos III Sewaneci in
972, Ibid., HI, viii, p. 181, This same ,Xa?ik was elected Step'annos' successor two
years later, A.E. 421 = A.D. 974, Ibid., HI, ix, pp. 184-185. [Adontz follows the dates
given by Asolik, but the chronology of the period is contradictory and confused. De
Morgan, Histoire, gives the dates A.D. 969-971 for Step'annos III, and 972-992 for
.Xagik I, whereas both Ormanian, Azgapatum, I, pp. 1117 sqq. and "Index", p. xxxi,
and Kogean, Armenian CTmrch, pp. 323-331, date the two kat'oKkoi respectively A.D.
969-972 and 973-992. Of. Gronsset, Arminie, pp. 486-488. For the shift of TJêmas
from the Xth to the Xlth or even Xllth century, see, Peeters, Sainte SoussaniTc, and
n. 5 above]. (325, 3)
9 See above, Chapter X n. 6. (326, 1)
10 This thesis is not affected by the latest conclusions on the composition of
Agat'angelos based on a comparison of the Armenian and Arabic versions, cf. Marr,
CJiristianization, p. 182. If our version of Agat'angelos cannot be dated earlier than
the VHIth century, as is claimed by Marr, the author could have used Zenob's work
in either version. In such a case, Zenob's naive claim that he had written his work
before Agat'angelos, ZG, p. 19 " ku uin.iaûitj.njii qpktjji gwb ... ^Hqwpuifiij.kijnu ",
is less ridiculous than it first appears. [For the date of " Agat'angelos ", see above,
Chapter X n. 89a, for that of the Pseudo-Zenob, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 18-19.]
(326, 2)
11 We should note in particular the information that there were 620 provinces .in
Armenia. According to ZG, pp. 12-13, the Armenians wrote among other things to
bishop Eleazar that, " im/khiujh aiuuuniagii kiupuhnuinu whinnj kh k
IP Plmlin nSw'iip, npp m.utnkp nuiinko kbkuii hh d-nqni^kuijj, p-tujg _
hti mn t^kgîupkLp k guuili qwLiunu £uijnij. np k quiLiunpfi Sî ilp
466 NOTES : CHAPTER XII
kplfiu. fjiLlf P£ £w&npu{[i". Tliis passage is repeated in the

Letter of the Kat'olikos Constantino I to King Het'um I in A.D. 1248, " {] L f>
nuiuiing kli Zwjff ibpl^îujt^1 p ilkp k liuili np mt^p bii L ljuib np ft
bui nuijni.fi} both. $£ lini gujLph nun £iujnn^ PniJ kplduiu uiquiinku ", JBL,
p. 509. It is interesting to compare Zenob's account with the passage in M U, Ixxxix,
pp. 184-185, dealing with ecclesiastical provinces Tinder Kat'olikos Peter I at the end
of the Xth century [Petros I Getadarj was kat'olikos A.D. 1019-1058]: " jnpdiud
tflbuipnu juijdnn ^lujpiuufkuinLpbuiuu L p Zwjuiumw'u uip
liiuq^ni.ppLU ûiipblibiutf uinikuii h puinuiLnpuiqu £uijnn
ntn£ uiunLiuufi k i/kbwbpD k ûiîui^m nbinhp pliinpp, limfjuiû k
£uippLp ipuin.uii.npj>, h tûiLiunuiuikunLû p i[kpuij ^.piitf. £iuppLp
. hplfninuiuuifi kufpuLnujniiD L >npu iluipniuwkinj) p uiuili £uijniuujkinph
[uju ^pli^p li i£iupiini.h kpfcij p IfpofiuiLnpuin k jvu}£iup£uil[uiliii]ij £pbq £tuppLp
k J£TI linLuiuin uijUnn ûijpuiuikinni.&biu'ii'u guili fduinuiLnpnL&kw'li'ii Zwjny "•
Any locality having a representative of the ecclesiastical authorities, tf.wi.uinuiinkuni.1
is considered to be an ecclesiastical province in this passage, but since these subdivisions
characterize a late period, they are useless for our study. (326, 3)
12 Uxtanes, I? Ixx, [See, Appendix III K, vi, for the text]. The last name in the
printed text is " U"linmujLnphiun " rather than " ifhm Hunpkuin ", which we believe
to be the correct reading. (327, 1)
13 Agat\, cxx, p. 621, " fet uijuwû plin uiifbbuijh kpbppii îw/nn 1 p
p buiiû &qtp uiujpuibuih£p i^Syuil^nL^pLij giupnq^nLpkuihb L
h UuiuiuinuinLnn Duinuiipfcli Jhh%L wn uiypJwpîui.'Li Jtfiu
wnu/nPoD, dph> puuiwn. h uui^Suiliu Ifuiupftuin, Jpliih. p
p uiu^Suifiu Ijuiuippi], p ^mjmialfiapiuli gwtjiug wpîujn
Lnn puinuiD^'ii tlpbdi tun Ifbapli puinuipuiL, pkp.l;p uin uia—
, uin \>np ^hpial^w'ii kplfputib, It uin ^npnioo ilp'li^L. jui—
Snip kplfpph Ifiupuiq, ilph^k utn mwSp.li Ifia^gpaiui'u p^pjw'iipla, ilpli^b. jU>mp—
ufiainiuljuifi &i[£p uiuipwbnLUlp iîiiLl;inu]piiihni-j(}pi.hh pip ". The expression,
"... rf'iujiniulfiiipuili gwnyij) uipfiujnLpkuihfi 2wjng • - • " points to an Armenian
city of the royal period.
14 [Fa], Marr, Christitmizatitm, p. 136. [See, Appendix III K, iv, for the text], Marr's
edition has /vcJurLl jJu " the land of Gilan " and \\^.\" to the Abkhaz ", both of
which we consider to be incorrect. The Abkhaz had already been mentioned in the prece-
ding paragraph, both Abkhazia and Gilan lay outside the boundaries of Armenia, and
consequently had nothing in common with the Armenian districts of Greater and Lesser
Cop'k', Hasteank, Mokk', and Mardpetakan, which are listed after them. The first
name is more correctly read, ,*j\Jtî-1 = MyyeAij^v, and the second should be taken
as a distortion of Arzanene. [This correction is born out by the new Greek version
published by Garitte, who accepts Adontz's reading, Agathange, clxxi, p. 171, also
pp. 200-201, 215-216.] (328, 2}
14a [Garitte, Agathange, Va, clviii-clix = Ug, clxx-clxxi, pp. 101-102. See, Appendix
III K for the texts.]
14b [lUd., Va, clx = Vg, clxxii, pp. 102-104. See, Appendix III K for the text.]
15 Marr, Christianization, p. 136 [= Garitte, Agathange, p. 103], The first syllable
of (JaîaJLj in Marr's text should be separated from the rest of the word and read
,xL> "land", whereas (jajc-aji seems to be ^nn, a district in Tayk', although we
NOTES: CHAPTER XH 467
should expect TcoV since the Arabic version is a translation from the Greek. . On historical
grounds we should expect this to be distortion of the bishop of Vanand. [Of, Garitte,
Agafhange, pp. 221, who gives Kwrcav = Kotayk', 221.] (328, 3)
16 Marr's edition has <_^Co \jS " of the Kuanites " but the correct reading is £CJ I 3
= Kapyvirw = Arm. Ijuipph [Adontz's correction is supported by the new Greek

version, and accepted by Garitte, Agathange, pp. 103, 218.] (328, 4)
16a [Garitte, Agathange, pp. 103, 196-198, 235-236, gives Albios as bishop of Taron
and Tayk' rather than Taron and Bznunik', as suggested by Adontz. Garitte's con-
clusion seems more Kkely both in the light of the new Greek version, and because Albios
was associated with the Mamikonean house which had bishops both in Taron and Tayk'.
See lelow, pp. 263,266-267,271-272,288, also Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 138, 172 n. 97.]
" £P\, pp. 133-134 = fflise, H, pp. 27-28. [See, Appendix HI for the texts.]
(329, 1)
18 BL, p. 41. [See, Appendix HI for the text. On the date of the Council, - see
Garitte, Narratio, p. 152], (329, 2)
19 BL, p. 73. [See, Appendix HI for the text, JFrom the " Letter of Accusation "
of the Kat'oKkos Nerses H [BL, pp. 70-71] we see that the following bishops were living
during his pontificate, but were absent from the Council:
Ifnlfiug Hbminnip
The eleventh signature at the Council of 555 is given in the text as Markos of Bagrewand,
but Bagrewand was already represented [in the fifth signature], so that this must be
considered a mistake for the missing bishop of Bznunik' or Tayk'. [Cf. Garitte, Narratio,
pp. 130-175.] (330,1)
!»» [See above, chapter XI n. 66.]
19t> [Of. Garitte, Agafhange, pp. 103, 238-239, and Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 208-209.]
19° [See above, chapter XI, pp. 236,242 sgg.]
19a [See above, chapter XI n>-41.]
20 BL, p. 78, " \,hpu puiuklinj k Ifmpûiijnj kuipul^niifnu ", [Of. Ibid,, p. 73.]
(333, 1)
20a [On the date of the Council of 644-648 ? See, Ormanian, Azgapatum, I, p. 711.
See also next note.]
21 BL, p. 146. [On the election of the successor of Kat'oKkos Movses I, see, Ormanian,
Azgapatnm, I, pp. 607-610, 615, Garitte, Narratio, pp. 223, 258-259. For the text
Appendix IV L, iv.] * (333,2)
22 BL, p. 149. [See also preceding note, and Garitte, Narratio, pp. 259-261. Ap-
pendix HI L, iv.] (334, 1)
23 Ibid,, p. 151. [Of. Ormanian, Asgapatnm, I, pp. 617-618. The text of Adontz
gives 571 as the date of the treaty, but this must be a misprint. The treaty between
Maurice and .Xusro II was signed in 591, See above. Chapter I n. la, and Garitte, Nar-
ratio, p. 260.] • (334, 2)
24 Idem, [See Appendix HI L, iv for the text]. The eight signature, that of
QniîiiMiuij Jfqnj has been distorted to Sn^mli *ltujqnj and ^Juijkjnj in Uxtanes
" Schism ", H, pp. 64 and 57 respectively. (334, 3)
a5 J*j_ or bf, more correctly blp, is unquestionably a contracted form of the

listed in the Arm. Geogr., [p. 32/43] among the districts of Parskahayk'. In the Geo-
graphy Ayli is identified with Kufiean " ity^ np Ifn^fi ^nLnpûau " = modern
Culican in Gever, Ouinet, II, p. 717. Afni is likewise listed in Parskahayk'. The
BL gives Unmuuij p. 151, and U.nhuijnj p. 147, instead of the H,nlip foxind in the
Arm, Geogr. (334,4)
26 Dwin Canons. [See, Appendix III L, for the text]. 0ami?ean, History, II, p. 345,
gives the same names, but in a different order, moreover, the bishop of Araarunik'
is given as Theophilos and the bishop of Araamunik' as Gregory, in reversal of our
document. In view of the fact that we find a Theophilos, bishop for 36 years, in the
List of Arsarunik' bishops given in Dashian's Catalogue, p. 656 (according to a copy
of the Paris MS), we must give the preference to Qamgean's reading. There is a Gregory
in the List of Arsarunik' bishops, but this is the famous scholar who participated in the
Council of 726. (334, 5)
87 ftotak = Rostak, was a district of Salamas according to JoTi. Kat' ., Iv, p. 363,
" hpfiiujpU'" ijl^nn^SiuSp.^ f^nwuiliaij quii.uin.pu p Zkp !*• UuinjJiSuiu, li uiumfj
p guitjuig HinpufiainiuIfiuLfi ••• ". [Cf. Hubschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 260-261,
Eremyan, Armenia, p. 63.] (335, 1)
2?a [See, Appendix III L, v.]
28 Joh. Kat\, xx, pp. 118-119," l)ui£uili>>* uuifu ^wp^lm]^ l;p
fdpLUU f^nuiwl^wg h. Îftp uiuiui linibquiL jwfdnn uppnju ^ppij.npp ". (335, 2)
29 Mich. Syr., II, 497 ; BL, p. 223 ; Dashian, Catalogue, p. 768 ; Qampean, History,
II, p. 398. [See, Appendix III for the texts]. The Syriae version dates the Council
in 1037 of the Greek (i.e. the Seleucid) era, and incorrectly in the 135th rather than the
175th year of the Armenian era; the latter date being the one given in the Armenian
version. Kir. Ganj., [p. 69 = p. 39 of the 1865 Venice edition] gives the year as 156
instead of 175, wbk pro w£k [sic]. One of the MSS in Dashian's Catalogue, p. 108
gives the date as: " jwilp inkuinu n£k " instead of "jiaiffi ^zw/nn ui£k ". [There
appear to be a number of misprints or confusions in this note: the 1865 Venice edition
ofKirakos gives the date as 155, " ••• uliuktuih £ianni.p jnuni.ii k £hhil pnLUiliuib£b
i/jih^k fi i£hg ûinpip ^&&unz.&, np wjdS ilkp uii.ni.pu £ ". The last number being
in fact the one given by Adontz in Armenian, since k = 5 in the Armenian numerical
system. The critical edition of Kirakos, p. 69, corrects the date to 175 = " • • • ulfukmj^
p Ei2t> Pnnulfuifiû ... ". Finally the correct symbol for the number 100 in the
Armenian system is z? and not ui, as given by Adontz.] (337, 1)
3° Theodores of 'AEMN [Mich. Syr., II, p. 497] should be read Theodores [ostan\N = " fliii
Armenian version as Zwpgwj = APvKI-WS, in the Syriae version ; might the final ws
of this name = ostan and have been suffixed on Arka by mistake [Cf. Markwart's
notes to Mich. Syr., II, p. 497.] (337, 2)
31 Step'annos, Incorruptibility, p. 30, B2unik', one of the southern districts of Vas-
purakan, was derived from Baz j the mountain district south of Julamerk is still called
Baz, Cuinet, II, p. 651, and is still inhabited by one of the five autonomous Syrian
tribes named Baz. Both the Armenian form puidniup, found in Uxtanes, and the
form pdnibp, which reflects the influence of PaJinLuji < Baz. [See above, n. 32
and Chapter XI, nn. 46, 48, 54-55.] (337, 3)
3ia [Mich. Syr., II, p. 497 and notes.]
31t> [On the evolution of the Armenian Church and its relations with Syria tip to the
Council of Manazkert, see particularly Ter Minassiantz, Die Armenische Kirche, also
Ormanian, Azgapatiim, I; Honigmann, EvfoJies; Garitte, Narratio, pp. 108sqq.]
310 [For a discussion of Adontz's dating and interpretation of the Arabic version,
see, Garitte, AgatJiange, pp. 351-353, who expresses some reservations as to Adontz's
conclusions. For the religious situation in Armenia during this period, see the preceding
note ; and Goubert, VOrient, pp. 211-246; for a more recent review of the material, see van
Esbroeek, Chronique.']
32 " Letter of Accusation of the Kat'oKkos Nerses ", BL, pp. 70-71. [Cf, Ormanian,
Azgapatum, I, pp. 547-548. " Nestorian " is a term commonly used by Armenian
sources in this period to designate the adherents of the Council of Chalcedon and should
not be taken literally in all cases. See below, n. 39a.] (339, 1)
3ga [BL, p. 73, see Appendix III L, iii.]
33 Ibid., pp. 76-77. (340, 1)
34 Ibid., pp. 78-80, " fet iluiuli i^fi ••• IHLUID
h. fj &kp iu>pjiup£pq p.bwl[hiu^ A&, L i}ni. ipp.
A pjirj. ipuiu ^mqnpqpf, - • • (79)". (340, 2)
35 Ibid., pp. 81-84.
35a See above, Chapter X, n. 100. (340, 3)
35lD [See, Appendix III K for the various versions of this passage of
also below n. 39a on the " Nestorian " bishops.[
35c [The text does not seem very clear at this point. Adontz himself admitted that
the Arabic version was translated from the Greek, see above n, 15, which is the opinion
accepted by most scholars, it is therefore difficult to see what he intends by " the Ar-
menian original of the Arabic version ". On the relations of the various versions to
one another, see, Garitte, Agathange, passim, and particularly pp. 260-261, 311-323.
Also, below n. 36.]
354 [Garitte, Agathange, pp. 196-198.]
36 Some of the stylistic characteristics of " Agat'angelos " link it with Koriwn's
Life of St. Mesrop, so that the hypothetical earlier version of the Life of St. Gregory
might be attributed to him, but since Koriwn's work has also suffered alterations through
a curious quirk of fate, its surviving version cannot be considered the original one.
-Lazar Parpeei made extensive use of Koriwn's work, but evidently in a different redac-
tion, since it is unlikely that he would have altered Koriwn's style to such an extent
while borrowing entire pages from him. We believe that both these documents: the
Life of St. Gregory and the Life of St. Mesrop were linked from the start and suffered
the same vicissitudes. Recently Marr, Christianization, pp. 157, 180 sqq. has presented
an illuminating hypothesis on the existence of a link between Mesrop and the Life of
St. Gregory, though his presentation of the problem needs some rectification, [On
Marr's thesis, Cf. Garitte, Agathange, pp. 338-350]. Mesrop's improvement of the
art of writing in Armenia proved a new and powerful instrument for Christian prosely-
tism. As the continuator of the work of the Illuminator of Armenia, Mesrop was
probably the first to collect hagiographie materials concerning St. Gregory and the
martyred virgins Hfip'sime and Gayane, and to compose a " Life of St. Gregory "
which is the prototype of the present " Agat'angelos ", Mesrop's disciple, Koriwn,
made use of his teacher's works, the Life of St. Gregory among them, in writing the
biography of his teacher, and this is the fashion in which the points of contact between
470 NOTES: CHAPTER XII
the two Lives should be explained. At the turn of the Vlth and Vllth centuries,
Koriwn's Life of St. Mesrop was rewritten in accordance with the new mood of dogmatic
dissentions which resulted from the altered political situation hrought ahout hy the
events of 591, The author of the new version was probably Eznik the Priest, known
to us through a brief work surviving as a supplement to the History of Agat'angelos
in one of the MSS of the Bibliotheque Nationale [Macler, Catalogue, cxii, p, 55]. This
work is entitled " \f^mîui^pp Ifuip^mg piabpij fenSia/SS kppqni." in the copy
of MS 51 made by me (edited by Ter Mikaelian as an addendum to Sam. Ani,, p. 266).
[MS, li =^= cii, of. Maeler, Catalogue, p. 182]. It gives a brief account of the kat'olikoi
and kings of Armenia from Trdat III to the pontificate of Komitas I [615-628]. Eznik
was Komitas' contemporary and an eyewitness of the relics of St. Hrip'sime. The
work closes with the words, " kq^pg[i jp^mwialf J)iîmlfi [i pmp^3iulihf_ ifflppu
qutju " (the next section of the MS is no longer part of Eznik's work). Abbe Martin
who composed a catalogue of the MS in the bibliotheque Nationale [See, Maeler, Cata-
logue, p. xxiv] suggested in his description of MS 51 [= 112] that our version of Agat'-
angelos was the work of Eznik, an opinion shared by Langlois, CEAMA, I, p. 103
" note additionelle ". Marr, CJiristianization, p. 152, rejects this thesis and believes
that Eznik's colophon refers only to his translation of the List of Armenian kat'olikoi
and kings and not to the Life of St, Gregory. The difficulty is that the List of kat'olikoi
can hardly be a translation, so that the words, " let Eznik the translator of this book be
remembered ", must apply to the work of Agat'angelos. It is, of course, possible that
ilihi is used here in the wider sense of " comment, compose (Cf. Qnijjiai'iikui'ii,
u]g niuSIfOp^Ji^ pp. 179 sqq.). While altering the work of Agat'angelos,
Eznik likewise retouched the Life of St. Mesrop, which waa apparently added as a supple-
ment to that of St. Gregory. The common passages linking Koriwn's work with the
prologue and epilogue of Agat'angelos are due to Eznik's pen. Hence we must acknow-
ledge that the Life of St. Gregory went through three stages and three re-workings:
the first stage belonged to Mesrop-Koriwn, the second to Eznik at the beginning of the
Vllth century, and the third, the nationalistic version dates from the early part of
the Vinth century. [On Koriwn and Lazar Parpeci, see, Abelean, I, pp. 157-176,
325-359. On the problems of the versions of " Agat'angelos ", see a&(we,nn, 31e,35a-d,
and Chapter X, n. 89a. Garitte, Narratio, pp. 50,254-277. On Eznik, see also Adontz's
later work, Nsanagir."\ (341,1)
36a iKoriwn, X, 2, p. 30, and 90 n. 39.]
3? Job, fiph,, H, xvii-xxix, pp. 57-64. [Cf. Stein, Stiidien, pp. 23-24; Grousset,
Armenie, pp. 292-294. Garitte, Narratio, pp. 175-225,225-254.] (343,1)
38 Sebeos, iii, pp. 36 sqq. [Of, Goubert, VOrient, pp. 191 sqq.] (343, 2)
39 Diegesis, according to my own copy made from the Codex Parisians 900, fol. 144.
[Cf. Garitte, Narratio, ci-cvi, pp. 40-41, 242-246.] (344,1)
39a [There seems to be some confusion or lack of clarity at this point. Already earlier,
in his discussion of the Council of Dwin of 555 (see above, n. 32) Adontz seemed to take
the term " Nestorian " found in the Armenian sources too literally. Erom the Vlth
century on, this term is commonly used by the adherents of the Armenian Apostolic
Church as a pejorative synonym for the partisans of the Council of Chalcedon, and not
in the strict sense. Insofar as the Chalcedonians had accepted the Council of Ephesus I,
they had undoubtedly condemned Nestorianism, but in the eyes of their Armenian
contemporaries they had fallen back into the same heresy. While Nestorians were
NOTES: CHAPTER 311 471
indeed to be found both in Syria and in the southern districts of Armenia, the particular
Syrians who appealed to Kat'o-Bkos ISTerses II in 555 represented the opposite extreme
on their dogmatic position and seem to have been advocates of the beliefs of Julian of
Halicarnassus. Consequently, their influence could hardly have pushed their neigh-
bours, the south Armenian bishops into the rival Nestorian camp, as Adontz seems to
be arguing, finally, the creation of a Chalcedonian patriarchate in Armenia during
the reign of Maurice can hardly be taken as the work of the " national party ", the
precise reverse being in fact the ease, with the " uniate " Chalcedonian patriarch John
of Eagaran considered a heretic and rejected by the national Church. Of, Ormanian,
Azgapatum, I, pp. 577-579. Garitte, Narratio, pp. 130, 144 sqq,, 246-253 et passim,]
39t) [On the early Armenian Church see, Ormanian, Azgapatiim, I, Ter Minassiantz,
Die armenische Kirche. Ter Mikaelian, Die armenische Kirche. Markwart, Die Ent-
stehung, Peeter, Eecherches, I. Garitte, Agathange and Narratio, Honigmann's
articles on the Conciliar Lists should likewise be consulted for early Armenian eccle-
siastical prosopography, and on the Council of Chalcedon, Sarkissian, Chalcedon,'}
40 IB, IV, iii. (345,1)
41 [IB, VI, ii-xv], Of, MX, HI, Ixv. (345,2)
4ia ppor a recent review of the question of the apostolic mission of Thaddeus-and
Bartholomew in Armenia, see, van Esbroeck, Chronigue, pp. 425-432. See also Duval,
Edesse-, Hayes, Edesse', Sarkissian, Chalcedon, p. 76 and n. 2; Voobus, Syrian Asceticism,
pp. 31-61.]
42 Euseb. Caes., HE, VI, xlvi, 2 [L. II, 128/9], "... Kal TOIS Kara 'App&tav
•jre/H ^.STavoias ewtCTTeAAet u>v OTecr/coTreue Mepov^dvrjs "• [See T)elow, Chapter
XTV, nn. 49, 51,] (347,1)
42a [Gelzer, Anfange, p. 172.]
43 Gutschmid, Konig. Osrohene, p. 16. [Duval, Sdesse; Hayes, Edesse; Tournebize,
Armenie, pp. 36, 48; Ter Minassianz, Die armenische Kirchen, pp. 2-3.] (347,2)
44 JIB, III, iv, " ••• np Ifiuj [i Ifnq^Siuhu i^kinnj'ti fcifipiiiinuij". [See above
Chapter XI n. 47 and Appendix III K.] (348,1)
44a [J7^ Hi, xiv. Ter Minassiantz, Die armenische Kirche, pp. 5 sqq,]
45 Cass, Dio, Ixxviii, 12 [L. IX, 304/5]. [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 284 Maricq,
Caracatta], . (349,1)
46 Harnack, Mission, II, p. 163. (350,1)
47 Harnaek, Mission, p. 166. (350,2)
47a [Gf> however, Ananian, La Data.']
48 IB, III, ii, xi, xii. [Of, Peeters, Intervention, pp. 237 sqq.] (351,1)
49 See alove n. 44a. (351, 2)
49a [is, III, xvi, " • • * tj*ptunl;b nffii kpkg^ f> quiLiunkb $wpohnj"> ". Hid.
Ill, xvii, " ">&uj£i}jlili"< iiSuifikwg iîiipniijli $>iunkhuij ". On the two foci of
Armenian Christianity in the TVth century, see Ter Minassianz, Die armenische Kirche,
pp. 4-29; Conybeare, Key of Truth, pp. cx-cxvi; Peeters, Alphabet and Intervention',
Garitte, Narratio, pp. 59-61, 420-421; Sarkissian, Chalcedon, pp. 80 sqq.]
50 Might the so-called " Danielian '•' characters [Koriwn, vi, pp. 16-17] be associated
with the name of this missionary ? Just as Mesrop, the representative of Greek Chris-
tianity in Armenia, concerned himself with the improvement of the written language,
for the purpose of proselytism, so the representative of Syriae Christianity must have
been concerned with the self-same problems. It is very likely that it was Daniel who
472 NOTES: CHAPTER XII
adapted the Syriac characters to Armenian, thoxigh they were soon abandoned as
unsuitable. Then, with the re-awakening of interest in this script, the name of its
creator was again remembered. Since there is mxich that is legendary in the account
of the invention of the Armenian alphabet, it is not surprising that Daniel should be
described as a contemporary of Mesrop living somewhere in Mesopotamia. There
would have been no reason for a Syrian bishop to have preserved the Armenian alphabet.
[See Adontz's later work on this subject, Mastoc, also Markwart, Armenischen Alphabet;
Peeters, L' Alphabet; Sarkissian, Chalcedon, pp. 85-97; van Esbroeck, Chronique, pp. 435
sqq.] (351, 3)
50a [There is no evidence that Daniel belonged to the house of Albianos of Manazkert.
The claim is made for Yusik, Zawen, Sahak and others. See, Garitte, Narratio, pp. 418-
421, 425), but Eatistus specifies that Daniel was a Syrian by birth, FB, III, xiv, " Jji kn
uiu ûjhhh luaauiL uiunph ". Cf. Ter Minassiantz, Die armenische Kirche, pp. 5-8,
13-17. Sarkissian, Chalcedon, p. 83 and n. 2.]
51 MX, II, Ixxiv, " li wbij. uiukli tni^nLJ^pLli Sop uppnj L Jhbp
<£«/«& npnj k ijhnppb H,nm gbjnj £hnp$ p^LIfui^hiu^ np mn
hnppb ^pIikinLppLlifi £um, qlinpph k^pij q^nqiknp Sûil ujuilfiuuni.
Ppih ". ZG, p. 21. (352, 1)
52 IB, IV, xi, (352, 2)
53 Ibid,, TV, xv. [As in the case of Daniel (see above n. 50a), there is no reason for
associating Cunak with the house of the bishop of Manazkert; Paustus makes it amply
clear that Cunak was not a man who could boast of his noble lineage, "... Qniliuili nifii
m/Lini-h"" uiupnilf p iiinpnilfiug uipgnLUp". Cf. Ananian, La Data, pp.356,
359-360.] (353, 1)
54 FB, VI, i. (353, 2)
55 Hid., V, xxxii. (353, 3)
56 Ibid., V, xxix, [See above n. 50a.] (353, 4)
57 [Ibid., VI, ii-iv] Sahak is called Ijnp&kwj, If this reading is correct, Sahak must
previously have been bishop of Korcek'. It is more than likely that he. too was from
the house of Albianos. [See above n. 50a, also Ananian, La Data, p. 360.] (353, 5)
57a [Though occasionally oversimplified or overstated, Adontz's thesis of the alter-
nation of two parties in the Armenian Church during the IVth century: Syrian- Greek,
Sasanian-Byzantine, Albianid-Gregorid, is both illuminathig and borne out by the
sources, as I hope to show in my forthcoming study on Armenia in the JFourth Century.
Cf. Sarkissian, Chalcedon, p. 80 and n. 1 et sqq.]
57t [On the organization of the Church at the time of the Council of Nicaea I, see,
ffliche-Martin, pp. 437 sqq. ; Dvornik, Apostolicity, pp. 3-38 ; Jones LRE, II, pp. 873 sqq.]
5'c [Jones, LRE, I, p. 47.]
571 [Cf. Dvornik, Apostolicity, pp. 17-18.]
58 [Mansi, III, col. 560], Benesevic, Syntagma, p. 96,
Tovs virep BIOIKTJOIV eTriaKotrovs TO.IS virepoptois e/c/cAijcricus juij eTnevai, juijSe auyxeew
ras e/cAijcrtas" dAAd Kara. TOVS Kavovas rov (j,kv 'AXe£avSpelas ImaKOTrov TO. ev *AiyvTmp p,6vov
oiKovofMeiv, rovs Se TTJS ava.TO\T}s emaKOTrovs TTJV dvaro^rjv JAQVTJV SWLKGIV, ûAaTTOftevwv
T&V ev TOIS KO.VOVI rots Kara NiKaiav Trpeafisitav TT} '^4vrto^6cov eKK\t]aia,, xa.1 TOVS TTJS 'Amavrjs
zo)s emffKOTTOvs TO. ward TT/V 'Acfiav /MOVTJV oiKovopew, /ecu TOVS TTJS novriKTJs TO, TTJS
TJS [AOVOV, KO.I TOVS TTJS ©pQKTJS TO. TTJS ®pa.KT]S /JLOVOV olKOVO[J,SlV ", (355, 1)
59 [Mansi, II, col. 669 sqq.] = Benesevic, Syntagma, p. 86,

To, dpxaia e$rj /cpareiTW, TO ev AlyvTTTtp Kal Aifivi) /ecu ZZevTairdAei, cSare TOV '
bpeias emcr/coTTOv TTOVTWV TOVTWV I^€(V T^V egovviav, eweiS^ /ecu TW ev 'PtajAT] emcFK077w TOVTO
avvvrjOes etmv vopoiws 8e KOI /card rijv 'Avnoxeiav Kal ev TCUS aAAcus eTrapxtais, ra 7r/>ecrj8eia
aw£ecr0ai THIS e/c/cAijcricu? ". (356, 1)
60 Markwart, Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 322. [Seston, Diocletien, pp. 294-351 e£ «?.].
(356, 2)
60s* [C/. Dvornik, Apostottcity, pp. 6 sqq. ; Jones, LRE II, 883 sqq.]
6013 [1&^., pp. 11-15.]
si Mansi, VII, col. 428 = A.C.O., II, i, 3, p. 88 sqq,
" ... KOI rovs rfjs IJovriKys KO.1 TTJS 'Aaiavys Kal TTJS &pq,KiKTJs Siowrjaews
[j,6vovs, IT* oe Kal TOVS *ev TOIS fiapfiapiKois STTIOKOTTOVS TWV TTposiprnj,eytav Bioucrjaecov
VTTO TOV Trpoetpêvov dyiwraTOV Opovov TTJS Kara KiavaravTivoviroAiv
aS^ eKoaTOu ^TjrpowoAtTOv TWV TrpoeipTjuevcov StotK-^crewv //era TWV
/30TovowTos TOWS T^S eTrapîas e7T«7Jco77ovs, Ka9ws TO?S 9eiois KCW
8e KaOcbs ei/Mjrat, TOV? [j/rjTpOTFoXiTas TCOV •jTTOsipijjiievwv Siouojerewv vapa, TOV
apîGTriaKotTOV îj^K7ju.aTcov tntju^wvwv /caTa TO e9o? yivo/ievwv /cat
eir' avTov dvaêpoêyfav ". [Cf, Dvomik, Apostolicity, p. 82 sqq.] (358, 1)
61a [There must be some misiinderstanding here, the patriarch John the Faster was
not a contemporary of Justinian but of Maurice, he occupied the patriarchal throne
from 582 to 595 and took the title of (Ecumenical patriarch ea. 587, though the title had
been in sporadic use before. The patriarch of Constantinople in 558 was Eutychius.
See, Danielou-Marrou, NEE, I, p. 441 ; CMH, IV, 1, p. 800; Grumel, Reqestes, I, eehdv,
p. 105, et al.]
63 See above p. p. 72-74 for the residences of these metropolitans. The ecclesiastical
divisions of Armenia were not altered by Justinian, see above p. 73. (360, 1)
63 Gelas, Cyz,, p. 1310 gives the following provinces as being under the jurisdiction
of the bishop of Caesarea, " JToWov TJoAejuai'Kov, 'Apjj,ev(av piKpav Kal ûeydAijv ". (360, 2)
64 FB, V, xxix, " fci fipgu uiju $»d ijuipSia'iiu}ini[
puiufkinhb Ijkuuinni. Juiuli pui&pu lujunpplf, h. ^
upi.fi£nqnuph Iiuiûili^pli tjkuiupni. uinuilig £uijpuju[kinp& qpkgph
iun f}uinuiLnp& û/iw, A int.bph
up h ûiiuukm Zwni* &H/ qûigp
dp u umJnpni.ppi
uiji nn ihli£hh kiahuliulininniiD mi/hlimjfi qun.uin.uig quiLUinuin û/inn k

^ uijhnij(,kinu. JiujiiS £hin£ np ijpuihquii) ^ph£[ib kuffiulinufniig uuaîiui —
£uijng, knBuijhli h Dwnuij)li LkuuinuinLna, k mfin iph£h& kuihulinuinup :
ah JuijiiS £kin£ puip&uiL p£pjuihnLji}pL&h jkpl[p£h ûnno, uijtinL^kinki. n\ ^bnfiuiqpkj^,
ijkpuij tlhiitjh uuwfcp, li £,uia onlî^n puiquiLnpuigb ». (362, 1)

65 St. Basil, £p., xcix [L. II, 170/1-182/3], cxx-csxii [L. IV, 244/5-252/3]. Note
p, 248 n. 2, that the editor seems to have mistaken the proper name, Pap, for the title,
pope]. Geker, An/tinge, p. 159. (362, 2)
esa [FB, IV, iii; VI, v.]
65fe [Of. Garitte, Narratio, pp. 56-57.]
66 See above, Chapter II, n. 22. (363, 1)
66a [On Nisibis and Amida, see,Duval, JSdesse, pp. 138-146; Peeters, Legende; Voobus,
Syrian Asceticism, I, pp. 142-143.]
67 Mansi, IX, 391, " Gregorius ... ep. lustinianopolitanorum civitatis magnae Ar-
meniae ". Ibid., p. 191, the name of the same personage is given as " Georghis ".
(363, 2)
68 Mov, KalanTc., p. 212. (364, 1)
68a [Koriwn, xiv, p. 38, " • • • nufiuwnLUilfuiL kufliulfnufnuL ^kpûihujj, npniS
uiHinLli //fl^/J Qphfl, • • • ", cf. p. 97 n. 63. Garitte, Agathange, p. 209.]
69 On Theodore, see above, Chapter VI n. 53. On George, see above, Chapter III
n. 20, also, Mansi, XI, pp. 613, 993. On Marianos, Ibid., p. 1005, " Mapiavos dVaf «r.
Kidapi^tav TTJS TTpwTTjs (sc. reTrdprtjs A pro A) rwv 'Appevtcov e'lrap^j'as ". [Cf. Garitte,
Agalhange, pp. 209, 212-213.] (364, 2)
69a [See above n. 64.]
70 MX, III, Ixv. Tov. Arc., I, xi, p. 74, " HSiuiinnt^p ijopuiiluipfi Q
niKi ^nd^n£uitjp Ifiugnjg Suiup'iih jnihuiij k uf p u If nufnu within.
li ^nj^kui^ kniffipu Ruling l{kuijp uiiiJpwp.ui'iinLjilhuiSp., ^p
(3y5, 1)
7 »a [See above n. 64.]
71 Mansi, II, 669, " 'ETTIOKOTTOV TrpoaTJKGi judAicrTa êv VTTO Travrtuv rwv ev rrj e-rrapxio-
Ka.9ioTO.a8ai' el Se Svcrêjoes SIT] TO TOIOVTOV, 77 8id xareTreiyovcrav o.va.yK'rjv TJ Sid [J.TJKOS
oSov, eô/navros rpels em TO OVTO cruva'yop.evovs. avijujrrjrfrfov ywojuevan' TCOV OTTOVTCUV KO.I
avvTiQeiJLGvwv Sid ypa/z/^ctTwv, TOTE TTJV jîpOTOvlav TroielaOai. TO Se Kvpos T&V yivojuevcuv
SiSda0ai Koff eKa.OT7)v eTrapîav TW jueT/3O7roAiT^ ". [C/. Dvornik, Apostolicity, p. 6.
Jones, iJ?^, n, p. 880.] (365, 2)
7 2 #£, IV, xv. (366, 1)
72a [This conclusion cannot be reconciled with the evidence of the sources on the
presence of other bishops in Armenia, and particularly with the list of Gregorid consecra-
tions given in the various versions of " Agat'angeJos " some of whom, e.g. Aibianos
of Manazkert are authentic IVth century figures. Cf. above nn. 14a-b. If the Ar-
menian hierarchy was still almost inexistent in the Kat'olikosate of Nerses I, who would
have been the dignitaries summoned by him to the first Council of Astisat c. 365 ? Cf.
FB, IV, iv, " fci p'iiij>'ii\\fkpu1;u] mn fififfi ijuiilb'iiwj'i] hujpul[nu[nii-
i : ^ p H.£inp£iiiin, ni.p ^wniu^pLb
i^p &/« Suijp L. inhq^p jkui^ liuipj-
hhuigh ttnq^ni£ntj ujiLh£nqnupL : f> dnq^ni£
L funp^ninn auilikuiq h z5^0 wplfiubfrp Ifuiiniuphi uibq
Ifuipiju kl^h^hgLnjL h dnqnijli ^luuuinngli ^wuuuiupnLpkwIi ". Cf. Garitte,
Narratio, pp. 99 sqq.]
73 Ibid., V, xxi, " put 1^1)111ynjij ^mpqu u^m^mofi^pg'" L jmifkliiujli qiu—
Lwnu liiugnjn inhiinLiu hiupulinu^nuu ". Ibid., V, xxxi, " ufiuwpL ^wpnii
jiuiJbkuijh qtULuinu £uijnij jui&uipjfcp puin wpduihp piphiuLg ".
(366, 2)
74 Ibid., V, xlii, "jiai/hLmjIi
jiai/hLmjIi quiLuinu Luignigwij^p
L tfwbni.£^ hui£wuikinii L.
inhuipu iûiLwnuig ûiLiuniug ". (366, 3)
75 The Greeks used this argument against the Armenians in the period of intensified
ecclesiastical controversies. According to the famed learned monk Solomon cited by Mov.
KalanTc., II, xlviii, p. 309, 312 the Greeks pointed out that the ecclesiastical hierarchy
should comprise nine degrees; namely, " tfluiuippuipij. np 1; £wjpuiufhin h.
nu^nu np l[n)p kufpul^nufnuiuufkin L. l^wpni^pl^nu^ i/bmpnufn^pin k
jnii, LL tjtuuiqj) • « • ". and said,

nij£SinnL.pkuiiip. ^wLiuinitijg, funumniJiafi ikpuig, kfdl nil / luinwn-
£kp ". They asked which of the four original patriarchs had had jurisdiction
over Armenia, since Gregory had been consecrated at Caesarea merely as archbishop.
Influenced by theses arguments, and " • • « ijuiuh ilbbuip>uj<itni.j}kui$i
np i[infpl[iiiijnLtjiiuIiki_ puihiujjih ^wju £uihipiaibwfi l^mi^nuf
H7t&&£ liiifpulfnufnuuiuilun li ilkinpnuinijiin, ". Idem, the Armenians attempted
to fill in the missing degrees and pointed to the bishops of Mardpetakan and
subsequently of Siwnik' as metropolitans. According to another source, the Arme-
nian kat'oEkos was considered to be a patriarch, the kat'o-Hkos of Albania was an
archbishop, and the bishops of Siwnik', Iberia and Mardpetakan, simple bishops.
Jo^ Kaf, xii, pp. 62-63. St&pJi. Orb., vi, I, pp. 60-63. [See also next note], (367,1)
76 In the Armenian translation of the Canons of the Council of Nicaea, the word
^MjTjocwoAmjs' is translated Ifiupni^jilfnu cf, Melik'-Tangean, Canon Law, p. 256. In
FB, TV, iv, bishop Eusebius of Caesarea who consecrated Nerses I is called " huiftnijh-
I^nuuig Ifiupnq^plfnu " which corresponds to the title metropolitan of metropolitans,
which was in fact the position of the bishop of Caesarea. Scholars believe that the term
KaQohiKos was originally used to designate a financial official, and was only subsequently
used to designate the heads of the Armenian, Iberian, and Syrian Churches. Gelzer,
Anfange, p. 139, Inoicean, Antiquities, III, p. 251. Procopius, Pers,, II, xxv, 4 [L. I,
480/1] understands this title literally, " TOV re T&V •^pwna.v&v lepâ KaOoîKov KoAows TT)
'BXhrjvwv <f>wvf)t on 877 eêaTij/cev eis wv awacri TOIS ravrg j^wptois ". It is altogether
possible that the title KaBohiKos for KaBoîKOs eTria/coTros was the original title of the
chief bishop of an eparchy, who was later called emowMros /iTjTpoTroAirqs, because he
resided in the metropolis of the eparchy. [C?/. above n. 65b, Also, Kogean, Armenian
OJmrch, pp. 109-112, and van Esbroeck, CJvroniqnef p. 435,] (367,2)
77 See above n. 64. (368,1)
78 Mansi, XI, 957/8-959/60 " 'SjrejS^Trep eyvw/êv ev TJJ 'Apêyitov xû/jo povovs zv KJrfpta
rovs e«r yevovs lepa.Tt.Kov KaTardrrecfdat lovSa'iKois WGCTW en'o/z«'etiv TCOV TOVTO -nparrsiv emxw
povvrwv, TIVO.S 8e O.VT&V KO.I pa) airoKeipopwovs l^poipdXras KOI avayvwaras TOV Sslov
KaBiaTa.v8a.i, Qvv<-i§Q[j,Gv, tScrrc astro TOV vvv U.TI sgeivat. TOIS els Kstfjpov ôvAoj
TWO.S sis TO yevos d/jroj8Ae'7T€JV TOV Tfpoêipitop.&'ov, dAAd SoKipdôvTes, ei dîoi s?ev ward TOVS
TsdevTas ev TOIS fepois Kavomv opovs ev K^pu> KaTaAsyf/vai, TOVTOVS GKKj(rjmaaTiKws irpoâpi-
Jecrât, SITS KO.I e«r wpoyovwv ysyovaaiv lepluw etVe Kal JJ.T) ". (368, 2)
79 Gelzer, Anfange, p. 140, also mentions Judaizing independently of the Council
in Trullo, " ... der Katholikat hat thatsachlich wenig Aehnlichkeit mit dem christliehen
Episcopat, sondern erinnert vielfach an jiidisehe und heidnische Vorbilder. Dahin
gehort vor allem die Erblichkeit des Hohenpriesteramtes ". This characteristic was
due to the influence of na%arar practices and not to Judaising tendencies as was believed
by this scholar followed by Weber, Katholische Kirche, p. 218. (369,1)
8(> £P', Ixii, p. 354. [Cf. Garitte, Narratio, pp. 99-100, 422-427.] (369,2)
soa [while there is no doubt that the Mamikonean bishop played an important part
in the Council of Dwin of 555, and he signs the Acts of the Council of 505 immediately
after the kat'o-Bkos, the precise status of the bishops does not seem to have been rigo-
rously fixed in the ecclesiastical hierarchy. In the listing of the bishops at the Council
of 450, the second place is given to the bishop of Siwnik', while the Mamikonean bishop
of Taron is found in fourth place. On the other hand, the bishop of Siwnik' has dropped
to ninth place at the Council of 555. [See, Appendix III L, iii]. Nevertheless, there
seems to be no question but that the great houses had their own bishops who shared
in their prestige.]
NOTES: CHAPTER XLTI 477
CHAPTER XUI
a [For a critique of this entire section of Adontz's work, see Toumanoff, Studies, i,
particularly p. 70 n. 76. On the Iranian social structure, see, Benveniste, Les classes
societies; Ehtecham, Ulmn; Christensen, "Introduction" et passimj Erye, Persia,
pp. 49-52, etc. For a summary of Dumezil's controversial thesis, see, his Idiologie
tripartite, and for his application thereof to Iran, his Naissance d'archanges. See also
the bibliographical and historical references in Duchesne-Ginllemin, Religion. Many of
Adontz's Iranian transcriptions and a number of his interpretations are now out of date
and should be checked against recent scholarship.]
1 Montesquieu, De Vesprit des lois, XXX, i, II, p. 249, " C'est un beau spectacle que
celui des lois feodales. TJn cheUe antique s'eleve; Pceil en voit de loin les feuillages;
il s'approche, il en voit la tige; mais il n'en apereoit point les racines : il faut percer la
terre pour les trouver ". (373,1)
2 Kuhn, Verfassung, " Forword ", p. is, " Das romisehe Reich ist zu denken als aus
Stadte bestehend, welche der Kaiser beherrscht". On the other hand, Spiegel, on of
the specialists on Iran, insists, Iranische Stammverfassung, p. 685, that " die Verfassung
der alten Perser und des alten Irans uberhaupt eine Stammesverfassung war ". (373, 2)
3a [Ehteeham, L*2ran, p. 18, " Les Iraniens, bien avant leur separation des branches
indo-europeennes, e'est-a-dire anterieurement a la fondation de 1'Empire des Aehe"me-
nides, ont constitue tine soeie"te patriarcale du type gentilice ". Christensen, p. 15,
" Les Iraniens ont formes des les temps les plus anciens, une societe patriarcale ....
Dans 1'Iran occidental, la base patriarcale de la soeiete" se cache en partie sous une surface
empreinte de civilisation babylonienne .... Mais Porganisation patriarcale n'avait
jamais cesse d'exister ". Ibid,, p. 17, " ... le royaume des Arsacides, malgre son vernis
hellenique, est reellement d'un iranisme plus pur que celui des Acheme'nides .... Avec
cette pre-dominance des Iraniens septentrionaux 1'ancien regime patriarcal reprend
vigueur. La notion de la filiation gene"alogique de la soeie"te s'est conservee pendant
bien des siecles, meme apres la chute de Pempire des Sassanides, dans la communaute
zoroastrienne ".]
3 Weissbach, Keilinschriften, I, xii, p. 14/5 [Kent, Old Persian, pp. 117, 120, " 0atiy:
Darayavaus: xsaya 0iya: aita: ^sagam: tya: Gaumata: hya: magus: adina: Kabujiyam:
aita: x§a9arQ: haca: paruviyata: amaâm: taumaya ... Saith Darius the King: This
kingdom which Gaumata the Magian took away from Cambyses, this kingdom from
long ago had belonged to our family"]. Weissbach, Keilinschriften, I, xiv, p. 14/5,
[Kent, Old Persian, pp. 118, 120, " 0atiy: Darayavaus: ^sayafliya: ^sa9am: tya: haca:
amaâm: ta umaya: parabartam: ... Saith Darius the King: The kingdom which had
been taken away from our family, that I put in its place: I reestablished it on its foun-
dation "]. Darius characterizes his reign as follows, Weissbach, EeilinscJiriften, IV,
TV, LXII, p. 28/9 [Kent, Old Persian, pp. 129, 132, " 0atiy: Darayavaus: xâya $ya:
avahyarMM/: Auramazda: upastam: abara: uta: aniyaha: bagaha: tyai|/: katiy. yaQ&i
naiy: ari&a: aham: naiy: draujana: aham: naiy: zurakara: aham: naiy, adam: waimaiy:
tauma: upariy: arstam: upariy%am: naiy: skaurim: naiy: tenuvatam: ziira: akunavam:
martiya: hya: hamataxsata: mana: vj#iya: avam: ubartam: a6oram: hya: viyanaflaya:
avam: ufrastam: aparsam: ... Saith Darius the King: For this reason Ahuramazda bore
aid, and the other gods who are, because I was not hostile, I was not a Lie-follower,
I was not a doer of wrong — Neither I nor my family. According to righteousness
478 NOTES : CHAPTER XIII
I conducted myself. Neither to the weak nor to the powerful did I do wrong. The
man who co-operated with my house, him I rewarded well; whoso did injury, him I
punished well ". Cf, Prye, Persia, iii, pp, 83 sqq. etc.] (374, 1)
4 Strabo, XV, iii, 2 [L. VII, 156/7], " of yap IJepoai Kpa-rr/o-avTes Mrfiiov Kal 6 Kvpos,
... evTavSa. [Sovois] edevTO TO TT}S ^yep-ovlas ftao&eiov apa Kal TO op.opov TTJS ya>pas cwroSe-
^dfj,evoi Kal TO d^tcojua TT/S TrdAeco? Kal KpeiTTov TO p,T)oe7TOTe Ka8' eavTr/v TT/V 2ovaioa
•npa.yiia.Twv p,eydXcav eTnjjSoAov ysyovevai, aAA' del v(j>' eTepois inrdpâi Kal ev pepei rera^âi
crvcmjju.aTOS' pei&vos, wA^v et apa TO TraAtuoV TO Kara TOW? rjptaas ". The Persians
shifted their capital to Susa so that the Susians should not plot to defect, but rather
remained within the great confederation and not as they had lived in heroic times.
[Adontz translates " avaTrj/j-a /zeiôv " as " great confederation ", whereas Jones,
L. VII, p. 157 gives " larger organization ". Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 36-37.] (374, 2)
4a [This interpretation is questionable. See Kent, Old Persian, p. 190, dahyu, dasyu.]
5 Weissbach, Keilinschriften, pp. 44/5, 40/1, 42/3 [Kent, Old Persian, pp. 137,
148-149, 152-153, 190, 211. See also above n. a, and Mow n. 8.] (375, 1)
5a [Ehteeham, L'Iran, pp. 24-25, 40-41, 91 sqq., 110 sqq. Prye, Persia, pp. 66, 70-71,
90 sqq.J
6 Herod., I, 125 [L. I, 164/5], l! eon Se IJepaetav av^ra yevea, ... eon Se raSe, ef &v
(SAAoi irdvTes dpTeaTai IJepaai, IJaaapydSai Mapd<j>ioi Mdatrioi. TOVTCOV TJaaapyaSai

apiaTOi, sv Toim KO.I '^ât/ievi'Sai elal <j>pTJTpr/, ev&ev ol /3a<nAees 01 UepaetSai yeydvacn,oAAo{ 8e
IJepaai elal oiSe, Uav6iaf(aioi Ar/povmaicn JepjuawcH. O$TOI per -ndvTes dpOTjjpes elal, ol
8e d'AAoi vojitdSes, Adoi MdpSoi ApamKol Saydprioi ". Ibid., I, 101 [L. I, 132/3], " Icm
§e M^Swv ToaoSe yevsa, Bovcrai UapTjTaKJjvol 2Tpov%aTes 'Apiâvrol BovSioi Mdyoi. yevea
p.ev Sri Mrjotav earl roadoe ". (376, 1)
6a [Eht6cham, Ulran, pp. 20 sqq., 26, 39. Prye, Persia, p. 50 table.]
7 Weissbach, Keilinschriften, III, xl ; II, xxiv. [Kent, Old Persian, pp. 123-124,
126-127. Weissbach, p. 23 translates " das persisohe Volk das im Palaste war ",
whereas Kent, p. 127 gives, " the Persian army which (was) in the palace " the same
translations are given for the Medes. Cf. Kent, pp. 179-180, 208; Ehte'cham, Ulran,
p. 63 n. 5.] Note likewise that the entire Median people is called kara while the dynasty
of Cyaxares is called tauma [" Uva^strahya: taumaya ", Kent, p. 121. Cf. Prye,
Persia, pp. 91, 103]. (376, 2)
8 These terms are often found in Avestic literature, the most valuable passage is
in Yasna, XIX, 18, where the answer to the question " Who are the lords ? " lists four,
and a fifth who is Zara ffustra, " kaya ratavo, nmanyo, visyo, zantumo, danhyumo
Zara flustro pu^to ". ' Yasna, IX, 27 gives the synonyms: Nmanopaiti, vispaiti, zantu-
paiti, danhupaiti, spananha vaedyapaiti. The last term " head of the religion " =
Zara lustra.
tauma zend. tao^man, " family, offspring, kinship " skt. takman, gk. T{KVOV
" child ", TOKevs " parent ".
zantu, skt. jantii, lat. gen<ti>s, gk. yevos, arm. , jan, zan, whence also
zana, arm. $1111— nui&q.
nmana, O.P. manya < man.
m B, skt. ves-as, vis, lat. vic-us, gk. ofaos = OIKOS, slav. 6bCb.
darihv,, skt. dasi, pers. deh.
\Cf, Kent, Old Persian, pp. 185 and 218, 211, 202 " maniya ", 208, 190 dahyu ".
Markwart, Eran., pp. 122-124; Ehtecham, L'Iran, pp. 40-41, etc.] (377, 1)
9 Por example in Darius' inscription, viS is used as a terminus gentis, "vi0am:
NOTES : CHAPTER XIII 479
tyam: amaâm: ga#avra: avastayam ... ", "I reestablished our royal house on its foun-
dation as (it was) before ". [Kent, Old Persian, pp. 118,120.] (378, 1)
10 Weissbach, Keilinschriften, p. 34 [Kent, Old Persian, pp. 135-136. Ehte'eham,
L'Iran, p. 21 and n. 3. Frye, Persia, pp. 18, 51-52. This interpretation is doubtful.]
(378, 2)
11 Xen. Oyrop., I, ii, 3-15 [L. I, 10/1-24/5], See, Appendix II for the test. (380, 1)
12 The word sabha has survived in German in the form sippe meaning " kin " a
semantic change showing that the sabha was an assembly of groups of kinsmen. [Cf,
Vernadsky, G., Kievan Russia (New Haven, 1948), p. 134. The form abicarisis proble-
matic^ See, Kent, Old Persian, p. 68.] (381, 1)
13 Xen. Cyrop,, II, i, 14 [L. I, 142/3], t! ev p.ev rfj irarpioi ov p,<sr<-ixsr<- r&v iau>v r/fuv,
ovx vfi Tj/wSv airshaOevrss oAA' wo rov ram-rijoeia. avvyKr/v vp.iv elvai -jropi^sadai ". (382, 1)
14 Ibid,, II, i, 2 [L. I, 132/3-134/5] " ... Cyaxares asked Cyrus how large the army
was that he was bringing.
' Thirty thousand ', he answered, ' of such as have come to you before as mercenaries;
but others also, of the peers [6p.6rip.oi], who have never before left their country, are
coming'.
' About how many ? ' asked Cyaxares.
' The number ', said Cyrus, ' would give you no pleasure, if you were to hear it; but
bear this in mind, that though the so-called peers are few, they easily rule the rest of
the Persians, many though they be '. [ o-Sroi ol 6p,6rt.p,oi K0j\ovp,evoi •n-oAAcuv ovrwv r&v
aAAcov Ilepawv paSiws apxovaiv "].
Ibid., I, v, 5 [L. I, 78/9] " ... Cyrus had by this time completed his ten years among the
youths also and was now in the class of mature men.
[5.] ... and the elders in council chose him commander of the expedition to Media.
And they further permitted him to chose two hundred peers [SiaKoatovs rG>v 6fj.orifji.tDv]
and to each of the two hundred peers in turn they gave the authority to choose four
more, these also from the peers [SK ru>v 6p.orijj.wv], That made a thousand. And
each of the thousand in their turn they bade choose in addition from the common
people [SK rov OTJP-OV] of the Persians ten targeteers, ten slingers, and ten bowmen.
That made ten thousand bowmen, ten thousand targeteers, and ten thousand slingers —
not counting the original thousand. So large was the army given to Cyrus ". [Cf.
p. 79 n. 1]. Here the 6p.6np.oi are opposed to the oijp.os.. The term 6p.6rip.oi designates
the men picked from the same class as the chooser. From Cyrus' point of view all
thousand men were 6p.6rip.oi i.e. [peers] from the class of mature men. This is also
evident from the fact that they carried the same wapons as mature men, Ibid., II, i, 9
[L. I, 138/9], " dwpa£ p,ev irepl ra orepva, yeppov Se sis rrp apiarepdv, KOTTIS oe r) adyapis sis
rr/v oe£iav ", cf, I, ii, 13 [L. I, 22/3, see, Appendix II]. Might 6fj.6rip.oi be the Greek
translation of the Iranian word preserved in Armenian as £uiiiia£uipi£ < harz, arz =
(jt. | and mpd—ui&fi—^>, with the sense " equal in worth, or equal in honour ". [Cf.
Hubschmann, Qrammatik, p. 177.] (382, 2)
14a [Xen. Cyrop,, I, ii, 2 [L.I, 10/11-12/3], "The hucksters with their wares, their
cries, their vulgarities are excluded from this and relegated to another part of the city
so that their tumult may not intrude upon the orderly life of the cultured ". See,
Appendix II for the text.]
1413 [Cf. Hubschmann, Qrammatilc, p. 242. This relationship is very doubtful.]
480 NOTES: CHAPTER XIII
14c [Coulborn, Feudalism, 108-119. CJiristensen, pp. 15-16; Erye, Persia, pp. 90 sqq,,
106-107, 182-188, etc.; Ehtecham, L'Iran, pp. 18-21, 40, 47, 110-115; Toumanoff,
Studies, pp. 34-40 and nn. 13-14.]
14a [This thesis which was accepted by Rostovtzeff, was rejected by Brundage, in
Coulborn, Feudalism, p. 110, "In theory the king was absohrfce; in practice the Aehae-
raenian state was a fairly stable symbiosis of crown and aristocracy. [The] rebellious
nobles ... never ... attacked the integrity of the crown itself. ... feudalism never emerged
out of the disintegration of Achaemenian times. ... Rostovtzeff says, ' The feudal
structure of the Parthian Empire was inherited by the Arsacid from the Achaemenids
and was transmitted by them to the Sassanian kings '. This comment must be rejected
for the reasons which have just appeared ". This point of view is shared by CJiristensen,
p. 16, " ... le fôdalisme ne s'e'tait pas encore developpe' sous les Aehemenides ". Cf,
Eht6cham, L'lran, pp. 47, 52 sqq., etc.]
is Xen. Cyrop,, VIII, vi, 1 [L. II, 408/9]. [Herod,, III, 89, L. II, 116/7]. (383,1)
isa [Q^ Erye, Persia, pp. 182 sqq., and above nn. 20-21. Debevoise, PartJiia,
pp. xxxviii-xxxix. Debevoise, PartJiia, pp. xxxviii-xxxix.]
is Herod,, I, 125 [L. I, 164/5. Of, Erye, Persia, pp. 48, 172-175.] (384,1)
17 Strabo, XI, viii, 3 [L. V, 260/1], " ,..TU>V Aautv ol pei? irpoaayopsvovrai "Airapvoi, ol
Se SdvBwi, ol Se Iliaaovpoi ". Of. Ibid,, XI, vii, 1 [L. V, 248/9]. Tomaschek, Aparnoi,
takes this name to be avest. aperenayulca, O.P. *aparenayu < a + parena = " not +
full" (N.P. burna, slav. FITx/l- H) with the sense " unripe, immature ". {See also
preceding note.] (384,2)
i?a [Cf, CJiristensen, pp. 16 and 220 n. 2, and above n. 16.]
18 Strabo, XI, ix, 3 [L. V, 274^-276/7] tells us that the entire sixth book of his His-
torical Sketches had been devoted to the political institutions of the Parthians, " ... sipTj-
KOTGS Se 77oAAa Trepl T&V IlapQiK&v vojiu/zcov ev TTJ <SKTT] TWV laropiKtov •UTTO/wijfiaTaw îÂaj,
8euTe/ja 8e r&v jwerd JIoXvîov ... ". Not even quotations from this work have survived.
[Cf, Erye, Persia, pp. 87, 127, 135, and Ehtecham, L'lran, pp. 110 sqq., etc., on the
Achaemenid satrapies.] (384, 3)
19 Justin,, XLI, ii, 1-2, " Administratio gentis, post defectionem Maeedonici imperii,
sub regibus fuit. 2. Proximus majestati regum probulorum ordo est; ex hoc duces
in bello, ex hoc in pace reetores habent". (385,1)
20 Strabo, XI, ix, 3, [L. V, 276/7], " ... TU>V UapOvaiwv vvveSpiov <f>r)mv eivai HoaeiSwmos
SITTOV, TO p.sv avyyev&v, TO 8e oo^>u>v KOI âytov, e£ &v afj,tf>ow J3am/(eis KtiQlirraadai ", (385, 2)
21 Justin,, XLII, iv, 1, " Igitur Mithridates, rex Parthorum, post bellum Armeniae,
propter crudelitatem a senatu Parthico regno pellitur ". Ibid,, XLII, v, 4, (t Qua
victoria insolentior Phrahates redditus, cum multa crudeliter consuleret, in exilium a
populo suo pellitur " [ital, Adontz's], Here both senatu and populo refer to the ordo
probulorum [cf. above n. 19]. The actual MS reading is " ordo populorum ",-the recti-
fication " probulorum " was made by Gutschmid, GescMchte Irans, p, 57, n. 3, and was
accepted and included in the Teubner edition. Saint-Croix, Memoire, p. 60, note y,
had already suspected that the MS text was incorrect, and suggested the emendation
" optimatum ", In view of the passages of Justin just cited in which populo is un-
questionably the equivalent of the disputed ordo, the proposed rectification seems
unnecessary, or else populo in this passage should also be corrected into probulis. (385,3)
3ia [Justin,, XLI, ii, 5-6, " Exercitum non, ut aliae gentes, liberorum, sed majorem
partem servitiorum habent, quorum vulgus, nulli manumittendi potestate permissa,
NOTES: CHAPTER XIH 481
ac per hoc omnibus servis nascentibus, in dies crescit. Hos pari ac liberos suos cura
et equitare et sagittare magna indxtstria decent. 6. Loeupletissimus ut quisque est,
ita plures in bella equites regi suo praebet. Denique Antonio bellum Parthis inferenti
cum L milia equitum occurrerent, soli CCCC liberi fuere ". [See also next note,] Phvfc.
OrasstiSf xxi, 6 L. Ill, 378/9 " ... limeis Se Kardij>pa.KTOt. xlAioi, wAeioves Se ru>v KOV^KDV irap-
eiTGp.'nov, elê Se rovs ovîravTas lintels DJU.OV weAaras re teal SovAous fj,vpla>v owe diroSeovTas ".
This problem has been extensively debated, see, T"rye, Persia, pp. 184-187 and Perik-
hanian, Slavery. Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 117-118, categorically rejects the thesis
of a " slave " cavalry, " Hju uf^qniifuhpfi"' ifjiuibi£uiiiujjh ufuui^ £& : ". Adontz
seems to have followed the contradiction inherent in Justin who characterizes the
horsmen as both slave and free. [See, next note,]
aa [See preceding note for alternate Justin, text and discussion]. Justin., XLI, iii, 4,
" Equis onrni tempore veetantur; illis bella, illis convivia, illis publica ac privata officia
obeut; super illos ire, consistere, mercari, colloqui. Hoc denique discrimen inter servos
liberosque est, quod servi pedibus, liberi non nisi equis incedunt". [Eht6cham, L'Iran,
pp. 64-65.] (386,1)
aaa [Frye, Persia, pp. 182 sqq.]
23 Pliny, NH, VI, xxix (112) [L. II, 422/3], " Regna Parthorum duodeviginti sunt
omnia ... ". AM, XXin, vi, 14 [L. II, 356/7, " Sunt autem in omni Perside, hae
regiones maximae, ... Assyria, Susiana, Media, Persis, Parthia, Caramania maior, Hyr-
cania, Margiana, Bactriani, Sogdiani, Sacae, Scythia infra Imaum et ultra eundem
montem, Serica, Aria, Paropanisadae, Drangiana, Arachosia, et Gedrosia ". Of. p. 356
n. 1]. Hence the Sasanian empire likewise comprised eighteen provinces. Is this
an accidental coincidence or an imitation of Pliny ? [Of, Frye, Persia, pp. 202-206.]
(386,2)
24 Isidore of CJiarax, p. 2, " MecroTroTOfie'as Kal BafivAtovlas ... 'AiroX^toviaTiSos ...
.XaAawTtSos ... MjjBtas ... ifa/ZjSaSijv^s ... M-ijSias TTJS avco ... 'Payiavrjs MyBlas ... Xoa-
pyvfjs ... Kofj.iaijvTJs ... 'YpKdvias ... 'AaravTjvrjs ... IJapOvrjvfjs ... *ATTa.vapKTiK'i)v'fjs ••• Map-
yiavTJs ... 'Apeias ... 'Avavrjs ... ZapayyiavTJs... SaKacnavijs... ''Apaytooias ... " et passim.
[Gf. Frye, Persia, pp. 176-182 and next note.] (386, 3)
24a [See preceding note. Pliny, NH, VI, xxix (112-114, L. II, 422/3-424/5, " Regna
Parthorum ... ita enim dividunt provincias circa duo, ut diximus, maria Rubrum a
meridie, Hyrcanium a septentrione, ex his XI quae superiora dicuntur incipiunt a
confinio Armeniae Caspiisque litoribus pertinent ad Scytbas, cum quibus ex aequo
degunt. reliqua VII regna inferiora appellantur. quod ad Partbos attinet, semper fuit
Parthyaea ... habet ab ortu Arios, a meridie Carmaniam et Arianos, ab oecasu Pratitas
Medos, a septentrione Hyrcanos, undique desertis cincta .... Media ab oecasu transversa
oblique Parthiae occurrens utrasque regna praecludit. habet ergo ipsa ab ortu Caspios
et Parthos, a meridie Sittacenen et Susianan et Persida, ab oecasu Adiabenen, a septen-
trione Armeniam ". Ibid., VI, xxv, (92), L. II, 408/9, " regio ... Bactriae; Arianorum
deinde ... ". Ibid., VI, xviii (48-49), L, II, 372/3-374/5, " ... Bactri ... ultra Sogdiani
... "•]
w* [Cf. Trye, pp. 134-135, 139-140, 162-164, 172 sqq. Debevoise, Parthia, pp. 8-9.]
34o p'rye, Persia, p. 177, attributes the assumption of the new title to Mithradates II
(ca. 123-87 B.C.), Mithradates I had merely earned the title of " great king ", Ibid.,
p. 176. For possible Urartian influence on Achaemenid titulatur, see, Melikishvili,
Inscriptions, pp. 112-114; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 43-48 and 47 n. 36, 50-52 and nn. 43-
44, 107 nn. 162-165. etc.""
482 NOTES: CHAPTEE XIII
25 [Hamzah al-Isjaham, p. 28, " When Alexander perished and the country fell into
the hands of the tribal kings ... . There were in all ninety of these tribal kings, and they
respected the king who ruled over Iraq and resided at Ctesiphon, which is the same as
Mada'in. Whenever he corresponded with them, he began with his name first".]
The figure given is an exageration, or else the result of a misunderstanding. Under
Seleukos I Nikator (312-280 B.B.), the Achaemenid satrapies were split into smaller
units numbering up to 72 altogether, whereas Parthia consisted of 18 provinces. Perhaps
the figure 90 was derived from 72 + 18. [The figure 72 is found in App. Syr., Ixxii,
" aarpaTTGiai 8e ?jaav VTT' avrw [ZreAeu/cos] 8vo KOI e/JSoju/jj/copra ", but Bickerman, In-
stitutions, pp. 197-203, concludes that, " II serait vain de vouloir dessiner la carte ad-
ministrative du royaume remaniee mille fois par les evenements, ou de donner remune-
ration des divisions territoriales, qui auraient correspondu a une epoque de"terminee.
Les indications dont nous disposons ne sont pas cohe"rentes ... . II est evident d'autre
part que les circonscriptions pouvaient bien changer pendant la dure"e de plus de 250 ans
de la domination sSleueide ". Ibid., p. 199. Tarn, CAH, IX, p. 590, reverses Adontz's
pattern and argues that the Parthian provinces varied in number, but " The big Seleucid
satrapies were broken up into smaller units ". )387, 1)
88 According to Tabari, [Zotenberg edition], I, cxiv, " Les rois de provinces lui [Aschk]
obeirent et reconnurent son autorite"; car il etait fils de Dara et il avait des droits au
gouvemement. Ils lui envoyerent des lettres et inscrivirent son nom en tete avant
leurs propres noms. II en fut satisfait, mais il ne put leur enlever le gouvemement ..."
(p. 592), cf. p. 526, also I, cx-cxiv; II, i.]
27 Xen. Cyrop., I, i, 4 [L. I, 6/7], where Cyrus is distinguished from other kings:
" ... Snjveyjce T&V oAAcov jSacriAecov, Kal TCOV Trarpiovs o.pxo.5 TrapeiArjifroTcuv /cai û>v 81'
eavT&v KTyaapevcov, ... ". [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 41-48, et passim.'] (388, 2)
NOTES : CHAPTER XIV 483
CHAPTER XIV
a [The bibliographical indications given at the beginning of the preceding chapter
are also relevant here. For a critique of Adontz's periodization see Introduction n, 2.
The entire chapter must be considered in conjunction with Toumanoff's more recent
Studies, on this subject. See also Trever, Armenia, and the next note for the inscriptions
of Artaxias I.]
1 The pre-Arsacid period in Armenia is usually considered to have begun with Artaxias
and Zariadris. According to Strabo, XI, xiv, 5 [L. V, 322/3-324/5], they were generals
of Antiochus the Great (223-187 B.C.) who divided Armenia after Antiochus' defeat
in 189 at Magnesia and proclained themselves independent. In fact, however, the
division of Armenia had already existed for a long time and is shown by the components
of the XIII and XVIII satrapies of the Achaemenids. Xenophon, Cyrop., Ill, i, 2
[L. I, 216/7, 220/1 sqq.] speaks of an Armenian king contemporary with Cyrus and
Astyages who had two sons: Tiypdvrjs and 2dfia.pis. Xenophon does not give the
name of this Armenian king, but the Armenian tradition calls him Tigran and makes
him the ally of Cyrus against Astyages {MX, I, xxiv-xxxi]; the great descendent
of Artaxias, Tigran II, likewise bore his name. The house of Artaxias undoubtedly
sprang from Tigran the contemporary of Astyages, and Zariadris, the king of Sophene,
was also descended from an ancient royal line, since Antiochus III had fought with an
Armenian ruler named Xerxes at Arsamosata, Joh. Antioch,, liii, p. 557. As early
as the reign of Seleukos I (312-280) we hear of an Armenian king whose name is given
as Ardoates or Artaones; the latter form corresponds to 'Aprdvys, the name of one of
Zariadris' successors in Sophene. This name was evidently common in the Zariadrid
family, and the names Xerxes and Zariadris, Arm. fciuLuip^ and Qwpkt, were also
favoured by the Arcruni house which came from Sophene. The Anonymous History
speaks of kings named Quipb£ fciuiuip^ and UpSnif (= Upinnfy cf. 'Ap-rdv^s) [Sebeos,
p. 6] cf, Markwart, Eran, p. 177. The original division of Armenia into two portions
goes back to remote antiquity, and in my opinion, should be connected with the two
great kingdoms of Urartu and Manna mentioned in cuneiform inscriptions, and corres-
ponding on the whole with the Eastern and Western Armenias of the satrapal period.
Under Tigran II, the kingdom of Sophene was fused with that of Artaxias. We have
called the pre-Arsacid period in Armenia " Tigranid ", in honour of Tigran, the first
known representative of the dynasty, as well as of the famous conqueror, Tigran the
Great. [On the Artaxiad and Zariadrid dynasties, see Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 69 n. 71,
72-75, and particularly 277 sqq. On the Orontid dynasty, see also Manandian, Armavir
Inscriptions and Trade, pp. 33-43, Trever, Armenia, pp. 104-174. For the Nimrud
dag inscriptions, see, above Chapter XI, n. 42. For the Aramaic inscriptions of Artaxias
I, see, Perikhanian, Une Inscription arameenne, which gives the earlier bibliography.
la [CJ. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. Ill nn. 174-176.]
2 Xen. Anal., TV, v, 9-35 [L. II, 46/7-56/7]. " 6 Se oAAo juev ovSev eBexero, oirov Se
TWO. ru>v avyyev&v iSoi, irpos eavrov del eXdpfiavev". Ibid,, IV, v, 32 [L, II, 56/7].
In one of the villages, the Greeks seized the Icomarch and seventeen foals destined as
tribute for the Persian king, "... KaraAajujSavei irdvras evSov rovs KO>JUNTOS KO.I rov
K<i)ff,o,p\ov, KO.I wcoAouj els Sacr/zov jSacrtAei rpetfronevovs eirTaKai$GKa, ... ". Ibid., IV, V,
24 [L. II, 52/3], " ... Kal Trdhiv rjpwrwv rtvi ol ITTTTOI rpefj>ovrai. o S' eAeyev STI jSacrsAei
. Ibid., TV, v, 34 [L. H, 56/7], Strabo, XI, xiv, 9 [L. V, 330/1] says that
484 NOTES: CHAPTER XIV
the Armenian satraps sent each year to the Persian king 20,000 foals for the Mithrakina,
",.. d aarpd'jTTjs rTJs 'Appt-vias rca Uepar) KOT* eras Siapvpiovs moAous rois MiOpaKivois
ewejuwey ". Xen, Anab,, TV, v, 35 [L. II, 56/7] says that the horse taken by him was
dedicated to the stm, " ... on yKovev avrov iepov elvai rov 'HAiov ... ". The infor-
mation of Straho refers to an earlier period since hi his own time Armenia was an in-
dependent country ruled by its own king and not by a satrap. If one Tillage sent 17
foals, a tribute of 20,000 should indicate some 1,200 Icomarchs, [Of, Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 69-70 and 70 n. 76, 277.] (391, 1)
3 Pliny, NH, VI, x (26) [L, II, 356/7]. [Of. Eengston, Strategic, TL Ehtecham,
L'Iran, pp. 113-115, 184. Toximanoff, Studies, pp. 79, 111-112 n. 176, 136 n. 238,
156-157, 290, 291 n. 58, 292.] (391, 1)
3a KA Manandian, Trade, pp. 40 sqq., Feudalism, pp. 241 sqq., Toumanoff, Studies,
p. 108, etc.]
31> [Hiibschmann, Grammatik, pp. 101, 208, 242,253. Tonmanoff, Studies, pp. 114 sqq.
and notes. See also below nn. 23, 25-26 and Chapter XV.]
30 [Of, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 62-70. See also next note.]
4 Herod., HI, 93-94 [L. II, 120/1-122/3], " OTTO J7a/cTviV>?s Se ml 'Appsvtwv Kal r&v
Trpocrexewv p-exP1 r°v woWou rov Evt-eivov ... vop.os rpiros KOI oeKaros ovros. ... Marir/voiat,
Se Kal SdaTTsipm KOI 'AhapoSioim ... vopos oyooos Kal oeKaros o-Sros. ... "• [C/, Toiama-
noff, Studies, p. 68 n. 65. Ehte'eham, L'Iran, pp. 121-184.] (393, 1)
5 Herod,, V, 49 [L. HI, 52/3], " KiXiKtav 8e rtavoe eôvrai 'Appevioi oiSe, Kal O$TOI
aTOi, 'Appevtcvv 8e Marnjvol x&p"r)v ripBs exovres ".

Ibid., V, 52 [L. Ill, 58/9], " ofipos 8e KiXiKiijs Kal rfjs 'Apfj.svi-rjs eori
pr)TOS, TO> owojuo Sv<j>pTJT'i]s, ... TTOTOjUoi 8e vi)VGnrep'r)TOi Tzaaepes Sid TOVTTJS peovoi, TOVS
SiaTropOpevaai ean, irp&ros jttev Tvyprjs, /terd Se Sewepos re KOI rpiros tavros
s, OVK tavros ecov -n-ora/io? ovSe GK rov avrov pecov o jitev yap nporspov avru>v
e| *Apfj.evlu>v pee», o S" varspov GK Marir/vtHv ". (393, 2)
6 IMd., VH, 62-79 [L, III, 376/7-388/9]. [Of. above, n. 4.] (394, 1)
' Xen. Anab., HI, T, 17; IV, iii, 4; IV, ir, 4; VH, viii, 25 [L. I, 490/1 ; H, 24/5;
38/9; 370/1, cf. p. 370 n. 1 for later additions.] [See also Manandian, Trade, p. 20 and
36 sqq., Tonmanoff, Studies, pp. 277-279.] (394,2)
8 Xen. Anab., VII, viii, 25 [L. II, 370/1], this passage is considered to be a later
addition by the editor, cf, p. 370 n. 1. See also, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 59 n. 58 and
68 n. 65. (394, 3)
9 Arrian, Anab., HI, yiii, 5 [L. I, 246/7], " ... 'Appwlcw Se 'Opovrijs Kal Midpavarys
ftpx*-, ..." [Manandian, Trade, pp. 36 sqq., Tonmanoff, Studies, p. 279.] (394, 4)
9a [Herod., VII, 73. L. HI, 384/5, " 'Appsmoi Se Kara irep 0pvy(-s <fcrecraxcm>, eoiês
$pvyu>v airoiKoi. rovrcav avva(j,^>or4p(av ypxe 'AproxpiJS Aapeiov sx^v Bvyarepa ". [Cf.
Toumanoff, Studies, p. 53 n. 49.]
9fc [Ibid., VH, 68, 78, 79 [L. HJ, 380/1, 386/7, 388/9]; Ibid., VII, 62 [L. HI, 376/7],
" MTJOOI Se r7)v avryv ravrrjv eorraAjueVoi sarparzvovro- MTJQIKT) yap avrrj r/ ctKevij eari KOI
ov nepmKTJ ". [See above n. 8, also, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 55-62.]
90 [See above nn. 4, 6-9b. Also, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 129, 233 n. 291, etc.]
10 Strabo, XI, xiv, 5 [L. V, 324/5], " ... atare navras o/uoyAwTTous sivat, ". (395, 1)
11 Idem. The printed text has Tapiovtris but Xenophon's description shows that
the district was already hi the hands of the Armenians at the time of the retreat of the
Greeks in 400 B.C. The more accurate reading is, therefore, Tajuwpms =
NOTES: CHAPTER XIV 485
[See the notes L. V, p. 324, for alternate readings. 3?or the acceptance of Adontz's
correction, see, Toumanoff, Studies, p. 323 n. 78]. (395,2)
12 Strabo, XH, i, 2 [L. V, 344/5-346/7]. \Gf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 56 and 57
n. 54.] (395, 3)
13 Herod,, I, 72 [L. I, 86/7], " 01 Se Kcarna&OKai vita 'EXfajvcav Zvpioi ovoudôvrai' ... ".
Ibid,, VII, 72 [L. HI, 384/5], " 01 Se Svpioi ovroi vtro IJepvecov -KcwnraSo/ccu Ka/(eovrai ".
Strabo, XVI, i, 2 [L. VII, 192/3-194/5], " ol yovv KaTnrdooKes du<j>6repoi, ol re irpog
TO> Tavpco Kal ol irpos ru> Ilovrto, [J*expi v^v AevKoavpoi KaAovvrai,... ". (395, 4)
14 Marr, Tables, [On the origins of the Iberians, and Marr's controversial thesis,
see, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 55-66 and notes, also, Thomas, Marr.'] (395,5)
15 Strabo, XVI, i, 2 [L. VII, 192/3], " AoKei Se TO rwv Svpwv ovoua Siareivat diro uev
rfjs -Ba/JuAwveas fJ-expi 7°v 'lomxov KO\TTOV, O.TTO Se TOVTOV jwe^pt rov Ev£eivov TO
waAaiov'". (396,1)
15a {See above n. 9a.]
16 Strabo, I, ii, 34 [L. I, 152/3],

" TO yap T&V 'App,et>l(ov edvos Kal TO TU>V Svptav KOI 'Apdfitov TroAA^v ojj,o<j>v\iav epâivei
Kara rs rrp> SiaAe/cTOv KOI TOVS filovs Kal rovs r&v awjwaTwv xapa/mjpas, Kal p,d)(iara Kado
irhrjctioxwpoi etai. SijAo? S* TJ MecrowoTOjuia e/c rwv rpi&v ovvsurwaa rovrtav eflvwv jwaAiffTa
yap eV TO-UTOI? 17 ofj,oiori)S Sia<j>alverai. el Se ns vrapa ra /cAtjuaTa yiverai $ia<f>opd rots irpoa-
ftoppois em ifXeov irpos rovs ju.ecnjjujS/jw'ovs Kal TOVTOIS irpos jueorovs TOVS Svpovs, dAA* emKparel
ye TO KOIVOV, Kal ol 'Aaavpioi Se KOI ol 'Apiavol Kal ol 'Apapftaioi irapairhijcticos TTWS e%ovoi
Kal wjoos TOVTOUS Kal irpos dAAÂous. eiKaêi ye STJ Kal ras r&v e&vu>v rovrtav Karovonaotas
epifrepeis aAAÂats elvai, rovs yap vcjS T)fj,G>v Zvpovs KaXovfievovs VTT' avr&v ru>v Svpw
'Api(j,aiovs, KOI 'Apappalovs Kaheiedai' rovru> 8' eoiKevai rovs *App,evtovs KOI rovs "Apafias
Kal *Epepfiovs, rdxa ru>v waAat 'E^^vurv ovrw KO\ovvrwv rovs "Apaftas ",
[Cf* notes p. 152 for variant readings. Adontz gives 'Appemoi where Jones has
'Apaupaioi and 'Apip.alovs.~\, 2)
" Ibid,, XVI, iv, 27 [L. VII, 370/1], " ô-i Se [J7oerei8wvtos] TOVTU rpia eSvi], owetf)
jWeVa, opoyeveidv riva eu<j>aiveiv irpos aAATjAa, Kal Sia TOVTO irapaKeiuevois ovo}j,aQi
i, rovs p,ev 'Apuevtovs, rovs oe 'Apapatovs, rovs oe 'Apaôvs' axrirep Se 0770 edvovs
evos vtroâfj-^dveiv eariv els rpia SiypTJaOat, Kara ras ru>v K\ip.dru>v Siafopas del Kal ^.SAAov
eâAAoTTOjueVwv, OVTCO /cat TO?S ovopaoi x/>^crocr0ai wAesoaiv avB* evos ". (397,1)
18 Ibid,, I, ii, 34 [L. I, 150/1], " OTTO TTJS TWV eQvwv avyyeveias, Kal KowoTqros
eTvôAoycov ". (397, 2)
18» [On the place of Armenian among Indo-European languages, see, Meillet, Grammaire
Compar&e, Solta, Die Stellwng, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 53-55 n. 49, 62 n. 59, et al. While
the Indo-European character of Armenian is generally accepted, its independence from
other Indo-European sub-groups is generally stressed at present. Of. Meillet, Gram-
maire comparee, p. 9, " L'armenien est un rameau de la famille indo-europeenne aussi
ind6pendant de tous les autres que le sont par exemple le grec ou le germanique. II est
de plus isole", n'etant pas aecompagne" d'une langue d'aspect analogue, comme le slave
Test du baltique, ni meme d'une langue offrant des innovations importantes en common
avec lui, comme 1'italique Test du celtique ". See below n. 62 and Bibliographical note].
19 On this basis we may raise some questions concerning some of the peoples living
to the south and north of Armenia: the Jeardu-Kapoov-x-oi, Kopov-olwv, yapov-yvoi,

and the Far Bu, ^ficos-gijno, ô>ficor3"l-\3Cô. (The hypothesis that the Karduchians
were the ancestors of the Kurds has now been abandoned. Ancient sources refer to the
7
486 NOTES : CHAPTER XIV
Kurds under the name Kvprioi, Noldeke, Kiepert Festschrift, p. 73, and Hartmann,
Bohtan, p. 90). The jnoa-ôi are related to Arm. VHL^> LTno—hifa where
—hi£ = Georg. Q£ô. The southern x^S-0'0' are related to the northern Jtfwninh—D
or xaA-u/J-ss. Strabo, XI, xiv, 9 [L. V, 328/9] distinguishes two districts named
SvampiTis, one on the Coruh = the Zacweipg? of Herodotus [I, 104, etc.], the ''Ea-nGpi-rai
of Xenophon, [Anab., VII, viii, 25, a later addition according to the editor L. V, p. 370
n. 1], the other to the south near the Tigris. The former is the presentday Sper, the
latter = Supri, see, Markwart, Eran, p. 159. Arm. Ifnlj—g is related to MVKOI
> Mughan, and IffuiuhD in Arca^. [See above n. 9b, and Toumanoff, Studies, pp.
321-323 n. 76; below nn. 58, 77.] (398, 1)
20 Marr has found it possible to derive armen-ius from Aram without the help of
ancient sources, see his Review. As for £wj, some derive it from pati, " head " with
the sense of conqueror, others from Hati (cf, Jensen, Hettiter und Armenien, 1898),
or finally connect it with the pai in Uaiovio., a district of Macedon, and the original
home of the Phrygians (Hommel, Orundriss, I, p. 31). Strabo, XI, xiv, 12 [L. V, 332/3]
argues that the dress of the Armenians points to a Thessalian origin, " KOI -njv eadyra. Se
•rijv 'App,eviaKT]v ®<=TTa}(iKT)v (j>amv, olov rovs fiadeis xirwvas, ovs KaXovai ©erToAiKOvs ev TCUS
rpayipSiais, /ecu Qvwvovoi Trepl ra a-rfjQf], KO.I efiairTiSas w? /cat TWV TpaywScov ju.tftTjc7ajU.evw>1
TOVS ©STTCtAoUS ... Kttl TOV TTJS 177771^? QrjÔV <j>O,aw elvai ©eTTaAwOV Kal TOVTOIS O/iOJCDS
Kai MijSois- ... ". [On the ethnika " Armenia " and " Hay " their sources,
and the recent views on the subject, see Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 55 n. 49, 59 n. 58,
108-109 and n. 163, 294-297, etc. Adontz developed the question further in his Histoire
d'Armenie. Also, see below n. 62.] (398, 2)
20a [Cf, Manandian, Trade, pp. 42-43.]
21 Herod,, V, 49 [L. Ill, 52/3]. [See above n. 5 for the text.] (399, 1)
22 Strabo, XI, iii [L. V, 216/7-220/1] Iberians; XI, iv [L. V, 222/3-230/1] Albanians;
XVI, i, 1 [L. VII, 192/3] Assyrians; XVI, i, 26-28 [L. VII, 232/3-236/7] Arabians.
[Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 84 sqq., Trever, Albania.] (399, 2)
22a [Cf. Garitte, Agathange, p. 223, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 208-209.]
23 This title belonged exclusively to the Bagratuni: " lAuiifkinJi ilkb vûip^liii k
mwîuiLli ", Sebeos, p. 34 the correct form should be Uu [iy/u/Jia] ufkinli as it is
given in Ibid., p. 36, " qlluufujpuiufkin^ ilbb ûjuippLSi L ijûfuiîjuLfi". [Cf.
Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 324-326, for a critique of Adontz's etymology, also below nn. 25-
26, and Hubschmann, Grammatik, pp. 13, 109; Benveniste, Titres, pp. 9-10.] (400, 1)
24 Marr, Etymologies. (401, 1)
24a [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 92 n. 132,115 n. 186. [Benveniste, Termes, pp. 9-10.]
24t> [IB, VI, iv, xv.]
25 Kir. Ganj., pp. 23-24. [Where the initial *£ has been removed, altough the form
ûiuufnLpwIfku is preserved in the Venice, 1865 edition, p. 14]. Narratio, ciii,
... TTJS 'AaTTovpaKav xwpas ol emoTcoTTOi ... ". [Cf, Garitte's " commentary ", Ibid.,
pp. 244, also 403, 406, 418-419]. T'aiqasvili, Three Chronicles, p. 122 " CnBHexia H
Acnaparant, ", Mov. KalanTc., p, 69, one of the participants at the Council of King
VaSagan of Albania was called Huwwlf—£u. [Cf. Mos. Das-%,, I, xxvi, p. 54, which
gives the name as "Sprakos" with the variants "Asprakos" and "Sparakos".](401, 2)
26 Although the form vaspur is closer to the original, aspur is the older form from the
point of view of Armenian phonetics. Armenian borrowings from Iranian in the pre-
classical period necessarily lost the initial v since Armenian, like Greek, did not pronounce
this phoneme in initial position. In roots, the v > g, while in borrowed words it dis-
appeared altogether. [Cf, Meillet, Grammaire comparee, pp. 48-50]. Iranian words
with an initial v found in Armenian entered this language in the Classical period. This
clarification should help to remove Hiibschmann's misgivings, ZDMG, XLVI, p. 327,
as to the disappearance of the initial vi~ in sepuh, As shown by the Greek equivalent
OSKOS = viB, the Iranian m Ba-puhr < *vai Ba-puhr > *vase-pnhr and *Vasia-piihr,
the prototypes of the Armenian ase-puhr and ase-puhr (depending on the accent) without
the initial v-. The alternation as - se can incidentally be explained by the dropping
of the vowel in compounds, especially in the case of an initial sp-, e.g. aspanj, Arm,
uM/fy&Pa/û/&, Pers. sepanj; Aspahapet, SpaTipet, IspaKbed; aspar and spar "shield",
etc. [See above n. 24a.] * '. (401,3)
27 It is probable that iû t! proud " also = m Qya, *vai da < vi ft with the suffix -ya,
û, like iûkS, originally indicated membership in a clan. Cf, mn^S, i
In its archaic sense, vsam is found in Thorn. Arc., HI, xxii, p. 231, " '-'k
kuipuljnujnufi ^pptj.np flînnLbkiuij ifuwS". In the Canons of the Council of
King Vacagan, Mov, Kalarik,, p. 68 we find the injunctions that " •••n^zaw khknkntnj
[i ijuuiS klfkqkgpii muitjk'ii ". [Can. XVUJ and " • • * [i IfpLpui^ji in£p It
buinuij p ihiwS kliknkqph kpfthnkh juiijpji}u \. XIX]. In Canon
XVIH of the same Council, the decree, " np iniuuuihnpqu muih uiijinia diunnpg
oAôS pnib htfknhqp^ inuiakii, k o/f/u& jptpkiiifin klthnkahh ". thus opposing
the pnifi klfhi^hgli to the azal or noble church. [Cf. Dowsett, Mov. -Dos^., n, xxvi,
p. 53 n. 1 for the possible reading uiS Ju, with the contractions, = Juiu'li uiilklilnniSi
klfhqkiiLnijh], One of these churches is taken as being the ihiwS khknkap. If we
admit the existence of 'vi Bama-pati, we can derive from it the favourite given name of
the Aspets: l]3—-iifiuin < *i-sempati, [See above nn. 23, 24a, 26.] (402, 1)
28 The name Mamak was common in the Mamikonean family as early as the Vllth
century, Cf. SeT>eos, vi, xi, xiii, pp. 48-49, 56, 58. The suffix —niiin or —rn.fi =
Georg. tn6. tfuidp —nUi and ITuiS^ —niSi are alternate forms of -an, the sign of
the plural. -&ia& is a tautology as an equivalent suffix. [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies,
p. 211 n. 238.] (402, 2)
29 FB, V, xxxvii, ilhp
(403, 1)
29a [" Primary History ", Seleos, p. 12-13, " [If A6
uujtûjbîp^ Hpiafiiuhkliwj, uijj^ A& klfkiuf^ p
ljnaj_ VuiiîîJ L *in1iwl]ti tîult ain. wpgiujh np p
&ui£uiuuiuihp* ikpfyppfi *finL}iufiu]g • « « [wpDinjb linîf/Ani&A] n* km tfiinaut h
ctAn& finnui [i3khp.iulini.pfi] mjj^ ij.pl uin Iiui uppnJ * * » Am/it inwuki pjjnitiu p
SnLinu uipIuiL It jkqn kplfpfj h inknpb /«//&, np lapknwhh h i?uyn& Suiuilil; ".
See, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 209-211 and particularly n. 238 for the origin of the Mami-
konean, and the extensive bibliography on this subject. IPor the Tzans, see above
Chapter I, nn. 46 and 46a, Chapter III, pp. 49 ssg. and nn. 26a-30, 32a.]
2915 [On the Orbeliani and their Mamikonid antecedents, see, Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 211 n. 238, and 270.] -
30 The Lat, deus and dies, Gk. Zsvs, Bios, Skr. djaus, " heavens " and " god ", devas
" god ", Zend, daeva, likewise belong here. According to Herod., I, 131 [L. I, 170/1],
the Persians called, " ... rov /cwc/W irdvra rov ovpavov ", " Ala ". The same meaning
is attached to the Armenian mh— in the word mh—kakpo having the original sense of
"firmament " similar to the Persian, " Ala. " and subsequently coming to mean the
inhabited universe " oikumene " (kqhjig " region " is attached to it as a reinforcement).
[Cf, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 90-91 nn. 128, 130, 114-115 n. 185 and the objections of
Dowsett, >Ter, pp. 136 sqq.] (405,1)
31 According to Pomp, Trog., " Prologus ", xlii, " successores deinde eius Artabanus
et Tigranes eognomine dews a quo subacta est Media et Mesopotamia ". The reference
here is to Tigran the Great, how are we to understand the cognomen dens attributed
to him, might it not be a rendering of the Armenian in its sense of "king " or "god " ?
The name Tigran may also be connected with the root mfi- and have the sense of " divin-
ity " like the Lat. Diana, Gk. AUOVT). Hommel, Orundriss, pp. 39 n. 2, and 43 n. 1,
already suggested that the initial syllable te- in Techib, Tisup, Teisbas, Tispak, meant
" lord ". [See the preceding note, and Hubsehmann, OrammatiJc, pp. 87-88.] (406, 2)
»» [Strabo, XI, iii, 6 [L. V, 220/1],
" Tsrrapa, Se /ecu yivt] rwv avOpunrcvv QIKZI rrfv ywpav eV fikv /ecu trpwrov, e£ o$ rovs
jSatnAeas Ka.Biord.ai, /car" ayyiarsiav re Kal -rjhiKiav rov irpeafivrarov, 6 Se Seurejoo?
Si/ccuoSoTei /ecu aTpaTÂaTer Sevrepov Se TO r&v lepeaiv, 01 emêAowrcu /ecu ru>v irpos TOVS
OjMopovs Suecucw rpirov Se TO TCOV arparevo[j,zvtov Kal yecujoyowraw rsraprov Se TO TWV Xaa>vt
01 ftaaiXiKOi SouAot slvi Kal Trdvra. SiaKovovvrai ra irpos rov filov. Koival S" eiaiv avrols al
KTyaGis KOTO, crvyyeVeiav, apxei ^ /ca* ra./j.ievei eKaarjjv 6 irpGofivraros. roiovroi ju.ev 01 "Ifiypes
KO.I T) ywipa, avr&v ",
[Cf. the following notes.]
32 Hid,, XI, iii, 3 [L. V, 218/9], Strabo distinguishes two types of population in
Iberia, "... the plain of the Iberians is inhabited by people who are rather inclined to
farming and to peace, and they dress after both the Armenian and the Median fashion;
but the major, or warlike portion occupy the mountainous territory, living like the
Scythians and the Sarmatians, of whom they are both neighbours and kinsmen; however,
they engage also in farming. And they assemble many tens of thousands, both from
their own people and from the Scythians and Sarmatians, whenever anything alarming
occurs ". This is the reason for which Strabo, Ibid., XI, iii, 6 [L. V, 220/1] defines
the third caste as made up " ... ru>v arparevo/j.ev(ay Kal yewpyowTtov ...'" and not for
the reasons given by Javaîsvili, Polity, p. 56. [Of. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 90-96 and
notes.] (407,1)
3ga [Strabo, XI, iii, 6 [L. V, 220/1]. See above n. 31a for the text.] Cf. also Toumanoff,
Studies, pp. 90-91, 96-103,106 sqq., and notes.]
33 At first, the heir may have replaced the king only in cases of illness or absence as
was the custom among the Sabaeans where, " the king has as Administrator one of his
companions who is called 'brother' (KaXovpsvov dSeAgioV) ". Strabo, XVI, iv, 21 [L. VII,
352/3]. [The reference in Strabo is to the Nabateans, who ruled Petra, rather than to
the Sabaeans.] Cf. Xen, Cyrop., VIII, vi, 16 [L. n, 418/9], " jSacrtAe'eo? dSeAôs, j8ac»Ae'w<r
d$0aAju6V " among the Persians. (407, 2)
34 The union of the functions of judge and commander of the army in the hands of
one man shows that the judge was in need of force. Among the Assyrians also, cases
of theft were tried before a military coxirt [Strabo, XVI, i, 20, L. VII, p. 226/7, though
this is not the precise sense of the passage.] This pattern is characteristic for a period
of disintegration in the tribal structure, since as long as the bases of natural-legal rela-
tionships remain strong, the society maintains its own equilibrium and has no need of
judges. Strabo's friend Artemidorus, the philosopher, was greatly amazed when
NOTES : CHAPTER XIV 489
visiting the Nabatean [the Russian text reads Sabaean, but see preceding note] capital
that " the foreigners often engaged in lawsuits, both with one another and with the
natives, but that none of the natives prosecuted one another, and that they in every
way kept the peace with one another ". Ibid., XVI, xiv, 2, [L. VII, 352/3]. According
to Strabo himself, the Nabataeans were still in the initial stages of development, [C/.
above nn. 31a-32a.] (408, 1)
35 Javaîsvili, Polity, does not raise the question of the interrelation between the
four castes of the Iberians, and consequently the origin of the royal SowW is incorrectly
interpreted by him, since he . argues on the basis of the Georgian term 9ra66 =
maniya, " slave ", that the institution itself had been borrowed, Ibid., p. 74. If this
point of view is accepted, a great deal will have to be acknowledged to be of foreign
origin. [Of, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 94-96 and nn. 140, 142.] (408, 2)
36 Strabo, XI, iv, 6 [L. V, 228/9], " vwl nev ofiv els OTravTcov &p%ei, irpdrepov Se Kal
Ka.9* exdanfif yAtoTTav iSia ej3amX<zvovTQ IKOCTTOI. yAwTTtu §' elmv !£ /ecu eiKOcri O.VTOIS Sie TO
JU.TJ eveTTifj-iKTOv wpos dAATjAovs ". [Cf. below n. 38.] (409, 1)
37 Ibid., XI, iv, 7 [L. V, 228/9], " lepdrai §' dvrjp evTi/ÔTaros p.srd ys TOV jSacrtAea,
•n-poeorcos rfjs lepas xcopas, TTO^TJS Kal evdvdpov, Kal avrijs Kal TWV lepoSouAwv, ... ". [Cf.
Toumanoff, Studies, p. 96 n. 142.] (409, 2)
38 Ibid., XI, iv, 5 [L. V, 226/7], the Albanians, " send forth a greater army than that
of the Iberians; for they equip sixty thousand infantry and twenty-two thousand
horsemen, the number with which they risked then- all against Pompey ". Plutarch,
Pompey, xxxv, 2 [L. V, 208/9] gives twelve instead of twenty-two thousand horsemen,
as in Strabo, (we should read " giaîAt'ovs nrTreis «n [Sicr^vpiW " [the Loeb edition
gives merely " pvplois "]), " They were led by a brother of the king, named Kosis (^yei-ro
Se O.VTWV jSacriAe'ws dSeAôs ovojua K&uis) and not by king Oroizes [" Orgires " according
to Appian, MitJir., XV, ciii]. Kosis obviously led the army as part of his office of
commander in chief. It is possible that he was likewise responsible for the adminis-
tration of justice, as was the case in Iberia. " Three chiefs of the Iberians [and] two
of the Albanians (... ^ye/^dves rpsls 'iptfpwv Kal *^4Aj8dvtov Svo)" were found among the
324 vanquished chieftains preceding the victor's chariot during Pompey's triumph,
Appian, Mithr,. XII, xvii, 117 [L. II, 466/7]. The three Iberian leaders were the king,
the high priest, and the military commander; the two Albanians were the king and
the high priest, since Kosis, the commander of the army, had been killed by Pompey,
[Plutarch, Pompey, xxxv, 2, L. V, 208/9]. [On Albania, see Trever, Albania, and
Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 84-86, 96 n. 142.] (409, 3)
38a [Cj. Manandian, Trade, pp. 42-43, and above Introduction n. la.]
39 Plut. Lucullus, xxi [L. II, 536/7], " jSoaiAeis Se woAAoJ fj,ev •fjaav ol depairevovres
avrov, reaaapes Se, ovs del Trepl avrov el%ev uxrirep diraSovs TJ Sopv$>6povs, vnirorrj p,kv eAau-
VOVTI, ireôvs Trapadeovras ev xiTa>vt<jKois, Ka&TjjueVa) Se Kal xpi?MaTt'COJ'Tl wepteoTtoTas' e
/(ay>fj,evats Si" dAA-Âwv rais xePa'lv> oirep eSd/cet /tdAiara TCUJ> cr^/xaTcoi' e'fo/x
ejvai SovAeta?, olov a.TToBo/j.eya)v TTJV eAeuêpiav Kal TO crcS/io TU> Kvplw Trapexovreav iraBew
eVoi/idrepov ^ -noiTjaai". [In this section Adontz generally follows the argument of
Markwart, Eran, pp. 165,172 sqq. On Tigran the Great, see also Manandian, Tigrane II,
and Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 76 n. 84, 77 n. 86, 82-83 and 83 n. 104. On the institution
of the bde&xs, see also, Christensen, pp. 22-23, 101-102, 518 sqq.; Frye, Persia, pp. 97-98,
186, 201, 273 n. 9; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 76, 154 sqq.; -Lap'ancyan, Hist.-Ling.-
Studies, pp. 467-sqq.]. (410, 1)
40 Since Markwart's clarification of this point, Bran, pp. 172 sqq. Giitschmidt's
hypothesis, GescMcMe, p. 85, that the kings of Atropatene, Gordyene,
Adiabene, and Osrhoene are intended here, must be completely abandoned. This
hypothesis was already shown to be incorrect by that fact that these kings were not
with Tigran at the time of Lucullus' expedition: Tigran was awaiting the kings of
Adiabene and Atropatene, Zarbienos, king of Gordyene had been executed earlier for
treason [Plut, Lucullus, xxix, 6, L, II, 568/9], and Cleopatra, queen of Osrhoene, was
being kept prisoner at Seleueia, Strabo, XVI, ii, 3 [L, VH, 240/1]. [Of, Toumanoff,
Studies, p. 82.] (411, 1)
41 App., Syr., XI, viii, 48-49 [L. II, 196/7], " 6 Tiypdv-qs rjpx* ^vpias TTJS /ter' Etypd-
Tip, Saa yeVij Svpurv p.expi AlyvreTOv. tfpxs Se 6p,ov Kal KihiKias (KOI yap o^Se rois JSeAewci-
oais VTTTJKOVG), Mayaodrrfv arpaTyyov emrd£as diraaiv, em STTJ TeaaapeaKaioeKa. ... 6
MayaodrrjS get juerd TOV arparov Tiypdvr) fiorjOijviov, ... ", The printed text has
MayaâTTjs for BayaoaTTjs but the MSS have both versions and the second is more correct,
cf. Markwart, Emn, p. 174. [See also, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 202, 313-314, 320-321,
and 420 n. 71, 324> and below note 44.] (411, 2)
42 App. Mithr., XII, xii, 84 [L. II, 398/9], " MiQpofiap&wp irpovircpm pera SicrjÂtW
MTTreW, AGVKO/(/(OV e-TncrêTv TOV SpojAov, MasyKalw Se TiypavoKSpra, <j>vXo,TTGiv enerp&Jssv, Tfv TWO,
TroAw, cos noi irposlprjTai, em Tip,r) Trj eavrov j8acr(Aevs ev GKGIVU> yevecrâi T£> j^wpiw avvq>Ki£e, KOI
TOVS dpiorovs es avTTjv owsKa\ei, ^ju.iav ewiTiOeis:, Saa. py fieraêpotsv, SeSTjf
re cwrpts we/jtSjSaAe irsyrriKOVTO/nijx1! T° v$QS, vntToara,Qiu>v ev ru> jSaêt yepovra, Kd
KO.I TrapaSeloovs Kara TO irpadaTGiov ewoiei paKpovs, Kal Kvwyyema woAAd Kal Aiftvos'
8e Kal $>povpiov dvlarrj Kaprspov. Kal Travra TOT? MayKa(a> ravr* eTnrpeâs, Trepiêi a-rpariav
dyeipoiv. MiOpoj3ap£dvT)v /zev o^v d ^lewcoAAos evdvs e/c TTJS rrpwrys trvpfioXrjs
eSuo/ce, Mayxaiov 8s Se^Tihios es TiypavoKepra KaTa/cAeicras TO p,kv jSatri'Aeta avriKa,
QVTO,, BiTJpTraae, T^V Se TrdAtv Kal TO tj>povpiov direrd^peve, KOI jUâvas G(j>laT7), Kal
dvGKp"rjiJ,V'r) TO Te?x°S "•
[Cf. next three notes, and nn. 50-51] (411, 3)
43 Plut. IsumUus, XXV, 2-4 [L. II, 550/1] " TT/JWTOS 8' avroJ TU>V ^t'Awv
fipdaai TO dtyBes. ovS* ofiros Se ^TJCTTOV ^vey/caTo yepas TTJS nappr/atas,

yap evBvs em TOV AOVKOVÔV avv vmtsvm T/jicrîAiois, -jreôis 8e waja^dAAois,
TOV jUev aTpaTtjyov ayeiv ^COVTO, TOV? 8' aAAovs KaTaTraTTJaat.. ... 6 2s^TiAios ...
) 8" VTTO TOV MiOpojlap^dvov dpaoecos sireXavvovTOS sis Xe'Pas eXOeiv. Kal
o ju.ev MiQpoj3ap£dvT)s eWeaej1 dycoviôpevos, ol 8' aAAot <j>svyovTes drrcohovTo
[(?/. preceding note, and below nn. 50-51] (412, 2)

44 Hid,, xxxii, 4-5 [L, II, 578/9], " ravTr/v [Nimfiiv] <dyev dîcojuaTt ftev dSeAôs
Tiypdvov Povpas, e/j.'jTst.pia Se Kat SeivoTTjTi [j.rjxamK'f) KaÂlpaxos o Kal Trepl 'AfMtrov
Trpdypara AOVKOVÔ) wopacr^coi'. jSaAdîCT'os 8e crTpaToVeSof KOI Tracrai' iSeav
Girayaywv oAtya) XP°VCP KaTa, KpaTOg Aa^dvet T^V wdAiv. /cat Povpa. p,ev SOVTOV zy
(jjihavOpwTTtos e^p^craTO, ... ". (412, 2)
45 See above chapter XI, p. 242 and n. 27. The phonetic shift 8 > r in the name
Bagarate < BagaSates, which is considered to be a characteristic of dialects from
Atropatene according to Iranists, points in the same direction, Grtmdnss, I, 2, p. 355,
cxvi. [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 306 sqq.] (412, 3)
46 Cf. Markwart, Bran, p. 174 [and the preceding note.] (413,1)
47 Sebeos, p. 6, " •*•/[ nnnhgh piunwpuiwiuj duinui'liakn^li nduinuibnni.—
f}f]i.hu pipkwbij p ^n/ji?a/&o uipkiiwpij, lujujihgh £ ii&^/f mniSi. ifwub qft
LndsniUL Piiiquipiain Ii DJisikn qnp h duiSuiliwlinli jiajiiSnb uitm niappiupnuiunh
uimnnLiab l^n^hgpfi", [Of, above n. 45,] (413,2)
48 In this case we can postulate a connexion between U3]y.kq^ mntti and K&zjn,
the village in Bagrewand which we proposed above as the ancestral home of the JBagra-
tuni [See above chapter XI, p. 242 and n. 27]. The Biblical Waij.i^ — Gk.
(probably < eiroiTjaav rrjv < v> epyeA pro epyeA) has no connexion with
uiniSi in spite of the Anonymous History's familiarity with it, which was accepted by
Khalatiants, Armenian Epic., p. 84. [Cf, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 296-305, and above
n. 45.] (413, 3)
49 The MSS of Appian have the correct reading MiOpofiovldvys, as shown by Justi,
Namenbuch, pp. 208-209, Mi9poôvt,dvi)s consists of MiOpa + Tmzan, Arm. putd —
Ij, and has the sense' of " saved by Mithra ". [Cf, Hiibschmann, GrammaUTc, pp.
52-53, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 299, 321.] (413,4)
50 According to Plutarch [Lucullus, xxv, L. II, 548/9-550/1], the first man to bring
Tigran news of Lucullus' expedition was decapitated, hanged, according to Appian
[Mifhr., XII, xii, 84, L. n, 398/9], after which, according to Plutarch, no one dared
speak of Lucullus to the king, " ... those who flattered him ... said that Lucullus would
be a great general if he ventured to withstand Tigranes at Ephesus, and did not fly
incontinently from Asia at the mere sight of so many myriads of men .... The first
of his friends who ventured to tell him the truth was Mithrobarzanes, and he, too,
got no very excellent reward for his boldness of speech. He was sent against Lucullus
with three thousand horsemen and a large force of infantry, under the orders to bring
the general alive, but to trample his men under foot ". [See above n. 42 for the text].
According to Appian, Tigran's order was very modest, " ... to hinder Lucullus' march.
... ", Mithrobarzanes had but 2,000 horsemen, and the battle ended in Mithrobarzanes5
flight [see above n. 42 for the text]. Plutarch, however, raised his forces to " three
thousand horsemen, and a large force of infantry " and had him fight not against Lu-
cullus himself, but against his legate Sextillius, with the resultant death of the Armenian
commander. These disagreements show the bias of ancient historians, and Tigran's
history still awaits an. impartial study. Scholars have accepted all the information
given by the sources forgetting that these were based on the false reports of the boastful
Lueullus who described partisan skirmishes and bandit raids as pitched battles in which
20,000 men defeated the enormous and brilliant forces of Tigran, which numbered up
to 260,000 or 300,000 men. At the same time, it is claimed that whereas the enemy
had lost more than 100,000 dead, and almost no one had survived out of a cavalry of
55,000, Lucullus suffered losses of some 100 wounded, and 5, or even, 1 dead. The
nature and value of Lucullus' accounts can be judged from the following classic example:
in his report of the battle for Artaxata, Lucullus wrote that" Of three kings who together
confronted ;the Romans, Mithridates -of Pontus seems to have fled most disgracefully,
for the could not endure even their shouting ". [Plut. Lucullus, xxxi, 7, L. H, 574/5-
576/7], This is told of a man unequalled for -his fearlessness, one whose mere name
terrorized the Romans, and of whom it was said after his death that " ... in the person
of Mithridates ten thousand enemies had died ". Plut, Pompey [XLII, 1, L. V, 222/3.
£For a recent attempt to clear Tigran's reputation, see, Manandian, Tigran II, who
shares Adontz's opinion of the reliability of classical sources on this subject, cf, in parti-
cular, Ibid,, p. 2 sqq., also Toumanoff, Studies, p, 299 n. 89.] (414,1)
si DM, Sic,, XXXI, xxii, [L. XI, 370/1-372/3], cf. Polyb., XXXI, xvi (xv), 1 [L. VI,
194/5]. We have already seen that the bishop of Sophene was also named Mepov^dvys.
See above, Chapter XII, pp. 270-271 and n. 42. [Also, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 292 sqq.,
and stemma p. 282. The protector of Mithrobouzanes is xisually considered to be
king Ariarathes V Eusebes Philopator of Cappadocia (163-130 B.C.) and not his father
Ariarathes IV, cf. Diod. Sic,, XXXI, xix, xxi-xxii, L. XI, 368/9-370/1, and p. 369 n. 3]
(414,2)
51a [Strabo, XI, xiv, 15 [L. V, 336/7], " TOV Se ZapidSpios 6 Zwtfayos 'Aprdvrjs l^w
Kal Tovrtav TO. iTpos Svw juSAAov. KaT^cvBtj 8" ofiros VTTO TOV Tvyp&vov, KOI
Kvpios e/ceivos ". Totunanoff, Studies, pp. 292-294.]
5"> [Ibid., pp. 209, 321.]
52 Markwart's hypothesis, Hran, p. 176, is very likely. The transfer of the Sophenian
branch to Albak does not belong in the period of Tigran II, as he supposes but in that
of the Arsacids. The etymology of the name is still unbraced, since all the attempts
to interpret this name remain as yet unacceptable. [On the Arcruni, see Toumanoff,
Studies, pp. 110 n. 173, 164-165, 170, 199-200, 298-299, 303, 305, 320-321; on the ety-
mology of their name, Ibid., pp. 201 n. 228, and 298 n, 83; on the Bagratuni, Ibid.,
pp. 110 n. 173, 201-203, 306-354, etc.; on the Mamikonean, Ibid., pp. 110 n. 173, 209-
210, 321, 325 n. 88.] (415,1)
52a [On the Xorxofuni, see, Ibid., pp.110 n.173, 208-209, 325 n. 88; Garitte, Agat-
Jiange, p. 223.]
52b [See above n. 39.]
53 Phit. I/acullus, xxxi, 5 [L. II, 574/5], " ... woAAoi yap •qo-av wroets Kal AoydSes dVri-
•jTapaTeray/iepoi, Trpo 8' avrcov WTOOTOÔTCU MdpSoj /cai Aoyôôpoi "Ifi'ijpGS ols âAicrra TU>V
êvajv o Tvypdvjjs ewurreuev cos fia^tjucoTaTOis ". (417, 1)
54 Strabo, XI, xiii, 3 [L, V, 304/5], " ... 01 SVTTJ HspaiSi Kvpnoi KO.I Ma/jSoi (KM yap
OVTIO Aeyovrat ol "ApapSoi) KO.I ol ev Trj Mp/zevia jue^pi vvv oîcovv^tcos Trpocrayopevdftevot TTJS
avrys elmv ISeas". The Mardians are undoubtedly related to the people having
the same name (Mardi or Amardi), living near the Caspian Sea, whence were derived
the Ami of the Arm. Geogr., p. 40/53 [See above, Chapter IX n. 8]. Ami < *Amrda,
Andreas, Amardi, Markwart, Hran, p. 136. [Of. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 169-170.]
(417,2)
55 Xen. Anab., IV, iii, 4 [L. II, 24/5], "... opeDcrw twweas TTOV wepav TOV •jTorajwov
e£a>77AiCFju,ewn)s cos /cxoAvaovTas Sta/JatVetv, weôvs 8' ewi rats o^flais wapaTeTayjwevovs aveo TCOV
vmrzcav ws KcoAvaovras e?s T^V *Apn&>iav «c/?aiVew. fjcmv 8" Q$TQI "OpdvTa Kal 'Aprovxa
'Appsvioi Kal MapSoi Kal -XaASaicu [j.ia9o<f>6poi". (417, 3)
56 Tacitus, Ann., XIV, xxiii [L. IV, 146/7], " Atque ilium [Corbulonem] finis suos
praegredientem incursavere Mardi, latroeiniis exerciti contraque inrumpentem montibus
defensi; quos Corbulo inmissis Hiberis vastavit... [xxiv] ... Unde in regionem Taurauni-
tium transgressus inprovisum periculum vitavit ... ". (417, 4)
57 See above chapter XI, pp. 249-250; Sebeos, xxxv, p. 138, " ••• np k^hfi p
lfuipqntj£uh: "; Lewond, ii, p. 7 " ••• p uw^Suiliu IfuipqnLgwjjig *•• ". Both
consist of Ifiiinqnn (nom. Zee-.) < mard, while the ending —£^ or —iujj> gives it the
sense of an ethnikon: " the inhabitants of Mardoc ", which is similar to ^nni£—/D,
Zuijuimnuj'ii — ^"{/^> e^c' We believe that, in addition to Mardastan, the name
of the Mardians has also been preserved in the province of Mardalik' (see above, Chapter
III n. 18), Perhaps the Mardians of MardaHk' are the deseendents of those Mardians
who attacked Xenophon at the Kentrites crossing together with the Chaldaeans [see
above n. 55]. Still together they moved northward and occupied the districts named
respectively MardaHk' and Chaldia. The Mardians who appeared in Mardastan pro-
bably came at a later date and from the direction of Iran. [See above nn. 54-55]. (417, 5)
"a [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 169-170, 200, 231 n. 285, 237 n. 305,248; Garitte,
Agathange, p. 224.]
58 Pliny, NH, VI, x (28) [L. II, 356/7], " ... proximi Armeniae sunt Menobardi et
Moseheni ". [Markwart, Sudarmenien, p. *53, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 182-183, also
458-460 nn. 93a and 98, See above nn. 6, 19; Garitte, Agathange, p. 225, and Hubseh-
mann, Ortsnamen, pp. 254-255; Eremyan, Armenia, p. 71]. (418, 1)
59 tjnp&kg < *ljnnmp£—iajD, where 1jnninp& = " Kurd " ; the form is similar
to uimnuiiain — //£, pujmau —/nj, etc. Andreas' derivation from kurti-hayk is un-
founded. [Gf, Hiibschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 255-259, 333-335 ; Markwart, Sudarmenien,
pp. *53, 353; Garitte, Agathange, pp. 219-220; Toumanoff, Studies, pp.57 n. 54, 60
n. 58, 129-130, 169-170, 181-182, 197 n. 222, 468 n. 138; Eremyan, Armenia, p. 60;
Hewsen, Armenia, p. 329 n. 36. See above n. 19]. (418, 2)
60 According to the Anonymous History [Sebeos, p, 2] and MX [I, xii], ûlI^Sû was
the grandson of Hayk, the son of Armenak, and the ûiqi/bioli house was descended
from him. It is possible that Kadm is a misunderstanding of the Syr. kadun, " first "
so that" km-" duiniuhi[nLJ(}[iLb ^liarj.Jkuij (jc}nn.p& pi.pni.ii) npr^njl] HpiJkLwlfiaj
... " [Sebeos, p. 2] means, " he gave ... to the/irsi or eldest son of Armenak ... ". On the
other hand, the hypothesis that Ifim} —3—nu is the toponym equivalent to the Syr.
Jcasdim (plur. kasd) > Jcard the root of Kardu-x-oi, is also possible. Cf, Marr, Tables,
p. 5, Hommel, Grundriss, I, pp. 187 n. 4 and 244 n. 4. In such an interpretation,
ûlr|.llbul'il would become a name of the type ffrnfupiifkiub, HpiuiJkuifi, etc. [Tou-
manoff, Studies, pp. 224-225 and 224 n. 270, 236.] (418, 3)
61 Herod., V, 52 [L. HI, 58/9] MavmjvTJ was a country adjacent to Armenia on the
river Zab, or, as Herodotus calls it, the third Tigris. According to his indication,
the Royal Highway from Susa to Sardia passed through Armenia and Mantiene, " In
Armenia there are fifteen resting-stages, and fifty-six parasangs and a half " whereas
in Mantiene there are " thirty-four [sic], and a hundred and thirty-seven parasangg ".
PSTB, Adontz gives only four resting-stages in Mantiene and deduces the relative size
of this country and Armenia from this ratio], Strabo, XI, vii, 2 [L. V, 250/1], puts
Matiane together with Media Ptol., VI, ii, 5, mentions Ma.-rovora.va. < main and stana,
and Ma/maw?' According to Strabo, XI, xiv, 8 [L. V, 326/7], Lake Urmiah was called
" T) MavTiav-rj, KVQ.VTJ eppyvevfaiaa, ... ". In his description of Media, [XI, xiii, 2,
L. V, 302/3] the same lake is called Siravra [cf, p. 302 n. 3 " Kawavrav "]. In one case
Strabo has followed Apollonides, and in the other Eratosthenes, moreover he mistook
Kvavf] " blue " as the translation of Mavnavr], whereas it belonged with Siravrav <
[Kalirovrav = ^juiuinnnuifi of the Arm, Geogr, II, (Pers, / ' "which does mean
"blue". Cf. Hiibschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 439; Markwart, Bran, p. 143; Eremyan,
Armenia, p. 58; Hewsen, Armenia, p, 329 n. 39, also next note,] (419, 1)
62 The etymology of manda and of the other forms has not yet been worked out,
cf, Hommel, Grundriss, p. 195 and Rost, UntersucJiungen, where the latter compares
mdda and madh, with the sense, " verstandigen, in verstandlicher Sprache redenden ",
Ibid,, p. 73, According to Strabo, XI, vii, 2 [L. V, 250/1]. Media and particularly
Mantiene were famous because, " 17 psv yap a/wreAo? fiGTprjTrjv oivov $e/jei ... ev Ss rois
crfMjvowpyeiTcu /ecu TWV <£vAAcw atroppei p,z/(i' ... ". See also, Ibid., H, i, 4
[L. I, 272/3]. This fact may perhaps provide a basis for tracing mada and mail from the
root madu, Avest. mada,, Gk, peOv, Slav. /VJE/L'K meaning " wine " or " mead ". [The
entire question of the " Mada ", the part they played in the " barbarian confederation "
or " TJmman - Manda " of late Assyrian sources, their relation to the country of Manna
and its inhabitants, and finally their connexions -with the Armenians, has grown enor-
mously since the time of writing of this work, and, indeed, is considerably developed
by Adontz himself in his late work, Sistoire d'Armenie, On these highly controversial
problems, see also, Piotrovskii, Origin, and Kingdom of Van, D'iakonov, Assyro-Babylo-
nian Sources, Media, and Collection, van Loon, Urartian Art, pp. 1-28, et a?.] (419,2)
63 MX, II, Ivii, " QimjJLpii unnm uiubli klfkiui 9^99 uiSuimniSi
Ifnij^Siufigli laplibj^pg Uphiug ui£pjiup£pb : paijy k& unj>ui phnLftkuiSp.
n Ifiuhnikiuj nLiIhiKiJ;. «v ûiphiai D kb unpui h jUppniliuij mnw^hli h ^fjt
puiquiLnpkykinjb, It jtiiniu9npSnLpkiu3p. laîn^lli jUphuig uippjuip^ph p iifuiiupL
£uiukuiip n hnndui'iiu H^Siummîh : pwjg f}£ JP^l uiiain^wnuig niuiniuin linijui
uijun ni q.pink5. mji ujuiinnLph jUpinuippufr ij.knJiL^ k quiumwlfkpinoDt It mil—
nmihph uiSiamniJupgi npujû p£ klff : fct Ifîif p fyvupupij fiuibuLhiubu qhnuu]
Ifnpkfi fiw&nt& &XBA/&tn/6". Thus, the Amatuni came from Ahmatan and were
the descendents of a certain Manwe. .Xbrenaei presents the Amatnni as klfg " immi-
grants " (evidently from Pers. JL»I)» bxitwhy then mention their ancestor Manwe, " on
account of whom some of the Persians still called them Manwean " ? The legendary
account presumably had spoken of Ifminnt and U'niuint.kinh) (subsequently distorted
into y«;&nt U"tubnLkuih), and Matu is an eponym pointing to the people having the
same name. The initial a- in A-matwni is also found in the form A-madai for Madai,
and seems to have been a characteristic of Alarodian pronunciation, Hommel, Grundriss,
p. 195 n. 2. [C7/. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 61 n. 58, 169 n. 81, 197-198, on the Caspio-
Medians and the Amatuni; 110 n. 173, 198 n. 223, 212, for the Mandakuni.] (419, 3)
64 The GaTtnamaJs has Ifuipiuijlmih pro tfuipnijliuih, as does Thorn. Arc. HI, vi,
p, 109, MX, H, viii, insists that " knbnnnn /9a;fla/zj7nniA?£u/&& iphtp P ifjaiLiu^
U>}tnia£ialnaj Ifiunutn kqkwj puinuiLfipp, np uijdS Ifnipuiqinhn linih'ii :
'ftni'iiijji n£ uiuhfi &ui£iuu{kinp ui^pfi Ifnipuitjujh in£p, uijj_ JSuipuiifLngb inj;p".
but he himself speaks of " HpnuiS iniaînunln niannii IfnLpiuniiib ••• ". Ibid.,
EC, xliv, and " lApquid &a/û/tyAwi Ifnipuigwhuiij". Ibid,, III, slvi. {Of, Tou-
manoff, Studies, pp. 224 n. 270, 230-231 nn. 280, 284. Eremyan, Armenia, p. 65.
Hewsen, Armenia, p. 331 and nn. 47-48.] (420,1)
65 Plut. Lwcwllus, xxvi, 4 [ L . II, 554/5], "... awfjWov 'Appzvioi, KO.I Jb/jSw/vot,
TravoTpanq. §e MijBovs KQ.I 'ASiaftijvovs ayovres 01 jSatrtAei? irapTJaav, $JKQV 8e woAAoi /êv cmo
TTJS ev Baj8t>/\covi ffaAacrcrTj? "Apaftes, TroAAoJ Se mro vrjs Kacmtas 'AXfiavol Kal "JjSijjoes 'AXfia-
vois TrpoaoiKovvrGS, OVK dhtyoi Se rwv irepl TOV 'Apd^yv venopeiHav ajSaaiAevroi âpirt Kal
Bt&pois ireiaOevres oarffyniaav, ... ". (420, 2)
66 Herod., HI, 93; VH, 68 [L. II, 120/1; HI, 380/1]. Strtibo, XI, vii, 1; XI, viii, 8
[L. V, 248/9; 268/9]. Pliny, NH, VI, xvi (42), " Atropatene ab Armeniae Otene regione
discreta Araxe ". Ptol., V, ^ xii, 4, " ... •jrapa Se rov Kvpov Troro.p,ov ... TJ 'Qryvrj ".
[Of. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 68 n. 65, 110 n, 173, 129, 132, 219, 475, 482. Eremyan,
Armenia, p. 75, Hewsen, Armenia, p. 333. Of, !Yye, Persia, p. 47; Trever, Albania,
p. 46 etc.] (420, 3)
67 -F-ijAcu > modern Gilan = " 9»%—wg ", EKSe, v, p. 116;. " *)>l;uii]j& " Jfov.
Kalarik\, II, xix, p. 140; " kpfyjip ^kijjS—uij " Sebeos, xii-xiii, pp. 57-58; " ^brfSui'iiij
ihiiinii" JOT, II, liii, (7/, ^knuiS, ^hntupDnibp, [Eremyan, Armenia,, p, 47j
Toumanoff, Studies, p. 214; D'iakonov, Media, p. 93 n. 1.] (420,4)
68 Strabo, XI, vii, 1 [L, V, 248/9], " îvifiva? 8' ev T^ Ovma -ra^jcrcu wdAiv, T^P Alvidva
KaXeiaOai .„ ", Andreas, -4Mw"a«re, derives the Arm, û/&^ in Paytakaran from this
city, But Strabo, XI, xiv, 14 [L. V, 334/5] also asserts that " Aeyovrai 8e KOI TWV
Alvidvcov rives, ol p,sv TTJV Ovirlav CU/CTJCTCU, cu 8' virzpde TU>V 'App.evlcDv vtrep TOV "Afiov /ecu
TOV Nipapov". On the basis of this passage, the Armenian U&^ should also be
linked with the 'Amd-vot. [Eremyan, Armenia, p, 62], (420, 5)
69 Strabo, XI, viii, 4 [L. V, 260/1-262/3], " [27d«:cw] aTravres 8' wsCT{TO woAu vofiaSes ...
Trapairhtjaias e^dSous STTOvrjcrnvTO Tois Kijj,}ispiQis Kal Tpypem, ras p^v juaKporejoas, ras Se
Kal zyyvOev Kal yap TTJP BaKrpinvrjv KQ.TGOXQV Kal TTJS 'Ap/jteptas KareKTâavro TJJV apiarrfv
yTJv, rfv Kal ewcovufiov eavrutv KareAtTrov T^V 2aKaar)vi]v, Kal pexP1 KofirnaSoKtav, Kal
fioAecrra TWV irpos JEv£elvq>, ovs UOVTIKOVS vvv KaXovai, irpofjXSov ". [As in the case of
the Mada, the migration of the Saka has received a great deal of attention from recent
scholarship. See above, the bibliography given in n. 62, also Eremyan, Armenia, p. 73;
Tonmanoff, Studies, pp.52, 54 n, 49, 60 n. 58, 80; JFrye, Persia, pp. 41-42, 47, 67-70,
152-160,164-167, 177-178, 216, 252 nn. 50-52; Mellink ed., Dark Ages, Trever, Alania\,
(421,1)
70 Hiibschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 457, is of the opinion that the phoneme s for s in
(7/i/û/2/'& stands in the way of this etymology, but even if we were certain that salea
must > uuilf and not ^mlf in Armenian, it would still be possible to attribute this
transformation to some peculiarity of TJtian or Albanian pronunciation. Markwart,
JSran, p. 120 n, 3, holds that the etymology of Sakasene, and of the festival TO. oaKaia
" ist eine blosse Konjektur " of ancient writers, that they probably had nothing to do
with the Saka, and the etymology was devoid of historical value. This conclusion
is correct in the case of the cra/ccua which has no connexion with the Saka, and is
probably < sak " tribute " referring to the great gifts made at the time of the festival.
[See preceding and following notes.] (421, 2)
71 Arrian, Anab,, HI, viii, 4 [L, I, 246/7], " MyScov Se •jjyesro 'ArpoiraTijs' $VPSTO.T~
TOVTO Se M-^Sois KaSovaiol re KOI 'AXftavoi ml 2aKeaivai". Strabo, XI, xiv, 4 [L, V,
320/1], " T) ZaKaayv-rj, Kal avri) rfj 'AAftavla irpocrxcopos ... ", Pliny, NH, VI, x (29)
[L, II, 358/9], " ... Moschorum tractus ad Hiberum amnem in Cyrum defluentem et
infra eos Sacasani et deinde Macerones ad flumen Absarrum ". Ptol,, V, xii, " ZaKa-
GT)vr) ", [See above nn. 69-70 and next note,] (421, 3)
72 De Lagarde, Gesam, Abh,, p, 155 and Arm, Studien, pp. 135-136, 199/5, believes
that the original name of the country was Si, which became Si-salcan (i.e. et Si of the
Saka ") after its occupation by the Saka — An unacceptable hypothesis; composite
names usually have a separate origin. The Armenian form Ufiiîfj consists of the root
up— and the ending —ntup, but the Persian form Upumûifi presuposes the root
upu—. The family historian of the house of Siwnik' says that king Vafersak gave the
supreme command of the army to the house of Sisakan, " fez. ^pui3tujl Upum
^piuSui'tiuiinuin Jphkl h I/^77H'/ JWZ/&&ZH/& laponi^p Donu/n&, li kplfpnpn
npni.Jdkui'ii pLpnj* li E^tlkfi k^L ^whwufMtl u[iuinkpiui^SuiL qpiuhh
npnj uifiniSi uinui9fjnj£i Upuinb hnspip :.", Steph, Orb., I, iv, I, pp. 54-55.
A few centuries before Orbelean, the Arab geographer Tbn al-!Fakih (ca. 903) wrote that
496 NOTES : CHAPTEE XIV
the Arabs took the city of Baylakan under the caliph TJt'man (644-656) and sent their
cavalry to conquer, a>j (jLL^gilj <J\^«fd\J 3j!j jljl«Jllj {j~*~*
o w^l& (J^JUu) BGA, V, p. 293 = Karaulov, SborniJc, xxvii. It is easy to iden-
tify Sisan (instead of the Sisar of the text) MecTcowanTc1 (IfhblfnLiuIi-^), TJtiTc'
(f]Linfi —j>), Mecirank' (Ifkbpputb —g) among these rnstaq. The last name is a dis-
tortion of ^wp^nuli-D or {/"ni[/wiw&] £wn£iuifj — t). With the exception of the
first, the remaining names are known from the Arm. Geogr., [p. 33/44, see Appen-
dix IV] as districts in Area^- The first name is to be identified with the Upuui'ii
of Orbelean, according to whom this was the original name of the Gate of the Huns,
i.e. the present Derbent. Ibn al-Fakih gives a detailed description of the pass at Der-
bent which had been fortified with a long wall by .Xusro Anosarvan, and says that
there were seven passages opened in this wall at each of which a city was built, these
were inhabited by Persian troops and called siasiJcin, " (JlSj .yuâJI ^
rtjL "' Moreover, the author continues, "it is said that
from Armenia are required to guard this wall and these gates ". BGA, V
p. 291 = Sbornik, p. 23. These last words leave no doubt that siasikin is
the Arab. plur. of sisalcan, The modern Arab pronunciation is sisajan (plur.
siasijin, as given in BGA, V, p. 728 = Karaulov, Sbornilc, p. 17), .Xusro built
Vayc (âjj) = ^lajng [etn/j] and other fortresses in the land of Sisajan and filled
them with Siasijans, a warlike and brave people). The departure from the correct
Arabic pronunciation shows that the author relied here on an ancient Persian source.
Since the defense of the gates was entrusted to the population of Sisakan, in which lay
the district of Sisan, we can understand the reason for which the gates came to be called
Sisan. It is the echo of an historical event, namely, that these gates had been guarded
by Armenians from Sisan (cf, the words of Vasak of Siwnik', LP\, p. 264, " ...
ku iflifi ) *lpuin Suipauiwli'ii £h h l^nLnli UnnuiiLpg jpSni.S &knfib £n, pui^niS
qppuiqjnLpjg £nhuig £&/f pu nuinklûiSwguilt • • • ". )Should we accept Sisan as a
contraction of Sis<ak>an, or of Sis<aj>an, or should we take it as an independent
formation (< the root sis + an, the suffix indicating the plural) and connect it with
modern Sisian, a section of the Zangezur district of Siwnik', although Sisian can also
be taken as a contraction of Sisakan. The question whether Sis is the name of a parti-
cular people, or whether it has the same origin as Siwnik' is not clear. The form Dpifrpg
is older than Uputuliiuti; it is found in Eusebius, Praep. Evang., VI, xxxi, " KOI SXij TTJ
*AXavia Kai 'Ahftavia KO.I 'Qrjjvfj /cat Zavvia ". It has also been suggested that 0awl-ris
should be read 27aw?~w in Strabo, XI, xiv, 5 [L. V, 324/5], Procopius, Pers,, I, xv, 1
[L. I, 128/9], knows of the Sunitai as neighbours of the Albanians [sic. The text of
Procopius has Alans, " TO 8e crrpaTev/ua TOUTO Uepaapju.evMW re Kai Sovvvr&v âav, 01
Sij 'Ahavois eiQiv opopoi "]. The Persian form of the name: Sisakan, appears for the
first time in ZacJiariah of Mitylene, XII, vii, p, 328, for the year 554, where he gives
Sisagan as a country separate from Armenia as are Arran and Gurzan [See above, chapter
IX, p. 171], In Armenian literature, Sisakan also appears later than Siwnik', It is
interesting that the Anonymous History does not include Sisak in its genealogy of the
Haykids, where this is done by MX [I, xii, " ... bbwi. i[npqp pip qlJjiuuilf • » •
um^Smliu ûimmli^ hSui cfum«/f/ipi^?&u;& p bni££Ii pjtrf. mpmLiuû i/jih ^L.
ilh, np akmli l)puiuhj ••• ptyiulil; h nuiyinti : Hum phuiljkuii Upumlf^
^punipkiuSp. cûiuîuuu p.uiulfni.pkiuu pi-pnj. A qui^hiwnflu ^W/ PLPnil

luunuuSpu UpLupj). tujj^ fyiupug juwwlfiuifnjb fluff Upuiuljiuu Ifnikh ". Does
this omission indicate that the form Sisakan was not yet in use in the period of
the Anonymous History, or does it reflect the period 571-660, when Siwnik' was separated
from Armenia ? [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 330 sqq., particularly 332, for the use
of this term to date the History of Movses .Xbrenaei]. The root sis- in Sisakan can be
reduced to si-, in Siwnik', if we accept the hypothesis that sis- has the same relation
to si-si-Jc', as Piaiîuu < uiliiuu > to plan—n, Moks-ena to ]fnb—D, Akilis-ene to
blfktip—f, blfhqkuiij,, etc. [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 130 n. 229, 214 and n. 244,
352 n. 50, and above nn. 69 sqq.] (421, 4)
73 FB, III, vii, the " ijopu puiquiu—&iag " live north of the Kura. In Koriwn,
XI, 5, p. 34, the " putqûiuiulfuib Ifni^SuiL^ " lie on the road from Albania to Gardman
and Tasir, i.e., along the Kura. Muslim sources are familiar with Balasakan, on the
right bank of the Araxes between Ardebil and Vardan[akert], Markwart, Eran, p. 120,
(cf. pLUitjuili—now, a district in Paytakaran [Arm. Oeogr., p. 33/44]. We can see
from this that the people under discussion came down into the valley of the Kura from
the mountains and moved to the junction of the Kura and the Araxes. During this
migration, some of them must have settled in the locality named jpuiq—g, P^l—u'
after them. Slise, vi, p. 134, " • « • puipkliiuîunhiui £p fiiu n&n £knwhiuj
Znup i/puipiuuiiLJdkiuiip Piuqîuuiulfiuh nipj>uijpu • • • ". Since, in the same con-
text, £/P\, p. 268, mentions only the king of the Huns, we must presume that
Eh'se's King of Balasakan is one and the same person as Hefan, the Hun. In this
case, it is possible that Ânm& is merely a form of l^nutiLi = Albania, i.e., that Vasak
had concluded an alliance with the Albanians, or the Albanian Huns who were ruled
by the King of Balasakan. The Balas probably were one of the Hunnic tribes. [Cf.
Eremyan, Armenia, pp.43, 88; Trever, Albania, pp.75, 150, 191-192, 196-197, 208].
(423,1)
74 Pliny, NH, VI, xi (29), [L. n, 358/9], "... ab Albaniae confinio tota montium
fronte gentes Silvorum ferae et infra Lupeniorum, mox Diduri et Sodi ". Ptol., V, xii,
p. 938, 2o§ovK-T)VT) which reproduces the Arm. TJninpg. The comment of
Orb., I, iii, I, p. 51, " Qnppnpq. Unfipg qiuuun, np uiulfu îafimu[ia
pgntj L /fum&u/^nt&j oqngli l^n^kgviL Un[i}j> : £phqkpnpif li/j«/^M q.wuun. • • » ".
The Diijui(,k&j> were apparently drawn from the people whose descendents in southern
Daghestan are now called Jîu£p&. [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 182 n. 146]. (424, 1)
75 FB, III, vii, " 1OPU ^nuûipwg " pro " Quipifiupuiij " under the influence of
QnLquipg the well known province of Gogarene. MX, II, viii, " ûipiûiniuqui^
fopiui'iini.ppLL] ". Thorn. Arc., Ill, x, p. 177, " • • • ppuilil p iûiyinla Quipqui—
pianinn^ L kp^kiai dinui'lii; h pvaniupli ilkb tfluininuii. ••• ". Ibid., Ill, xviii,
p. 216, " tflutpiniuL jui£pjiup£b Qwpij.iupiiiiji.nij ". [See next note]. (424, 2)
7(5 Strabo, XI, v, 1 [L. V, 232/3] Pafyyapeis. The similar Twya/)^, which is also
known to Strabo has nothing to do with the Gargarians and belongs to Armenian nomen-
clature. Gargar may = Assyr. Tcaklcari, " country, province ". There is, incidentally
no etymological or historical objection to the association of Qniniupp with the
Qiupifuipg, who would then be considered earlier migrants. This is all the more
tempting that the neighbouring provinces of Sirak and Asoc have also preserved the
memory of mountain tribes, the " Hipdicwv KO.I 'Aopawv $uAa ... ". Strabo, XI, v, 8
[L. V, 242/3], who were the most numerous and powerful of the peoples nomadizing
between the Maeotic and Caspian seas. They moved from north to south (" ûyaSes
T&V dVwWpa) ") and, gradually spreading carried on trade with Indian and Babylonian
wares which they received from the Armenians and the Medes, " ... evewopevovro
'IvSiKov <j>6pTQv Ko.1 TOV BafivXwviov' 77a/3o TG 'Apjj,svl(av KQ.I Mrjoicav
, Hem, [Gf, the objection of Manandian, Trade, pp. 49-50]. In view
of their close connexion with the Armenians, it would not be surprizing if part of them
had moved to Armenia into the district later called &ppwl[ = Hipax,, while Hyiy =
'Aopaoi., According to Pliny, NH, VI, iv (16) [L. IE, 348/9], the Cephalotomi lived
next to the Seraci [NB. the text of Pliny has Serri and not Seraci, " ... post eos Serri,
Cephalotomi"]. However, we learn from Strabo, XI, xiv, 14 [L. V, 334/5-336/7],
that their real name was Saraparas and that part of them moved to the Median border,
" ... <j>am Se KCU ®pa,KU>v rivds, rovs TtpQaayopevofievovs Sapairdpas, olov
oiK'fjaai virsp TTJS 'Apftevias, TtXâiov ... MrfScov, OrjpuoSsis avdpcairovs ...
TQVTO yap SyXovmv ol Sa.po.Tta.pm ". If we accept the hypothesis that the Saraparas
settled in Armenia together with their neighbours the Sirakeni, a new light is cast on
the gentilicial name of the Kamsarakan princes: Sara-para has the literal sense of
/ios, according to MX, II, Ixxxvii, ûiSuiap had the same meaning, "...
xplP'l pninpni-PpLU nuiniupkiafih, wunLiuukijiUL ^JiuSuiap wjfip
tuqiuquiL ", i.e. the name was composed of Kam and sar. On this basis we can presume
that the Kamsarakan were descended from Saraparian immigrants into Sirak. Sub-
sequently, with the transfer of Sirak to the branch of the Arsaoids which had settled
in Arsarunik', it also .received the name of the Kamsarakans. According to
the Armenian tradition transmitted by MX [II, v, viii], Sirak < Saray, and Gugark' <
Gusar, It is clear that fciupiuj and Qntyuin are merely eponyms, fcuinuij has the
same relation to ^hnmb as Qnipuip to ^nuauipf^ The correct form of the latter
may be ^ni^wp c/modern Gujareti. It is, of course possible that Sirak means " field "
(cf. the Sirak plain along the Alazan), -gsm Bra, sehra, sirale. [On the Gargarians, see also,
Trever, Albania, pp. 31, 46, 48-50, 58, 66, 140. On the Gusarids and the vitaâte of
Gogarene, of, Toumanoff, Studies, 183 sqq., 467-473 and notes. On Sirak, Manandian,
Problems, pp. 61 sqq.. On the Kamsarakan house, Ibid,, 110 n. 173, 130 n. 229,
171 n. 90, 193 n. 207, 206-207]. (424, 3)
77 Herod., VII, 68 [L. HI, 380/1], the MVKOI lived next to the Qfcioi and were armed
like the Udxrves, i.e. the inhabitants of Bohtan, This last fact suggests the possibility
of a link between the MVKOI and the Mok-s-ians (Ifnilvutf), It is interesting that JOT
[II, viii] believed that the inhabitants of Kstunik', the district next to Mokk' had come
from Siwnik', a territory near Mughan, "hull nnpinmnLbpu k
tj.inp ufiuuiifbw]_ p upuuil[uib!;h uipiûiph. ^minnLiab, n£ qhinki), p£ jiuhni.fi
tjûiLiunii iiihniMihhiii h. ^jHi&ni& quiLUiniuijh qhuipjiupiup ni.ppi.hufi
[Of, Toumanoff, Studies, p. 68 n. 65, see above, nn. 19, 58] (425,1)
78 Stralo, XI, vii, 1 [L, V, 248/9]. According to the geographer, there existed,
" Uappaoitov nvas ... ovs KaêiaBai vvv Uapaiovs ... ". More correctly, the Parsioi
and the Parrasioi were separate but related peoples (Pliny, NH, VI, xviii (48) [L. II,
372/3] also asserts that " Gaeli quos Graeci Cadusios appellavere ... although we know
that Gaeli and the Cadusii were separate peoples). According to Mov. KalanTs?, I, xiii,
juip£ i/ji Upbuijuwj uiiupuuiljiuh mlinLU " exists, the name is given as tf)inpu~
in the heading of the chapter. In Ibid,, HI, xx, p. 264, the same name is given
ff—Ijuih—g while the Arm, Geogr., [p. 33/44] has tyiublfiuhg. The other district
i—p—wi^nl'uu is found in AsoliTc, III, xvii, p. 198; xxx, p. 256; xlviii, p. 283
in the form fpuinpu <nu>. (425, 2)
78a [Of. above pp. 317 sgg. and n. 38a.]
78b [See next chapter.]
500 NOTES : CHAPTER XV
CHAPTER XV
a [The bibliographic indications given at the beginning of Chapters IX and XIII are
also relevant for this chapter. For works relating to the problem of Armenian feudalism,
see below n. 15d.]
1 The Tigranid dynasty goes back to the period of Cyrus and Astyages, whose contem-
porary was an Armenian king having two sons: Tigranes and Sabaris (see above, Chapter
XIV and n. 1). From them were descended the following:
1. Artaxias [Artases] in 190 B.C.
2. Tigranes [Tigran] I. According to Appian, Syr,, XI, viii, 48 [L. n, 196/7] Tigran
the Great was the son of a Tigran, " fiamXevs 'Appt-vtas Tiypavrfs 6 Tiypdvovs ... ".
3. Artavazdes [Artawazd] I. 94 B.C.
4. Tigranes II the Great (94-56 B.C.). His son also named Tigran was married to
the daughter of King Phraates of Parthia. The daughter of Tigran was married
to King Mithradates of Atropatene, [Media], Cass, Dio,, XXXVI, xiv [L. Ill, 20/1],
" o MiBpiSdres o irepos o e/c Mrfiias yafj.j3p6s rov Tiypdvov ... "]. MX [II, xi, xiv-
xvi, xviii], confuses Mithradates of Pontus with Mithradates of Media. Tigran II
was married to Cleopatra, the daughter of the former, whereas his own daughter
was married to the latter.
5. Artavazdes II (56-30 B.C.). Taken prisoner in 33 B.C. Killed by Cleopatra VII
of Egypt in 30 B.C.
6. Artaxias II, son of Artavazdes I. Killed " ... per dolum propinquorum ", Tac.
Ann., n, iii [L. II, 388/9].
7. Tigranes HI. Brother of Artaxias and Erato, [" Nee Tigrani diuturnum imperium
fait neque liberis eius, quamquam societatis more externo in matrimonium reg-
numque".] Idem.
8. Artavazdes III. Deposed in A.D. 1. Ibid., II, iv [L. II, 388/9], [" Dein iussu
Augusti inpositus Artavasdes et non sine clade nostra deiectus. Turn Gaius
Caesar componendae Armeniae deligitur ".]
9. Ariobarzanes of Media. [" Is Ariobarzanen, origine Medum, ob insignem corporis
formam et praeclarum, animum volentibus Armeniis praefecit. Ariobarzane morte
fortuita absumpto stirpem eius haud toleravere; ...".] Idem.
10. Erato, sister and wife of Tigranes III (for the second time), Idem, [" temptatoque
feminae imperio, cui nomen Erato, eaque brevi pulsa ... ".]
11. Vonones of Parthia, [" ... incerti solutique et magis sine domino quam in libertate
profugum Vononen in regnum accipiunt. Sed ubi minitari Artabanus et parum
subsidii in Armeniis, vel si nostra vi defenderetur, bellum adversus Parthos sumen-
dum erat, rector Syriae Cretieus Silanus excitum custodia circumdat, manente
luxu et regio nomine ".] Idem.
12. Artaxias III = Zeno, son of King Polemon of Pontus, Ibid., II, Ivi [L. II, 472/3-
474/5], [" (Armenii) Ambigua gens ea antiquitus hominum ingeniis et situ terrarum,
... maximisque imperils interiecti et saepitis discordes sunt, adversus Romanes
odio et in Parthum invidia. Regem ilia tempestate non habebant, amoto Vonone:
sed favor nationis inclinabat in Zenonem Polemonis regis Pontici filium, quod is
prima ab infantia instituta et cultum Armeniorum aemulatus. ... proceres ple-
blemque iuxta devinxerat. Igitur Germanicus in urbe Artaxata adprobantibus
nobilibus, circumfusa multitudine, insigne regium capiti eius imposuit. Ceteri
NOTES : CHAPTER XV 501
venerantes regem Artaxiam eonsahrtavere, quod illi voeabulum indiderant ex
nomine urbis ".]
13. Arsaces, son of Artabanus III of Parthia, Ibid., VI, xxxi [L, in, 206/7]. [" (Arta-
banus) avidusque Armeniae, eui defuneto rege Artaxia Arsaeen liberorum suorum
veterrimum inposuit, ... ".]
14. Tigranes IV [grandson of Herod the Great], executed in A.D, 36, Ibid,, VI, xl [L. Ill,
224/5], [" Ne Tigranes quidem, Armenia quondam potitus ac tune reus, nomine
regio supplicia civium effugit.]
15. Mithradates of Iberia, Ibid., XII, xliv-xlvii [L. Ill, 376/7-384/5].
16. Rhadamistes of Iberia, opposed to Tigran V from A.D. 50, [Ibid., XII, xliv-li;
XIII, vi, xxxvii,[L. Ill, 376/7-390/1 ; IV, 10/1, 60/1].
17. Tigranes V of Cappadoeia, the Roman candidate and rival of Tiridates I [" (Veru-
lanus) ... quosque nobis a versos animis cognoverat, caedibus et incendiis perpopula-
tus possessionem Armeniae usurpabat, cum advenit Tigranes a Nerone ad eapessen-
dum imperium delectus, Cappadocum ex nobilitate, regis Arcbelai nepos, sed quod
diu obses apud urbem fuerat, usque ad servilem patientiam demissus. Nee consensu
acceptus, durante apud quosdam favore Arsacidarum. At plerique superbiam
Parthorum perosi datum a Romanis regem malebant ". Ibid., XIV, xxvi [L. IV,
Ibid., XV, vi, xxiv [L. IV, 224/5, 252/3].
The Arsacid Dynasty,
1. Tiridates [Trdat] I, from A.D. 50, permanently A.D. 66-80, Ibid., XII, 1-li; XHI,
. xxxiv, xxxvii-xli ; XIV, xxvi ; XV, i-xvii, xxiv-xxxi ; XVI, xxii, xxiii-xxiv [L. IH,
388/9; IV, 56/7, 60/1-72/3; 148/9; 216/7-242/3, 252/3-262/3; 372/3]. For the
reception of Trdat I in Rome see below n. 7.
2. Axidares, A.D. 110, son of Paeorus and brother of Tiridates [see next entry],
3. Parthamasiris, A.D. 111-114, brother of Axidares, Cass. Dio., LXVIH, xvii, [L, VIII,
392/3-400/1].
4. jTologaesus] — 117, SEA, " Hadrianus ", xxi [L.I, 66/7], ["Armeniis regem
habere permisit, cum sub Traiano legatum habuissent ... ".]
5. (A king appointed by Antoninus Pius, A.D. 138-161). [" Sous le regne d'Antonin
le Pieux, une monnaie des annees 140-144, avec la legende " Rex Armeniis datus ",
nous montre cet empereur posant la tiare sur la t§te d'un prince ... ". Grousset,
Armenie, p. 111.]
6. Sohaemus (159-162). [JamblieJius, in Photius, BibliotJi^que, xciv, II, p. 40, " ...
aKfjid^Giv em Soa.ifj.ov TOV MxatjueWSov rov 'ApaatdSov, os jSacriAevs 3jv -narepwv
fiaoihecw, yeyove Se o/j,a)S KO.I TTJS avyK^>JTOv jSovA^s TTJS ev 'PcanTj, KEU vfra s 8e, e?ra
Kal j8acriAei)s TraAiv TTJS /ieydAijs' 'Appsvias ".]
7. Paeorus (162-164). [Fronto, Ad Verum Imp. L. II, p. 144/5] 010 6559
IlaKoopos fSamXsvs fj.e'yd^jjs 'Appevlas ".] Sohaemus, bis (164-169). [See above, entry
No. 6 and Cass. Dio., LXXI, 2, [L. IX, 4/5].
8. Sanatruces [Sanatruk] (190-197). [The problem of Sanatruk is particularly compli-
cated, see Toximanoff, Studies, p. 284, Debevoise, PartMa, p. 235, Maricq, Sanatrouq,
et al., also next entry.]
9. Vologaesus [Valarsak] (197-216). [Cass, Dio., LXXV, ix, L. VIII, 418/9], " "Ort T£>
OvoAoyatcroj TU> ZavarpovKOv TraiSl dvrnTo.paTaâfj,eva> TOIS irepl SsovTJpov, ... pepos TI
rijs *Ap}i.evia.s em rfj elp^vf] exapiaaro ". Ibid., LXXVII (LXXVHI), xii, 1, [L. IX,
304/5], " Tov Se T&V 'Ap[j,Gvt(ov jSaatAea ... eâAecre /J.6V îtAi/coss ypdfj.p,amv ... !§/>a<re
8e Kal irepl TOV Avyapov ", Cf, Maricq, Chronologie].
502 NOTES: CHAPTER XV
10. Tiridates II (217). The kings of the Illth century are not known, and the existing
evidence is very confused. We have mentions of:
11. Tiridates IH in 253
12. Artavazdes in 269
13. Tiridates TV, the first Christian ruler contemporary with Gregory the Illuminator.
14. Chosroes [.Xbsrov II]
15. Tiran [Tigranes VH], deposed in 344.
16. Arsaces [Arsak II], (346-349).
17. Pap (369-374).
18. Varazdates (374-378).
[Manuel Mamikonean, 378-385].
19. Arsaces and Valarsaces [Arsak and Valarsak],
20. Vramsapuh,
21. Artases,
[The Armenian chronology remains riddled "with problems despite the considerable
•work done on it since the p\iblication of Adontz's book. Only the briefest indications
can be given here of subsequent developments. The main areas of transformation have
been: 1. the identification of the Orontid dynasty in Hellenistic Armenia and the ad-
ditional material furnished by the Nemrut dag inscriptions and the Aramaic inscriptions
of Artaxias I' found in Armenia. 2. The attempts to clarify the confusion created by
Armenian sources, particularly Movses .Xbrenaei, who confuse the Artaxiad andArsacid
dynasties in Armenia, confuse rulers and totally misplace a number of them such as
Abgar df Edessa, Tigran the Great, Sanatruk, etc. 3. The attempt to bring greater
precision in the chronology of Romano-Parthian relations, particularly in the periods
of Nero, Trajan, Marcus Aurelius and Septimius Severus. 4. The publication of the
Sasanian inscriptions of Paikuli, the " ELaabah of Zoroaster " the " Res Gestae " of
Sahpuh I, etc, as well as of the Greek inscription at Garni, which brought considerable
new evidence on Roman-Persian relations in the Tilth century A.D. 5. [Finally the
chronology of the Christian Armenian Arsacids tied to the still controversial problem
of the date of Christianization of Armenia, has received no final solution.
The chronology of the entire period discussed here was given by Asdourian, Bezie-
Tiung&n, who already noted a number of errors in Armenian sources such as the mis-
placing of Sanatruk. Magie's Eoman Rule, covers the entire Roman period to the end
of the Illth century, see also, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 73-77, 83 n, 105, 111, 120 n. 207,
166-167, 213 n. 241, 283-286, 291-294, 314, etc. 1. On the Artaxiad dynasty and its
accession, see Manandian, Trade, pp. 32 sqq., Trever, Armenia, Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 73-77, 83 n. 105, 111 nn. 174, 176, 283-286, 291-294. Debevoise, PartJiia, Manan-
dian, Tigrane II, etc. 2. On the Romano-Parthian relations from the accession of
the Armenian Arsacids to the Sasanian revolution in Persia, see Schur, Orientpolitik,
XIX, XX; Henderson, Chronology; Egli, Feldzilge; Kudriavtsev, JDI (1948-1949),
all of which deal with the period of Nero and of the Peace of Rhandeia; Lepper, PartMan
War, for the chronological problems connected with Trajan's campaign. Maricq,
Sanatrouq, and CJironologie, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 83 n. 105, 166, 213 n. 241, 284,
for the reigns of Sohaemus, Sanatruk, etc, and the emprisonement of the Armenian
king by Caracalla; and in general, Manandian, Critical History, II, 1; Debevoise, PartMa;
and Magie, Eoman Eule, 3. For the Illth century Sasanian period, see,
Trever, Garni and Armenia; Maricq and Honigman, EGDS, Sprengling, Third
NOTES: CHAPTER XV 503
Century Iran; Herzfeld, PaikuU; Seston, Diocletien; CJinstensen; Manandian, Critical
History, II, 1; Gage, Sassanides, etc. 4. The problem of the IVth century chronology
and the date of Christianization of Armenia seemed solved by Adontz's suggestion
of A.D. 288 for this event, Vestige, and Baynes re-working of the chronology found in
Armenian sources, particularly ]?austus, Some and Armenia, Unfortunately, Adontz's
date has been challenged by numerous scholars, and Baynes' chronology, though very
tempting, is unacceptable; cf. Ananian, La Data; see also, Manandian, Critical History,
II, 1; Garitte, Narratio; Peeters, Persecution and Intervention; and my forthcoming
study on Armenia in the IVth century,] (427,1)
a Tae, Ann., XIV, xxvi [L. IV, 150/1], [See preceding note for the text.] (429,1)
3 Ibid,, XV, i [L, IV, 218/9], " Tiridates quoque regni profugus per silentium aut
modice querendo gravior erat: —ISTon enim ignavia magna imperia contineri; virorum
armorumque faciendum eertamen; id in summa fortuna aequius quod validius, et sua
retinere privatae domus, de alienis eertare regiam laudem esse ". (429,2)
4 Ibid., XV, ii [L. IV, 218/9], [" 'Hunc ego eodem mecum patre genitum, cum mihi
per aetatem summo nomine concessisset, in possessionem Armeniae deduxi, qui tertius
potentiae gradus habetur: nam Medos Pacorus ante ceperat. Videbarque contra
vetera fratrum odia et eertamina familiae nostrae penatis rite composuisse. Prohibent
Pvomani et paeem numquam ipsis prospere lacessitam nunc quoque in exitium suum
abrumpunt. Non ibo infitias: aequitate quam sanguine, causa quam armis, retinere
parta maioribus malueram. Si cunctatione deliqui, virtute corrigam ...' ",] (429, 3)
5 Ibid., XV, vi £L, IV, 224/5], [" ... Dilata prorsus arma, ut Vologeses cum alio quam
cum Corbulone certaret, Corbulo meritae tot per annos gloriae non ultra periculum
faceret. Nam, ut rettuli, proprium ducem tuendae Armeniae poposcerat, et adventare
Caesennius Paetus audiebatur. "] (430,1)
6 Ibid., XV, vi-xvii; xxiv-xxix [L. IV, 224/5-242/3; 252/3-260/1], [" Turn placuit
Tiridaten ponere apud effigiem Caesaris insigne regium nee nisi manu Neronis resumere;
..."] (430,2)
ea [Adontz's text has "the former" city, but Cass. Dio., LX3H,iri, 4 [L. VHI, 140/1,
sets the coronation ceremony in Rome, and the same seems to be implied in Tacitus'
shorter account, .Ann,, XV, xxxi; XVI, xxiii-xxiv, L. TV, 262/3, 372/3. See next
note for the text.]
7 Ibid., XVI, xxiii-xxiv, [L. IV, 372/3], Cass. Dio., LXIII, i-vii, [L. VIII,
138/9-146/7, " ... 6 TipiSdmjs es TTJV 'Pta^v, ... av^^Bt], Kal eyeveTo avr&v ircywr^
oia Trdoijs TTJS cwro TOV Evtj>pdrov yrjs (ZaTrep ev GITIVIKIOIS. avTOS TG yap 6 TipiBdrys Kal ÂtKta
Ko.1 K«AAei /ecu yevei /cat <j>poyr)p.aTi yvdei, KOI TJ BepaTreia TJ re wapacr/cevij T] fiaaiXiKT) Tracra
O.VTU> cwjj/coAovei, ... /cai avrovs at re TTOÎS Ao/iTT/jcos K£KQQin]p,£va.i Kal ol 8-^ftoi woAAd Kal
Xapievra avafiotavres wsSexovro' ... Kal TOVTQ ew' ewea jw^vas, ols (aSonropTjaav, Ojucu'cos
eyevero. iimeuae 8e -jTavraxfj ^XP1 T^s "/raAtas, Kal avru> Kal ywr) avfiTTapMTweue, Kpdvos
avrl Kahvirrpas eôvcra, coare p/r) opaaOai wajoa TO, udrpia,. ev Se T1^ "JraAto êvyem
rtv VTTO TOV Nepcovos eKop.iaBi], Kal Sid UiKevr&v es Neav iroXiv irpos avrov d<j>iKero,
al TOV aKwdKrjv, ore irpoor)Gi avrw, KaraBeaBat, Kalirep KshevaBels yBsXijaev, du\A'
avrov TU> KoAea) TrpoaeiTTjê, Kavroi Kal ss yijv TO yovv KaBsls KOI ras xsWas e7raAAa|a?,
jv TC avrov ovopdcFas Kal irpoaKwrjaas, o o^v Neptav Kal em TOWTW avTov Bavpaaas
a^Xois eSe^jtoaaTO Kal (lovoâyias ev HovreoXois eBero. ... .
Merd §e TOWO Is T? TJJV 'Pw/jyv avrov 6 Nepwv dvTJyaye Kal TO BiaSy/Ma avrQ
Traaa ]J.ev T) TroXis SKSKOQJJ/TJTO Kal (jxaal Kal aTG<f>avd>[j,amv, ol Te avdpaiiroi TroAAot
etupcwTO, ju-dAiffTa Se T) dyopd eWn-AijpcoTO' TO juev yap JU.ECTOV avTrjs o SiJ/zos

Sa<j>vT)<j>opwv Kara TeA^ eiê, TO; S* dAAa ol orpaTi&Tai AajwirpoVaTa cuTrAicr/igyoi, wore /cat TO
dirAa avTWv KOI Ta oijjiieia dcrrpaTrreiv. 01 Te /cepa/xot Kal avrol TTCIVTCOV TWV TT?Se oi/coSo/w7ju.dTa>v
e/cpvVrovTO VTTO Tu>v dvaê^tjKOTcov. TOVTWV S' ovTtas e/c w/CTOs1 77p077apaa/cevao"0eWa>v ecF'jjASej'
es T^V dyopdv o Nepwv djiia TT; ijfiepa, T^V eaBrjra TTJV emv'iKiov eVSeSu/ccus, crvv TS TT; jSovAiJ /cat
aw TOIS Sopuôpois, /cai eiri TC TO j8â aye/Si) Kal em Siij&pov dpyiKov eWa$e£eTO Kat/j-erd TOVTO
o Te TipiSaTTjs xaJ ot ^.ET* CIVTOV Sid Te oroiywv dwAiTwv SKaTepwOev TrapaTeTay/êVwv StÂôv
KOI wpos TW jS^jitaTi wpocraTavres' irpoaeKVvrjoav avrov, uxynep Kal Trporepov ... o Se Nepwv
•^/zeiâTO avTOV tSSe' 'dAA' ei5 TOI ewo/Tjaas OVTOS Seupo eA0wv, tva ât «at irapwv Trapovros
(j,ov d77oAavo"7js- a yap aoi ovVe o waT^p KaTeAiTrev ovVe ot dSeAôi SwTes e-njp'qaav, ravra eyco
âptôjuat KOI jSaaiAea -rijs 'Appi-vtas woiw, ivo /cai ov /cat e/<etvoi fj.a.Qu>mv OTJ. «:oi d^>aipeiaOai
jSacriAems âi Sajpetaât Swoftoi. VOVT' ewaiv dveAfletv Te avrov KOTO T^V dvoSov T^V «r'
aw<^ Towa) spTTpoaOev TOV p-tjuaros TreTroiij/zeVTjv eKeAevaej /cai Ka8t,Qi)9evTi awra> VTTO TOV
wdSa TO SidSijjua e7re0Tj;ce, jSoas Te ;coi em TOVTCI) TioAAai /cai wavToSawai eyeVovro. eyeVeTO 8e
/caTa if>^<f>iofj,a Kal Travrfyvpis dearpiKT), Kal Bearpov, ov% OTI 7) OKTJVT] dAAd /cat ij Trepiif>epeia
avTOV Traaa eVSo0ev e/cej^pvacoTOj /cat TSAAa ocra ecnyet j^pvcrw e/ce/cdaîjTO' dî* o5 /cat TIJV
T)p4pav avTTjv xpvarjv eTTtavop-aaav, TO ye /zev wapaweTacryu.aTa TO Sid TOV depos
OITWS TW iÂiov dwepv/coi, dAovpyd ip, /cat eV ju.ecr<^) avTcSv dpju.a eAawwv d Neptov ev
TTspl^ Se doTepes ^pvcro? eireAa/^TTov.
Tavra p;ev OVTWS eyeVeTO, «:ai SÂov OTI /cai woAvTeAei e ... eV 8e 815 TO?S
aAAois e/coAd/cevcrev avVoV /cai VTreSpa/ue SeivoTOTa, âi Sid TOVTO Scopd TE wavroSaTrd -ji
^lAicov juvpidScov d^ta, tos (f>amv, IAaj8e, /cai MpTafaTa dvoi/coSoâai eVreTpcwTTj' ... ".
CJf. below n. 8] (430, 3)
7a [JO", II, i, "••• Qpkd fki^ tujdS IjiupquiL, np uiuin qnpb
gujtynLpliujb k iunnL.f}[;ui&, fiSwumfig h. Iftiipquig iJpnj p lingiu'ii^
npg uipguijlh ûipufjy Hp^mlfuij k ^mquipiup^wlfiu hnpui, qnp
iuan.hu pwaujLnpkgnjg, b. pbs np jkw unptu hi^ku wyhtwp£pu
p unppu ukpfiuiu£, nP1p p ^°pi uiniikjni^ t^m^
inL^pf jUppiuLiuj, uiLkinpnoh jmî} h- p piuq^SnippLU uj&kqkuiiD, k
piiui Ifuipqh £ku]hjuubuij p piuqiuLnpnLfdpiSi ". Cf, I, ix, II, iii, xxTiii,
iii, and tlie " Primary History ", Sebeos, p. 13. Also Toumanoff, Studies, pp. Ill
n. 174, 197 n. 222, 220-221 nn. 257 and 262, 295 n. 75, 313 n. 41, 331.]
8 Cass, Dio., LXTTT, ii, T [L. VllI, 142/3], [" ... /cpavy^s re em TOVTOJ woAA-^s
trrjs eêwAdyi; Te o TipiBdrys, Kal a(f>(Dvos XP®VOV TliVa ^ /ca* diroAovêi'OS' eyeVeTO.
miaiT'fjs Kt)pvxOetaT)S eTfeBapprjoe re, Kal e/CjStao-djwevos TO ($>povT)iJ.a TW Te Kaipw /cai TTJ
^peia e'8ovAevCTe, p/r)$ev (frpovrlaas ei TI TaTreiwv <f>9eiyâiro, irpos TTJV eAwiSa &v TevôiTO.
eiTre yap OVTOS- *eyw, SeaTTOTa, 'ApaaKOV ju.ev e/cyovos, OvoAoyaicrov Se KOI UaKOpov ru>v
âcriAecov dSeA^ds, ads Se SovAds eijui. /cai Â$oV TS wpd? ae TOV e/4.oV 9eov, irpoaKwqawv ere eos
/cat TOV Midpav, Kal ecroju.ai TOVTO o TI av av eTrwcAcocrTjs' crv yap p-oi /cat ûoipa e? /cai Tu^f) "•
Cf, above n. 7 for the episode of Tiridates' sword or dagger, which had been stipulated
for in advance, according to Tacitus, Ann., XV, xsxi [L. IV, 262/3], " ... Vologesen
Ecbatanis repperit, non inenriosum fratris: qnippe et propriis ntintiis a Corbulone
petierat, ne quam imaginem servitii Tiridates perferret neu ferrum traderet ant complexu
provincias optinentium areeretur foribusve eorum adsisteret, tantusqiie ei Romae
quantus consulibias honor esset. Scilicet externae superbiae sueto non inerat notita
nostri, apud quos vis imperii valet, inania tramittnnttir ".] It is interesting to compare
this episode with that of Muse! Mamikonean as related by Sebeos, iii, p. 42. (432, 1)
9 Vologaeses corresponds to either Arm, *]^wpq—û or Arm. *£ u/nip*. [Cf. above

n. 7a.] (432, 2)
10 MX, I, viii, " . . . U^p-uub Jkb uipoiuj tyiupuptj • • • Jûuj.uiLnpkgnLgmIi^
aknp.uijp pi_p qîuqûjpfiuli • « . L. uw^Swliu £winiuh£ hfiw ... npiuiip dp ing on
L ÛI^HLJ^PL^ £iutnuiLI;Ii. i^p uui^fiiuhg guiding, wul;, l£hh pLpkmfig^ npgwii
ûiinnuij^ uijlipuili m.bh ". [Of. above n. 3]. (432, 3)
10* [MX, II, iv-v,]
im> [MX, II, i, cf. above chapter VII and nn. 37-37a and chapter XI n. 16.]
11 Joseph., Bell. Jud., VII (iv), 244-251 [L. Ill, 574/5-576/7],
" To Se TCOV MAavwv eOvos on jueV elai £xvda.i, ... Kara TOVTOVS Se TOW xpovovs Siavoj)-
Qevres els TJJV Mrfiiav Kal 77pooxoTeptu Tavrfjs eri KO.&' dpTrayJjv e/i/JaAeiv TO> jSaaiAei Ttov ' Ypxa-
vu>v SiaAeyovrar TTJS TrapoSov yap OT^TOS SeaTrdr^s eariv, TIV 6 jSaatAevs '/4Aeâv8pos TrvAais
m&vjpcus K'AeicrTijv eTrowjcre. KO.KSWOV TTJV eiaoSov avrois Tmpacrxovros ddpooi KO.L //ijSev TTpov-noTT-
revaam TOIS M-rjBois GirnrecrovTes â>pa.v TrofajdvOpumov Kal TTCWTCHW dvap-sarov jSocr/câTwv
SiTJTTaôv pr/Ssvos avrois roAjUtovTO? avdiaraaOai. ... ne-ra woAA^s ow pq.aT<avt]s a/jiaxel TTOIOV-
[J.GVOI 70.5 apTrayas ^XP1 T^s 'Apuevias irpoijABov TTOVTO AeTjAoTowTes. TipiBdr-rjs o' O.VTTJS
eâa/Aeuev, os viravTidaas O.VTOIS /cat TTon)adp.evos fJ-dxijv -jrapd p,iKpov rj\Qev err' avrjjs £wos
dAcSvat T^S wapaTaêcos- fipoxov yap aurw wepijSaAciv TI? iroppwOev l/êAAev emuTrdvew, el
(AT) TO) £i(j>ei Q&TTOV eKewos TOV TOVOV Kotlas G<f>9i) Siafivyeiv. ol Se Kal Std r^v P-dxTJv ert jwaAAov
aypicadevres TTJV fj.ev yu>po.v eAu/^vavro, woAu Se TrA^ô? avBpwjrcDv Kal TT)S aAAijs Aet'a? ayovTes
e£ d[juj>polv T£>V jSaaiAeiwv waAiv et? TT^V oi/ceiav dve«roju.(cr07jcrav ". (433, 1)
12 (7as5. -Dio., LXXIII, iii [L. VIII, 140/1], " ât ISsi yap TW JJarpo/Ji'to n/i^v riva Sid
Tavra yeveaOai, erogevSev 6 TiptSaTTjs avu>9ev SK TTJS ISpas dypia, Kal Suo ye ravpov? jwia a/za
$0X7), ei ye TW TTIOTOV, SieVpcocre Kai dweKTeive ". (7f. MX, II, Ixxix, • • * v/u/ujuf nuui-
... uiw t^kplfniq gWLn i^mjpkiihiug iffini^ &kniiii)n
£iuLij.lip£ ^q^kii]^ ûipj^wpiSiiiSp.",
The comparison found in " Agafangelos " [xi, p. 100, " ••• *£w/u& uijunpplf ujujin^—
lu&kguih puiligu uiju ft pialiu lîiip^p mnuiljuig^ fi£ rPP^L ?u^?^ ^pjyaiw, n^7
upaminJii uithphuia aJdni.Sp.u nkinng, L guiSwgkgmij pitl] p upqui]^ pLpniii
lynp&uiliu bnihiLn " probably refers to the first of the Armenian Arsacids. Pliny,
NE, XXX, vi (16-17), [L. VIII, 288/9], says that Trdat, as a Magian, did not wish to
Rome by sea, so as not to pollute water, " Magus ... Tiridates venerat Armeniacum de
se triumphum adferens et ideo province's gravis. navigare noluerat, quoniam expuere
in maria aliisque mortalium necessitatibus violare naturam earn fas non putant. Magos
secum adduxerat, magicis etiam cenis eum initiaverat, non tamen, cum regnum ei daret,
hanc ab eo artem accipere valuit ". The Armenian saying, which is undoubtedly taken
from a legendary account, must also be an allusion to Trdat's journey, and should be
taken in the sense that the king travelled over the sea as though it were over land.
[Cf. above n. 7 for the passage of Cassius Dio where he notes that Trdat's journey took
nine month and that the king rode on horseback all the way to Italy. Also Herzfeld,
Archaeological History, pp. 63-67, for the possible influence of Trdat's journey on the
story of the Magi.] (433, 2)
i2a [See above Chapter XIV n. 3.]
I2t) [Pliny, N.H., V, xx (83) [L. II, 284/5]," [Euphrates] oritur inpraefeeturaArmeniae
Maioris Caranitide, ... ". See also Chapter XIV n. 3.]
13 Pliny, NH, x (27) [L. II, 356/7], " ... universae [Armeniae] magnitudinem Aufidius
quinquagiens centena milia prodidit, Claudius Caesar longitudinem a Dascusa ad confi-
nium Caspii maris /xiii/ p., latitudinem dimidium eius a Tigranocerta ad Hiberiam ",
(434, 1)
14 Tac., Ann,, II, Ivi [L. II, 474/5], according to Tacitus king Zeno changed his name
to Artaxias, attracted the sympathies of the " proceres and the plebs ", and was crowned
at Artaxata " adprobantibus nobilibus ". {Of, above n. 1 for the complete text]. Ibid.,
XII, xliv [L. Ill, 378/9], " ... Erat Pharasmani filixis nomine Kadamistus, decora proceri-
tate, Ti corporis insignis et patrias artes edoetus, elaraque inter accolas fama. ...
primorum Armeniorum ad res novas inlicit ... ". Ibid,, XV, xxvii [L. IV, 258/9], [Cor-
bulo] consilio terrorem adicere, et megistanes Armenios ... pellit sedibus, castella eorum
exeindit, ... ". Ibid,, XV, i [L. IV, 216/7], the Parthian nobles were likewise called
" primores gentium ", and Ibid., H, Iviii [L. II, 476/7], " proceres gentium ". See also,
Ibid,, II, ii ; VI, xxxi ; VI, xlii, etc. [L. H, 384/5 ; III, 206/7 j 226/7-228/9]. (435, 1)
14a {See above Chapter XIV.]
15 Hanu-Tc, Arm. dwhni.Ii < iliuhp, Bus. Mem.— min, Lat. min-or. MX [II, Ixv],
nhiunkuii ^lupqufcu z?«/Snt^& h Snuûiij jpuiH/n£fi,
hnihki qnnuih
, « « » ". The word manulc is used here in the sense of " princeung ". [Of,
Hubschmann, GrammatiTe, p. 472, and above Chapter XIV, pp. 311, nn. 22a, 24a,
26 etc.] (435,2)
15a [Of. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 115 n. 186.]
i5to [See above Chapter XIV n. 3b,]
150 [See Eremyan, Slavery, pp.21, 25; Sukiasian, Armenia, pp. 120-122 and below
nn. 89-89a.]
15d The entire section on feudalism should be reviewed in the light of the more recent
studies of this institution, which have dated some of Adontz's concepts, though he
reviewed and developed them himself in his later work, Aspect. The interpretation
of feudalism and the understanding of the term have developed extensively since the
beginning of the century, and the problems have been complicated by the disagreement
of Western and Marxist scholars on some of the fundamental aspects. The most.recent
studies of Armenian " feudalism " are to be found in the various works of Manandian,
particularly his Feudalism, and in BLherumian, Feodaliti. The application of the
Marxist thesis to Armenia is given in Sukiasian, Armenia, The most important work
to be consulted is of necessity Toumanoff, Studies, in which he elaborates the crucial
distinction between Armenian " feudalism and dynastieism " (p. 110). Without this
distinction, the question of the correctness with which the Armenian nayarar system
may be called "feudal " in the Western sense cannot receive a valid answer. On the
question of the extension of the term " feudalism " to various institutions, see also
Coulborn, ed. Feudalism, which is, however, unfortunately poor for Armenia. Specific
aspects will be dealt with farther in the relevant notes. [Of. above Chapter XIII for
the comparison with Iranian' " feudal " institutions, also below n. 44c.]
16 The first scholar to raise the question of Arsacid feudalism was Edward Gibbon,
but the formulation of the problem belongs to St. Martin, Discours, p. 293.
St. Martin goes on to assert that if Europe did not invent feudalism, neither should
this be held as a creation of the Parthians: " Qu'est-ce que le gouvernement fe"odal,
c'est tout simplement 1'occupation militaire d'un vaste territoire, partage entre tous
les soldats: les rangs y sont distribue comme les grades dans une armee ; c'est la eonse-
quenee in6vitable d'un gouvernement militaire on d'une eonqu§te, Les Arsacides ne

furent pas les inventeurs de ce mode de gouvernement, puisqu'ils ne furent pas les
premiers conquerants de 1'Asie ". Ibid,, p. 296. iProm this definition it, is evident
that the distinguished scholar belonged to the German school and suseribed to its point
of view, which ia now considered to be out of date, [See the preceding note and the
Bibliographical note on Feudalism.] (436, 1)
16a [See above Chapter XIV, also Ehte"eham, _Znm,pp, 110sqq.,andToumanoffj,SfaMfo'es,
i-J
17 Xen., Cyrop., VJJLL, vi, 4-6 [L. II, 410/1], " Soxe? Se juoi KOI r&v evDdSe pevovrwv
vp,u>v, . ols av eyco Ttpdyuara ttapeyta -irefjenuw irpdôvrds n, em TOVTO ra eOvj), x^pas
yeveaOai Kal OIKOVS eKei, OTTWS Sacrjuoô/jTjTtu re avrois Sevpo, orav re itamv e/ce?ae, els
oiKGia eâjcrf. KardyeaOai,
TOVTO el-jre KOI eBwKe •jToAAofe rwv <j>iXa>v Kara irdctas TO.S Karaarpa<j>e(aas woAeis OIKOVS
Kal W^KOOW Kal vvv elaiv eri rois aTroydvois r&v rore Aaj
ev aAAjj yfj- avrol Se owcown wa/jd-jSacrsAe? ". • • . - . : (438, 1)
is Ibid... YIII, i, 9-10 [L. II, 308/9-310/1], " Kvpos 8' «n p,sv raAAo
OI ^crai" avrai <cat irpovoScav diro§e«:T^pes /cat Scwravjâ
OTat «:ai KT7j[j,dro)v <j>vâKSS Kal rwv els TTJV Siairav eiriTTjSetcov
Ss /cat KVV&V emp,€Xf}ras KaOta-n] ovs SVO/M^S KOI ravra TO j8oa«^^taTa
avraj ^pâffai ". ... " /cat raîdpxovs 8e KOI •jreâij' wae wnrewv gytyvwcrKei' e/c TOVTCUV
Tareoi' eTvat". Ibid,, VIII, viii, 20 [L. H, 450/1], " vuv Se rows re Ovpupovs Kal rovs
QITQTTOIQVS Kal TOVS OlffOTTOlOVS Kal OIVOÔOVS KOI AoilTjOOÔOVS' /Cdt TTapOTlBeVTaS, Kal
dvaipovvras Kal KaraKoip-tôvras Kal dviaravras, Kal rovs Kocrp/qrds, ... ". [Cf, Ehte-
cham, L'Iran ; IPrye, Persia, pp. 90 sqq,] (438, 2)
19 Xen., Cyrop,, VIII, vi, 10 [L, II, 415/6], "... owdcrot8" avyijvKal dpx<Sa AojSwcriv... "
dpx<£a has the litteral sense of " administrative institution ", but it is used here in the
sense of " power, rule ". [Miller, L. II, p. 416, gives the translation " lands and palaces ",
(439,1)
i9a [Eht6eham, L'Iran, pp. 114-116, also above Chapter XIII nn,14c-d.]
20 Tac., Ann,, XV, ii [L. IV, 218/9], see above n. 4 for the text. (439, 2)
21 Justin,, XLI, ii, see above Chapter XII n. 19 for the text. (439, 3)
22 TJieoph, Sim., Ill, xviii, 7-10, " S^juots yap irapa rois MijSoisOTTOrtSv wpciêwv ra
dvxwod re Kal ri[Mu>rara Smvuojuevois, voiiu) Trpeofivrri K\TjpQQOTQvp,evo<,s, [AT] aAAcos e%eiv
ra TrpdyiMara eâcr/cev. Kal <f>am rov jAev 'ApoaKiSyv eirjAeydftevoj' S^ftov T^V jSaaihetav
Kareyew, Kal rovrov eTTirideoOai ru> fiamXei TO StoSTjjU.a, erepov rrjs woAejwt/c^s -rrpoeardvai
avvrdf-ews, oAAov 8e TO? woAiriKas TtepiKeivQai <j>povrtSas, rov 8* erepov rds Siaôpas
StoAuew r&v irepi n Karaaramatpvrwv Kal SIOITIJTOV 8eoju.sva>v, rov 8e Trefj/irrov yyeiffBai
rrjs ITTTTOV, rov Se uerd rovrov fopohoyeiv TO vir/JKoov Kal rwv ftamstiKaJv rapettov efopov
-TtetjuvKevai, rov 8" IjSSojuov Ki]$eu6va rwv oTrAcov Kal TTJS TToAsjuiA:^? eadijros emvrareiv,
Aapeiov rov ' YardwnQV rovrovl rov vopov ev rois âmêiois evrepevtaavros ".
Theophylakt traces the origin of the families invested with these duties to the period
of Darius I, obviously under the influence of the tale of the seven satraps. The Arab
sources likewise speak of the seven satrapal houses, Noldeke, Tabari, p. 437. We
even find the legend that Arsak, like Darius, had been placed on the throne by seven
satraps. It is possible that certain functions were considered particularly honourable
under the Arsacids, as they had been under the Achaemenids, so that there was a corres-
ponding number of satrapal houses, but it is altogether unlikely that the Arsacid families
should have a genetic link with the satraps of Darius I. Tabari links the Suren, Karin
and Spandiyadh families, which are known to have been powerful Parthian houses,
with the satraps of Darius I. According to MX, II, xxviii, Ixviii, the sister of Karin
and Suren was called Kosma, and her descendents were named Aspahapetuni from the
name of her husband (Of, Sebeos, iii, p. 36, Huu^wpuiufkin = Procopius, Pers., I,
xxiii, 6; I, xi, 5 [L. 1,210/1; 82/3], 'Aamp&Tjs, Pers. aspabadh < aspa led > aspampet).
Kosma seems to bear the same relationship to the district of .Kbjuicnjvi? as the Karin
to the district of Kdpiva. Even in the Arab period, the Karins lived in JNThavend
near the ancient Karin, cf. JNoldeke, Tabari, p. 437. The powerful house of Mihran
also belonged among the great Parthian families. Theoph, Sim,., Ill, xviii, 10 considers
it to be one of the Median (i.e. Parthian) families, " ... rov Se Bapafj. TTJS TOV Mippdvov
olttapxias yevojjLzvov, o^p-ov §' *Apoa.Ki$ov, ... ". The name Vsnasp was current in
this family: LP\, p. 366, " Qtjuirnifehwuui, nP1p D^muimutj ft lfp£pwh
inuili^'" " he is considered to have been the ij.uijkaal^np^.p of Peroz, Ibid., Ix, p. 346,
and consequently his father U,yuiiam was Peroz's tutor, but in JSlise, p. 197 the name
of Peroz's tutor is given as Pvaham, " l^pmukp nprûijli Quiijl^kpinp jrp/y/rzi/Jjf&,
f}*iu£.uiS uifiniSi p yp^pmii tnn£.Slli". We know that the father of Vahram
Choben was named Vahram Gusnasp, Noldeke, Tabari, p. 270; TheopJi. Sim., V,
xiii, 4, " ... Bapdp, vlov Bap[afj,y]ovavas. ". The son of the all-powerfull dignitary
Mihr-Nerseh of the house of Mihran was named Mah-gusnasp, according to Tabari,
p. 110. Vsnasp is the title of the holy fire whose temple was found at Ganjak-Siz of
Atropatene, Ibid., p. 100, cf. Sebeos, xxvi, p. 92, " • • • p ^m/u&ialf -•• tjjiia^pliu
Zpwinp'ii Skbp npnLii ^îiiuuiif Ijn^kph". Near Ganjak is found the district
of Xtopo-furpTjvrj, Ptol., VI, xxvi, which probably was the residence of the Mihranian
house. It is possible that the Vsnasp was their family cult; fire was wor-
shiped as the visible symbol of the great god Mithra or Mihr, from which
the name Mihran was derived. Horses were sacrified to Mihr, just as cows
were dedicated to Ahura-mazda, Xen., Cyrop., VIII, iii, 11 [L. II, 354/5] also VIII, iii,
24 [L. II, 360/1], " ... edvaav TU> Ail KOI <aXoKo,vT"t)<ja.v TOVS ravpovs* Iweira TO) 'HMh> Kal
wAcwavnjcrav TOVS "TTTTOVS- ... ". [Of. Xen., Anab., IV, v, 35 [L. II, 56/7], see above
Chapter XIV n. 2 for the text]. For this reason the god was called Mi Bra or A Bra
vrsTtaspa, (i.e. the Mihr, or Eire, demanding good horses (< vrsni, Pers. gusn, " male "
and aspa, " horse "). The Moon was worshipped as well as the Sun, but were the Surens
her devotees ? Cf. Suraena and SeXyvrj. Zik is also a family name of unquestionable
Parthian origin. The Persian ambassador to Justinian in 562 was named 'JeaSeyouova^
and had the title of Zi^, Men. Prot., p. 346, " ... e/CTeju/n-ercu avr69i KOI
-rTpeoêvTTjs, & Srjra imfjpxG jnev a£ito[i.a. TO Z\x> iizywrov TI TOVTO Trapa TOIS Uepaais
Trpoaifyopia, 8e O.VTOV '/ecrSeyovcrva^. O^TOS 8e TrapewaaTTjp TOV KO.T' avrov ft
Historians took the names Surena and Mihran to be similar titles: Amm. Mare., XXIV,
ii, 4 [L. II, 410/1], " Surena post regem apud Persas promeritae dignitatis ... "; Zosim.,
Ill, xv, 5, " o yap croup^va? (o-px^s Se TOVTO irapa Ilepaais ovop.a) ", Proc., Pers., I,
xiii, 16 [L. I, 106/7], " ffTpanjyos 8e els airaoiv eêiarfjKei, IJepays dvijp, p.ippdrr)s ftev
TO d£tw/j.a (OVTCD yap TTJV apyTp KaXovai IJepoai), IJspofyqs 8e ovOjUO ". FB, IV, lv,
" Hwiu lap&uilikuig uippuij'ii tfjuipupa fcuinJiiL^ ft iftpuij uiyh
kplfniu nSvaliu jfopjui&uig uiliinp pLpng, ilpnufii Qplf iu&ni& L Jpnufii
When the king of Persia appointed the Zik as tutor to the Armenian king .Xbsrov HI,
he probably had in mind the relationship of the regent to the young king, Ibid., VI, i,
" ••• n.liuitjp'ii tun f}uiquiLnph fyuipupij ••• h Jvfu^pkgpfi h
uip^wl^nLlip • •• U,ufia if.uiiuh£p ft tiSph inn^S^ z?u/&/u^ ilp u/&nz.& ]\Jnupni£, h.
liuiuikuin PUIO. h QinLpJ hnnui li km hSui lipii Qgnjp nip •*• L. Qhll bnippinl]
qwuinpiupiulj kin uipDiiijph fonupnilmj ". [From the text the relationship seems
to be rather between the two rulers]. If we find that there really were seven great
families among the Parthians, we should perhaps add the house of the Nixorakan,
from Deh-i-Nixorakan on the east shore of Lake Urmiah, to the Suren, Karin, Span-
diyadh, Aspabadh-Kosma, Mihran, and Zik. [Cf. Chrislensen, pp. 103-110; Frye,
Persia, pp. 184 sqq.; Toumanoff, Studies, pp.40 n. 14, 83-84 and n. 105, 103 n. 159,
149, 187 sqq., 206, 208 n^236, 218, 225 n. 270, 253, 317 and n. 58a, 325-326 and n. 91,
335, 473 sqq., etc., and below n. 36]. (440, 1)
22a [Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 119, 267.]
22b [Ibid., pp. 40 n. 14, 111 n. 176, etc.]
22c [On the Hadjiabadh inscription, see, Ohristensen, p. 52, and 100, n. 1; Herzfeld,
Paikuli, I; Nyberg, Haffiabad, The date of Sahputtr I's accession is given as 240 by
IVye, Persia, p. 283 and as 241 by Sprengling, Third Century, p. 2 and Christensen, p. 179,
who also sets the date of the coronation as 242, Ibid,, pp. 180-181, this date has been
controversial, see Frye, Persia, p. 200. The king's death is dated 271 by Sprengling,
Third Century, p. 2, and 272 by Christensen, p. 226 and Frye, Persia, p. 283, with some
hesitation.]
as WZKM, VI, p. 72 [Of. Herzfeld, PaiJculi, I, pp. 87-89. Nyberg, Hajjmbad, pp. 67-
68, gives the following transcriptions: 1. sadriSaran u vispuhran u vazurJcan u azatan.
2. -xsaQriSarin vispuhran vazurkan u azatan,'] (442, 1)
24 Noldeke, Tabari, p. 71 and note 1. \Cf. Ohristensen, pp. 98-113 and notes, !Frye,
Persia, pp. 206-208 see below above Chapter XIII n, a.] (442, 2)
25 ISToldeke, Tabari, p. 8 and n. The Arab authors give different interpretations
of the four classes, evidently basing themselves on later conditions. [Cf. preceding note].
(442,3)
25a [Cf. Christensen, pp. 100 n. 1, 101-103; Toumanoff, Studies, p. 40 n. 14.]
26 Leist, Graeco-Italische Bechtsgeschichte, p. 123 n. c. (443,1)
27 Darmesteter, Etudes iraniennes, I, pp. 140 sqq. [See also next note] (443, 2)
27a [On the vaspuhran, see also: Christensen, pp. 103-110, Benveniste, Les Classes
sociales, p. 131; Frye, Persia, pp. 94, 206; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 40 n. 14, 115 n. 186.]
zn [On the vuzurgan, see also: Christensen, pp. 110-111; Erye, Persia, pp. 184, 206;
Toumanoff, Studies, p. 40 n. 14.]
27c [On the azadhan, see also: Christensen, pp. 111-113; IPrye, Persia,pp. Ill, 184-185,
206; Toumanoff, Studies, p. 40 n. 14, 94 and nn. 137,138, 95 n. 140,124-127 and nn. 215-
216, 220, 235, 238-239, etc.; Khertimian, leodalite, pp. 11-12, 19-21; Manandian,
Feudalism, pp. 90 sqq.; Sukiasian, Armenia, p. 106, et al.]
27<i [E.g., IB, III, viii; IV, ii, etc.]
28 See above Chapter X, pp. 185 and n. la. (444,1)
28a [MX, n, iii, vii-viii.]
29 Tac., Ann., VI, xlii [L. HI, 228/9], " Surena patrio more Tiridatem insigni regio
evinxit". On the Bagratids: FB, V, xliv, " ••• wwjp hdia i^qnLUinp uiuufkwpL
p.ui^.pniinnLUnj fi Uiykp ij.un.uinl;, nn jdiuquiLnpD jduiauibiuuiD'ii fjmii £ph p phSl
ui^pfi piuûiLnpnipkuilifi mpûilfniiinj". This title was not known to the
Achaemenids, and was apparently abolished after the Arsaeids, Amm. Marc,, XXIV,
ii, 4 [L. II, 410/1] mentions the high position of the Surena under the Sasanians, " ...
potestatis seeundae post regem ..." but he does not mention their office of coronants.
[Cf, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 112 n. 176, 132, 160, 162, 202, 325 n. 88, 326, 342, and
above n. 36, also CJiristensen, p. 107, who cites without comment Theophylakt's claim
that the Artabids were the hereditary coronants under the Sasanians.] (445, 1)
29a [On the office of sparapet = Eran-spahbadh, see; CJiristensen, pp. 99, 107 n. 3,
109, 130-132, 263, 265, 370, 520 sqq., for the Sasanian office; Manandian, Feudalism,
73-75, etc., and Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 97 n. 144, 112 n. 176, 132, 141 n. 253, 160, 162,
201 n. 228, 209-211 and n. 238, 325-326 and n. 89, for the Armenian office. See also
above n. 22, and Chapter X, n. 70.]
89b [See above n. 22 for the text of Theophylakt. .For the hazarapet = Jiazdrapati =
vuzurg-framadhar, see: Christensen, pp. 113-116, 319, 395, for the Sasanian office;
Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 69-73, etc. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 112 n. 176, 205-206
and n. 238, for the Armenian office. Also below nn. 29c-33.
29c fS' IV. ii, " Z?t ulfpi£p.b qnpbuilfiuinLpkuubb £un£U]puiiijkinn
win bull fufimSuiIfujinLpkuiIifi^ laypjiunîa^li ui^piuipûiinuib
îinLliliuii]* £iu iûip uiu^k mil wSkHiuijli kplfphh :
uiniupiuuikuinLpkuififi nopu]i£uipni.f}kuiLb Suipuih
qnpbnj pnuii£iJplf ^wl^wmuiSnu^ bpniulfhfj pptuihuinli uinuiliwnpo^
&>U/&D, Juipdbujliuilipyj) uilikplipLtip puitywuppmp liwûiwiubp p
puipkhpuibii p.wpk£uiSp.uiLp puipkanpbp jia9nnujLp h anpb wwmkpwi^Siii^ p
pni.fi p Iiuipi'iikuitj'ii lfiapij.iug p IfaiSpl^nlikui'ii wqij.p'ii^ p i[kpujj fepjuibrtLpkuiLh
iij.iul^ h il^piuj uulh&wjli Doping nnnwiûipnLpkujfili p.uinSnL&hiuh'ij Zwjny
, £uili ui ufiui£ jiu ifbbuijh duiS juitjfint^ uifflhh uiuipnLkui^jhpIffjpn p.uippwbnLb
ppiuguij) p dhbp fiw^wiifkinnLphuiIi uiuiuikpuiijdp ". [Cf, nn. 29b, 31-33]
30 Xen., Cyrop., VIII, i, 14-15 [L. II, 312/3], " Ov-rw 8^ OKOTT&V, STTCOS av TO. re
olKQvojMKa. KoAtSs Iôi xal T) axoXj] yevoiro, KarevoTjcre TTWS TT/V arpaTiwriKriv crwraîv. ...
wairzp o$v raw' lxe'> OVTCU KO.I 6 Kvpos aweKeâAasworaTO TO.S olxovoîKas TTpdêis" ... ".
It is interesting to observe that the New Testament uses the term ûiiûipiuufkin to
translate the Greek oucovdjuos, I Cor., iv, 1, " h ifkb ûiauipuiuihin " = " ev TO?S
". The same term is sometimes used to translate ^lAmpôSj Marie, VI, 21,
uiuijp ^hpni^û ••• IiuipJiiipuipuiij pLpng Ii £uii£wpuiii[kuiujtj lufbbuiiJkbiuij
i,puiuujinu]p ". " Hpu>8j}s ... SSITTVOV eTrohjasv TQIS fj-eyiaraatv O.VTOV KO.I rots ^lAtapôis
KO.I rots wpcoTois ... ". [Cf. above n. 29b], also Toumanoff, Studies, p. 206 n. 234]. (446, 1)
31 Noldeke, Tabari, p. Ill, framadhar = £,pui5uiinuip in Elise, ii, p. 24, FB, III, xiv,
to which he attributes the meaning of " Vorankommer ". In Tabari, the title of Mihr
Nerseh is given as Jiazarabanda, Ibid., p. 76, which Noldeke connects with the definition
of Theod., EH, V, xxxix, " 2ovprfyr)v xihitav oiKerwv Seairo-ryv ... ". Since the Ar-
menians refer to the Suren as Sazarapet, we should perhaps read J^j > \^ pro J^j j I \ >
and the indication of Theodoret probably results from the incorrect interpretation of
the same word. [The confusion seems to stem from Lazar P'arpeci. Elise distinguishes
between the Armenian hazarapet dismissed by the Persians, " £iunuipuiufkinh
ijliui p q.npbnj'ii* ipnfuiu&iiili linpiu ufiapuplf tub

jui^pjuip^li ", p. 23, and the hramatar and great hazarapet of Eran, Mihr-Nerseh, who
styles himself, t! IfWbbPUbZ ^S/?^1? ZpwSiuiniup bpvh A IHikpmb ",
p. 24, and is addressed by the Armenian bishops as " ••• Ifp^ptikpuk^fi Jkbp
^wquapuimkinp lApkiug k U,fiiupkiag ", p. 28; there is no mention of the Suren
in Elise, LP\n the other hand, gives the title of hazarapet to both the Suren and
Mihr-Nerseh, whom we know to haTe been a member of the Spandiyadh house, "...
i//7injf&& ujui£niiL* lp fi diaSinhnilip'ii juij^jilplj £uiijuipumpkin h qpuifi wpDniSip • *» ".
xiv, p. 70, and " 1fp£pbkpuk£ ^mqûipmu^kinfi llpkuig ••- ", Ibid., xx, p. 116.
On the functions of the great Iranian houses, see above n, 29b, and the next notes. Manan-
dian, Feudalism, pp. 28, 70], (446, 2)
32 Noldeke, Talari, p. 110. (446, 3)
33 An earlier Jiazarapet was Valars, prince of Anjit', FB, IH, xii, " a
£&jy laSia jduiqiaLnph Sfjpuih ••• mlkb îmûipiuiiikinh p ^wnuipinwki
piilj p inn^Sf: uiSkhiujL £uijnij i/kbuig, triuiijiiip}, np lp p^hiuih
The last incumbents of this office were Afawan and Vahan Amatuni, Koriwn, H, 1,
p. 11, " [tTu/vflfli/] Ijiiigkuii juipgniSiwhuiHi rj.pmi'ijp'ii* Iphkl uuiutuwLnp iupotuj-
uiuintp £piuSuihuiijhy tun ûiijwpiauikwnLpliwSpSi ui^juuip^pu Zwjnij U,nuiuabuij
ntpntifij ". Ibid., XIX, 4, p. 61, " ûiûili «i&ot& ^n^}^&, jwijij.^ U^wwni&û/^,
np l;p ûujuipmkui £iujnij Ifk&uirj,"* ". After them Persian officials were appointed,
SlisS, p, 42 and LP", Ixvi, p. 383 [Gf. Howeyer, Akinian, Korivm, p. 73, who is of the
opinion that Afawan should be identified with the Zik, and presumably, therefore,
be a Persian, though see on this point Christensen, p. 105 n. 3. Also, Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 171 n, 88 and 205 and n. 234, in whose opinion the office of hazarapet passed in 363
to the Gnuni, " ... succeeding in this the House of Anzitene ". See also, above nn. 29b-
32. Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 281-282]
34 FB, HI, xiv. In the GaTtnamaJs, " piuukhnj ij.wmmtnp'ii " may perhaps be a
reference to episcopal authority. [On the administration of justice under the Sasanians
and its relation to the clergy, see, OTiristensen, pp. 299 sqq., cf. pp. 116 sqq. On the
situation in Armenia, see Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 76-78, 140, 282, and SuMasian,
Armenia, pp. 224-225, 238-248, also next note.] (447,1)
35 JBlise, p. 23, after the abolition of the Armenian kingship, the Persians began to
appoint, " ilknj liu Smf-iakin* nuiutuiutp tayhjuip^p'iiy ah akbkijbgLnjii ihuinfiu
luquiLiuqkuijlih ", IST5ldeke, Tabari, p, 110. Under the Sasanians the chief Herbadh =
aedrapaiti, who was almost the equal in rank of the mobadlian mobadJi — magupati,
supervised " die Ejrche und die Eechtgelehrsamlceit". ]0f, Christensen, pp. 116 sqq.,
particularly pp. 119-120, 519 sqq., and the preceding note.] (447,2)
36 In the Iranian Epic,. Spandiyadh, the son of Vistasp, is famous for his victories
over many nations. . To him are attributed the taking of the Gates of the Alans and
the fortress of the Iron City, Markwarfe, Streifzuge, p. 116. He is undoubtedly the
"â/<? <p>b Uufui&qpuiin <wy>, tjnpSl wukh puippuipnti^ kftl; £iuukui^
&iw miuinhpuii^SwL tlphdi guiju ij[uijp ^^kuii tjhpquil[ pip p nkinhh : ". Sebeos,
ii, p. 30. Mov. Kalanlc., II, xl identifies him with a god named T'angri yan worshipped
by the Huns " Using horses as burnt offerings", " £uliuijp nu/kSb thujpuiij.p
uifi^nniiLnj &pwpjnpni^ qn^pLg iifui^woh fiuiinni.guiti£ph* Iiiapqmfni^ ijiiw
Piuhqpppjvali uiumnLuib, nnp tfluipupbi) H,uuiin£in£imnLnik'ii •••".p. 273 = Dowsett,
Mov. Dasx-, p. 156, " Huuûjiiq^ [uiiri\ ntilhiRi thujp £ul[iiijph cthniô uijphnkwi^g
ijn£ Su]innujiii'iil;j) • • • ", Mov. Kafank., II, xl, p. 278 = Dowsett, Mov, X>a$x>> PP-168-
159. The victims offered to Spandiyadh link him with the cult of the Kre a dr-vsnasp
[Adhur-Gushnasp'] in Atropatene which was the family cult of the Mihranids [(?/. above
n. 22, CJiristensen, pp. n45-146 andn. 3,158-159,166-167j Duehesne-Guillemin,.J?eK<7;»"<TO,
pp. 87 sqq., 99 sqq.]. Spandiyadh was of Arsacid origin, and Sebeos refers to him in
connexion with the raid of the Arsaeid Vahram Choben [ii, p. 30, cf. Macler, Sebeos,
p. 11 n. 5, Christensen, pp. 105, 443-444], Might the horse sacrifices be a symbol of

the office of the Spandiyadhs as commanders of the eaYalry ? The name in its older
form, Spandarat, spanda-6ata, occurs in the Kamsarakan house; are we entitled to
conclude on this basis that this family was related through blood and office with the
Spandiyadhs ? [On the office of Aspet and the Spandiyadh house, see above Chapter
XIV, pp. 311 and notes, and Chapter XV n. 22. Also, Christensen, pp. 103, 107-
109 and notes; Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 61-64; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 220-221,
and nn. 259, 264, 324-326 and notes.] (447, 3)
36a [£*/• above n. 22. On the office of the Hayr-Mardpet, and its mistaken interpreta-
tions and identifications, see above, Chapter XI, pp. 249-250 and notes; Manandian,
Feudalism, pp. 64-67; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 131, 168-170 and n. 81/200, 248, 314-
315, and next notes.]
37 MX, II, vii, " \fW k hkpgp&pu ^piaSuijl p lanjii uiiffil; pJ^^. A biu£uiufkut
hntjui iZwjp fatuuibb Suiupb jU,inpufuiuimîijfi£ ilpli ^li g^niui^ L. IfUipjîaiwIi :
pwjy npiifû I li nip unpui ppp wfinplii labifoiuinialfkip, hu nJ nhmkS: ".
(448, 1)
38 FB, V, vi. [The 1894 Venice edition erroneously gives the Mardpefs name as
Squill throughout.] (448, 2)
39 Ibid., TV, xiv. [See above n. 36a.] (448, 3)
40 Ibid., V, vii, " U>ju anpbialiuiuiLJ^pLia [sc. ûiuumiuppS nwb&nLij L
pkpquiij] li Swpi].uikinnLJi}pLU, npntS ^tujpli Ln^pii hbpgp'libiuij qnpb [kiii^ p
phi; duidwiiuiliuiij ", the edition has a mistake in punctuation, the correct reading
should be. fikpgplikuiij tj.npb jjnujî and not £wjph fikpfpîkwg[Se
41 The Military List gives correctly two of the duties of the Mardpet:
ufbuiujlfujh, np £ bkpgp'iip ufiu^wufuih p Jkpiaj piunnL^Lnjb li nui/Li&nLij" [Cf.
Appendix III], Nerses, ii, p. 15, attributes the guard of the royal treasure to the senekapet,
" \fkpul;u jji'iil'p uklikliiuiifkin h ijipuij UHJkbiujb auili^nin lunpui"> ". In the
same context, FB, IV, iii, says only that Nerses, as senekapet held the royal sword on a
pearl studded belt, " JJ^ji h diufiiubwlfpli juijliSpli £p h V*"/70 qphninpiiLpkuih
p tjJipbmlîajnLpkiu'ii^ ufipkih uhfikljniuihin uippaijhb Uppiuliuij, £aiuiiiniiippii
p ilkpmj wdkbiujh Ifuipquiij l^kliuig ûiij.iaLnpnLJ^bnili'ii p hkpgnj L
• •• Ifiujp p iiiqiuunL pmaiuLnpp'ii Sow p uiiiapu wppuijhii,
unuikph ^nijîumplffi ^nuIiûjiuinhiuLfi ^mfirj.bp^ «/^H/&«/ÎW
hiaSwpuiLU p uufiuuni. finpui piup^kiui nt&//7, *•• ". (Nerses, iii, p. 19, has at
the same place, " qnipgnLLjuiliuili Suiinui'iip'u p.uip&biiii nLti^p ", which is obvi-
ously a distortion of " niuppULhiuliiuL < untukpli nub}; > uiuimkialili • • • ".
FB, [loc tit.]. In view of the words of the Mardpet, FB, IV, xiv, " ninknpii* mppni-
hp ukhkuilf l^wijtlkijpg ... ", it is possible that the Mardpet was connected
with the royal ukhkuilj. Ukbkhuiuikin may be the title of the official entrusted with
the guard of the royal treasure, especially since FB, IV, iii takes the " q.npbiulfiaf-
" in a broad sense to mean, " ^mmimmppS p ^kpiuj wJhbuijb
if.nn.npnL^kui'i] p tikpgnj h wpinuignj ". [Of, above nn. 36a-40.]
(448, 5)
42 FB, V, vi. Of. also the request of the eunuch Drastamat, Ibid., V, vii, that he be
allowed to see King Arsak, "... £niu/fij«£ ijîpLpj iinpw h. obuibk^ li ui^nLgtafik^
bSw ujuiinSni£ujIi >.• k lujfi ". (449,1)
43 Faustus is acquainted with several representatives of the Mardpet house: Under
King Tiran he knows, " uijp lift uihopffi,., np ni.&£p aûfuiinpLii Jbbp SuipnufkinnL-
fdkuihh, uijp bkpgphp* npniS Zuijp fyndpb • •• ". FB, HI, xviii. The same
personage is found in the train of St. Norses, on his journey to Caesarea, " q^Zuijp ilkb
p\pjiu&h duipnujliinnLpkuih ". Ibid., IV, iv, and is killed by Sawasp Areruni, Ibid.,
IV, xiv. Another Mardpet, entered the fortress of Artagers, after the emprisonment of
King Arsak II, and insulted his queen, " kljh kSniin qwilp p bkpu ft p-kpijSi Zwjn
duipqufkin ukpgpbfi kp^huiifkuiij tjinpl^pliî Jkbwnû pppu. 1pnil'^J • "• Ibid; TV, Ixii
He was killed by Musel Mamikonean, and " h oiki^ji ûijpnL.fdbw'ii
lûiptji^ t^<f}^>ijjjwl^ n$; M/&/JI&, npjuii.ni.pu D>p£uilfuij P
£,op unpui nuiSnt ujin9 I^wi h hnjh iinpb fiiupnuikinni.fi}£uifi - • • ". Ibid., V,
iii. This Glak was likewise executed under Pap for his attempt to shift to the Persian
side, Ibid., V, vi; and he is the " Zuijp Suipnuibm " mentioned as Musel's collaborator
after the death of St. Nerses, Ibid., V, xxxiii. Finally, in the account of Arsak IPs
tragic death, we have a mention of still one more Mardpet, named Drastamat, Ibid., V,
vii. [On this occasion, the Mardpet is identified as being " ap^njw'ijli ajluij.kn^ uimlili ".]
One authentic historical figure is found among these personages, namely Glak, who
is well known to Ammianus Marcellinus, according to whom Glak [Cylaees] was killed
together with his collaborator Arrabanes (Faustus' Muse!) at the instigation of the
Persian king, Amm. Marc, XXVII, xii, 5-14 [L. Ill, 78/9-84/5], " [Sapor] Cylaci spadoni
et Arrabanni, quos olim susceperat perfugas, commisit Armeniam (horum alter ante
gentis praefectus, magister alter fuisse dieebatur armorum) [5] ... Sapor ... Papam ut
incuriosum sui per latentes nuntios increpabat, quod maiestatis regiae velamento,
Cylaci serviret et Arrabanni, quos ille praeceps blanditiarum illecebris interfecit, capi-
taque caesorum ad Saporem ut ei morigerus misit ". [14]. According to IPaustus,
Musel outlived Giak and plotted to shift to the imperial side together with the Zuijp
Swpij.u^km^ who is in fact one and the same Glak \FB, V, xxxiii]. According to Amm,
Marc., XXVII, xii, 9 [L. HI, 82/3], Cylax and Arrabannes had also'turned to the Emperor
Valens for help and so sealed their own doom " Qua humanitate Cyelaces et Arrabannes
illecti, missis oratoribus ad Valentem, auxilitim eundemque Papam sibi regem tribui
poposcerunt ". Moreover, Ammianus says that the negociations with Queen P'afanjem,
who was shut in the fortress of Artagers, were carried on by the same Cylaees and Arra-
bannes, who were acting for the Persian king, but changed side during the negociations
through pity of a defenceless woman, Amm. Marc., XXVII, xii, 5-6 [L. Ill, 78/9-80/1],
" [Sapor] eisdemque mandarat, ut Artogerassam intentiore eura exscinderent, oppidum
muris et viribus validum, quod thesauros, et uxorem cum filio tuebatur Arsacis. ...
eunuchus Cylades, aptusque ad muliebria palpamenta, Arrabanne, ascito prope moenia
ipsa, ... propere venit, et cum socio ad interiora susceptus ut postulavit, suadebat
minaeiter defensoribus et reginae .... Multis post haec ultro citroque dictitatis, heiulan-
teque muliere truces mariti fortunas, proditionis acerrimi compulsores in misericordiam
flexi, mutavere consilium, ... ". Consequently, the Mardpei who insulted the Queen
according to Fausttis must be the same Cylaees-Glak. FB, V, iii, asserts that Glak
had already held the office of Mardpet under Arsak H, or even under his father Tiran;
this statement is supported by Amm,. Marc., XXVII, xii, 5 [L. Ill, 78/9] according to
whom Cylaees and Arrabanes had fled from Armenia to Sapor, who had received them
as refugees and entrusted Armenia to them. This fact leads us to identify Glak with
the first mardpet mentioned by Faustus as living under King Tiran \FB, III, xviii],
514 NOTES: CHAPTEK XV
Neither Sawasp Arcruni nor Musel Mamikonean, in fact, killed a Mardpet, these episodes
are purely didactic passages in Faustus' work intended as condemnations of crimes:
the Mardpet falls for his massacre of the Arerunis, at the hand of Sawasp, the last survivor
of this house; whereas, Musel Mamikonean avenges the insult to the Armenian queen.
(Faustus also says of Drastamat, that he had served under Tiran [FB, V, vii] it may
be that Drastamat had replaced Glak after the latter's flight to Persia, But Ammianus
is not acquainted with this Drastamat, and in his account Arsak II dies at the hand of
the executioner. Judging from his name: durust-amat " he who comes in time"
[" schnell-gekommen ", Hubsehmann, GrammatiJc, p. 38], Drastamat is merely a ficti-
tious character created to enhance the episode of Arsak's tragic end.)
Faustus refers to the first two Mardpets as Zwjp, which can be taken as either a
proper name or a title. Our identification of these officials with Glak resolves the
problem in favour of the title. In connexion with this same identification, we doubt
the characterization of the Mardpets as eunuchs. Glak himself, was indeed a eunuch,
Ammianus calls him spado, [Amm, Marc., XXVII, xii, 5; L. Ill, 78/9], but with the
division of this personage into four different figures, this incidental detail was transferred
to the Mardpets in general. [The figures of Cylaces and Arrabannes remain enigmatic.
Markwart suggested that they be identified with the Zik and the Karin, but this identi-
fication is rejected by Christensen, p. 105 n. 2., see also Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 177-178
and n. 118, and above nn. 36a-42]. (449, 2)
44 All attempts have remained unsuccessful so far: InciSean, Antiquities, II, p, 77
compared huifuuiniun with the Lat. prae-fectus and < bwjv — uupuip, Emin,
Mov. Xor., Supp., p. 298 accepted this explanation with a slight correction. Marr.
Etymologie, suggested the etymologie fiuifu or hiii£ connected with &u/£—uihn " pro-
vince ", having the same origin as the Arab.-Iran. term naMe («Cj£J) " province ",
while the last syllable —piup was an alteration of raB, Zend, ratu " lord ". The famous
Iranist, Andreas, supposed that biapjiunuin is related to Nohodares, the name of one
of the Persian generals given by Ammianus Marcellinus [Amm. Marc., XIV, iii, 1-2,
L. I, 24/5, etc], Hiibschmann, GrammatiJc, pp. 514-515. The second half of the word
unquestionably < raB, and not from ratu, the difficulty lies in the first syllable. Its
explanation must take account of: huipj " first ", Lui^—uiwiuh, buili—tufitj., Pers1
nayusl, naMe, possibly \>p£,nn—uil^mli, etc. Historical considerations lead to the
linking oinayarar with sa drdar, consequently Marr's suggestion that there is a connexion
between nah, nahr, and s&h, sahr, cf. fiui^—iaimuL and }iu£—minmlf, deserves serious
consideration. It is interesting to note that Elise., iii, p. 84, divides the nobles at the
Persian court into " ilmmLlfD L. uiiuinnLialfiiib binfuiunuing" which corresponds
to burzugan and sahrdaran.
Since the etymology of fnufuuinwp has not yet moved from the realm of guesses and
hypotheses, it is perhaps not superfluous to note that the mysterious word jmh- may
be a contraction of da-nhiu, with the loss of the initial da-, with nahoQar < da-nJmdar,
as nahapet < da-nJmpati. [After an additional half-century of scholarship, the problem
of the term nayarar, remains without a final solution. Adontz, himself considered the
probem again in his Aspect, and some of the most distinguished specialists in the field
have concerned themselves with it, see, Meillet, Mots parthes and Benveniste, Titres,
IPor a review of the scholarship and evidence, see Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 114sqq.
and n. 188. See also next note.] (451,1)
44a Adontz's recognition of the double aspect of the Armenian social system: feudal
and dynastic has received considerable development and elaboration in Toumanoff's
Studies, pp. 34-144, 164, 188, et passim.']
44b [See proceeding note, particularly, Ibid., pp. 113-119 and n. 181. Also, Manandian,
Feudalism, pp. 42-89 and Critical History, II, 1, pp. 314-334; Sukiasian, Armenia,
pp. 97 sqq., 184 sqq., especially 193-195 et sqq., where he supports Adontz's conclusions
against Manandian's, 226-227, etc.]
440 [The thesis of the similarity between the Armenian naxarar system and West-
european feudalism has found favour among Soviet scholars, c/. Manandian, Feudalism;
Sukiasian, Armenia, pp. 97,191 sqq., et al. There are, however, important dissimilarities
observed by Toumanoff, Studies, some are derived from the general survival of what
Toumanoff has called " dynasticism " in the " feudal " pattern see above n. 73, others
deal with specific if related manifestations such as the apparent absence of the crucial
act ofhommage as distinct from the oath of fealty, see, Toumanoff, Studies, p. 117 n. 191,
but also pp. 40 n. 14, 144 n. 262, etc. The entire question of the comparison must,
evidently, hinge ultimately on the crucial and debated definition of the term
" feudalism " and the legitimacy of applying it to different societies, see, Coulborn,
Feudalism, Kosminski, Basic Problems, and below n. 45a.]
44d [See preceding note. The proliferation of studies on both western and eastern
" feudalism " in the last fifty years have of necessity rendered part of the discussion
in this section out of date and in need of serious revision. In addition to works concerned
directly with Armenian " feudalism " for which see above nn. 44a-b, the Bibliographical
Note should be consulted for the problem in general.]
45 Luchaire, Manuel, pp. 235-236. [See preceding note.] (454, 1)
45a [The definition of "feudalism" as "an inevitable stage of development" has,
of necessity, commended itself to Marxist scholars, while finding less appreciation
in the West. See, Coulborn, Feudalism; Kosminski, Basic Problems', IXth Congres,
I, 417-471; SSJB, I, et al. The problem was set with his usual felicity by Bloeh, Societe
feodale, II, 241 sqq., who incidentally noted its appearance in the XVIIIth century,
almost simultaneously with the term " feudal " itself, " Aux yeux de Montesquieu,
Petablissement des "lois feodales' en Europe etait un phenomene unique en son genre,
'un eve"nement arrive une fois dans le monde et qui n'arrivera peut-§tre jamais'. Moins
rompu, sans doute, a la precision des definitions juridiques, mais curieux d'horizons
plus larges, Voltaire protesta : 'La feodalite n'est point un e"venement; c'est une forme
tres ancienne qui subsiste dans les trois quarts de notre hemisphere, avec des adminis-
trations diff6rentes' ", Cf. Ibid., I, pp. 1 sqq.]
46 Luchaire, Manuel, p. 155. (455,1)
47 Ibid., p. 156. (456, 1)
47a [See above n. 44a.]
48 Elise, iii, p. 85, " ••• bplffrpg, ^l £uujpl;b[ij), kjUl ufWfiqLuiI{iu^f L

kf}£ guiulfuiqjibg, L. {tubbing ULnnLD fat, £,niuSuijkijuiD ^h qiun&aJjL ; ". [See
next note]. (457,1)
48» [CJ. Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 122-123, 310 sqq.; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 118-
119.]
48t) [@f' Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 24 sqq., 32 sqq.; Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 112 sqq.
See above n. 27d.]
48c [See above nn. 44a-d, 47d-48a.]
49 Waitz, VerfassungsgescJiicJite, IV, p. 273, " Das Verhaltniss zum Herrn als ein
Diener (service), Dienst (servitium) bezeichnet ; der Wassail heisst um des Willen aueh
•wohl selber Diener (famulus, puer) ". FB, III, ix, " Qwjhni d-uiSm'liuslû
pkmg juipguijlli Ziujng dp p bwnuijpg iinpui i/hb p^pjiala H,ij&b!iuia, np
ndp p-nkiuyhili. np lp ilp p >nppg-> qm^pig p.iap&kni;tj inui&uipp'ii uipgnLlip :
j}wafuiL.np'ii £w]ny
i/hbp tynifiuig aJJ*wp fez. pppk-, ng n£ lp
juinnf;<u, km ujpguij pgwjp
upLUtnj^ h. ^wni&& Hb&hkiiiij. k uipiup ifoui p.^k um miufi linpniSi : • • •
bwjp nnhuiyhib 'iiiuli h buin.uijnLJ^pLii uipoiujph ûiliw u^m^ ". Ibid., V,
xxxviii, " "'ip p &hnu i n m k f i h. ajiui ujuiînpijkh, L 'iiSui
li inuijgk'ii liSiu nu 2.mjnn : • • » L m^p ij.uikuii pipkiv&a
tfluipupa, h Ifiujpb p hnpiu ". LP\, p. 140,
£ ^1 ?/r/a°/7J? Pni-p-> p bmnuijpg
van. pipkiuLn w£pb ". Ibid., xxvi, p. 148,
* ijnp bmnuijpg ufiupin £ uin pLphuihg inkiunub L. wn
Ibid,, xxviii, p. 168, " ••* p duiiiiuhujl}!; jnpSl {.kinl; Ifia p
buin.iujnLppi.hq". Ibid., xlv, p. 263, " "•buinuij'ii &bp ^ ". Ibid.,
Ixxv, p. 442, " L juipguiipn uipouiip h biunminLphli^ ifp &/y7, ". Ibid.,
IXXT, pp. 447: 450, " • • • IL Zki^ Upkuig uikuinhb uipfLiub wpduilip knj;,
p Suip kqfi mnui^p VLuinnLbnj k i)uipq.l[UJiU ' wpiûip Smog Skiunh k ^ht^
zwn&fe^, [447] •••I/&/T phpfy uikuipg L. £uinij& i/bpntj IL
L Jkf buinwjnLppLppiSi mnlikSg-" [450]". Ibid., xcii, p, 548,
li ifkp pbhb mkuipo I D, L ilkj> &kp p&plf buiniujo bSf ". Elise,
ilbp •" Ijiutjph p biuniajnLpkuiL Jwumuilû • • « IL dkf tfinfi buiniu
[Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 117]. (459, 1)
50 Luchaire, Manuel, p. 159, " il faut distinguer les fiefs qui sont des seigneuries et
les fiefs qui n'en sont pas ". In his investigation of Russian feudalism, N.P. SilvansMi,
Feudalism, p. 76, calls the first type " fief - benefice " and the second " fief-allod ",
[Of. Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 104 sqq. on the x08^^3 which are not discussed by
Adontz]. (460, 1)
51 Mortet, " I'eodaHte " in La Grande Encyclopedie, XVIII, p. 206. (461, 1)
52 Faustus commonly uses the terms lujjhiwpmp and liui £111111 kin. Suihnnnfrp occurs
only seven times: three times together with liiaûiuikin, FB, IV, xvi, p. 134; V, xxxvii,
pp. 242, 243, and four times alone, Ibid., Ill, xx, p. 62; TV, xvii, p. 136; IV, 1, p. 167;
V, xxxviii, p. 249. The terms m^p and inlpnLJfrpLli, in their technical sense are rare:
Ibid., xliii, p. 253; V, xliv, p. 256; IV, xix, p. 137; IV, vi, p. 208; TV, xxxii, p, 23a;
IV, xxxvii, p. 246 ; V, xxxviii, p. 249. Lazar P'arpeci on the contrary avoids Iiuiûi-
ujkuj and uses inuilinLinlp, w/yr, huipiuipuip. Elise, prefers fiiujuuipuip and
never uses either hui^wuikui or wm&ntw/n. \Cf. above n. 48c, and Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 117 n. 190 and 130 n. 229]. (463, 1)
53 In the period under discussion, Valarsapat was the ostan of the Arsacids, Erwanda-
sat, that of the Kamsarakans.; Hadamakert, that of the Arcruni, Dariwnk', that of the
Bagratids; Ostan, that of the flstuni, etc. [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 114, 193
n. 209, 199, 202, 206, 213, 322-323 and n. 77, etc. Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 56-58,
etc.] (463, 2)
53a [Gjf, Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 97 sqq.]
54 Elise, v, p. 99 indicates the order of succession, " '**ipnpjuiiUuilf jkmu

up kfjsli ij£kin fapjiubpb Upthkiug, gki^pwpu lûiS g^npn^pu lîad
nrjLpuu p inkij^p hngui dwinni.guifjj;p>» ".
Succession according to seniority can be traced in the Mamikonean house. FBt
III, iv, gives the huipjuipuip of this house under .Xbsrov II of Armenia, as Vaee, son of
Artawazd, " . . . uip&uihkiiig piuqiuinpu p tjkpmj Iingui g^mf^ npij.p
qiaj n& m £ui iifkin IfimJpIjn&kiiih inn£ilpli* J^l^t uufuipuiujkinnLpkuiIi
mlkb appuiLtup gjopiug pLpng ". The power passed to his only son Artawazd,
Ibid., Ill, xi, " Duilîajli ifûi^p gopWLiapp ijinj>pplf Swbljpl] dp
h £uijpkhh pwp& aui£ni.& SuiinnLnuili^pli^ npniS IU&HZ.& i;p juilini
UpinuiLuiijn. : U/iu/Pyk Puuj.iui.npph ôpli uiuiinpiî [i ynLpjIi ifilpli, h
L.ftkui'ii hnpniSi inknn. ah Ijtupp npi^h JuiuinuiliuiLnpp ^n, A h
iluiumwliuiLnp iw^^. np uijijui^p/U n* IJLUIUIL ôc^rnt, qji ft ilkb ujiumkpiuaiJpb
iJkniub ". "Under Tiran, the representatives of the family were Artawazd and Vasak,
Ibid., Ill, xviii, " fei miirj. ^pu^km^ HpinuJLUiffl L û/uu;^, uipf ji
innîifch, npg jf/r& qpputLuipj) wilk'iiuij'ii tjppuitj £uijnij ... ". Arsak II,
liuinnjn ••• triuipnuib Q^plq hn^puijph p jLuiiûiujkinnLfdkiiihb ui^pli
k q^muiulf ijilp^pli kr^pwjpli f[pi-p ij-iujkailjli p uujiiipiiiufkinnLftpL'iili qopwi£-
lupnipkuili jhpii uiuiinhpiaqSuig'ii ". Ibid,, IV", ii. Consequently, Vardan is called,
" ilkb liiuûiv^kin SmSpl^nlikiali uin£ifp " [as agains his brother, " ••. ilbbp
uinpuikûiinpli £uijnif npni.S ^muuilfh fyn^p "]. Ibid., IV, xi, and IV, xv, as well
as " inuilinLin^pli lituûiuikinli fiwilplfnhkiiili innîIpUt, kpl;ij ki^piujp ^wuiuljuij
uuiuipwufhinpL ". Ibid., IV, xvi, Vardan was succeeded by his next brother Vasak,
Ibid., IV, 1, " . . . SwinnLnuili^p Iw mSpmumw/li ... i^pLpSl; uiuilinLuikuinlilli
ûiuuilfiiij ... ". Vasak was simultaneously syarapet. After him, his son Musel,
assumed the function of sparapet, " . . . A £p tinaui qopuiiynLpj IfnL^bi^ "P1}^
^mumlfiijj uujiupuiujkinph ". Ibid., IV, Iv. King Varazdat had Musel killed and
transferred the office of sparapet to Bat Sahafuni, " U/yiw Ifwrjnjij ^mij.uiLnp'ii
ûipiujjr^mia p yjipb uitfiapwuiI;innLj9ku]Iifi tjftiuin &ui£uiiijkuih IJi
inn£ilph ... pLp qiujkiuli, ", but " wtffiph SuiSplfnfikuifi inn£i/ph
biu£uiiukin Ifiunnjn û/û/tnn' ^lud uifinifi p hi/fib mn^S^ ", Ibid., V, xxxvii.
At the return of Manuel Mamikonean from captivity, " . . . pppli kwku ifiui û/^&*
np jmnw9fi £p Jpuil luuûiuikin'ii, dph) >li hlfhui^ £p &ZH' kin glim nûfiuin
îza&li, a^np uinkm^ ^p p Puiq.iui.np£h ^wpuin^quiinuij, ^wfii^p h £p
juinnpL. li lfuibni.l;[h nilikp aJiwûiu^lminLJ^kiii'ii uiij^pli
uiuiinniLph, k ^ uidb Lphfcp hpfanpa^ : frulj jnpduid-uiS k£,mu ktfiug
h ihuina wlpnL&hui'ii Atnn/, fiwfu uinuilin £piui)iubp Piun.uu.nppb ^lapi
Jphgb juiipyinuilfkuig tjtjopunluipnL^kuiîli ijûufiupuiiifhinnLppLfifi^ o^p
np pLpnn bwpjfihiunh p E&jf& liuiikiui lp h uLnp.uiu£, qnp uipDuijli
quim yhnp<( wnSifcp pLpni.S quijlui^p'ii piuinuij, ajujli yzi/&ni/£ Jp^fh
niiilp ^fapjiuhnLppLfib ", Idem, Manuel was succeeded by his son Artasir, Ibid., V,
xliv, "... ^pLiulinuagiuL uiifiapiaujkinh sjppuiijuipli Ruling IfuilinL^ ijuipjin ^pLwlnpiL-
pbuib SIU&IL. Ii fynshuig tjnpflp pLp qlApinuiypp, k km hdiu tînlpnippLh pip k
niiuiuipujuikinnLppLh nppiaihupnLJ)hail}'ii pLpnj ", The son of Artasir was probably
the Hamazasp, who was the son-in-law of the Kat'oh'kos Sahak I, and who in turn had
three sons: Vardan, Hmayeak, and Hamazaspean, £/P', xviii, p. Ill, " [J/M/^z
fei. Jamb i^p ni a.njp u3m uipni nuiLiulf p-iujg tlpuijli ynminp dp, ajip £p
huii l[Iinipkiiib ZuiSuinjiiu ufiu <j inkuinL Ifuujp

nn bliuiL h ÛJûjniuuiuujj kphu npnpu, nuuLpp.Ii ûipquili, Ii ijZSuijkuib L
nkpwhkipli ZwSuinumuikw'ii ". Vardan was the next tanuter, and after him his
nephew Vahan, because of the premature death of his brothers. ZJ", xxiii, xxv,
pp.134, 144, etc., " • • • *Jûi£uiIi [nt&^y?] tîn^pnippLî Ifuiifp^nli^pg L. nuujui —
pwuikwnLppLb ". Ibid,, Iv, p. 393. [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 120-122, 209].
(464, 1)
55 FB, IV, ii, Arsak II appointed Vardan, nahapet of the Mamikonean, and Varazdat
appointed Vage, Ibid., V, xxxvii [see preceding note for the texts]. Manuel seized
the sovereign power, Ibid., V, xlii, " <i,njfiû jwilhuijli qunuinu Ijuigniguib£p
uiuuipuiuilnnfi Jfuitinih Iiuiûiufkinu L. inkuipu quiLiunuig tj.uiuun.uig ". LP\, p. 236, h
Ii nuiuiwpL ûiIik^Djni.i/hDl ". After the fall of Vasak of Siwnik, the Persians appoint-
ed his enemy, the apostate Varazvalan, " •"in£pp i[hpwj ui^piuip^pli Upihkuig'\ xlvi, p.
accepted Mazdeism, " • > « g^pLpuijzuihipip mpmg nûiuiIinLin^pnippifi inuiS L

qnui£ Ii nwuimpL ". Ibid., IT, p. 311, also, Ibid,, Ixii, p. 357, " ji tyuipuLuin
i£inui&nLin£pnLf}pi.fih tfiihui^ nLpuignLf}ku]i)p, • • • ", and Ibid., Ixxv, p. 443, " L
uipn gfjn A&ct uijn i/h juijuwpup uiphjuip^p* nn j)^ uinuiLhiuiL puiquiL
uipduitiuiLnpuiui£u £uiukui^ p uiuibnLinkpnLppLh. uij^ npkuip uiLuiaul Ji
ûialfuiinuili^p L i£iuinuin£i}plj, np quih ajiijiiuipup ilhb jûi
L ptin lipuibp* ijiuinu ahkii Ii ui^pnippifi ". Vahan made the condition that " ••«
nu/hg juinjiiiû Smj.nL^kuili nûit, L ujuiinpL iinuijj) ". Ibid., Ixxxix, p. 523, and he
interceded before the king, "... -Jinp^ki ctAo mnui'i
which was granted, " • > . kpfiap ifuiuli gn inmkui^ i£in£pnLppLh
uihhb ". Ibid., xcvi, p. 572. Services were taken into consideration on appointment
to a tanuterut'iwn. Rejecting a similar request of Vahan in favour of Prince
Arcruni, the king pointed out that " • - > juii£uiq.u uifcpmpphb D>pbpnLiiLnj<u,
Juijp df>* ifi a^nuiiuugkli Suipi^ptffi P£ np p uin^Slli A&, uiifuiu
gmnuiLk^ uin i/h^ L. iûiuinuilfii phi joy.ni.in U,pkiur/ ui£pjuip£pu
i^, ^lujkugmj) tuiqiii Ii ilhj> juipdwli'ii ". Idem. The king dismissed Prince
Garegin, " Ii £uibkui^ p p.uig i£in£pnLppi.hb p hSmfil •>• ", Elise, i,p. 13. Ibid.,
v, p. 115, " • > • Ii uiilk'iiuij'u £wjpkbp nuiiuinj) £iuinuih p bngiuh£ • • • ", cf. Ibid.,
vii, p. 164. Bishop Sahak of Rstuni blames the king that, " buinij) qiiui a^m^pni
PpLiifi UpLmLhuig ". Ibid., vi, p. 135. The king " . > • pjnumiaguiL iniui Lngtu-
i^pipuifiiili^pip fopjuihnLppih pûm Ifiupqp £uijpklip uyu/wt/yi;,... ", Ibid., p. 197.
According to Sebeos, xvii, p. 65, .Xusro, " uiuij hdui \JSp.uiinuij\ •» ". Kavadh granted to
Ibid., xxviii, p. 97. Finally, " qnpqp bnpui gûibnpuibpli1

npni-S l;p U^puiin^ Ifiupqhuig uipguij h ujuimpL £uii.p pLpnj, mni-
hdu phpl[ inuilmLin^pnLinkui'ii'ii uiuufhuimphuiL^ Ii uipuip
aji guiLpuig fnpng ". Ibid., xxxii, p. 116. (464, 2)
55a [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, p. 119, and Sukiasian, Armenia, pp. 204-205, 307.]
56 FB, III, xi [See above n. 54 for the text], Ibid,, IV, ii, " . . . uinui^p uipDiujpiJ
p linLpJ p.uinjilp'ii ". Tov. Arc., iv, p. 272, " . . . muij tjSuiuiui'up p
L wppkgniguififc uhJiîulfuifi dwnuihif.nLphuibb • • • ^nhini-
(466, 1)
57 FB, IV, iii, " LUâi [i lift dnqni£ ljnunl;quih tun uipgiujfi Upûify Jkbuiifhbj)
lim^muj^kw^p lunaiay rnqj^wg^ inn^Suiq inn^Swq^ qhitpq h- W°>ni9 tnkuipo",
Each princely house had its own standard, on which were represented, among other
devices: doves, uiqjii'iimr^po'^ uiqja'iinuiL npo> turtle-doves, ihupd-iuiiwLui'iip} <
iîupiuduibiulf — iw&>, eagles, uipbni.k'iiyiu'u. (466,2)
58 See above Chapter X, p. 215 and n, 50. [Also the g rant of insignia to the
Armenian satraps in the IVth century, cf. Chapter V, pp. 87-88 and n. 27. Toumanoff,
Studies, pp. 117 and n. 193, 134, n. 235.] (466, 3)
59 Luchaire, Manuel, pp. 250 sqq. [Toumanoff, Studies, p. 118.] (466, 4)
60 There is no word meaning " law " in Armenian so that an Iranian loan word has
to be used lUL—plli < daena. [Of, Sukiasian, Armenia, pp. 238-254, 381 sqq.] (467,1)
61 Incife'ean, Antiquities, H, p. 87, observes correctly that we have no case of royal
interference in the internal affairs of the principalities, and consequently deduces their
autonomy. [Of, the preceding note and the status of the Armenian satrapies vis-a-vis
the Roman Empire as civitates foederatae liberae et immunes, above Chapter V, pp. 75-101],
(467, 2)
62 Cf, FB, III, viii for the execution for treason of Prince Databey
Bznuni [and not Rstuni], " ^miniap.mj huiîuujkinp PqJmLtikuiq ••• pjnp&ipq
1/piup.iuhni.pkuiiJ i&kp pjiq_- pyfuiiilmh qppmqii tyuipupn. liuiifkaun, Suim'iiki h
finqui qjupgiujfi £iujnq q^wfrpb hip, » » « Qkppwlfii]^ wpwpkiu^ ijûiinuin^Lfi
uiûipwiiflinfi k guij) ûiûili uidiuinnLfip) iub£ph qjim wnui^p ifisbp
hnupni£nL, h. guipljnq mniikpli qjUui ^wpitiSf ppph- ?u/7/7> nP
h. qSirf.fi k tjppiaq inhiunSi pt-pnj qiuLuifiuih jkmj_ pql; : fet qjaqjj. hnpui
h. qnpqpu qinuihfcp juiSpnqh whn fepjuibpfi ^nînniSilmq juihnLiuhkuiifi
fr bun- k]liw] ûi^ uuûipiuufkinfi^ w&qkiii^ p ^5^&* inn.
n$ q£n Bni^njp h. n* qjaipni : fei iujuui£u nuap&un. aqnuiinn^S fiuiûi—
pwpni.]i}ku]hfi uijlinppli, fet qjnniSi hnqw juiponitipu Ijianuli ", (467,3)
63 According to JF£, IV, ii, nine hundred persons sat at the royal table, not counting
the ones who remained standing on their feet. We learn from Persian sources that,
" one of the Persian .Xusros ordered to assemble all kinds of men from all parts of the
realm and to seat them in a definite order for a feast. At the same time, a certain part
of the officials was separated from the group during this distribution, in order to conform
to the traditional practice. " K. Inostrantsev, Materials, p. 177. The reference is
to the creation of the Throne List or Gahnamalc with which we are already familiar.
The officials supervising the organization were probably the very ones to remain standing
in ITaustus' account. See above, Chapter X n. 2 for the text. [On the gorcalcals, see,
Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 60-65, 67-69, 71-79, 81-83, 121-122. Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 204, 220-222, 230 n. 279, etc., cf, above Chapter X, pp. 185 sqq and notes.] (468,1)
84 Luchaire, Manuel, p. 262, " ... dans la plupart des etats feodaux, le plus important
des hauts fonctionnaires est le sinechal, Aprcs le due ou le comte, il est le souverain
en second de la seigneurie; il dirige la justice et 1'administration locale, commande
Varmee .... Le chancelier est un personnage non moins considerable ... il est percepteur
et collecteur perpetuel de torn les revenus du comte ". [Cf, Lot and Eawtier, Institutions'],
64a See above pp. 339-341 and nn. 22, 29a-43, 63.
65 Luchaire, Manuel, p. 264, " ûiumiijkinf ", is found in FB, IV, li, [" tlkbui-
hiufuiiipiupD IfniumlfuiiD linqjSmliiaiD quiLuinuiinhiupo qâpbuibuiiD h.
, BL, p, 41 = " ypLquiiykin ", Mov,
p. 124. [Of, Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 82 and n. 1, 174, 187-188, 232, and
below n. 00.
66 Sebeos, xvii, p. 62 speaks of a member of the Dimak'sean house who was an official
of the Bagratids in the VHth century, " • • • hwpnkiui ID p Jkpwj wwli £1111111-
uiuippS L Ifui^wIfUJinuip", [Gf, Sukiasian, Armenia, pp. 226-231.] (469,2)
67 FJB, IV, xxiii, Prince Meruzan Arcruni, having gone over from Arsak II to the
Persian king, " i}b£p phi} hSw nLJvm bpqSuiSp., aji jim.pinkui& buiniuj ihgh
hSui ". Ibid., IV, liii, Arsak II asked for an oath as safe-conduct before his hourney
to the Persian court, " Hpîulf fufiqp^p ûinumuipbS bpr^nuKj nLpJinpL n &jSzu&/&,
i£p JwjuS £>binl; milîvuIfuib bpfipgl; uin tiui : fet liiii kin pkphj^ pjim opphmnh
£uiLuiinwppS kpqduihn pwnuiLnpnLpkuihh fyuinupg* uii^, Ifioki ihupuia libwp-
ui^hp duiiniuhkiiiL, L jnbwij ". [Curiously, Adontz says here that the Persian king's
ring bore the effigy of a " leopard ", or " panther " rather than of a wild-boar, which
is the description given by IPaustus, and is indeed, the correct device for the official
seal of the Sasanians, cf. Christensen, p. 394.] Sebeos, iii, p. 43, " few inuifihi uin
kpif.nL.ifii Ifbj}kui^ ". According to Proc. Pers., I, iv, 9 [L. I, 22/3, the Persian king
Peroz had sworn an oath to the Hephthalite Huns over salt, and the ruler of the
Huns, " TOW Se aXas aitpov ai)p.e(ov TOV paaiAetov cmeKpefMaoev es ovs rov opitov IJepofyjs
cofioore Ttporepov, ov 8^ dXoyqaas slra em Ovwovs eoTpdrevaev ". Btise, iii, p. 86, the
Persian king, " pjhqpfcp p hntjuib]!; i£Ifuijni.ppL.h {.uii.uiuiwpiinL.ftkvi'ii jkplfjiph
2,wjnij) h kpi^SuiSp. jnipjin dinuililp uinm^p hnijuj-" ". [While these oaths are
duly attested, not all have the character of " homage ", also, as observed by
Toumanoff, Studies, p. 117 n. 192, "The concept of homage as a separate act from
the oath of fealty does not appear to have existed in Armenia ".] (469, 3)
68 £iP\, p. 146, " • • • i/kp uin. &kn m^pnLppLî k pjlawSmpl^nLJ^pLî^ L
&kp mn ilktj^ lupquipiuiiinnLphuiiip. bwnwinLJ^pLli L £bwi£iiifiipiLppi.fi ", (470, 1)
69 Luchaire, Manuel, p. 195. (470, 2)
70 Ibid., p. 196. {Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 117-118, and next note.] (470, 3)
71 The Armenian cavalry was also drawn from peasants, as was that of the Parthian
custom, hence the expressions, " nuuJplf ^bbbui^ ^k^nili £,kbkiii]_". See above,
Chapter XIII, pp. 299-300. {See also Chapter XIII n. 21 a for the critique of this thesis.
On the size of the Armenian feudal contingents and a comparison with western ones,
see, Toiimanoff, Studies, pp. 234-241, particularly p. 235 n. 300, and Table V]. (470, 4)
78 FB, V, vii, Drastamat was, "fohjuih muili niui.iun.pli li ûiLUJinuippS quifi—
^ pkpqpfi, li uiifkhuijh pkpqmgli uipgniSip np p Ifnij^Suifiu juijhu.
li ikplipph Tjnihiun h fifauipkn pkpnhh qwh&gb ikiui £ph ntin
hniluiL ". \Cf. above n. 36a,] (470, 5)
73 Noldeke, Tabari, pp. 5, 111. " dpyaire-njs " is found in Palmyrene inscriptions,
cf. Levy, ZDMO, XVIII, p. 89. The word is derived from Pers. " ,£}, | fortress " =
Lat. arx, and means " commander, keeper, of a fortress = pkpquiljui^., ] Cf. Christen-
sen, p. 107.] (470, 6)
74 Etise, iii, p. 68, " jinp&uilihniiili p Jbpwj nhptihgh L uinuliuin, onp
(JjuipupIiDb p uiknpu mbnjiu, jwSpnnu uippjuip^pb, • • • Unui^pli
puiuipuiin ^wtiqkpci uiiuihog pLpni^j). L uinltnLpb ajuhSwinnjij
ajûiniip Diwnz«D&, aJJînli, aJJ^puiianbpu L ajULUi'iiu pLphiuLa,
b. aJAppjhph L ajULUi'Uu pLpkuthg. n^pnip&piupnnjjy tjjijnpiulipuinh,
nuitibuiubuibbih flniuliiuhjij, It phn 'iinuui b. auuuuhu pLpkuuhg.
^ pliij. hJjih h. nuiLwbuh hip. k. D^JUJU/J/M&,

(471, 1)
75 FB, III, xiv, iffipuidnijnil ki^km^ ilkbiuifkbg
L p L/JJ l{iujp kfj funp£kr/uiL ". Ibid,, xxi, dnnnJbgwIi
p ilp dntini^ Jpiiip.uiJini.p};ui&L £uijiuuinuib &«/—
fuuupwpf ilbbuiilkbg,
P iji h. h
utfitiuiii nuii/jilf i?ion/fû/&& ". Ibid,, IV, iii, " l)>u]ui h dp dnnnJ
tun utpguijh Hpyiulf tlbbj) fiui^muihin^ * • • ", cf. Ibid,, IV, iv, li; V, Iv, " ilkb
jng •" ulfuuih uijtmL^kmhi p_um IjiuSuig pLpbuihij ^vupl;^
", etc. Many cases of the princes meeting in council are also found in
LF. (471, 2)
76 FB, III, viii, after the treason of Prince Databey, King .Xbsrov, "
tjji i/hbuiifkb uiLiuij.uiliip'ii^ fiwpiiupuip^t
np kph p.pLpuii.npg'ii li ^wijiiipuiLnpgii, [{wjtjkh uin uipouijph, L plin fiStu >p$~
hugph^ k ilp ng tyPpyk p bnguifj£ pjiij. ifopii wponiSip ", [Cf. above p. 335
and n. 19 for the regulations of Cyrus]. (471, 3)
76a [Of, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 119-126, particularly p. 120 n. 207.]
77 Lazar P'arpeci calls the following relatives sepuhs of the tawuter;
1. his brother: " • • * ifkbp ukui^pii U"iuiJplinb£pn kr^p.opii ^wpnuiiiuij • • • = ".
ZSuijkuil^. £/P\, p. 159, xli, p. 234. Vardan had another brother named
Hamazaspean, Ibid,, xviii, p. Ill, but Hmayeak was the older of Vardan's two
brothers, and is consequently called " ifbb ukujni.£ ", When Vahan Mami-
konean became taimler of the house, his brother Vasak was called " uhufni^
IfatiJljIin^pg ". Ibid., Ixix, p. 401.
2. hisson:"--- ukufni.£ i/k nLpbiugfi
Ibid,, Ixvi, p. 391.
3. his nephew: Vahan, " uipîu^p kr^popnpifp i/p, i fiui£uiuiiul{p&
^muiuliiaj Qppnnp : • • » ukufni^h Qppnnp xciv,
pp. 557-558.
4. his kinsman: Sewuk, prince of the Anjewaei, had an wiffliuliptj named John, to
whom the historian refers as " /?S& jH.'uûiLuigp fjiupjuipuipuipuiijh* ukujni.£
i/ji* npni.S uiiinLU lp Sn£ui& • • « fet WL.kuii uiuiinvauhiui'iih juinamLn^
Qnîuliiuf jpypjmfi^fi H^luunhujq Ukbnj • - - ". Ibid., Ixx, pp. 412-413. Va-
razvalan is also called sepuh, as " mjp dp p inn£tS^'ii UpiSikuitj ". Ibid,*
xx, p. 115, " qûfpqb ukufni^fi UpLhkiai} tj^wpwijihuijui'li ", p. 118. He was
the son in law of Vasak of Siwnik, " ... ipkuuijuigbuij^ pypiuibp'ii Upibkiug
Hûiuuiliuij, ukujriL^ UpLlikwij ", p. 115-116, and it is not clear whether he was
entitled sepuh as a member of the house of Siwnik', or as Vasak's son-in-law.
5. Sebeos refers to three individuals from the same family as sepuhs " uhuiniÊî
UwSnL^ffi ijnp uiuuinp li JJiupqpu L ûipuit^ \,hpuk£ h.
", vii, p. 60. Their tawwler was, " Jflnupni^ ûi^liniSiknig m^p",
Ibid,, xi-xii, pp. 56, 58.
Other historians rarely use the term sepuh. Twice in FB, IV, xv, " ^9!&^/ ^^
uip}uilini.hfj • • « " and " ZwSuinmuiqk tuli ukiunt£ dp h \fuiilplinHikuiii
. Ibid., V, xxxvii. In EMSe, likewise twice: " •• uhiifni^ nSw'iig
mn^Sl; ", iii, p. 74 = (liP\, xxxvi, p. 200), and " ukufnL^ ilp
Ibid., v, p. 105 = (LP\, xxxvii, p. 215). In Sebeos, only the

passage given above. [Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, p. ISO], (472, 1)
77a [On the sephakan, see below n. 82.]
78 The answer to the Persian king, LP\, p. 135, was composed " ••• WLUICJ.
wuiunLinbuipf, ûjuqbpZ. uiLiuq ubuf£oj> ". The king summoned, Ibid., xxv, p. 141
" uiifhuuijh uiuiunLinbuipDU L UILIUO. ubuinLôu bpbgnL jui^hiujpûinu ".
Again, Ibid,, xxvii, p. 154, " • ••DU//ZJ uiJbuuiju aJiinuiL uwpjuipwpqb uiifbubnnLU
L ubu[£wiju • • • ". Cf. Ibid., xxvii, pp.157, 160, etc., Ibid., xxxii, p. 190,
" uii/buuiju inw'unLwbpiiiSp.f li ubufÔD* £uiuuiuiin£pu nhnnnuRi. Ii npng Swuiui-
LbuiL ^L Lu . Ibid., xxxii, p. 194, " jig-
buii uuipj SwinuiliibuiL pppjiuupb UjiLubuig j, h. uiuiui SwinuiliisoD
uiilbHiuij'ii wui'iinLuilpiiitjh Zwjng h. UILUIIJ. Ibid., xli, p. 231, " liuipi-
mpuipf k uku^nL^f ", etc. (474, 1)
79 MX, II, xxii, nprj.fi Spqpwhwj : Uui
q^kq^piupu pip L npnnu p UnhnJinh L. Unp.kpwLnj,
Pn1Lnil A ijSuiu'u wpgnLLip np h y£bu l qiuLuin.wij, ûiLqbp^. uinwh&pb
Sinhg L p_uin ophhuilin uinnuiliwliiunili* np h linnfiuiuu 2,w}uili'iinn,
ungui ufiuinnLiulfuifiuiipijIi L iun.uu.bi BwawLnpuiaJili
IjnLLpu. i/jiwjL oppSiuiqpj; n£ Ijbui^ jUjptupuiin p p.uuil^ni
ujpoiujp : " Ibid., II, Ixii, 8" fct klikuii uin liui ului'upjuiani'ii pLpnj uip\wIinLtibiun,
np ^pii p uiubli, [^fiiûipûi^buj Jbij^ a^diunuiIiqnLppLfiu^
i^p Lbq^ £. : fez. iiui £,puiSuijl; nSiulig h unnuibfc bpfiuii h
L Unp-bpiuhnj ; /iu^ ungui uinnLb^ Lu pnqno Luijjmii wn.
/npiu/A, usn.ujLbiuin.njL ubn £ ifba^ ni hus nLulibnhp Ipbp Shpwu. wji
inuii^ ungiu, puijij anp nLuhu £uiLWuuip
mpn^bi jpiigbwhu : Qnn p iduiub fiuipnvufclnLp, auiuiL uiuiliuiu duinwu—
puuil^nqûigu Jitiuu npnj pwnnLiiD h unguiul; blfbuii h
U.i£pni£pin L. Unpbpuiunj ". (474,2)
80 One of the canons of this Council begins: " jnpduifi uiauiuiD npLpbuiug ijbpn
h i^Suipn^ puiduiubu ". The king of Albania, driven from his throne by the Persian
king, demanded from him his own sepuh possessions, " pjlinpbwn ndtuhlinLpbuiu
ubuiûilfuiuh, ajip £,opii pLpnj punp^biut^ l;p fiSui p uinjujnL^builiIi ûiajiip
bpq. ". Elise, p. 199. This passage is found in Book VIII, which is undoubtedly of
a different and relatively later origin than the others. [Gf. Manandian's objection,
Feudalism, p. 192.] (475, 1)
81 MX, I, iii, " • • • qpLn^pij k qiULiunuig Lu L pLpui^wutpLp inuiuq uinuiu&—
L £uiunLpg ûiLuinuilinLpbuiLn L nuiîuun midS uin. Jba
iSp.uiL a^pnLguig Suiinbiuiip, fiuiuuiLiiiuq np p ubipt.iuliui'u utnwinnLpbuiu
The word wnuiu&uuilfuiunLpbujug does not have here the
opposite sense to ûilinLpg, as might seem likely (and it was understood by Marr in his
review of Javaîsvili's Polity, which we have cited earlier). It is evident from the
context that litigations arose primarily at the time of division of the sepuh inheritance.
The sepuh having received his portion left the family, he became an uinuiu&uuiliuiu,
and the quarrels arose from just such uin.uih&uuilfuiunLpbuiug. [Cf. Manandian,
Feudalism, pp. 171-172 and next note.] (475, 2)
82 According to .Xbsrov, the patriarch, " ubufûiLwu uiuh ubpmu L uiuûiLui-
Arm. Diet., II, p. 706. [Cf. Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 77, 93-94, 172,
192-195. See also Ibid., 127-130, etc., for zafangufivm, as used in connexion with the
clergy. Also Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 120 n. 206, 124.] (475, 3)
83 MX, III, xx, " I)L q^kplfnuiu rûijuniiplj juiqj^wrj liuipjuipuipuipuin'ii
Jh* mlbpûiLnpuiq pj'uujSnLJilpL.'ii, ajip JLUU& waui^bini u
uinli^pHi ". The passage concerns the forbiding of such practices by Nerses I. At the
same point in FB, IV, iv, " fez. qjt ^phphgpb juidnLuhnLphuih opphwuipg, Jp
uinbi IL Jp ifiui p.bpb^ pipkuifig wSnLu'iinLJ^pLiinliiûi^ binnLSw'i]q. b. ihuiiv^bi
WL.bih p ifbp&tiiLnp h juinah'u inn£,Suibhn luuinbuilinLphuiL zuz?//z.z/finz.$iV&/'i/'«- ".
Faustus gives no reason for such consanguinous marriages. Movses, while borrowing
the information from Faustus, adds his own commentary in which he presumes that
these marriages were meant to preserve the inheritance of the " sepJiaJcan - freedom ",
And, in reality, a brother marrying his sister-in-law, inherited his brother's sepuTi share.
Movses' interpretation is characteristic for his period and not for that of Faustus, in
whose History, the injunction of Nerses I is taken primarily as a reference to the marriage
of King Arsak II with the wife of his nephew Gnel. (475, 4)
84 Tov. Arc., Ill, ii, p. 131, " ûi^piaS uhujni.£ pplfhuiu[ut£ fopjiubpli • • • k
wJLf t1 "ky^ u[ut£inoli£pq ". Ibid., p. 134, he says of the same Vahram, " • • •
nn li ppl[Iiuiiifui£ p-^pjiuiifiu, •'• ". It is interesting that Thomas seems to use the
term sepuh as the indication of a particular rank, and without any indication of the
family to which the particular sepuh belonged, as this would have been done by earlier
authors. So also, Ibid., II, vi, p. 109, " • • • li uij^f p huipjuipuipuigli'-' ukufni.£Ii
^WLpp"- ukuftu.^ dp Uui^wlj "• ". In AL, x, p. 60, " y^ni^ nnLUnii uinui-
uiuig h^lmi^ p ûijphhkuiij • • . Snhikb nip L £&••• ". (476,1)
85 Elise, iv, p. 92, " p.iunni.d ti uiji uimiiin Swpnhli yip, nuinwhnliuh wlini.—
juipgniSip uiuib£ " = LP\, p. 209, " A uij^,p jnuiniuhlfuiij, h. ukuini^ni

jpLpwgiuL £pi.p wn£,S]; ". EEse. i, p. 10. " 9*ni-&^ Ifwi^^p p Zwjnij
iâiûim L. iûiijuiinnppij.^ k juipgniSip iniuHjl q^nuuiwliplf Suipnpb. ".
Ibid., iii, p. 74. " • • • wi/khuijL huipjuipuip^li ijopogli pLpkui'iiij jpipuifiabipLp
wuiLl; ' * • p.uiqnLS L wji uijpnL&p, np juippnibp iniafi^ uibinp l;p ". Idem, " nppu
juipfnibp inuili£h" Ibid., p. 194, " fct piu^nL^ liu uij^ imûim Suipnph, hfi
np juipgtiLlip iniah£, • • • ". LP\, xli, p. 231, " hiufuuipuipj) L ukuinL^p,
nuinuiliplig Ii nuii/ptj^ ". Ibid., xciii, p. 554, " Hiuipjwpwpg L imîaino L uijlf
jnuiniuhplf Smpqlfiuli^ ". MX, I, xxx. [See below n. 86 for the text. On the
disputed problem of the ostanilc, see, Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 56-58, 90-104,116-117,
123-124; Sukiasian, Armenia, p. 101; -Toumanoff, Studies, pp.114, 125-126 n. 215,
Perikhanian, OstaniJcs.'] (476, 2)
85a [See above, n. 53, and preceding note.]
86 MX, I, xxx, " fct i^nuinus'iili wLnnuIikuii I^nnSuilig'u uijiintjpli uinuiuini.—
* p ijuipifpiy iinpui wul; /£"//» ppp j^mtf.utLnpmlûi'i] quipiKi " Ibid., II, vii, " fez.
ki. u^mîuiquiLu qpwh lupDniSih u]uiinpiuuin£ ninpuu, mlp pLpuipwliipLp
£j) p &n/& 4^& I^P^B puiquiLnpiui/L np p Ziujguij, np phrf. ctiuduibwliu
dwSiu'iiuihlu <Jii]n.uihn.nLJpl;uih p {.uipuiliq uinuigkuii qLnu h. nmuinwbkpinu :
j~iitl[ uiuui nLpkiKi tfuipupg piaq.im.npnLpkiuh, npuiû [ukS, lulling JwPnL3^luL
L niiiniuh wbnLiubl;^ n} t^pinbS ftl iâiuli uuiuinb^nj uiij^p'ii uinuiphnj,
>â/'^û'^ ^ ft p~m^ pjibbgbwi nwnnli,
p inti^pu Iingu jiupnir/pb qnihifu mlinmiSp. uipgnLlip : Hjj^ uinm9pfiiJi
p ajupilpq puiniuLnpwn& ianui9Iinn, npujû L. laidd h
np
Sep'cul < bQccjQ " sepuh " and ^£)C?o " son, child ", Marr, Etymologies, p, 286.
[Cf. Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 92 n, 132, 130 n. 229, 408.] (477, 1)
86» [Cf. above n. 85.]
87 Movses' concept of the bdes%s is extremely unclear. He mentions the bdefys
of A-ljnik' and Gugark' [ MX, II, viii ; HI, vi, Ix], hut gives no information about the
others. He does not indicate that there were four of them, or that they occupied a
pre-eminent position at the Arsacid court. [On the bdesys, see above, Chapter X,
pp. 222-224 and nn. 69-73, and Chapter XIV, rm. 39-40.] (478, 1)
88 MX, II, via, " • » • jwnni£npiinLpl;h£ uiauiuiiuyh uijii, npuj£u nliinuifipl^
Ptuauiujpuig ". . (478,2)
S83> [See above n. 85.]
89 FB, III, xiii, " p.uiq Sniff} hill Suipnliuili dnnnilpnnn hiajuinpuipinqh k LwS
•^pHiuiLuiînLJ^kuilili ", Ibid,, III, xxi, " Hujm wnuiibi d-nijnJkt/uih "'huijuuipiupg
iflsbuiilbbg. wining, • • ' uij^ IL p ^phwlfiiihuit} luhnuiS nmi/plf Suipqlfuihh ". Ibid.,
TV, iv, " n^nnlinp uppnjb hnuiHinh mb^p tun uiilklikupHi, uin ilkbniilkbu k tan
ifu/ii^nt&w, uin ufuiinnimlfiiifiu h. uin lahiupqu, inn £iupnmin h. wn wngwinh, tun
wauiui k wn. pp&wliuihu ". Ibid., V, xxiii, " IL upp£h& njuui van
ilbbp h. ipngnihg) ufiuinnLiulfiu^f IL iiifiuipqn, uitjuimj) IL
Ibid,, V, xxx. Z»P', xxxvi, p. 211, " ûiuuilj n£
p£p ip uin h^njiaiiu IL ^nîuiliuj'iiu h. EfW^wliiuju w^jvuip^pu
Ibid,, xli, p. 231, " fiuipjiapiap^ k uhu^ni^,^ nuuiailip^ h muilpl^g
Ibid,, Ixxi, p. 416, " fei uinhuij^ pjitj. pip qLiajuiupuipiauh IL auia^minu IL
il nuii/plfh ••• ". Ibid,, Ixxix, p, 472, " » • « n^wqnLSu p niuJfrlj
£iujnn ". Ibid., xcv, p. 565, " Ifpukp fniiuiLui'lii) Suipnpli lu^fuiap —
{.hli £iujng ••' ". Ibid,, xviii, p. 109, " • • • IL Jpui^wSntn cfnijni^pnnah ••• ".
Ibid,, .Ixix, p. 408, " uiSkliwjh fiuipjuipwpuia'ii Zwjny h niuSIfiaa^ ", etc.
Btise, ii, p. 52, " f]i.iiinkpt> h. nuinhpg wqiuamian k >A&H/Au/&u/g--- ". Ibid., iii,
p. 57, " dnqni[liijph i^p.uiq^SnLppLfi uipiuhi} h. Ifuuhwhij) ^p'ijuiâi'uvjg k unjuiinmg
qj>iu£iubuijpn k qi/kliuilfkguiq ". Ibid., iii, p. 67, " • » » wpj> h- Ifia^wjf k wilk-
&U//& niutlplf p.waSnLppLti'ii « • « k ns uiauim jpuiifiljiagkuij^ gwh tj^kn^nLl^
ihinuinkuii « « * ", etc, [On the extensive work done on the famXk and the sinaJcan,
and the distinction of the two terms by Manandian, see the bibliography in Touma-
noff, Studies, p. 127 and n. 222, also Eremyan, Slavery; and Sukiasian, Armenia,
pp. 120-143, 149-156, as well as the Bibliographical Note.] (479, 1)
89a [Of* Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 69-73, and the preceding note.]
89TD [For a detailed investigation of the various aspects, see, e.g. Duby, L'Economie
90 Elise, vi, p. 131, " »• jiuajuiniug

kfykn^btjujj, lph£ Ifkiuhu IL Jdnnkui^ P3^-> k\ku^k'ii IL ^
p
qmpiapu • • « piaquLilD null blink h. <fnnni]kguih, h. Lwnuh qpLpiuj>iuhfpLp ^m —
l/jLmbu ". [Of, Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 27, 182, 197-201, 204.] (480, 1)
91 FB, V, viii-xix. In each of the twelve chapters devoted to the victories of Muse!
Mamikonean, we find repeated the stereotype phrase: " ai&iaijnpnuh bnLiu&£p IL
tluiplip IftugnLijiiihfrp " or " p £wplip buiniujni^kwli Ifiugniguifi^p " j in two
cases the formula is " âiplf tyhtf Stowgnpnuinb " [V, x-xi], But the expression
" p £uipl[p I[UignLquihk]_ " does not mean " to levy a tribute " ; it has the more
general sense of " bring into subjection, subject ". The complete formula is: " h
NOTES t CHAPTER XV 525
£uinhh < biunuijnLpkiiib > LuiqnL.nui'iib ", " to force into subjection ", (cf, I
Mace., 4, " ijSuuugnpijLU^ h ûiplffi IjiagnLgpfi mm^ ^nSw £nipl[u uidjiuSl; ").
MoreoTer the authenticity of this section of Eaustus' History is known to he donhtful.
[Cf, Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 85-89, 154-159, 166, 173, 233-234, and following notes.']
(480, 2)
92 £P'} xlv, p. 264, " • « • £utpl]Du uii/kfiuijh ui}£uip ng uin hu A&,
IL qnpbiulfui^D utilk&uiju jpSni.d ct£n^&, £?&, kt urn liu Ijiupwup* anp p
uiiapuhlf nnpbuiliwnun'ii £uih[i up uiuin h £iaju £/?& ", Cf, the king's words,
Ibid,, xlvi, p, 269, " fet aûipljhp t[pfinj uiypiuip^p'u £nijng L. IjuiS aJIjaipuIfiuijiLi*
anp UZUU/&&/7&, li gliuipuiupb uijuiuihi* anp ^puiSiajkniuD juhnphi p
miiiu£ gnLdSl; L jnpqLng gng* ilpbfh. iKvinlmnh uiilb'iiuijh'ii ", Of, ElisS, ~n,
p. 133, " • « • ipii Iw tf.mw^}p £iuplfp u)£pjuip£ph ". After the Armenian
rebellion, the Persians tried to pacify the country, *&P', xlii, p, 236, " k p £iunLui
lfiuijnLijuihl;j_ ". Cf, SMse, Ti, p. 131, "
(481, 1)
ii, pp. 22-23, t ^«//w
... A nt nlinnhSuinujL &i?u/,
nminfi ^ ûippip
uiniini.n'iLi. fjnjhu[£u h kuipulintunmug k kpnqwlin
, n^ ifpwjti ^jibing, uij^ It miJipiijlfiag : t,u/ /t î&a/i. w°^ ôj^ ^
buiiipni.fdkw'ii dwpg h. uuilfpg, p.mdpg k £ioupg jkpuiiiq L
Siujpkiun : /?$ now uipgnLlip uipduiliiai.npnLf^kui'iiii uinhnLph, uiji pm
junfyinuil^kipil^ i/phili pbgkiuhD pub Jhbuiialu awpSuibuijp'ii, £ nuiinh iju
uiiflihuijh zju/Sct kjuiHi^ tfjua^pri ^& 1{tujgi lu^juiup^h ".
[On sale, baz, nuut, and Tiarlc, see Hnbsehmann, OrammaUTc, pp. 114-115, 234; Avdal-
begyan, IAN A (1926, 1); Manandian, Feudalism, 205-208, 316-318, also above n. 91
and below nn. 96, 97.] (481, 2)
93a psjoldeke, Tabari, p. 241 n. 1, " Des name der Grundstener ist arabiseh chardij,
wofur in Pers. etwa charag anzusetsen ist, da das Wort im Talmud X3"7S lantet ; auffallen-
derweise steht dies im Talmud abe rgrade fur die ELopfsteuer ... wahrend Griindstetier da
NPOD (arab. tasq) ist ... . Die pers. Kopfstener heisst in traseren Texten flizja;
das ist das afamaische geztth(a), welches in's Pers, als gezit gekommen ist ..... Beide
Aiasdriicke, ckaracj tind gizja sind in die Terminologie des muslimischen Reehts auf-
genommen ". See also El, Icharady, mnJcasama, wazifa; CJirislensen, p. 124 and n. 3;
Henning, Orientalia, IV, pp. 291-293; Erye, Persia, pp. 108-109, 218-219. Cf. Ehte-
cham, L'lran, p, 97 for the Aehaemenian antecedents, and Jones, LR1S, I, pp. 61-65,
Deleage, Capitation, for the reform of Diocletian.]
94 Slrabo, XV, iii, 19 [L, VII, 182/3], " Srparsvovrai §e KO.I apxovmv dwo siKomv
ercoF Iws TTwrijKovTa, ". (482, 1)
95 Pers. jQ* o vgj = Pehl. *bahrak, Syr. bahrag. This word is still used in Trans-
caucasia in the sense of champart = malzhegal, Muqasama-t is also found in the Tatar
version, Jcasimet. [See above n. 93a.] (482, 2)
96 Matilcan-i-catrang, I, 12. Sahname, I, p. 247. [See above n. 93.] (482, 3)
97 Baji < root baga, Skr. bJiaga, 2end, baz. In our opinion bahraJe also > it. Iranists
link bahrak with Av. bay§ra, meaning " tribute, food ", Horn, WorterbucTi, p. 56 >
AT. Jm-ba&ra, " fortunate ". Both forms presuppose the root bag with the suffix -Sra,
and like ba£, and the past part. ba%ta, puifuin, can have the sense of both " tribute "
526 NOTES:CHAPTER XV
and " fate, fortune ", Bayra or bahra and barx f - o < bax$ra. [See Meillet-Benveniste,
Gmmmaire, p. 49, and above n. 93.] (483,1)
98 UialfuiL, " little", lit. " parcimoniously, calculatedly" and uuilû^ " share,
rank " (cf. Rus. HacqeTb) should also be related to it. (483,2)
98a [Cf' Lagarde, Arm. Studien, No. 479, p. 35; Hubschmann, GrammatiJc, No. 19,
p. 302. Manandian, Feudalism, p. 132, for the Armenian equivalents of the Sasanian
Wiaraj and jizya, in his opinion, also above n. 93a.]
99 Noldeke, Tabari, pp. 241-246 [See above n. 93a]. Luchaire, Manuel, p. 337,
in southern IVanee, the tax in kind, or champart, is called tasca. (484, 1)
100 Dunn Canons, viii, p. 190, " ^/« }hnp£ph liiuitjfj jwtjwiû &kn.hiuifpni.phujh,
uiijuiw p £iuplfl; k p pklfiupl;". [Cf. Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 167, 208-211.]
(484, 2)
looa [Noldeke, Tabari, pp. 241-245," Die Konige von Persien pflegten vor der Regierung
des Chosrau AnSsarwan von den einzelnen Ejeisen als Grundsteuer ein Drittel oder ein
Viertel oder ein ITunffcel oder ein Sechstel des Ertrags zu erheben, je nach Maassgabe
der Bewasserung und Bodencultur im Kreise, ... Nun hatte Kawadh, Sohn des Peroz,
gegen Ende seiner Regierung angeordnet, dass das Land, Ebene wie Gebirg, vermessen
werde, um danach die Grundsteuer richtig zu bestimmen. Diese Vermessung war
geschehn; doch war die Sache bei Kawadh's Tode noch nicht vollig beendet, Als nun
aber sein Sohn Chosrau zur Regierung kam, Mess er die Vermessung zu Ende fuhren,
... . Auf jeden Garib Land, der mit Waizen oder Gerste besat war, legten sie 1 Dirham
Grundsteuer, auf den Garib Weinland 8, auf den Garib Luzerne 7, auf je 4 persisohe
Dattelpalmen 1 Dirham, auf je 6 gemeine Dattelpalmen eben so viel, desgleichen auf
je 6 Olivenbaume ". [Cf. Christensen, pp. 366-367 and Pigulevskaja, VDI I (1937)
for the fiscal reform of Jfusro I, The dimension of the gari b is given by him as 2400
square meters, Ibid., p. 366 n. 2, whereas Manandian, Feudalism, p. 206 n. 2, following
Decourdemanche, gives it as 1470.871/2 meters square, and Kremer, Culturgeschichte,
I, pp. 98-99, takes it at 1169.64 square meters.]
101 Noldeke, Tabari, p. 246, [" Die Kopfsteuer legten sie Allen auf mit Ausnahme
der Adlicheu, der Grossen, der Soldaten, der Priester, der Schreiber, und die (sonst)
im koniglichen Dienst Beschaftigten. Sie richteten mehrere Classen ein zu 12, 8, 6 und
4 Dirham, je nach dem grosseren oder kleineren Vermogen des Mannes. Die, welche
noch nicht 20 oder mehr als 50 Jahr alt waren, befreiten sie von der Kopfsteuer. Diese
von ihnen festgestellten Satze legten sie dem Chosrau vor. Derselbe gemehmigte sie,
befahl, sie einzufuhren und danach die Steuern jahrlich in 3 Raten, jede Rate fur 4
Monate, zu erheben". Despite Tabari's specific indication, Christensen, p. 367
asserts that, " les impots furent pay6s par termes tons les trois mois "]. Simarrak is
probably composed of si, se, " three " and "hmar, ^wSujp " sum, count ". The present
liquid measure, the undiup, or untSiap = 2, or 3, puds is probably derived from this
measure, probably as a result of the fact that a certain qtiantity of grain went into each
simarralc. (485, 1)
loia [According to Del6age, Capitation, pp. 244-245, basing himself on the Theodosian
Code, " La perception des impots annuels 6tait r6partie en trois termes .... Les percep-
tions commencaient pour chaque anne'e fiscale le l er mars. Les possesseurs de biens
prives devaient avant le l er juillet se libe'rer du tiers de leur prestation, tandis que les
possesseurs de biens emphyte'otiques ... avaient la faculte de ne se libe'rer pendant ce
premier terme que du sixieme de leur imposition .... Les prestations en nature etaient
seules acquit6es par termes 6chelonn6s et par contre la taxe en especes etait reclames,
au moins aux possesseurs privfe, en totality entre le 22 novembre et le 31 decembre ... ".
Cod. Th,, XI, i, 16, " Provineiales nostri tributa fiscalia per anni curriculum tripertita
satisfactione restituant ". Ibid., XI, vii, 19, " Tertiam partem canonis fundorum
privatorum vel sextam enfyteutieorum ex kalendis martiis, sicut consuetude deposcit,
reliquam vero canonis summam ex kalendis iuliis par erit postulari ". Ibid., XI,
xix, 3, " Ab enfyteuticariis possessoribus annonariam quidem solutionem per quattuor
menses ita statuimus procurari ut circa ultimos anni terminos paria eoncludantur,
aurum vero non ex die X kalendas decembres in pridie kalendarum ianuariarum, sed
per annum solidum, prout quisque pendere potuerit, inferatur ". Cf. however Appendix
1C.]
103 EUSe, ii, p. 46, " \,ui L p iinLpp b^bnJstjLnjii, np £p wajiim p *fippuinnu,
pum buipnp hiufuLkiun ifbpna p ubpaSuili^ • •• ", Dwin Canons, ix, pp. 193-194,
" aji bpuihbjjLnjh ^pp^npp b. uppnjfi Spqiuinuij ajinLpp. b^bijbguij Siali^nLtiu
phniuquiinuia uin£ifhb bh buipabuii b. uiajuin Ipti uppnj kbbnbtjLnj £,ni^ b. 9ni.p
p tfjuipuptj pul[ in£pni.pl;uihh juijin uipwpbui^ b. d pjuinbkui^ p phLuiljiuh,
iiini.p'buiiip. abppnnLiibwn inni.huh h nhmiiLiph bnbiai bli, P-111!*} dpuijh
inuiijuipfnL&p ". [Cf. next note]. (485, 2)
103 Ibid., xi, pp. 196-197, " HSwiif juujiumuiij p i[kpwj inlf
L npiaû p bbtirj-wlibiun £iupl[ii u]ui£iab9l;& b. p
L jpSufk^pu t^pLplui^]^ ^.npbialj^wiu SuimnLgui'iibl] ", instead of the proper beha-
viour: " £nqiui L pjliuiifki jpLnuiDiuLipLp iliuuinui^nn p Ifuijinj b. p Q&ui'iil; b.
juiifbhiujh wpSmbuig inui^ Suiuli b. puidhJi • • • ". Cf. Sahak Canons, in Melik'
Tangean, Canon Law, p. 557, " hulj p bûiipj b. p £fi&iabl; L jwj[nij wpSinbwij
in uuu wimp iiu f,uiligbli ". [C/. Manandian, Feudalism, pp. 126 sqq., particularly
129-132, where still more extensive use is made of the material found in Armenian
Canons.] (486,1)
104 Nov. Kalank, I, xxvi, p. 99, " • • * 'T/uj/Jt/yj p c^n^mjjiql;^^ bppgniSi* Ifiupqb uiju
I hyp* ffrnijiubplffi* J/7/7U qppL gnpkiub^ ilka nppL qwpp b. ilbînuiuiuli ipiiiu guiqîjnL.
L np ujuiniuufkuijfi £* L q£uiijpq lfl;ub tnujg^ b. ^plifn ^np^wtp b. Ifuipnifi pg£-> pulf
npnj Juip b. uiJQp n? ki lip uinqbli • • • b. njp nppjuip £ h inuifi *n$pjwp ilp b. bpbg
Pnt-P1 b- fitl{ ufiuhpp, b. njp &pMj> p wuili pgkfi* ilph jniûi'uiul^ b. uijp ujuipjpkf
npfi i/ji " = Dowsett, Mov. Dasx-, p. 51 [Adontz's translation varies slightly
in the case of the poor man who gives " half as much bread " (i.e. 2 griws of wheat
and 8 [sic] of barley)]. In the Armen. Diet., p. 588, the word Pnuiibplj appears
in the form qpnuubplf, the diminutive of qpnLiub, but this word is the Pers. / j l a j
Pehl. tuvaniJc, " powerful, possessor, wealthy ". The canon with which we ar® con-
cerned is found in one collection with the following reading, " • • • ft jUni.ui'iipbJi np I
Dashian, Catalogue, p. 275. This interpretation is only a supposition of the scribe,

perhaps suggested by the confusion of pniuitiplf with pb^ pkiîuhplf. Here too,
ijimu is replaced by ihuins, " a jug, a liquid measure " = Pers. <A.»o, whereas
ihiuu
*
= Pers. ^lo?
(J^ V
" watch, guard, part of the foot " and " en general partie d'une
chose ". It corresponds to O.P. pah, pahr, Arm. uûi^ tifiu^p > pas, as puJir > pus
" son ". The Arm. tj-ppL = garib, a land measure, and subsequently a measure of the
grain needed to sow such an area of land, From it is derived the Arm. apnLwb,
, a measure of weight, now one pound. [Both the Arm. Diet., loc. cit.
and Hiibsehmann, GrammalUc, p. 131 give the form qpHLuiIifilf with the translation
" modius ", and Hiibschniann derives this term from griw. See above n, lOOa.]
(486, 2)
105 MX, II, lix, " wji^ k n£ juji/khtujb inkt^pu hplfpiuqnpbnLppLlif^ P-WJB
nnjgu ninkg* puin oppumlffi ^pLiipuinlfuihiug [[nq^SuijUg ^mûilffjpnLpkwSp k
lujimlj) lujuufpiibof Ifbgkiuig ", Emin attributes the words qniqji nujkg to the
preceding phrase in his translation [as does Le Vaillant de IFlorival in the 1841 Venice
bi-lingual edition, p. 287]. This is evidently a mistake, since it is impossible to believe
tha? even in Artases' time, the land was not cultivated " ... en tons lieux, mais sur quel-
qxies points settlement " [de Elorival translation loc, tit."]. [NB. Dowsett, Mov. Dasx-,
p. 50 n. 1, dates the Council " during the period A.D. 484/5-487/8], (487, 1)
ice Myifar Gos, II, i = Karst, Sempadscher Sodex, I, p. 22-23, " f>uli qjâiplû
auiLwnuiq L uiajûiij piuqiumpg L pppjuilig wpûipnipkuiSp uinqkb. dp phi mik^jt
DIH& ntuniu9/ling£i unJnpnLppL&u iu/yaAi),... I)L uinij. uijum^
i^kpnpif Swab uinjjk'ii, • • « TJnjhiif£u L wjdS
uiiinuiuinui'u h. iijjnkumia^ It pnipuiuiniufi ifli Ipt/h phn ^
u li typtunuia k uiniSi h. jumbai.® : l),ji fil; phuilihi D&
h IjuiS pjirf. ijui&uin.fi £iupljp[jph, q^ji n\ fapk,
uiankuig jnpd-iud p,niip pjin ^tupLiui utpimigkh jpiujn uilinuiumutiiD Pp
Ipypb pjit} ^^kljuiL^ pul^ qpuifuino inwuliwlinprj.k
k fepjui&p, k n£ pnip. unjiiujku numphg,
h. jiainLpu \iupwjdni. y£ro^&^ tJpb nnpbhap L inlpniSip. iuj^ ui
la^piiumkjji ij&bnwiip. uiblfkuijb uibppuiLnLJ(}pLh i/hb uinwbtlipbh
*• *Jni£nL Lpwp kijh ifyuijfi Lpyp : ttpowjj uij^ûiplf ilj} ipgp-,
pqiunphub inmuuifinpqkuqp^^ • « » QpnJ b. 9npi.nj L fenj tip Ipgfi £wplf,
• •• /i inuipkfinLinu puin fyuiph bianwjkugj; L. juiuiLpu uiohha ". Taxes on
animals also existed in the West, " bovagium, vaccagium, multonagium, caprinum)
etc. ", Luchaire, Manuel, p. 388. (487, 2,
107 Alishan, 8iralc, p. 91 [Of. also Marr, Anf], (487, 3)
io?a p>OT 80me Of Movses' etymologies, see, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 201, n, 228, 300,
303, 327. 3?or his dating and appreciation of Movses' History, pp. 108, 306 sqq., 330-
334, et passim, also, The Date of Pseudo-Moses. On the problem of Movses in general,
see above, Chapter X n. b.]
108 MX, I, ix, "... Junp&LpJj. p Sinfi ki^p qpaikfc ftl; njg niiuihg jwnui^
fiah qjiij pgkb inppkmt luppjiap^pu ^zwjn^, li nminp huipiuipinpnLfdpLUgu* np
main lfio& : 5A n> ^P^-B pfy ]^mL muuj jwjwlup"* L n* n/pj tumping tayfuiap^pu
uinuiQpfiti juijinhfr lh.ni J£p9phb, ... iiiji fuuinii p funi.nii p juninli
h. Jwjpkbp", Ibid,,II,m,"îunmpyuil]"'ljiapau bklaquimulimlau^ npmiih
uiu£iiiuhkuig iu£pjiup£pu. k ImipiiupuipnLppLiuu, h. linapii
&ui£iaufkinnLppLbu ^muinwinkiag qjaipu uipiniubpii, np p
i/kp Zwjliuij h. jwj[ng ". (490, 1)
109 Ibid., I, iii, "... Sbt^ pJUJI pJ&qpnju wniu^fi mplfiu hpfyuip k
}Ui£uiLnp unpbnil qianapu i/kpnj htapnki nwimnSnLppiSi. &>1pi- quinuiLnpiug
k ajiiajumpujpialiuifiiag wqaiua h. inn£i/pq, p£ nil imSi)^ L Iphf pLpuiguifiipLp
no h unguiu£ nnpbkuig, h. nil ncf h ghnhgu npnykwg piiinui'iip A Suipuiqjikwj,
h. njg nSiuliD klig phtnuiuiugkiuij) h. ilkpiaqJiuinkiujD^" ". (490,2)
110 Ibid., II, xi and I, xii, the king appointed Varaz: " fofuuib
npung > r w ufi bdia tun ^nu/^«/& qkinni£ ". Ibid. II, vii, to, Gaba-t and
Abel, he granted, imnu/, jnpna li uihni.Ii Iinihh uuiuilû buifuuipuipnL-
Qhi.ii oil ' ", Ibid., II, Ivii, to the newly come Amatuni,
IL quiuinuilfkpinoj:), • • • ". Ibid., II, Ixxxiv, the Mamiko-
nean received, " juiLpinkbuiljuiIi p£Jvuiuni.pkuiiip. ankoqu L. nnmuinuilikpinu^
• •• ", as did the Kamsarakans, Ibid., II, xlii, xc, etc. (491, 1)
111 Ibid., II, Ixxxiv, " • • • iniutj bSui jiuLpinkbuiIfuib p^pjuifinLJUbmSp. Qj^koiju ",
etc. On the creation of new houses, II, xlvii, Iviii, and Ixiv. (491, 2)
112 Ibid., II, xiv, Tigran took away the possessions of the Vahewuni, " jilil^klinL
ifiinuui h pnSnLJ)k'ii^liJi.aalLtjii juinonLlihu uinlinL • • • ". Ibid., II, li, Under Artases,
the Muracans lost their possessions, " ^puii-l jfrhfb 1>kû h- imilklimjli fohjw'i]-
finaui ". Ibid., II, liii, the king, " uiiiinnL^ nSuiufi uinDniSin^ np h
k f\LmnnLuil^niSiu ••• " to Smbat Bagratuni, etc. (491,3)
113 Ibid., I, iii, " nmuift np puib Luifuuipuip-
ni.pl;uibij Ifiupqfc pjiij. U,ufm^n lilting , ",
etc. Ibid., II, vii-viii, " f)>innLl]kuig^ Upuwlfitih, Ijiuqifbuib ",
etc. " Ifni.puibui'ii in£p Ibid., II, viii, ". l),pauiS wwiinnnlp uianpli Ifnipmbuili
= li.pif.usS uuiJiuiuikui IfnLpuibuiu ". Ibid., II, xlvi, xliv, " juinuiûiuiugkui^
inuihnLui£pwLuiIi uiuiinpL ". Ibid., II, vii, Uuuiuiûiuilitnh WUIÎUIL jumuli
ajulinLtili npn^kuii ., II, xxviii. It is evident from the
expresson fiui£uiujkin unijw ijl i^ ". Ibid,, II, vii, that the head of
house was in fact the nahapet. Movses refers in the same way to the patriarchs of the
the Old Testament, as this is done in the Bible as well, Ibid., I, iv. According to Mov-
ses, the term huihiuipuip consists of but hi and uipuip, with the sense huihiuipuipkuii,
as can be deduced from the following examples: Ibid., I, v, " qpLin npij.kunLJilkui'ii
lnutuwpuipuiliuiHiuin bfibnnn jkphq uibuih npninab Ûnjh "• Ibid., I, ix, " h
jkppg Inajuuipuipmlfialiuinu lujungplf uipuiliqu, Qpniuih, Spuiiuli,
k, ". Ibid., I, iii, " ^puiquiLnpuigij h. qfimpjiupuilfiafiiug uiaj^wg h
Cf. £>P', " p Iiuipiuinuip uiimnaiaSuiLnpuigli.". (492, 1)
lisa p?or Manandian's suggestion that some traces of the system survived to the fifteenth
century, see, Feudalism, pp. 138, 251-260, 304-305.]
APPENDICES
The Appendices are an addition in the present edition and were not
part of the original publication, although some of the material included
in them was printed as part of Adontz's text, and much of it was
referred to in his notes. In some cases, such as the new Greek version
of the Life of St Gregory, the Appendices contain material which has
become known since the publication of the Russian edition.
Each of the documents included is given either in extenso, or, as in
the case of geographical documents or such administrative documents
as the various Notitiae, in their relevant portions. The text from which
a given document has been cited will be indicated in every case,
but for variant readings or editorial notes, the reader is referred to
the original edition.
APPENDICES
The Appendices are an addition in the present edition and were not
part of the original publication, although some of the material included
in them was printed as part of Adontz's text, and much of it was
referred to in his notes. In some cases, such as the new Greek version
of the Life of St Gregory, the Appendices contain material which has
become known since the publication of the Russian edition.
Each of the documents included is given either in extenso, or, as in
the case of geographical documents or such administrative documents
as the various Notitiae, in their relevant portions. The text from which
a given document has been cited will be indicated in every case,
but for variant readings or editorial notes, the reader is referred to
the original edition.
I. GREEK AND LATIN LEGAL DOCUMENTS
A. CODEX THEODOSIANUS *
Liber XII Titulus XIII De auro coronario
6. lidem AAA [Gratianus, Valentinianus et Theodosius] Gaddanae
Satrapae Sophanenae, Aurum coronarium his reddi restituique de-
cernimus, quibus Ulicite videtur ablatum, ut, secundum consuetu-
dinem moris antiqui, omes satrapae pro devotione, quae Romano
debetur imperio, coronam ex propriis faeultatibus faciant serenitati
nostrae solenniter offerendam. Dat, XVIII, Kal, lul, Constanti-
nopoli, Valentiniano A, III, et Eutropio Coss, (387).
B. CODEX JUSTINIANUS 2
Liber I Titulus XXVIIII De officio magistri militum
5. Imp, lustinianus A, Zetae viro illustri magistro militum per
Armeniam et Pontem Polemoniacum et gentes. Cum propitia divinitate
Eomanum nobis sit delatum imperium, sollicita cura cauta diligentia
pertractantes perspeximus oportere etiam partibus Armeniae et
Ponto Polemoniaco et gentibus proprium magistrum militum per
hanc legem constituere, tuamque magnitudinem, quae nobis ex ante
gestis optime commendata est, idoneam ad talem fore dignitatem
confidentes elegimus certasque piovincias, id est magnam Armeniam,
quae interior dicebatur, et gentes (Anzetenam videlicet, Ingilenam,
AstManenam, Sophenam, Sophanenam, in qua est Martyropolis,
Balabitenam) et primam et secundam Armeniam et Pontum Pole-
moniacum tuae curae cum suis ducibus comrnisimus, comite Armeniae
penitus sublato, certosque subdidimus numeros, non modo quos in
praesenti novos constituimus, sed etiam de praesentalibus et Orienta-
libus et aliis agminibus segregates, non tamen quantitatem eorum
agminum minuentes: sed quia plures eis addidimus sine rei publicae
gravamine et sine augmento sumptuum, aliquantos subtraximus,
1 CTh, II, 1, p. 731.

2 CJC, 6th ed., II, p. 82.
GREEK AND LATIN LEGAL DOCUMENTS 3*
ita tamen, ut et post hanc subtraetionem ampliores remanserint,

quam usque ad nostra felicia fueiant tempora.
C. CODEX JTJSTINIANTJS 3
Liber X Titulus XVI De annona et tributis
13. AvroKpdrcvp 'Avaardcnos A. 'Avdspio) e7rdpâ» rG>v TrpaiTto-
piwv.
*Eav p;ey atTTycrr} eVrapîa 7} TroXis Kov<J>iap,6v Aa/JeZv TV£iKr}s cruvre-
Aeias" T) GTTOTTTTJV T) eîawryv TT€fj,<j>dr]vai} dvaêpeo^co p;ev r) osrjvis
eis jSacrtAea, Kal e^ eTnAoy^s avrov o eTrir^Seio? Trpos TOVTO
opKov TTporepov BiSovs, Kal eav n }j,r)vv<rr) ofiros rots eTrap-
is TVTTOS 8i8d(râ> ETTI rrfv [j,r]vvcnv avrov, ei p>r) avrol ol
dvaSiSa^cucri ^SacriAea Trdvra ra Trap* avrov dvaBtBa-^Q^vra
Kal £,r)Tr)6evTa, Kal ourcus1 êios e/c^covTjêiT} rvTros oêt'Acuv Tracri
TpoTrois TTapa(j>vXdrrea6ai,, 6 Se Kaêis* avdpMTros Se^crei? Tiept TOIOUTCOV
evvot&v ju.17 eTuSiSorar ^re 8e /cov^tcrôs ^ jueiaxrts Si^ve/cais" ^ mrpocr-
oijjia p-^re eîowais yivzadw -\(wpls jSacriAtK^s e
". *^4AAd ^re e/crayds TroteiTcocrav ot eVapôt wrep
7rpoAap;j8avdvTa)V T^V avr^v dpp^ jU^re criT^pecrid Ticrev d
7} dAAcos TTWS xprjiAara r/ ^.7) Trape^dpêva TT)V dp-^rjv, 7}
/J,GV, Sid Se TT)V !AAeu/fw> TCOV ravra Kopiôêvwp crcop-drcuv
7} §id TO iravBfjvai TT)V alriav crôAdcrai, Si* 7)y Trapsiôvro TT)V
dAAd ravra Trdvra eK jSacriAiKT^s povjjs avBsvrias yweaQw Kara TOV
eyypaôv TVTTOV, 01 Se p;7) TOUTO Trapa<j?v}(drrovT€s Kal TO SiSd-
oi/co0ev aTToSiSoTcoo-av /cai waaav dAATjv ^rjpiav, TJV av
TO ar)[j,6&iov. MTJTG Se VTrepêcreis TJ Trpodsapias CTTI TOVTOIS d
Srjpoaiois evBiSoTco TIS r} rds vevopîcrpêvas1 TTpo6sapias
v 6sias /ceAeucrews. d Se TOVTO /caTa avQsvTiav oiKeiav TTOIWV
KaTajSaAAeVco TO. /ce^pecuCTTT^p-eVa TW 8rjp.ocria), MTJTG Se
Ta TToAiTi/cd j(p7^p:aTa, ocra 7} TW Sr]fj,oaiq) eicrêpeTai 7} Tot? TrdAecriv
ets1 eTepas pêTaêpeo-^cu ^petas1 7^ TfpoawTfois Tialv dôpi-
Betas /ceAeTJaeeos. .Kcu 07 Taxis' Se TCOV eTrdp^tov, ei P;T)
TO. 7repie^;dp;eva T^ SiaTaêi TavTa Trapa^vAdêi /cat
eTrdpôvs, /cat ot dpôvTes TWV eTrapîcuv /cai cu Trei
s avTots KOI ol Aowrot SypoaievovTes, ei TaTs TOiauTats KeAeucrecrty
oi/coêv SiSoTtDcraj^ TTyy o*Vfj,j3aivovQ'av TW
(7JC, 6th ed., n, p, 402,

APPENDIX I
Kal (Ls rov vo/j,ov Kara(j>povr)cravres TrevriJKovra

Xirpas rfpoan^dadtoaav, Tpt/xepcus Se rrdvra rd orjpocria etcrêpeo^cu,
rd re aAAa Kal TO. Aeyo/x.eva *App,eviaKa} rovrean KaXdvoais '/avoua-
piats /cat /caAdVSats Matat? /cat Trpos1 rw reXei TT?? eVtvepyTjcreais', e'£
icrcuv rptcuv /xepcDv Siaipov[j,£va)v T&V §77/^.0ai'tuv, /cat /A7^§e/ztas /catvoro-
/Atas1 ev TO) /êcro) yivopevrjs Kara rwv crwreAcuv, 'ÊWetS^ Se rd 'Apfj,-
evta/ca TeAeor/xara ev §vo /carajSoAats awereAeZro, eêari rots ravra
crwreAoucriv, et jSouAoFrat, T?)V Trporepav crvvijdeiav Trport/x-av /cat ev
STJO KarajSoAais1 ava, rjîcfv /cara^SaAAetv, /cat TO erepou ^tcru ev TO)
27e7TT6/zj8pta) TT^S /êAAoTJCTT^S' eTnvejUT^crea)? /carajSaAAeiv. J?t Se /cat
Tpifj,epws jSotJAovrat TO. ''AppeviaKa S^/idcria /caTa^SaAAetv, eê
TOV ^GTTT€p,^piov [j,rjva TTJS jUeAAovcr'^s' eTrtve/i^CTetDS Trpos VT
avrois SeSo/zeVov. To Se TrpoaTrea-TaAûevov /cara avvBecnv eic
ev TO; Trpovopiw eKaarrjs ZTTIVGfj,r)a€ws, GTreior) TOVTO SÂot /cat TJ
J9, ifc, April, Paulo vc, cons. [a, 496]
D. NOVELLA vui 4
?7i indices sine quoquo suffragio fiant
H AIATA3IS IIEPI TOY TOYS APXONTAZ XQPIZ THE

OIAZOYN AOZEQZ HNEZ&AI,
'0 avTos jSacrtAevs *Iwdvv7) eircxpâ) Trpatrcuptcuv TO
j8f, aTTO VTrdrwv Kal Trarpixiw,
^Traaas ^tv r/pepas re Kal vvKras avpâivsi
dypvTrvias re Kal <j>povriSo$ Sidyew del j3ovXevo[j,evois}
OTTWS av xprjarov n Kal dpecr/cov 0eai Trap* r/fj,a>v rots VTTTJKOOIS Bodeirj.
Kal ov rrdpepyov rrjv dypVTrviav Xa/j,fidvo[j,ev, aAA* et? Toia^Ta? avT^v
^SouAa? oi7)fj,epevovres re /cat vvîv ev tcrw Tat? rj[j,epai,s
TOT)? r/fj,erepovs vrrrjKoovs ev eimadela yiveadai
ouSj r/^wv els eavrovs rds VTrep
p,epi[j,vas dvaoexop,eva>v. Aid Trdarjs ydp epevvys Kal ^r/rijaecos a
ep-)(6iJ,e6a, rrpdrreiv e/cetva ^TOWTCS, a/jrep &<j>eXos Tots rjp,erepois
elsdyovra rtavros avrovs aTraAAaêt fidpovs Kal rrdar]S
4 CJC1, 6th ed., Ill, pp. 64 sqq.

e^wOev erreisayopevr/s rrapd rrjv Br/poaiav drfoypa^rjV Kai

rr/v BiKaiav re Kai vevopiapevr/v avvreXeiav. EvpiaKopev yap TroXXr/v
erreiseXdovaav rols rrpdypaaw dSi/ciav, Kai ravrr/v OVK avwBev, dAA*
e/c rwwv -^povwv, ^laaapevr/v rovs r)[Jierepovs VTrrfKoovs Kai els vrevlav
eXavvovaav, ws els reXeiordrr]V avrovs drropiav KivBvvevew eX9elv
Kai fJir/Be rd avvr)9r] Kai vevopiapeva rwv Brjpoaiwv /cat rals
evaefiwv tf>6pwv Kara rj]v ojjôaiav aTroypa^v ovvacrdat,
vayKris ndevai. Hws yap av layyov ol avvreXels,
re e/c TWOS ypovov fiefiacnXevKorwv dei ri Kepoaivew GK rfjs em
Tats* appals 7Tpoaya>yfjs ^SouAo/xevcuv, et/coTO)? TC TOUTOIS d/coAouôwTcov
Kai rwv evoo£ordrwv UTrdp^cov, GK re rrjs evrevdev dSi/c/as rals re
e^wdev t^rifj,iais rals re vevop,iaêvais evcrefieaw ercapKetv ela(f>opals ;
"Evvoia roivvv r/ftiv yeyove, ri rrore av rrpdâvres array, oaov ev rats
rnêrepais eirap-îais eurlv emfiXafies, rrpdêi, ûia KOWTJ Trpos rd
Kpeirrw jj,eraaTâai[j,ev. rovro Be rrdvrws aTro^rjaopevov evpiaKonev,
el rovs r)yov[j,evovs rwv e6vwv, vaoi ras TroAm/cas dp%ds rwv errap^wv
KaBapais rcapaaKevdaaiêv xpTJaQai. rals X€Pa^ K
ai Xrjup,aros, povois dpKovpevovs rols rrapd TOV
oioopevois- "Orrep OVK av dXXws yevoiro, el pr/ Kai auToi TO,?
dfMio~6ovs TrapaXapfidvoiev, ovS* OTIOW SiSovres ovSe 7Tpo(j>daei rwv
KaXovpevwv suffragicuv, ovVe TOIS Tas dp^ds1 eôvaiv ovre erepw
rwv Trdvrwv ovoevi. ecr/co7T7]aa/j.ev yap oTtTrep, ei Kai Tropos ov piKpos
eXarrovrai rfj jSacrtAeia, dAA' oi3v rwv riperepwv VTroreXwv GTriSoaiv
peydXrjV Xafj,j3av6vrwv, eiTrep d^rjpioi rrapd rwv dp%6vTWV (j>vXdrroi,vro,
ri re jSacriAeia TO Te or)/j,6cnov evd^vrjaei, xpwp,evr) VTTTJKOOIS evrropois,
pias re ravrrjs etsayopevrjs rdêws TToXXr] Kai d^vBriros eurai rov
TT pay par os d<j>dovia. r) ov Traaiv eon <j>avepov, ornrep 6 ^pvaiov
oioovs Kai ovrw rrjv dp^r/v wvovpevos OVK avro oiowai p,6vov, oaov
7rpo<j)daei rwv KaXovpevwv e7revor]9r] suffragicuv, dAAd Kai erepov
e£w6ev rfposerciBrjaei TrAeZov 7rpo<j>daei rrjs rwv aXXwv rwv rrjv dp%r)V
TI oioovrwv rj pvr/arevovrwv Qeparreias ; Kai pias dp^rjs droTrov oodeiaif]s
TToAAd? dvdyKT] êlpas Trepwoareiv rov rrjs ooaews dpôpevov., Kai
rovro Be TO ^pvaiov OVK oiKodev 'iaws rfapeêw, dAAd BeBaveiapevov,
Kai wa Baveiaaadai Bvvr/deirj, ^rjpiovpevov, Kai avXXoy(£,ea8ai, Kar*
avrov, on rrpos^JKov ean roaovrov e/c rrjs errap%(as Xafielv, orroaov
BiaXvaei pev avrw rd d^Xrjuara, Ke<f>dXaid re Kai TO/COV, Kai rds
VTrep avrov rov Baveiaaadai ^rjplas, Bwaei Be Kai rr/v ev peaw Barravr/v
SaifuXearepav re 77877 /cat ap-ôvn Kai rols dp,(j>' avrov irperfovaav,
Kai rwa eavrw Kai Trposarrodâerai rropov Kara rdv e£rjs ypovov,
6* APPENDIX I
6V icrcus OVK apêi' cusre TOV Trap* avVov SiSo/zevov TpiTrAdcriov,

8e, ei Sei TaATêorepov ewreiv, Se/caTrAdcnov TO Trapd TCUV
rjperepwv vTTOTeAcuv eisTrparroêvov earai, 'Evrevdev re Kal TO
Sr][j,6mov eXarrwdiaerai- a yap e%pr}v €^s ro &*)p>6criov elsax8fjvaif
TOV T^V dp-^r/v e%ovros Kadapals ^pcu/êvov Tai? êpcrtj Tairra ei?
oi/ceiav deparreiav Aa/Jcuv 6 TT)V aPX^]v ^Xwv ^Tropov TC
TOV avvTeAeaTT^v, r^v aTropiav e/cetvov TT^V St* avTov
VTToAoyt£eTai. Iloaa Se dcrejS1^ /cai dAAa yiverai et? TT)V TO>V
TOITCUV etKOTCus dva^>6pdjU.6va Trpoâcriv ; 01 yap 817 TO.S d
Tas eTrt^cupiovs et? TO Arjupa TrposeôvTe? TOVTO TroAAovs
V7TGv6vva)V dfiiaai, TrcaAovvres avrols ro TrXrifj.fêXTj
Se Ttuv dvev^vvcuv KaraKplvovmv, Iva rois vrrGvOvvois
/cat TOVTO ov/c 67rl Tais xpTr)fj,ariKa'is fiovov rrpdrrovaiv alriats, dAAa
/cdv TOIS ev/cA^/xacriv, Ivâ Trept ^vyîjs eariv 6 /ciVSwos, (j>vyat re e/c
Ttuv eTrap^ttuv ytvovTai, /cai ovppeovvw evravQa rrdvres dSvpdftevoi,
lepeis TC /cai /fovAevTai /cai TaêcuTai /cai Kryropes Kal or]p,6rai KOI
yecupyoi, Tai? TCUV dpôvTcuv /cAoTrais1 T6 ei/coVcus /cai dî/ctais1 /^.6ja-
. .Kai ov ravra or) ylverai ôva, dAAa /cai ai TCUV -jroAecuv
/cai 01 S^ûcuSeis $dpv/?oi TO. TroAAd ^p^/xaTcuv yivovrai re /cai
/cai oAcus1 fua TIS eaTiv avTT^ TrdvTcuv d(j)op[j,r) TCUV /ca/ccuv,
/cai TO ye dpyvpoAoyeiv TO.S dp^ds rrvaiqs earl rrovrjplas rfpooiîov
re Kal Trepas' /cai CCTTIV d'pa /cai TOVTO TCUV Qeiwv Aoyicuv davpaarov
re Kal dXrjOeararov ro rrjv ^lAapyvpi'av TTOVTCUV eivai pr/repa TCUV
/ca/ccuv, /cai fj,dXiara orav pr) rats TCUV iSicuTCuv, aAAd Tais TCUV dp^dvTcuv
eyyevTjTat ^vâis1. T/s ydp ov/c av d/civSwcus /cAeTTTOi, TI'S 8e o?5/c civ
dvevdvva, els rrjv dp^v drrofiheTrwv /cd/ceiV7jv dpcuv
xpvcriov TriTrpdcr/covcrav, /cai OapptJov d>s, orrep av rrpdêiev
f rovro -)(prjfji,ara oovs e^cuvTô'eTa; evrev6ev dvSpoôviai TC
/cai ûoiêZai /cai e^>oSoi /cai TrA^yai /cai dpTrayai rrapdeviav /cai Travrj-
yupecuv auy^vcreis /cai Kara<j>povrjaeis TCUV Te vd/zcuv /cai TCUV dp^cuv,
TrdvTcuv avTas cuviovs rrpoKeladai VO/AI£OVTCUV, cuswep TI TCUV /ca/cto-Tcuv
dvSpaTToScuv, ^?ai ov/c cxv dp/cecrai/^.ev Trposevvoeiv Te /cai d
O7rocra /cai e/c T-^S /cAoTT^s1 TCUV eTn^cupicuv dp^dvTcuv yiveTai
ovSevd? avTois dappovvros perd irapprjalas eTTiTifiav, e/ceivcuv ev^v?
TO Tas dp^ds cuv^cracrâi Trpoicrô/Aevcuv,
GAPUT I,
Tavra drravra Kad* eavrovs j8ovAevcrdp.evoi KavravBa KOIVWVOV

TOV jSovAeVjUaTos" Trapahafiovres TTJV e/c 0eov SeSopeviqv rjpiv evaefiea-
GREEK AND LATIN LEGAL DOCUMENTS
avvoiKov, /cat Tr o~ ye vrrGpox TO rrpaypa /coivcucraûevoi /cai

TI /cat Trapd TT)S arjs XafiovTGS jSovXrjs, em TOVOG TOV $etov A GXr)Xvdap.GV
vop,ov Si* ov OGwrriÔfAGV, prJTG avflwraTeiav ^tTjSe/xiav fj,rJTG Trjv fJiG^pi
vvv KaXovfMGvrjv fiiKapiav p,r)TG TOV KoprjTa TTJS etuas1 [J,rJTG dXArjv
olavovv dp-)(TJv, ^TG VTTO,TIKTJV ^re ^ye/ôvi/c^v, as 807 KovaovXaptas
/Cat KOppGKTOpiaS KaXovaiV (&V TIVWV pJ]TO)S p€fJ,V7]Tai 7) V7TOKGlfJ,GVr]
rwSe TI^WV TW OGIW vofj.w aTToypaî/j, as or) /cat povas v-rro TOVOG TOV
vojjiov a.yo[j,Gv), StSovai TI suffragiov prjOG vTrkp Trjs dp^rjs TTJV
olavovv Socrtv prJTG ap%ovTi fj,r)Sevi prJTG TCUV TTE/JI Ta? dp%ds TIVI
P>r]TG GTGpW TrpOSCUTTO) KO.TO. TTpV<f>O.aiV TTpOO'TaO'iaS' aAAd 7rpO?/Ca fJIGV
Kopi^Go-dai Tas ap^ds, [AGTpia OG TrapG^Giv Trpo<j>daGi TQJV VTTGp e/cd
oioop,GVwv avôXwv TG /cat %apTa>v, Kal yap or) /cat V
a7Toypa(f>r)V TtuSe TCU 0Giw r)jj,a>v vo/xcu SrjXovaav, TI TrposrJKOv GCTTIV
rjv TrapG%Giv rj GIS TO BGÔV rjjjiojv laterculoj^ rj GIS TO
TTJS arjs VTTGpo-^rjs 7rpo<j>duGi TWV KCuSt/ceAAtuv 7}
7] TTposTayp,dT(jDV' WSTG GKG'IVO [TG] avvGaTaXdai Kal /j,r)
CAPUT II.
B 'EKGlvo P.GVTOI oiopiô[j,GV, TO xprjvai TOV fiiKapiov TTJS 'Aaiavrjs,

ovTa Se /cat ap%ovTa Trjs IlaKaTiavfjs 0pvyias, p,r)KGTi p,GV OVTW
TrposayopGVGadai, aAAd TOV Xonrov /cd/wiTa 0pvyias UaKaTiavrjs
ovofJid^Gadai, Kal /co/xt£ecr$ai GK TOV orjfjiocriov, dirGp /cat vvv Trpoi
dvvovwv TG Kal KarriTaTiiovcov VTTGp GKaTGpas dpxrjs eAd/z/Javev, ov
cXaTTOV^GVov TOVTWV Kal fj,r) ovo Taêcri xprjo'dai, aAAd ava/j-iyetcrav
GKaTGpav, Tijv TG TOV ap%ovTOS Trjv TG TOV fiiKapiov, p,iav
KoîTiavrjv ovofdv TG Kal ovojjiaôfjiGvrjv, TOV KIVOVVOV TCUV
<j>6ptov avTW TG Kal Tracrtv oôiws GTTOVTOS — oia p,ias Ta^GW
, fJ>r) oirjprjfjiGvrjs avTrjs TravTeAcos, aAAd /caTa /x.i'av aTrd
avvG^Giav — , KopiôîGvrjV jUevTot /cat avTTjV Sid TO
Ov TOV KIVOVVOV Tas dvvovas Kal KaTriTaTiwvas, drrGp e/caTepa
GKOfJ,l£,GTO Ta^t?. [Mr) [J,r)V GTGpaS TIVOS ap%GlV TOV TTjDCUTIV pGV
fiiKapiov, vvv OG TTGpiÂGTfTov KOfJirjTa Trjs UaKaTiavrjs 0pvyias,
OVK G-ôvTa TravTeAcus ovoGjj,(av pGTovaiav GV Tals d'AAais Tats Trjs
'Aaiavrjs oioiKrjaGws GTrapîais, aAA* eôvTa fj,GV TT)V TOV 776ptj8Ae7TTOV
Kop.r)Tos Trjs UaKaTiavrjs &pvyias G7rwvvfj,iav} apKovpcvov OG
Trj TlaKaTiavfj, KaddrrGp GITTOVTGS G^drffJiGV, 0pvyia.
8* APPENDIX I
CAPUT HI,
P AvTO Be TOVTO KOI 6771 0aT€pOV TOV TTpWTJV filKaplOV

(f>a[j,ev ST) TOV Kara TTJV IIovriKrjV SIOIKTJOW tosre p/rj Bvo
TO Aowrov, aAA* Ira, Kopyra per PoAaTias" Trptor^S'
/cat eôVTa /cat TT)V /cara TCOV orpaTttoTcuv e£ovalav, Kaddirep
Kal vw, /cai TO.? e/caTepas ap^^s Kop,i^6p,€vor aiTr)<jGi$f ov pry e
wT'rjs JTaXaTias, ovSe/ztav yap aurai erepav TravTeAws S
eôvaiav /car* ovSejueas UovriK'fjs eirap^tas*, aAAd /cara
JTaAcmav T^V TrputrrjV. rrjs raêcus1 T€ Ojuoicos1 a.vaiMyvvp€vr)s KOI
/card fuav, a>s etpTjTat, voovjj,ev7)s Kal dpidpov^sv^s crwej(6iav, Kop,i-
navfjs ovav]S T€ /cai
Trpos TOVS aAAovs e Siaôpav, aAAd e?vai raîv, v^'evt
apyovri, pias Ojuot'cos1 T^S"
a/^.a r<S a^>&v avr&v apyovn rrspi TO,
CAPTJT IV,
OvSevl Se apxovn TravreAcus1 eîe/êv owe 7roAiTtK<S

e/CTre/^Treiv ev rais TrdAecnv T^? e-Trap^ta?,
KaXovpevovs roTrorifjpTjTds, ywwvKovcriv, cus €t rotovrd Tt
ai;Toi TravTeAtus1 eKTrecrowrai r^s1 dp^s ol Oapprjaavres erepous et?
CAPTJT V.
-E" 8e TOVTO KOI €7r TQV aÛTTpOTttTOV KOfiirjTQS T"]S

ap%ovTQ$, «rd/ceTcre yap jutav dp%r]V dfj,<j)O~
repas Kal TO TOV TrepÂeTTTov KO^TJTOS rrjs
ovopa, Taêcos" §e apôvTos Kopiriavrjs ovaTjs TC «rai
p,ev7)s, Kal TTJS 2vpias KOI T&V
, Kat TO.? e/caTepas1 eôvros atTâeiS'. yap
iKapiois KO.KZWOV tosre a/za /cat avTov
vtrep T6 T S * TCUV VTrep Te
/cai 8^jU.ocrias
CAPTJT VI.
-BovAd*/^€0a ye jU^v aTracri Tots apôvcri TCUV

VTTOKGiadai, rovs ju-ev tSicoTas /caTa TO iBiov
alriais Kal Trdaais zaTt/cais' T6 «:ai
GREEK AND LATEST LEGAL DOCUMENTS 9*
TOVS Se ye ev arpareiais ovras Kal VTTO iSt/cois apôvras reraypevovs
Kal TOVTOVS ovSev T^TTOV Trpocidaei Sôtncuv Te Kal ey/cA^/zdVcuv
V7To/ceZcr0ai Tracn Tpd- <iZ^> TTOIS avTois. *^4AAd Kal rovs evrevBev
Kariovras e£ oiovS^TTOTe SiKacrrrjplov Kal ras olasovv uera-êipit,o~
juevovs ^<j>ovs eêTvai rovs TCUV eVapîcuv apôvras {Jffj crvy^cupe?v
TrAeTdv TI TCUV TT? 0eia T^CUV Biard^si Sn?yopeVjU.eVcuv Aa/zj8dvetv sportul-
wv, yivwa/covTas ct>s, ei TOVTOV pa^v/A^treiav, Tracrav fytjfiicw e
ToZs ^fteTepois VTroTeAecrtv eTrayo/êvojv avToi KaraOijabvai. Z
§e avTois a§etav Kai yvcopiêiv TO. Trepi TOVTOV ju,^ judvov eis TO.S
e^ wv eicriv 01CTTeAAo/^.evot,dAAd Kai ets ^ftas avTovs, cSsTe
TavTa yw>coo7covTas TW rrpdyfAari rrposrjKovrws eTreîevai. .St Se
/cai avroi nvas evpoiev Sid TI^V e/c TT^S d|tas r] rrjs £,(Jbvr]S vTrepoîav
rovs "rjperGpovs VTTOTeAeZs dSi/covvTaSj dSetav avTois SiSo/êv /cat
eêTaêiv Ta dSt/oâTa /cai TOVS iJTrev^vvovs evpicr/cojueVovs d<f>aip€iadai
rvjs £,(&vr)S Kal rrjv TêTepav rd£iv ev TaZs eTrapîais TrA^povV, TOVTO
vVep /cat ToTs dpâiois SiT^ydpevTat TCUV vd/x-cov. cusTrep yap avTovs
dSi/cov /cepSovs eipyoûev, OVTCO /cai Kadap&s TaTs dpâty
ndo"T)S rifj,r]s re Kal aiSovs /cat cre/AVOT^TOs aTroAaveiv
CAPTJT Yli.
J? Ovra> ToiVvv ^juTv TWV dp^cov Sia/ce/cpi/êVcuv Trpocn^/cej TOV

evravOa TrapaAap^dvTa T^V Q-pyyv pera r-fjs rov $eov jjwrifA' evavrov
T^jUcov, ^ ewrep T^JU-IV ov/c ew^ aôA^, evavriov rrjs re QTJS
/cai TCUV det TOV o*ov /caTa/coa/A^crovTcuv Bpovov, rov re ael evBoôrdrov
Koprjros TCUV 0e/cuv ^ju.cuv laigitioncuv TOV Te evSoôTdVov qnaestoros
TOV 0e/ov TJ/ACUV TraAaTiov TOV TC evSoôTaTov /CO/ZOJTOS TCUV dwavTaôv
Beiwv ^jucuv privatcuv, irapovros §17 /cat TOV /caTa /caipov /j.eyaAo7r-
perceardrov âpTovAapiov TCUV Qeiu>v rjjj.G>v KOITCUVCUV TOV TOIS crVjUjSdAois
TOVTOIS TO?S Trap* ^ju,Tv VTryperovpevoVf op/cov SiSdvai, p-yoevl TravTeAcus
OTIOVV Trapeêiv fii^Te Trpo^daei Sdaecus ju-^Te Trpoaraaias,
i., ju.7^Se e/c T^S e7rap%ias d/ôAoy^crat crTeAAeiv,
Tots evSoôTaTOis errapôis JU-^TC TOIS oTAAots TOIS Tas dp%as eôvcrt
/A-^Te TOIS irepl avTovs KaBeor&ai ^re erepw TIVI /caTa
TrpoCTTao'tas. dAA* cuswep a.p.iaBov Aaju^Sdvet T^V dp^
Te napa rov Bfjôaiov ras Girycreisfravras yap or/ Kal fj,6vas Aa/zj8dveiv
avTov e<f>i€[j,€v)f OVTCUS avr^v Kadapais c/»vAdêi Tais X*pvh ^6(? ê
/cat ^ju.?v TOV VTrep avT^s vê^cuv Adyov, "/CTTCU yap ^ °"^ VTrepoyj) Kal
ol fj,erd o-e rov avrov eTn^crdjuevoi dpovov, cus, etTe avTot dappyveiav
10* APPENDIX I
Aa/?eiv TI Trapd TCOV els TO.S eipTêvas dp^ds TraptdvTiov etre ot Trapa-
SuvaaTeuovTes avrots etre /cat 17 ranis' r) arj TrepaiTepco TCOV Trpo</>dcrei
ow7j0etcov Trap1 r)p,wv avToTs topioyzevtov (wnep or) /cat dp/cetv /j,dva
vo/^,i£ovTes Siooa&ai Sicopiaaûev), cos ou/c eV /^t/cpots T) TTOIVT] yev^creTar
dAA* ot |U.ev jueyiorot dpôvTes 01 AajSetv TI OapprjaavTes rrapd TWV
67Tt rds dpjfds napiovTcov r] /cat o-Diy^cop/^cravT6s T^ ot/ceta rdêt TOIOUTO
TI Trpdrretv, /cat TrposayyeAêy OT) êpaTreTJovres, cos ou p,6vov rerpa77-
Adcrtov aTToScoaovat Trav OCTOV etAâcrtv, dAAd /cat jueydA^v dyavd/c-
TTjatv VTTOO-TTJO-OVTCU, /cat TOV eTTt T^ dpxfj KIVOVVOV evXa^rjdrjaovTai,.
/cat ot ye d/x^>* avrovs ovres /cai ^ ireidofisvr] rd^ts aTjTots, et TrAetdv
TI TCOV Trap' ^jitcov Se8o/êvcov eTrtêtp^cratev XafieZv, avToi re U7ro/cei-
crovrai TOIS e^Ty/Aico/AeVois T^ ets TO T6Tpa7rAouv aTroSdcret e/CTtecrowTat
Te /cat ovaias /cat ^COVT^S, Trpds TCO /cat Ttp;copiats TJTrojSdAAecrât Trpe-
CAPUT VIII.
® Tous Se OTJTCOS a,p,icrdovs TrapaAa/x^dvovTas Tas dpjifds

aTrdvTCov crTrovSaa/^-a eêtv XP^ T° T0''? orjuoaiois dypvTrvcus
/cat TOT)S fiev dyvw/ôvouvTas /cai oeopevovs avay/c^s
TT^S cnôSpoV^TOSj, fJ-rjoev TjTro/caTa/cAivo/zevovs
TOTJTOV /cepSos Tt TravTaTracrtv evvoowTas, TOIS Se ei3yvco/x.ocrt
TraTpt/ccos 7rpos</>epo/xevous" eTrsiTa TO TOT)S êTepous VTrrjKoovs
Ta^dêv dveTn^pedaTovs, 07)8* OTIOW Trap* 073Sevds
/co/j-iô/zeVovs. dAA* tcrot âev ev Tats St/cats, 10-01 Se ev Tais
cri /caTacrTacrecriv ecrTwcrav, eTre^tdvTes T€ TOIS djiiapTTâc't /cat
TOT)S fiev aveu0wous 7Ta.yTa-)(66ev i^vAaTTOVTes KaBapovs, TOIS TJTrev^wots
§e eTTtTtêvTes Trpos TOV vdjuov TT^V TTOIVJ^V, /cai OUTCOS dpôvTes TCOV
VTrrjKowv cos av TraTepes vicov, dyaTrcovTes ftev ai^Tovs dvev^vvovs
ovTas, TJTrev^TJvovs 8e (j>aivo/j,evovs o"co^»povtôvT6s Te /cat Tifj,u>povfM€voi,
/cat Traaav Si/caiocrw^v ev TC TOIS Brjfj,omois ev Te TOIS iStots tn»/^/?oAai'ots
a73ToZs SiaTT^povvTes* /cai OT}/C a73TOt p;dvot TOTJTO TrpaTTOVTes, dAAd
/cai TOV dei TrapeSpeuovTa TOIOVTOV AafijSdvovTes /cat TOT)S Trepi aTjTOTjs
aTravTas> cos /u1^ §o/ceiv e/ceivovs fiev ofjOsv dvevdvvovs e?3vai, St* eVepcuv
Se TrA^p;|U.eAeiv Te /cai /cAerrTeiv, TOVTO oTrep ert /âAAov aicr^poTepdv
ecrTi TO /cat KOIVCOVOT)S TCOV dSi/CTâTcov Aa^dvetv. "i3sTe eêcrTai T^
TWV tre/AVOTepcov Tivds CTTI Tas dp^ds Tre/iTreiv /cai TCOV
Ta Sr)fj,6cria} /JouAeuTcov TC â /cai eTepcov TrposcoTrcov,
Treipav eavTcov SeSco/coTcov dya^v /cai Trpos Tas dp^ds e
TI'S yap av OTJ/C dyaTT^creis /cai o-euvoT^TOs eju-TreTrAô-ât p;ey -? d
vop,iaeiGV, etWep TûeTepo. $r]<j)W Kal /cptcret Trjs arjs vrrGpoyjis Girl Tr/v
7rapeX6oi} fj,ep,apTVpr)[j,GVos fJiev ws e'ir) ^pôro?, irpoiKa Be
GftOfJiGvos, OVK Gvr)W)(oXr)p,evos OG rravTGXws ovoGvl <j>av\w Kara TTJV
> o \ ^ 0 n \ n > > o > "Q \~\ i
} OVOG OTTO)? TO OOOGV avpOKJGlGV, OVOG OUGV aVAAG^GlG %pVaiOV,
dAA" iva Brj TOVTO povov G%OI a7rouSacr/â TO TW QG& TG Kal rjfjiiv GOVTOV
crvo'T'^crai, Kal oo^r/s aTroXavcrai •xpr/o'T'fjs, Kal dpoiftas eATTiVat /zeydAas ;
El OG TIS Trapa TavTa TI Trpd^GiGV, IOTW Kal GWS Girl Trjs dp-^rjs, G(f>*
rjs GOTI oiKauTrjS, /cAoTTTys1 aiTiav VTroaTTjao/JiGvos' Kal etye (j>avGivr]
oovs xovcriov VTTGp TOV XapGiv TrjV dpxrjv T) Xaftcbv GK TTJS dp-^rjs
yap 6p,oiws VTTGvdvvov) , OTI Kal orjpevaiv Kal lôpiav
KOI TTjV GIS TO crcSfia fiaaavov TG Kal Tifjiwpiav, Kal
avTov or) TOV XafiovTa Trap' avTov, Kada/nGp GITTOVTGS G(j>9r)fj,Gv,
i p,Gya\ois, Ka6apas yap aTraiTovp-GV Glvai TOIS
appals Tas xGipas, 'iva TOVS dp-ô/jiGVovs d£,r)fj,iovs TG KOI
^>vXdâipGV. Kal a$Tai /zev GK TG TWV vopwv GK TG
TWV dp-)(wv GTriKGicrovTai TTOival Tols GV Tals Gipr)[j,Gvais dpâZs
GI TI TOI OVTO TfpdâiGV, Atoofj,GV Se Kal TOIS G
GI TI /CO.TO. TT/S GTrapxias doiKov 6 TTjV dp-)(r)V Gy^wv
KOI £,r)[j,iais Tialv r) G7rr)pGiais TTGpifidXXoi TOVS rjpGTGpovs V
WSTG TOV $eo<îAearaTov GTfiaKOTrov Kal TOVS GV Trj ^copa irpwTGVovTas
BGTJUGIS GIS r)fj,ds dvaTTGpTTGiv, KaTaX4yovTas TOV TT/V dpy^rjv G%OVTOS
TO, TfXrip,p,GXrip,aTa. rjjjiGis yap TavTa pavddvovTGS aTGXov/jiGV GV TJJ
Xwpa TOV TavTa G^GTaaovTa, e<^" & TG avTov, Gvda r)SiKr)aev} e/ceZae
Kat TO.? TTOivds VTTOcrxGiv TWV TrXr)[j,fj,GXr)fjidTwv' WSTG ju-^Se eVepov Ttva
TI Trpaât dapprjcrai rrpos TO TrapdoGiypa
CAPUT IX,
'AvdyKrjv eyôvTos TOV Tr/v dpy^r^v SIGTTOVTOS /caTa TO.? Gf^

oiaTa^Gis, GTTGiodv KaTadoiTO TT/V £,wvr)V, Tas rrGVTrJKOVTa r)[j,Gpas ev
Trj eTfap-îa oiaTpiêiv Br/fjioaia <j>aiv6fj,evov} Kal Tas Trapa TrdvTwv
BG-)(6[j,GVov evaywyds- GI [JIGVTOI, trplv TrXr/pwcfGiG Tas TfGVTriKovTa
r)[j,Gpas, aTToBiBpdaKwv dXoir/ KaBdrrep TI TWV aTifj,OTaTwv dvBparroBwv,
BiBopGV dBciav TOIS VTTOTeAecrt KaTG%eiv avTov ev Trj x^Pa l^} Tfj &7TaPX^]
KO.\ e'i TI SeSai/caaiv a73T<S Trpo^dcret KXorrrjs TOVTO GisTrpaTTGiv,
irapovTOS (JIGVTOI TOV êoîAecrTdVov GTTICFKQTTOV /cat TO Trpaypa eyypd$>ws
BiacrKOTTOVVTOs, ews av aTroBoir) irav OTTGp /ce/cAo^ct)? <j>avGir). cv4AAd
Kal avTOvs TOVS GTrapy^GWTas, etTrep ataôiVTo Trjs TWV dpyôvTwv

KXoTrrjs, aSeiav eêtv, jitaAAov /JIGV ofiv /cat dvdyKrjv, TavTa p,r)VVGiv
GIS r)fj,as' WSTG r)fj,ds pavddvovTas, OTI Trep SXws ^pucrtov TrnrpdcrKGi
APPENDIX I
TO Si/caiov, rais eipêvais avrov vWojSdAAeiv Troivats, irpos TCO Kal

rats 6^ ovpavov Ti/^copiais evoyôv efvai, Trapafidvra TOVS op/covs e^!>*
ois IAa/3e T7)v apyjiv, JElSz Kal icr^vcreie /ca#* oiavovv alrlav p,r] TreTrA^p-
co/ccos Tas 776VT7}/covTa rj/j,4pas GK rrjs eWapîas <j>vy€iv, TTjvi/cavYa
ev0a av Biarpifiwv <f>av€iT), eTravay^dâerai p,kv eis rrjv
* a^civ §6, oaov av evpeflew} AajScov, aTroSwaet
Aacrtov,
CAPTJT X.
^ ^vAaTTO/AeVov TOV [j<,T]$€p,ia,v e
aSetav e^* erepco rivl irXrjV r/ /cAoTr^ TavTa Trept TOVS ap%ovra$
Trpdrreiv, Ov yap ei $avelr) afoSporepos TOIS cxyvwjuocri 810, TT)V TCOV
Brjuomwv etsTrpaîv 77 Sid T^F TWV 7rA7yp;/êA7yp;aTa)V eTreêAevow,
8wo*op;6V TOIS VTTrjKoois Trpdrrsiv TI «raT* avTo{5% Tovvavriov pkv ovV
Kai 77oivaTs avTovs TaZs TracrcSv TriKpordrais vTrdôfêv, et TOVS /ca$apais
Tais %epcriv Kat T$ TCOV ST^/AOO-ICOV ets^paêi /^.eTa Trdays
d/cptjSeias, eira Karddspsvovs Trjv dpy^rjv VjSptcrat
6app7Jvau~v, dAAd p;1}) CTVV Gvtfrvjpta 770*0-17 û-eTa TO> vevofticrpevov
Tas 677apj(ias aTroXif^Trdvovras aTTOTTspâiev, Asi yap TOVS
Tov8e TÛCOV TOV vopov yivoju-evovs Aap;77potaTovs TCUV
677apîcov apyovras evTe^v/zââi, TrdaT^s fieV ôAavcrovai Sd^s
TOIOVTOI djaivofjievoi, ^daais Se TrepiTreaovvrai SvsKoAtais TOV vo/jov
TOVTOV 77apaAvo*ai To ye e</»' eavTOis dapprjcravrss , ew^ yap av TCOV
aTOTrcoVj ei TOVS |U,ev 677* evTeAecriv dAdvTas «:Ao77ats avVoi KoAaôiev,
/cat jSacravots aTJTOvs V77Oj8aAAoiev, Kai ov irporepov crvy^copoTev ecus
civ a77o8o?6v TO ^copia, avToi 8e dvev^vvot /^.eVotev 6771 ûeydAcov yevdpêvoi
/cAo77WV, /cal ovSe TO 77pds TOVS t577^«:dovs epv
cSv eêcTTiv avTois V776pi§ovcn crejuvois T6 /cal eAevêpois Kal
> ^ ; / > ^ ^ > . « • « ^ 3 / ^ ^ 7 y ^ - f '
677atvovp:evois (pavTJvai /cat TT)V ej ^/icov eêtv KaArjv 1A 2 paprvpiav
T6 Kal eA77{8a, Ov crvy^copovjuev Se ovVe TOIS 776ptj8Ae77TOts Sov|lv
ovTe 6Tepco Ttvl T^V oiavovv avTois TrXzove^lav rj doiKiav e77ayay6Zv, -^
77oAiTi/coTs o'Acos TTpdypaai /coivcoveiv, iva /cal i^jueTs avTots TT^V o-e/zvoT^Ta
^>vAaTTOiju.6V /cd/ceivot T^V KaOaporrjra re rjpZv /cal svvoiav dvrioiootev,
"/orco yap c?77dv TO V77T7/coov, cos 8id T^V avTcov cocêAetav /cal TO 7Tavra%-
68ev avr&v djîuov /cal TO Sid TracrTys avTovs ciyeiv evTraêtas /cal
ju.1^ /caTavay/cdêcrâi Tas ^copas a77oAiju,77aV6iv ^Se ev êv^ TaAat-
i, Sid TOVTO TOV irapovra vd/x-ov eypdâp;ev, êco T6 airrov
/cal Tais irapovaais o~ej3avp,ia)rdrais rrjs jUeydA^s avTov
/cal /coivoTaT^s eoprTJs rjpepais' iva rrdo-iv e^ Trarepas Beêadai
ap-ôvras ^ /cAeTrrovras re Kal dvBpaTroBcoBeis Kal rats' avr&v

ovalais e<f>e8pevovras > •del 8e Kal vpas rovs Tjperepovs imoreXeis
elBoras, Trdcnp vpcov eOepeda irpovoiav, perd Traces1 evyvcofj,oavvr)s
rovs Brj[j,oaiovs aWAAiTrtos (j>6povs elsdyew, /cat jU-^Se TT/S- Trapd Tab>
8etcr0ai, dAA* ovrcos evyvtoftovas eavTovs
Setâcrâi TCOV epyeov, on /cat aurot T^S
<$>i)(av6pco7Ttas TT)V ot/cetav 7]|U.7v evyvtonoavvrfv avrtSiSore, /cat etKoVcos*
lêre Traaav irapd TCOV dp^dvrcuv Trpo^xxcret TT]? evyvcopoavvr/s
re /cat TrpoVoiav, e/cetvo yivcoo-Koyres cos*,, eTretS?) rots dpôvcrtv
7ravTa^d0ev d TCUV B^poaicov KivBvvos Kal TCOV
eartV, cus €?ri TW cr^cov avTcov /ctvSvvw rds1 dp%ds VTretsepôvrat, Kat
roi)TO yivwa/covTas e«r rpOTrov TTOVTOS evAa/?e?cr0at T-^V dyvco-
Kal p/r) rds eavrcov yvcujuas ovrco Trapeêip aTretêts1, ws
e£ avrwv Setcrât crôSpoTT^Tos1, ^v dVa-y/ca'tov avrots etrrt
avGW Bid TT)V aTrapaiTijTOV r&v STJJUOCTICUV etWpalw'. etBoVcov
T&V rjfêrepcov vre^Kotov, cos at arparicoriKal BaTrdvai Kal rj
TToAeftttuv Btcoj-is TroAA^s1 Setrai r-^s1 e7rtp;eAeias, /cat ov/c !cm
%a>pls Tavra irpayBrlvai, rov repdyâros /A^Seûtas1 dvaftoXfjs
Bzopevov, ovBe rftjicov alpov^^vcov Trepiopay TT^V fPcop,aicov JT\V eAaTTto-
Qziaav, dAAd AifivrjV re iraaav dva/CTTyerajU.o'cov «rat BavBlXovs /ca-
TaSovAcoadvTcov /cat TroAAd ye eri /cat ûeiôva TOUTCOV e
?rapd TOV 0eo£j AajSeiv re Kat Trpaât, ets1 a TrposJJKov ecrrt TOVS
(f>6povs dyeAAtTrcos' /cat euyvco/^.dêos' /cat Kara rds1 cbpicr[j,Gvas
recrât Trpodeapias. cosrs ewrep v/zets- juev evyvco/zd
rots' dpyjovmv, ol Be paSlav re /cat e/c rrpoyjeipov rfy rcov
els â? TTOIOIVTO, Kat TOV? ap%ovras eTraivevofiev rvjs
Kal vfj,as a7ToBe^6fj,eda rvjs yvcbjj/r)s' Kal TravrayoBev p,la
ris earai KaA^ T6 Kat av^covos rcov re dp^dvTtov Kat TCOT> dpyopevcov
dp[j,ovia,
CAPUT XI.
To) jU,eydAa> roivvv Be& Kat acor^pi rjpcov Îâov Xpiarco irdvres
o[j,oicos dvaTTepTrercoo'av vp,vovs vrrep rovrov §T) TOV vopov} 8s avrols
Bcoaei Kat Tas rrarpiBas olKew daâAcos Kat Ta? otKeias irepiovaias
e%eiv fiefiaicos Kal rfjs TU>V dpôvrcov aTroAavetv BiKaioavvr/s^ Kal
\ c > \^ « J ^ ' f l / f l w « > ^ > «
yap 007 Kat r)fj,eis ota TOVTO avTov eaepetlat QTTCOS av eK TTJS ev rco
PO/ACO BiKaioavvys lay^vcfcopev r& BeuTrory 6e£> oiKetcocrat eavTovs*
Kat TT)V rjfj,erepav avarfjaai jSacrtAetav, tva ^07 Sd^cu/êv irepiopav
dBiKovjj,€vovs, ovs 07ju.iv TrapeBcoKev d êds*j OTTCOS* dv avTtov
14* APPENDIX I
Sid
"QsTe TO ye e^>' r/fjuv d(j>oaiova6w TW dew, OIOTI fj,rjoev TWV sis vovv
TI[JUV epxofievwv dya$cuv wep KTJ Segovia? TCUV VTrrjKowv rrapaXiuTrdvopev,
jSouAd/zevoi yap Tas dveAeuflepovs Tai>Tas /cat dvSpa77oScuSeis /cAoTrds
dveAetv /cat TOUS r/jjêrepovs V770TeAets ev eviraQeia rrapd TWV ras e
wpiovs dp%a$ eyovTWV (f>vXd£ai, ota TOVTO eaTrevaafj,ev 77pot/ca
aTjTOis1 Sovvai, 0770)? dv pr/oe auTot? e^ rr^.r/fj,êXeiv TS Kal aprrdêiv
TO v7rr)Koov ofirrep eVe/ca rrdvTa alpovpeda TTOVOV, OVK dîovvTts
fj,ifj,eia9ai TOVS Trpo r)^,u)V ftefiaaiXevKOTas, otVep ^p^/iaTcov rrpov-
jSdAAovTo Tas dpyds, eavTots dvaipovvTe? T^V dSeiav T073 ye Tot? ev
Tat? dpât? dSt/covcrtv eTTiTi[j,dv oiKaia, dAA" avToi re ois eAd/zj8avov
Si/catot /caêcrTcoTes, TOUS TC ot/cetov? ?5770TeAetsi Si'
or) TOVTO eâprrdêiv TCUV /caKcu? dp^dvTcuv ov Suvd/x.evoi ouSe
? TOIS apxovuiv e77iTi/j,av acui^povetv 77po<^dcrei T^S elprjfj,€vr/s
atTiW. ripels Se dpKovvTa TTJ ^SacriAeia rropov etvat vo/xiô/êv TO
evTeAei? TOT)? or/poaiovs Kopiêadai <f>6povs, dAAd jU^ TI /cat
077ep TOIS" virrjKoois rrdvra /caTaaeiSei TOV
CAPUT XII.
/JS To Se eV ToZ? ep/rrpoaBev ripZv elpr/pevov eVi
Kal d/cpijSecrTepa 77epiAaj8etv cu^êv voôBeaia, tusTe TOV
cr/co77ov arraai yeveaâi ^>avepdv. ©eamÔyuev yap TOT}? Xa/j,TrpoTaTOVs
TWV woTefayîevtuv e77ap^tcuv apyovTas, %wpls arrduris yivopêvous
^p^/xaTcuv Sdaecus1 /cat TCUV 77ap* a73Tcuv StSo/xevcuv op/ccuv jLtejUV7y/zevofS'j
e'êiv /cat TavTijv 77ap* r/pwv T-TJV rrapprjo'iav TOV fj,r)O6[ji,lav etvai pv^Sevt
ev TaZ? d/âpTavo/xevais rrapd TIVCUV jStai? /x.7jTe e?7i TOIS ey/cA^/xaCTt /cat
Tat? evTevflev dSi/ctais /x^Te e?7i Tats oTacrecn Tats orjpoaiais p-i^Te
eVt Tats TCUV O7jfj,ocriwv <f>6pwv zluTrpdêuiv, dAAd 77avTas 6p,oiws
vrroKeio-dai Trj rovTwv St/catoSocria, OT)/C dvap;evdvTcuv ouVe 77posTaêis
Aa^Setv e/c TCUV dp^dvTcuv ois i577d/ceiVTai, O73Te pr/vvew els avTOVs,
dAA* dpKeiadai TcuSe T^/ZCUV TCU vd/zcu, Si' 01? rracrav avTols eôvalav
Trapeyopev, ovoevos dSetav IÔVTOS 77avTeAcus e?7i TCUV etpTêvcuv
atTtcuv ouVe rrpovopiw y^prjadai TIVI ovTe eKeWev eavTw KaTopdovv TO
elv dvevdvvws* ov yap dv ot rrdcrrjs drreyoiêvoi Xrjijsews
eVepdv TI TOTJ êo{5 /cat TO£ vd/zov /cat TOT? TêTepou rrpodijaovm
Seovs, dAA* ets e/ceZvo jSAeVovTes ^vAdôucri TOIS vTrr/Koois TO Si/caiov,
77avTa /caTa TOVS ^jue ^? Tepovs /cpivovTes Te /cat rrpaTTovTes vo/j,ovs,
'.Em yap rots roiovrois Kal rovs arpanwras TOT)? ev rals eVap^tats
ovras avTols VTrordrrofj,€v, ouSe e/cetcre Seo/xevois rrposrdêws rivos
tStas r) rrap' r)/j,wv 7} Trapd TCOV rjperepwv ap^cWcov, aAAd TCO rrapovn
VO/J.CO xpco/zevots /cat TOUTOV auTois Sei/cvvoutrtv, tosTe eWa/zwetv auTofe
XpcojUeVots TT} TT/S dpxfjs Trappy at a, ytvcoo-KOVTas cos, ei /AT) TOUTO
77pa£atev, Kal criT^crewv «rat auras' T^? urparsias vrrop,£vovai,v e/CTrrcucriv
/cat TOV eis crcu/xa KwSvvov VTroarrjaovrai, "Qsre rjfj,lv /^7]§evds erepov
Seiv ap-ftovros, Kal X7jaro8ia)Kras r) rovs KaXovpevovs
, /xaAAov Se AcuTroSura?, ^ d<j>OTrXt.ards 6K7re/z7reiv, Trpoâcrecri
oyoi? ^pcu/zevous", auTous §e rd rrdvrcov pê/picrra rrpdr-
r ovras. rojv yap ap-%6vru>v r&v eTrapîcSv T^V eKaarov ra>v peyiarwv
TrXrjpQVVTWv rdîv, Kal dvrl Trdvrjs erepa? Se Q-PX^JS rals
dpKovvrtov, Kal rd e/c TOJV T]/ieTepa)v v6{j,wv TO ye CTT' auTois ijjr]<j>i-
£,ojj,evivv} T/S av dappirjaeiev rj <j>6pov rrapaypa(f)fj rj roiovrco nvl rrpos
avrovs
CAPUT XIII.
</71>" * Array opevopev Se Kai TOJ eVSoôTaVto arparr/ya) rrjs

"Ew Kal rrdai rois rjperepois ap-govoiv, rj Xr/aroSiwKras rj fiioKtoXvras
r) d(f>orrXiards 7] rivas roiovrovs ev Tais eTrap^tats e/CTrep^Treiv. "larcoaav
yap 01 Te yevecrât ju-eTa TovSe r)p,ajv rov vopov dappyaavres, cos
Oevrzs rrapd rwv dpôvrajv ra>v eVrapxicuv /cat Secr/ACUTT^ptov ot/c^
/cat ets ^/zas TO£» rrpdyparos p,r)vvo[j,€vov rov ecrâTov
KtVSwoy* 01 Te TO.S TotavTas aTJTOts 77apaStSovTes rrposrd^sis triginta
librarum aup 75770crT77crovTai 770iv^Vj /cat p;ei'£ovos Se CTI «rat cnôS-
pOTepas TJ/XCUV dyava/CTT]- /^j crews rreipaOrjvovrai. Ael roivvv rovs
apxovras TCUV €77ap^tcov TocraiJT^s d£iwd<=vras Trap' rj^wv eôvaias
ovrw TCU TTpay par i -^prjaBai, cos Siwatcos /cai vop;t/j.cos drraaiv elvai
vs, etSoTas cos, et T^ SeSopêv^ 77ap* rjp,&v dpxfj /ca/ccos /cat
s TT^S smrpaTreiar/s avrols Trap* TJpaJv Trappr/uias ^p^crovTai,
vrroKeiaovrai rals Tip.copiats cus ejj,Trpoadev eiTrofAGV, Kal ecos TT^V
eôvcrt TauTas vrrofêvovres, Kal erreiodv avrr/v Karddoivro,
eVi 77etpc6p:evot /ctvSwcov. 0?3Se yap S/Sojuev aiJToTs dSetav,
77ptv TOV vevo/îcr/Aevov TCOV rrevrr^Kovra rjrrepajv TrXrjptocrovai ^povov,
TCOV e?7ap^;tcov cSv r^pâv aVa^copeZv ^ /caTa rrpoâuiv revocatorias
[rjroi dva/cA^crecosy ^ /caTa rrp6(j>aaiv fivyrjs r} Kara aXXr/v olavovv
alriav yivwaKovaiv cos, Kaddrrep ep,Trpoadev ei77ovTes e^^êv, etTe
6771 ravrr/s yevoivro rrjs svoaiôvos 77oAecos eiTe ev otaS^77OTe
16* APPENDIX I
rrpos TTjv eVapîav aWis eiravay^BevTSs rjs fjpâv rroivds v<j>e£ovcnv, as
CAPUT XIV.
Tov Se opKov Scucroutnv evTavBa /zev «rard TO dvcu- IE Teptu pr/Bev.

El Se rtcrtv ev raZs1 eVa/j^tca? ot?tn TT^TTOITO TO, Trjs dp-gfjs crvpfioXa,
eVi Te rofJ BeofftiXevTaTov emaKOTfov TTJS pr/TpoTfoXecos Kal TCUV ev
TrpwrevovTCUV TOV op/cov uêôuat, /cai OVTCO TCUV TT^S dp^Tjs1
Trpdêwv SrjXaSr] TTJS crrjs VTf^po^r]s TfpovoovaTjS TOV,
e'iT6 67Ti TavTTjS TT/s psydXr/s TfoXews TropaXdfioi TIS dp^v, etTe KCITO,
avT<S TO. o"V{j,j3oXa TavTys Trepc^deir] rrapd TTJS o"fjs UTrepo^Ty?,
TOV AttjU-jSavovTa TO acnâAes Trspnroie'iv TO; SjjfLocria) Trepl Trjs
TCUV (f>6pwv d/xe/ATTTOD eiSTrpdêco?, /ca$a7rep av avTo? Kadapcos So/ct-
KelaBto Se o vop,os TUMV O$TOS e^>* arraai Tots TO.? Trap*
prjTws ovop,aa8r]croiJ,Gvas dp-gas e/c TOV rrapovTos %povov d
evois'. TO. yap 617 TrpoeiAôTa TOI? e/x7rpocrêv
vopois, ovBepias Troivfjs TWV ev T<SSe ^/zcDv TO) vo/xco Sicupio--
juevcuv €TfiK€(.jj,evris TOIS ju-e^pi vw TO,? dp^ds1 eôvai, TrXrjv ei p,^ /cat
avTot (U-eTa TT^V €p,<j>dvi,atv TOVOC TOV vopov /cAeTTTOVTes1 dAoiev,
<*jS7n'Aoyos>>. TavTa TOIVVV rj arj wepo^T) TraVTa p,av8dvovva
ev Tracri TO?S e^vecri TO?? r^TTOTeTay/xevoi? âvepd Trapacr/ceuacraTcu
/caTa TO vevofMiapevov TiposTaypaai ^pcu/xev^ Trpos
TCUV errapîcov r)yovfj,Gvovs' WSTG avTovs yivcocr/covTas1 TT^V
l TOVS VTrr/Koovs OTfovorjV Kal rjv e'ô/zev Trepi TT)V TCUV
yvcu/ZT^v, etSevai, Trdtrcuv avTois1 aya$tuv jueTaS
âo-iXiKfjs BzpaTreias Sid T^V auTcuv euSaifioviav B
Dat. xvii. k. Mai, CP. Belisario v. e. cons. [a. 535].
"ISiKTov ypaêv TOI? aTravTaôv y^s 6eo<j>iXeaTdToi,s
^? TrapaSoBeiaris rjfj,iv IK Beov TroAiTeia? K^Sd/êvoi /cat ev

TJV TOVS rjfj,eTepovs virr/Koovs crTrevSovTes1, TOV
VO/AOV eypdi/fajiiev, ov §^ TT^ cr^ dcrtoT^Tt, /cat Si* avTrjs
TOIS TTJS eTrap^tas TT^S a^s1 Troiijcrai âvepov /caAcus eêiv evo/j.tcra/zev.
ouv cr-^s BeoifiiXlas Kal TWV AOITTCUV eTncr/coTTCuv ecTTCu TavTa Trapa-
KOI ei TI TrapajSatvoiTo Trapd TCUV dp^dvTcuv, eis rjpas fj,r/vv€iv,
OTTCUS txv JUT^ TI TTapopadeirj TCUV OCTICU? TC «rai Si/caicus v^»* rjpwv vo/zo-
El yap iûet? /zev TOVS r}fj,GTepovs VTfTjKoovs
on TTpos TT? TOJV S7?p;ocrta>v (f>6pa)v e/crtaet /cat /x-eydAas

e/c TTys" Ttov dpôvTCov /cAoTTT?? dSt/aa? Std ras ytvojuevas* TCOV eVap^tcov
f TavVas dveAetv Sid TOV VTTOTeTayjUevov ecr77evcra/zev vdjuov,
§e padvpovvTzs /AT) TrposayyeiA^Te, TÎV jitev a<f>omovada) TO
TOV SetTTTOT^v 0edv., valets Se a77oAoy^cr6cr0e
T^S TWV aAAcov aSiKtas, ei Tt Trapa. TO ju.^ juaêtv r)fj,as jSAapo?
Trap" Vju-Tv avQpwTTOis eTrayoiTO. dAAd Set Trapovras vâs rfj
KCU VTrep avTtSv /cat TCUV AOITTCOV dycovjwvTas âvepovs o^jUi
KO.I TOVS op6&$ apôvTas1 «rai TOU? Trapaftaivovras TdVSe rj^wv TOV
OTTWS aV GKdTGpOVS yiVWCTKOVT6S> TOUS fi6V /CoAa£tt>/^6V, TOVS"
Se Swûeâ. "^TreiSdv Se o vo/zos Sypoaiq, TrpOT^Beiif] /cat dVacri
(f>a,V€pos, rrjViKavTO, Xy^Bels eVSov aTro/ceiCT^cu ev
TCUV tepcDv cr/cevcSv, ota /cat avTo? avaredsipevos
Kal Trpos CTtoTT/p/av TCUV wr" avToiJ yeÔjUevcov avQpu>7rwv
TroiâaiTe Se av KaAAiov /cat TOIS avroBi Traaiv dv
ewrep a^Tov ey/coAa?âvTes ^ vavfoiy T) XiQois ev TaTs
eic/cA^crias dvaypa!/faiTe, Trpoêipov Trapeôfievoi Trao-i T^V
dvayvcucriv TC /cat
CAPTJT I.
î Se T^S Ttov dp^dvTtuv KaBaporijros rouavrrfv e9efj,eOa Trpdvoiav,

coj TroAAw jtiaAAov Tots' GK$IKOIS OVK e^crojue
AajujSdveiv owe StSdvat. Scucrovcri juev;ydp wep TCUV
avTois TrposTay/uaTtov ev TO) BiKaaT^plta TCUV evSoÔToVcov eTrd
e? juev jue/ôves at TrdAets1 etev, solidos qnattuor, et Se TCOV eAaTTovcDV,
solidos ties, /cat Trepa TOVTCUV ovSev* AôVTat Se o^S* OTIOVV Trap*
ovSevoV, TrA^v et ju,^ TIS e/c TOV S^JUOCTIOV vevOjUicrju.evos' a^ToZs" TrpostT)
Trdpos* ^ ewrep ju/^Sev e/c TOV S^juocrtov Aa/^.j8dvoiev, pvr/Sev TrepatTepco
TCOV T^ êta IJ/ACOV Si^yopev/Aevcuv StaTaêt /coju.têa9at. eTretroiye et
Tt Aap^dvTe? dAotev ^ avTot ^ ot /caAov/êvot avTwv âpTovAdptot ^
eTepds Tis* T<3v Trept a^TOVs, eKetvo TeTpaTrAacrtov aTroSwo-ovo-tv 6Vep
eAajSov, Kat TOV (f>povTiafj,aros d-TreAaôrovTat* /cat Trpds ye Kat eôpta
StT/ve/cet ^^ttuêvTes' /cat et? acojua crco^povicrêvTes Scuaovcrt
dvSpdaiv dyaôts' dvTt KO.K&V TOV <j>povTiapaTo$ av
"^creo'ê Se /cat TOVTOV ^vAa/ce? veers', «rat /ccoAvvTes1 Ta Trapd
y tvd/êva /cat py^vvovTes, cosTe ju.^7 StaAaêZv Tt TCUV dftapTavojiievcov
^Se eK TOV Aa#etv aTtjacup^Tov etvat, dAAd Tracrav tcroT^Ta Te /cat
St/catocrvvT^v TOI? T%i€Tepoi? VTTT^/cdois' eTrav^crat* ^?i Se /cat ot
vvv apôvTes ^17 /ACTCX TT^V eju^dvtcrtv Toi?Se TOV vdjuov Trdo'^S' dTrdc
18* APPENDIX I
iCTTCuaav Ka avTo Tat? e/c T o v e TOV vp,ov Troivas

[TOVTO TO I'Si/CTOv rrpos TOV$ eTncr/coVov?/.
Dat, xv. k. Mai, CP. Belisario v. c. cons. [a, 535].
' Eypd(f>r) TO laov TOV iSi/crov .KcuvcrravTivovTroAiTais'., eôv OVTCUS"
"Our/v aTrdvTcuv TCUV VTTTJKOOJV eê/zefla Trpdvoiav, Seifcvvcriv 6 Trap*

TÛCUV t-vayxos rebels voûos, ov 819 Trpos TOUS evSoôrarovs ^j
€7rapp(ous eypai/ta/zev. aAAd TrposTJKov ecrri /cai vp.a? avrov? etSei^
T^V rjfjLerepav Trpovotav, ^v Trepi Travra? av8pu)7rovs eô/x-ev. /cat Sid
TO£»TO TOV v6fj,ov avTov Kal ev iSt/CTov TrpoTeêi/ca/xev cr^îaTf COSTS
TCU SeCTTTOTTJ 06CU Kai CTCDTT^pl T^/^cDv '/T^CTOV XplVTW SlKal(Jt)S
v/jwovs, Kal Trj êTepa jSacriAeia, OTI TroWa Sid TO vfj,€Tepov
TTOVOV.
TT}S Trap* e/cacTTT]? TCUV ap^tuv o
Aoyco aw^êicuv TTOCTOTTJTOS", [napa] TCUV TO.? dp^d? EÔ
ouSevos1 ToAjUcuvTO? Trapd TO Trpo'yeypafj.fji.eva OVTG Aa/3eTv ouVe Sowai
TI TrAeov.
^4-Trd TOV TrepijSAeTTTov KG^T/TOS TTJS OUTCUS"

ev TCU 0ei'cu ^jucuv KOUjSov/cAeicu vo/z.
TCU 7rpifj,iK7)pia) TCUV Aa/z7rpOTaTCuv TpijSowcuv voTa-
picuv /^.eTa TCUV Tecrcrdpcuv ovcpivi'cuv TOV 9eiov AaTep-
/covAou VO/A.
TCU aT^TOV ftorjBq) vo/z.
T^ Ta£ei TCUV evSoÔTaVcuv eTrdp^cuv uTrep 7rpo?Tay-
[j,aTO$
'^TTO TOV dv^VTrdVov *-4crias OVTCUS" ev TCU $ei'cu ^/
KovjSovKAeicu vo/^.,
TCU TTpljUlKT^plCU TCUV Aa/ATTpOTClTCUV TpljSoVVCUV VOTa-
picuv /xeTa TCUV Tecrcrdpcuv cr/cpivicuv TOTJ 0etov AaTep-
/covAov vo/z.
TCU avTov J3or)da) vo/j,.
TT^ Taêi TCUV evSoôToVcuv eTrdp^cuv UTrep
3 '^47rd TOV Trepi/JAeVrov KO^TJTOS ^pvyia?

OVTCU?'
TOIS
lW TWV \ap,TfpOTO.TWV TplfioVVWV VOTO.-

piwv vofj,, K§
TO) avTov ftorjdw vofj,, y*
TTJ raêt TWV zvooÔTaTwv errdp^wv VTfkp Trpos-
Tay/xaros vofj,, v*
4 *ATTO TOV TreptjSAeTTTou /cojUTjros JTaXaTias TrpwTrjs
OVTiOS'
Tots TTZpifiXeTfTois xapTovXaplois Tpial TOV Bsiov
TW 7TpLfJ,lKrjpiw TWV AajUTTjOOTttTCUV TplfioVVWV

ptcov vop,
TOJ avTov ôr/du) vojj,.
Tr T a e t TcDv e^S
p,OLTOS VOfJ,. V
TTO TOU fiiKapiov TOV MaKpov Tefyovs OVTWS' TOI?

xapTovXapiois Tpial TOV 6eiov KOV-
iw TO)V Aa/ZTTpOTttTCUV TpLÔ/'VWV VOTO,-

VOfJ,, KO*
avTov fiorjda) vo/j,. y*
TOJV zvooOTaTaiv errp^cov VTfp
vo/j,,
ocrat apâi vrraTiKal TJTOI KovaovXdpiai'
6 'ATTO TOV a.p-%ovTos TJaAataTiVT]? Trpu>Trj$ OV

TOLS Trepi^SAeTTTOts âpTovXapiois Tpicrl TOV deiov
TW TTplp,lKTjpiw TCUV Xap,7TpOTaTOJV TplfioVVOJV VOTO.-

piwv vofj,, /cS*
TO) avTov fiorjdw vofj,. y'
TTJ Taêi TWV svooôTaTwv eTrap^cuv wep Trposray-
[MCLTOS VOfJ,. /X*
7 *AiTO TOV ap-)(ovTos Ila.Xaio-Tiv'rjs SeuTepas OU'TCUS"

TOI? TreptjSAeTTTOis' âpTouAaptoi? Tpicrl TOV deiov
KovfiovKXeiov vofj,, 9*
TW TfplfJ,lKT)plW TWV Aa/ZTTpOTClTCUV TptfioVVWV VOTO.-
piwv vop,. KO'
TW avTov f$O7)8w vofj,, y*
20" APPENDIX I
rfj rd£ei TCUV evSoôTcmuv eTrap^cuv vWep
TOV apôvTos &oivtKV)s TrapaAov OVTCUS"

TOIS TreptjSAeTTTOis' âprovXapiois rpicrl rov dsiov
/covjSov/cAeiov voju.
TO) TrpipiKripiw TCUV AajuTTjOOTaTtuv TjDijSowcuv vora-
/JICOV VOjU.
ra> at5rov J3<yt) 6 &

T^ Ta£ei TCOV evSoôraTcov eTra
rot? apxovros 2!vpias Seurepas1 OVTCU?'

-âprovXapiois rpial TOV dziov
T( TWV
TO) avTOu fioT)6q> vop,,

T7J rdêi TCOV e VTrep
®eo8o)piaSos OUTCOS*
TOI? TrepijQAejrTois âprovAapiots rpicri TOV deiov
/covjSov/cAeiov
TO) TTpl/Xl/CT^pia) TCOV Aa/ATTpOTClTCUV TplÔVVOJV VOTtt-
piwv VO/A,
TW ttVTOV Ô7]6a) VOjU.,
T$ Taêi TCUV evSoôTaTcuv gTtap^wv VTrep Trpoo-Tay-

paros vop., A*
TTO rov apôvros Ôapo^vfjs OVTCUS"
ToZ? TrepijSAeTTTOis âpTOvAap/ois rpicrl rov Oeiov
KovjSov/cAeiov
T<3 Trpi/ii/CTjpta) TCUV Aa/wrpoTaTcov rpiftovvwv vora-
piwv *§'
J
TCp aVTOi? fioTjdw VOjU. r
T$ Tafei TCUV evSoÔTUTCUV CTTClp^CUV V7T6p
12 'ATTO rov apôvTo? ii/cias TrpcuTT^? OVTCUS"

TOIS TrepijSAeTTTois' %aprov/(a,piois rpial rov Oeiov
VO/A.
TCU TTpl/Xl/CTyplCU TCUV AajUTTpOTttTCUV TpljSoVVCUV VOTtt-
ptcuv vo/x .
VOfJt, .
T-fj Ta£ei TCUV evSoôTcvrcuv STrcxp^cuv VTrep

VOjU.
13 "AiTO TOV apyovTOS KvTrpov ovrcus"

TOI? irepifiXeTTTois âpTovAapiois Tpial TOV Geiov
vop,,
TCU 7TplfJ,lK7]plU) TCUV Aa/ATTpOTClTCUV TpljSoVVCUV VOTa-
pt'cuv vop,, /cS'

U VOjU.
TCUV evSoôTUTCuv eTrap^cuv iJTre

A4
14 *ATTO TOV apyôvTos Uap^vXias OVTCUS"
TrepijSAeTTTOis1 xapTovXapiots TpiSi TOV Beiov
tw TCUV Aa/^TTpOTCicuv TpijSowcuv voTa-

JDUUV VO/4,.
TTJ Taêi TCUV evSoôTcxTcuv ejrap^cuv vtrep

vo/z
TTO TOU apôvTos Bidvvtas OVTCUS"
Tots 77Spij8Ae7TTois âpTouAapiois Tpial TOV
TCU TrplfJMKTjplU) TCUV AttjUTTpOTClTCUV TpljSoUVCUV VOTa-
picuv VO/A. ic89

TCU ttVTOV J3o7]9w VOjU., y'
TCUV ev§oôTciTcuv eircxp^cuv TJTrep TrposTay-
9
voju. A*
TTO TOU apyôvTos '-EAATysTrovTov OUTCUS"
TOIS TrepijSAeTTTOi? yâpTovXapiois Tptcri TOU delov
xovfiovKXeiov vop,,
TCU Tfplp.lKTIpiw TCUV Aa/ZTTpOTCXTCUV TpljSoWCUV VOTtt-
picuv VO/A. ic8'

TCU aVTOU j8o7J0CU VOJU.
TT) Taêi TCUV evSoôTciTcuv eTrdp^cuv VTre

A*
17 AvBias OVTW$-
Tols 7T€pij8Ae77TOis âpTOfAaptois Tptcri TOV delov
voft,
TCU icu TCUV Aa/4.7rpoTaTCuv TptjSovvcuv voTa-
ptCUV VO/4.. /cS'
22* APPENDIX I
TW aVTOV o7)w VOp,. y

TTJ raêi TWV evSoôTciTcov eTrap^cuv UTrep TrposTay-
P,O,TOS vop,. i*
18 'ATTO TOV dpyôvTos 0pvyias aaXovTapias OVTWS'
Tols Trepi/ÂeTTTois1 yâpTovXapioi,s Tpiui TOV deiov
KovftovKXetov vop,. 0'
TW TTpljUlKT^plO) TWV X(J.}J,TrpOTa,TWV TplfioVVWV VOTQ.-
piwv vofj,, /c§*
TW avTov (3ov6w vop,, y*
Trj raêi TWV evSoôraTtuv eTrdpy^wv vrrep TfposTay-
fjt,a,Tos vop,. p*
19 'Arro TOV dpyôvTOS Ilkaioias OVTWS'
Tols TrepijSAeTTTOis1 âprovAap/oi? rpicrt TOV deiov
KovftovKXetov vop,. 6'
TW TfpifJLlK7]pLW TWV Aa/ATTpOTCtTtUV TplfioVVWV VOTO.-
piwv vop. /cS'
TW avTov fiorjdw vop,, y*
Trj raêt TWV evooôTaTwv eTrdpy^wv wep Trposray-
fj,a,Tos vofj,. p?
20 *ATTO TOV dpy_ovTos AvKaovias OVTWS'
Tols TrepifiXeTTTOis âpTovAaptois1 rpicri TOV deiov
KovfiovKXelov vop,. 0"
TW Tfplp,lKTipiW TWV Xo,p,TfpOTO.TWV TpLJSoVVWV VOTO,-
piwv vop,. /cS*
TW avTov ÔTfBw vop,. y*
Trj raêi TWV evooôTaTwv srrdpy^wv VTrep TrposTdy-
P,O,TOS vop,. p,'
21 'ATTO TOV dpyôvTos Neas '/ovcrTtvta^s" OVTWS
Tots TreptÂeTTTOis1 yâpTovXapiois Tpial TOV dziov
KovfiovKXeiov vop,. 0*
TW Tfplp,lKTjpLW TWV Xap,TfpOTaTWV TplfioVVWV VVTO.-
plwv vop,. /cS"
TW avTov fioTjBw vop,. y'
Tfl raêi TWV evooôTaTwv e-JTap^cuv UTrep TrposTay-
p,dTOS VOp,. p,*
22 'ATTO TOV apôvro? 3App,evias ozvTepas OVTWS'
TO'IS TrepijSAeTTTotS' yâpTovXapiots rpicri TOv Bztov
vop,. 6*
TCU TTplfAlKTjpiw TCUV Aap-TTpOTCXTCUV Tpl/3oWCUV VOTO.-
picuv vop,.
TCU avrov fioTjOw vop,.
rfj rd£ei TCUV evSoôTcvrcuv e-Trap^cuv i5?rep Trpoardy-
p.a.Tos' vop,.
23 rov dp-ôvros 'App,evia$ /j.eyaA^s OUTO>S"
TrepijSAeTTTOis âprovAa/Jiois1 rpial rov dsiov
OJ Trpip,iKT]piio rwv AaûTrpoTaTtov rpijSovvwv voro.-

vop,.
TW avrov jSorjdw
rjj raêt TCUV evSoôTciTcov 757T6/? Trposrdy-
fj,aros
24 * A.TTO rov apôvros KarnraSoKias rrpwrrjs ovrws'
rots TrepiftXeTrrois âprovXapiois rpial rov 6eiov
KOVÔVK^GIOV VOjJ,,
TO) TrpifMiKrjpia) TCUV XafATTpordraiv rpifiovvatv vora-
piwv vop,
TCO avrov fior)6w vop,
rfl raêi TWV evSoôraTcov eTrap^tov VTTCJO
25 '/47TO TOV apôvros" KamraSoKias SeuTepas ot>Ta>s"

rots' Trepi^Xerrrois xaprovAapiois rpial rov Bziov
TOJ la) TCUV Aap,7rpoTaTcuv TpijSowcuv voTa-

picuv vop..
TCU J3o7]8w vop..
T^ Taêi TCUV evSoôTaTcuv en-ap^cuv i57rep
jj,aros
26 'Arro rov cxpôvTo? ' EXevorrovrov ovrws'
rots TreptjSAeTTTOis' âpTovAapioi? Tptat Toi5 dsiov
vop..
TCU TTplp-lK^ptCU TCUV Aap-TTpOTClTCUV TptjSovvCUV VOTO.-
picuv vop..
W vop..
TCUV evSoôTaTcuv errdp^wv vrrep
27 *Arfo rov apôvros Evp&rfrjS ovrws"

rots TrepiÂeTTTots -âprovXapiois rpial rov dslov
24*
TCU tcu TCUV AapTrpoTctTcuv Tpi/Sowcuv VOTO.-
pt'cuv K3'
TCU avrov jSoTj^cu vo/^,,
rfj Taêi TCUV evSoôTcvrcuv eTrap^cov wep rrposrdy-
25 '-Xbro TOV a,p%ovros ®pa.Krjs ovrws'

TCHS TrepijSAeTTToiS' yâprovXapiois rpivl rov deiov
VOjU,.
TCU lW TCUV Aa/J/TrpOTClTCOV TpljSoWCUV VOTtt-
picuv VO/A.
TCU
rfj Ta£ei TCUV gvSoÔTaTcuv eTrap^cuv •UTrep rrposray-
VO/A,
TOV CXpÔVTOS1 'PoBoTfTjS O7JTCU?"
Tots1 TrepijSAeTrTois1 âpTOuAaptots rpial rov Beiov

VOjU,.
TCU tCU TCUV Aa^lTrpOTClTCUV TptjSoVVCUV VOTtt-
picuv /cS'
TCU avrov,
>
r
T^ Ta£ei TCUV evSoôTaTcuv eTrap^cuv wep TTpQsrdy-
paros vop,,
30 *Arro rov apyôvros Alp,iij,6vrov ovrws'
rots TrepijSAeTTTOis âpTovAapiois1 rpial rov deiov
KTOV/JoTJ/cAet'oU VOjU.
TCU TTplfMlKr/plW TCUV AajU.77pOTCXTCUV TpljSoWCUV VOTU-
plCUV
TCU OUTOV fiorj&w

rfj rd£ei TCUV evSoôTaTcuv errdp^cov VTrep rrposray-
31 ''ATTQ rov dpyôvros JKaplas ovrws'

TrepijSAeTTTots âpTOfAapiois1 rpial rov Oslov
vo/x.
TCU TrpipiKr/pia) TCUV Aa/^TrpoTtiTCuv TptjSovvcuv voTa-
plCUV VOjU..
TCU ai3TOiJ j3ori&u) vop,

rfj rd£ei TCUV evSoôTcxTcuv ^rfdp^t^v wrep vposrdy-
juaTos VO/A,
32 '.Xbro TOV apyôvros AvKias OVTCUS"
Tens1 TreptjSAeTTTois yâprovXapiois rpial rov 6eiov
vo/^,.
GREEK AND LATIN LEGAL DOCTJMENTS 25*
TCU ia) TCUV AafwrpOTCiTCUv TpijSovVcuv vora-

p/cuv vop,. KO*
TCU avrov fiorjda) vofj,. y*
rfi rd£si TCUV €vSo£oTaTcuv eTrctp^cuv virep trposrdy-
par os vop,, p
33 *AiTO rov apyôvros Avyovor&iJWiKrls npwrrjS ovrws'
TOIS TrepijSAeTTTOts' âjorovAaptots rpivl rov 9<siov
Kovf$ovK\ziov vop,, B*
TO> TrpipiKrjplq) rwv AaftTrpoTaTOJT' rpifiovvvw vora-
ptcov vo/j,, /c§*
rw avrov {$orjQ& " - voji. y*
rfj rdêt, r&v evSoôTartov eTrap^cov wrep
Kal oaai p%a i TJTOI coirectoricu*
l
TTO* TOV« w /1O/
apôvros /iipvrjS «
rrjs v
avco w
OVTCOS"
rots' TrepijSAerrTots yâprovXapiois rpial rov
/cou/Jov/cAei'ov
io) TO«> Xaprrpordrcov rpifiovvaiv vora-
rw avroi? ôrjB& vop,,

T^ raêt TCUV 6vSo£oTaTtov eirap^cov VTrep rrposrdy-
As*
35 '^4-770 TOW oipyovros Alyvrrrov rrpwrrjs OVTCUS"
Tots TrepijSAeTTTOtS' âpTOvAapiois Tpicri TOU Beiov
TW r?pip,iKripit*) TCOV Aa/ATtpoTUTcuv TpijSowcuv

pia>v
TCU avToiJ ôrj6& y
T^ Taêi TCUV evSoôTcvrtuv eTttxp^cuv wep
[j.aro$ As*
36 TOV apyôvros AlyvTrrov Sevrepas OVTCUS*
ToTs -TrepijSAeTTTOis âpTovAapiots rpivl rov dslov
/cov/Jov/cAet'ov
TCU irpifJMKrfpiq) TCUV Aaju/rrpOTaTcuv Tpij8ovvcuv voTa-
picuv 16
vo/4 y*
26* APPENDIX I
Trj raêi TCUV evSoôrarcuv eTrap^cuv vVep

/ZO.TOS As*
37 TTO TOV apôvTos ^vyvcrTa/^vi/CTjs SevTepas OVTCUS'
TOIS TreptjSAeTrTois âpTOvAapiois Tpicri TOV deiov
/covjSov/cAeiov
TCU Tfpl^lKTjpiw TCUV Aa/^TTpOTClTCUV Tpt/JoVVCUV VOTO.~
VO/X.
TCU avTov j3or]6w vop.

T27 Taêi TCOV evSoÔTaTcuv eTrap^cuv wep TrposTay-
fJ,Q.TOS VOJJ,.
3S *ATTO TOV ap-ôvTos -ZTaAcucrTiV^s TpiV^s OVTCOS"

TOI? TrepÂeTrTots1 âpTovAapiot? Tpiul TOV 6eiov
iw TCUV Att/iTTpOTClTCUV TpljSoVVCUV VOTtt-
picuv vo/z. is
TCU auToi? fior/dw 7
TTJ Taêi TCUV evSoôTciTcuv eTTCip^cuv v?rep
fACLTOS VOfJ,. As'
39 *ATTO TOV apyovTOS 'Apafilas ovTias'
TOIS TreptjSAeTTTOiS' âpTovAaptoi? Tpicri TOV Oeiov
/covjSov/cAetov vo/x.
TCU 7Tpl/ZtlC7^ptCU TtUV AajUTTpOTClTCUV TptjSoWCUV VOTtt-
picuv voû,
TCU avTov fiorjdw vo/j,. y
TCUV evSoôTciTcuv eTrap^cuv VTrep
A?'
ITTO TOV apôvTos EvfipaTyatas OVTCUS'
TO?? TreptjSAeTTTOts âpTovAap/ots" Tpicri TOV Bziov
/covjSov/cAetov vo/x,
TCU TTpl/ZlKT^plCU TCUV Aa/ZTrpOTClTCUV TpljSoVVCUV VOTtt-
picuv vo/x. le
vo/j,. y*
Trj Tciêi TCUV evSoôTaTcuv 67rapp(cuv VTrep
fj,a,Tos vop. A?*
'^4 TTO TOV dpyôvTos Meao7TOTafj,ias OVTCUS"
TOIS TreptjSAeTTTOis âTTTOvAapiois Tpicn TOV dstov
KovjSov/cAeiov VO/A.
TCU TfplfJ,lKT]pia> TCUV Aa/XTrpOTClTCUV TpljSoVVCUV VOTtt-
TICUV vo/z.
GEEEK AND LATIN LEGAL DOCUMENTS 27*
rfj raêi TU>V evSoôraTcuv eTrap^cuv VTrep

P,O,TOS vop,, A?'
42 *ATTO TOV apôvros KiXiKias SevTepas OVTCOS"
ToZs TrepijSAeTTTois âTTTOvAaptois1 Tpieri TOV 0eiov
KOVjSoV/cAeiOV
TO> TrpiîKTjpia) TCOV Aa/zTrporartuv rpifiovvwv vora-
picuv
TV) raêt TCUV evSoôTarcov eTra

p,aros vop, As"
MTTO TOW dpôvros 'Appevias TTJOWT^S ovrcus'
rots TrejoijSAeTTTOis âprouAapiois rpial TOV deiov
TW 7TplfJ,lKT]pLW TWV Aa/ZTTpOTaTtUV TpljSoWCUV VOTtt-

pitov
TW avTOU fioirjBa) vop,
rfj raêi TCOV evSoôraTtov eTrap^cuv v-n-ep TrposTay-
paros vop,, As'
44 'ATTO TOV ap%oVTOS PaXaTias Seurepas OUTCOS*
rois TrepijSAeTTTois "âpTOvXapiois Tpiul TOV deiov
iq) TCUV Aa/iTrpOTarcov Tpiftovvtov

piwv vop,, te
5
TO) a vop,. y
TTJ raêi rcSv evSoôrarcov eirap^cuv
As'
45 '^TTO TOV apôvTos *OvtapidSo$ OVTCUS*
TOIS 7rep&jSAe7rrois âpTOvAaptots Tpial TOV Oelov
KOVJ3oVl<)(€lOV VOp,. I
TW TTplp-lKr/pia) TCOV \a,p,TfpOTO,TU>V TpljSoVVCUV VOTtt-
picov VO/J.. te
5
TOJ aVTO VOfl. y
TTJ Taêi TCOV evSoôTaTcov efrd virep
As'
46 '^TTO TOV apôvTos TCUV Nrjcru)v OVTCUS*
TOIS TrepijSAejTTots âpTovAapiots Tpial TOV Bziov
/cou/Jov/cAei'ov vo/z,
TCO 7Tplp,lKTipi(p TWV Aa/A7rpOTaTO)V TplftoVVCOV VOTtt-
picuv VO|U.
T(J) avTov Porjdqi vop,,
28* APPENDIX I
Trj Ta^si TCOV evSoôToVtov eTrap^wv vnep Trposray-

fJ,Q,TOS VOfJ,. A?'
47 >ATTO TOV apôvros" Mvaias 8evrepas OUTCOS*
âpTOvAapioiS' rpieri TOV Osiov
' VOfJ,. 0*
r4> irpifj.iKTjpiw' T&V AafiTrpoTaVcuv Tpifiovvwv VOTO,-
ptcuv VO/A, te*
TO) a?5TOV $07)8 to VOfJ,. y*
fj,a.TOS . A?'
?ro TOIJ 2iKv6ta$
xaprovAapicHS' Tpial TOV Oeiov
VOfJ,. ff
ia) rcov Aaju/Trporarcov Tpifiovvwv vora-
picov
TO) avroi; fioydw vofj,, y
Tfj Taêi TWV evSoôrarfov eTrap^w virep
. Ay*
49 J7apd §e TroAecus1 e^SiKov, et jU.ev ewj
TrposTaypiaTos e's* rd TCOV evSoôTarcuF eTrap^cuv SISovdai vofj,ia-
S*» ei Se aAA^s TroAecS?, voû.. y'* /cai Trepa TOVTWV prjB4v, ovSs
yap TOV? exSiKovs QVTG StSovat TOI? oipy.ovaiv ovSe erepw rtvl oure
j8ovAo/ê9a, 7rA7)v ei /ATJ Ttve? eialv aurots1 e/c TOU
i* eiSorwv avrcuv to?, ei ju^vvêwy r<S
Kparei Trepi rtvo? aurcov, cos TrapajSatvot rd irap* TÛCOV
l oTrep av Aa/?oi quadrupliiiiQ cxTroScocret, «rai TT]? fipovTiSos Trapa-
êis eôp/av oiKT^crei Si^ve/co)" o-Trore «rai 01 TCOV 67rapj(ic3v ap%ovT€s,
et TOVTOV TrapajtieA'^cTeiav /cai TOVS e/cStKous" Trepu'Soiev KAeTTTovTas",
OT!>K eAdVrpva Kal avroi TTOIVT^V VTrocrT^crovTat.
Dat. xvii, k. Mai. CP. Belisario <Y. c.> cons. [a. 535],
E. NOVELLA XX »
De administrantibus officiis in sacris appelationibus
TQN YnHPETOYMENQN 0&&IKIQN EN TOIZ
ZAKPOIZ TQN EKKAHTQN.
'0 avTos fiauiXevs '/coavv?] TCO evSoôTaVco eTrdpyco TCOV tepcov
praetoricov TO j8', CITTO UTraTcov /cat TraTpt/ctco.
«IIpooiiJiiov). "Horj /zev 0etov eTTOir)adfj,e6a vdjiiov Trept TCOV eêaecov
StaAeyd/Aevov, T/vat yp^ Trapa<j>vXaTTeadai rpotrov 677' auTcus1, /cat
oêv ets T/vas êpecrâi TCX? e/c/cA^TOVS" ov Trpos1 Te TT^V cn]V VTrepoy^rjv
rrpos T6 TOV evSoôTaTov Tjjucov «raT67r6jU!/fa/j,6V Koiaiarwpa, 'ETreior)
Se TroAA-j) yeyovev dfAfiiafiiJT'rjais Trepi TCOV ?37n]peTOU/xevcov TO.UTCU?
Ol^^ll/ClCOV, TCOV /Z6V 6K TO {5 deiOV TCOV STntTToAcOV CP/CptVtOU TO.? TCOV
spectabilicov St/cao-Tcov ot/c6iov/i.evcov ev TaZ? e/c/cA^Tots1
TCOV Se e/c TO£? dpovov rrjs vrjs VTrspo^s /zeyio-Ta STÂOTJVTCOV rj
ei jU.eTajSejSA^/x.evou TO£» o"XTJ[j,aTos OVKSTI judvoi Tats" e/c/cAi^Tots vv
crouai TCUS CT.TTO TCOV AttjUTrpouciTcov TCOV eVapîcov clp^dvTcov epô/xevat?
et? iiovov TO crov oiKaarrjpiov, KaBoarsp TrpoTepov ^v rjviKa ev 0eico
/xev /cat avTos rjKpow oiKaarrjpiw, VTrrjpeTe'iTO Se r) rdîs r] err), ciAAci
Sicl TO TCOV CTTre/CTajSiAtcov cr^jua ev rd£ei Qeiov aKpoarrjpiov TTJS
KiVQVfj,eyr)$, Kal cruva/cpo co/xeVo v TT^ cr^ vTrepo^f) Kal TOV
/^-cov /coiattTTCOpo?, /ecu eKaTepov pepovs TO TT&V oiKeiov-
, Kal avvayQevTwv Trapd Te Trj afi VTrepoy^fj Kal TCOV evSoôTcvrco
/coiaiCTTCopi TroAAa/cis1 TCOV Te e/c TCOV Oetwv cr/cptvicov, olrtep Tals
efieaeaw V7n)peTovvTai, TCOV Te e/c T^S Taêcos TO£» dpovov TOV aov'
TeAo? ei? Tiva TVTTOV TO Trpaypa TrepieaTT), ov ciypci^cos' et's 7]jUas i^yayeTe.
TO ?rpay/j.a Se /cat ^/xtv ov/c 0.776 TpoTrov yeyovo? e'8o£e. JCai Teco?,
^Trep JJaÂayov/a /cat 'Ovwpids, Sir/priêvai Tfporepov els apôvTa?
eis1 eva /cat TOV auTov TrepieaTrjvav TO TOV TrpatVcopos ovo/xa
, TOUTO dvafjt<j)io'pr]TTJTCos eSoê TO uy^rjfjia Trj vfj 7rpos7]/cetv
fj. TavTO Se /cat em TCOV TTOTC Suo J/OVTCOV, TovTeaTiv ' EXevonovTov
Te KOI IIovTov JJoAejucovia/coij' /cd/cettre yap STJO /caêcrrcoTcov e
dp^dvTcov, vw Se evo? TOU juoSepciTcopos yeyovdros,
Kal avTov TT] TCOV TreptjSAeTrTcov d^ta, TrcCAiv TauTa avvefiaive Kal els
TO aov [j,6vov SiKao-Tr/piov (f>epecrdai TO.S drro TCOV e/c/cA?^TCov St/cas*
e%pfjv, KaTa fj,evToi TOVS orrovs Trjs Trepl TCOV e/c/cA^TCov
5 C7JC, 6th ed. III, pp. 140 sqq.

30* APPENDIX I
CAPTJT I
ZvvTjpecre rolvvv apa juev rots' VTrovpyovow e/carepa TCOV

Be vfj.lv a/zôrepois, /cat TT/JOS" ye /cat TÎV op^cus e'Soêv eêiv TO
^fitv, cSare povyv ryv rdîv TTJS CFTJS VTrepo^T?? rats- TOiavVats1
e/c/cA^Tois1, /ca^dVep Kal TrpoVepov rjv, et /ecu ev o^/xaTt
Oetov OLKpoaTTjpiov Aeyoiro /cai Trapeir) Kal 6 evSoôraro? ^p;cDv KoiaiWcop
TCOV
CAPUT II
MAAa ft^v €7T€i7T€p 6 Trjs TrpcuTT^s" KatTTTaSoKias ^yovûevo? Trporepov
ets TTJV cr^v apx^v ecupa fj,6vr)V Ka/ceto'e TO TCUV eêcrecov eêpeTO, vuv
Se ets1 TO TOV Trepi^SAeTTTOv av/?U7raTOV peraê^Xijrai a^Tjua, ouSev
TTpOSTJKOV 6CTTI, /Cat T^S" ^p^S GKGIVTJS €<J>€CFIV Be~)(OfJ,evr)S Kal
^s1 BIKTJS €VTavâ, /caTO. T^V #€tav r^wv Bidraîv
ev rd^Gi dsiov d/cpoaTT^piov avrrjv dycovtêcrât, CTWOVTOS" /cat TOV
rjfj,wv Koiatarwpos /cat cruva/cpocu/zeMou TT)?
êcus v7T7]p€Tovp,ev'Tjs Tjjs crfjs, 67retS^ /cat
TOVTO evevo/itcTTo. jEt yap /cat o Trepi/JAeTrro? K0[j,7]s TCUV ot/cicov
vvv rfj o,pxfl> dAA' or?v OVTC TrpoTepov TroAAat Ttves e/
Trap" avT<S ovVe e/c TOV St/caaT^ptov TOV /caT* avTov eêpeTo
TtS" crêSov eêcrt? zvravda, vvv §e §7) /cat TO. Trept TO.S Tapita/cds" Stot-
/CT^cretS' /cat sTepots Ttcri TrapeSco/ca/zev, /cat ov §et Trapd TOVTO eAaT-
rwdrjvai TOV uov dpovov, dAA* 6fj,oiu>s rrjv arjV VTr^peTetcrât rd£iv
fj,6vr)V TOLS evTavâ êpofievaiS' VTroêaeat.
CAPUT III
TavTo Se TOVTO /cat em TOV T^S 'Apftevlas dvOvtrdrov, eirei^r)
TrpOTepov dp^v CLVTTJV opStvaptav [Gpfiadpov] TroiTJaavres vvv ovSev
avT^ irposBevres ets TO TTJ? dv^vTraTetas1 jU.eT7^ydyojU.ev
yap 8^ /cat Tat? e/cetêv Si'/cats ^ T^s1 cr^? vTrepo^^s
rd£isf rfjs BIKTJS juev ev Taêt dzlov d/cpoaTo^ptov, KadaTrep
lî^ju-ev, KivovftevT^s, Trap* afj,<f>OT<lpois Se v/j-tv ^€rat,op>evrjs ovSev
8e T^TTOV TT^S Taêcu? o"^? v7Tif]p€Tovp€V7]S TO) Trpdy/âTt, Kaddirep Kal
TrpoTepov TJV, ^vt/ca /zovov TO T^s* dp^T?? T^S KaXovp€VT]s opBivapias
CAPTJT IV
*ETT€iSr) Se /cat /lv/caovtav Kat IJimBiav Kal "Jcravpiav VTTO apyovai
Trporepov TeTayjuevas Kal Taj e/c/cA^TOvs dvaTrejU.TTovcras' et? TOV dpovov
TOV crov vvvl KoaprjQfjvai, rfj TCUV TrpaiTcupcuv a>pxfj crv/^Se/Jij/cev (el
Kal So/cei TTCUS avvavaêî^Qai TJS avr^ /cal orpaTiam/c^ rd£i$ eVeiS-^
TrpoVepov Kal Sov£ e(/>* e/caoT^s TOVTCUV eVapîas ^v), dvay/caicus
27/wv eêiv ISoê cud TOV Kaiviapov TOVTOV judvcu ST) TCU 0pdvcu acu /cai
TCU evSoôToVcu /coiaicmupi TrapaSovvai T^V TCUV eêcrecov eêracriv,
Sowai Se îAav0pa)7roTepov TT^ rdêi rfj af) Kal rots ejrl rovra) Trpar-
TOju.evois UTn^peTeicrât. tSare, ei TI yeyove TOIOUTOV e'/ZTrpocr#ev ^ /cat
varepov yzv^rai, TT)V avryv ru> TrpdyfAaTi rdîv wmvcu
CAPTJT V
*ETTGi$r} Be Bvo Kadap&s âav dp-âl TOV T6 /COJU.TJTOS T S ~ j w a s TOV

TC ajoôvTos avT^y T^? TTpcbrrjs Svpias, Kal al pev rrjs
ei? eis TOV crov eiêpovTO 6povov} rrjs T
TT^S o1^?, at Se TOV KOfj,7]TOS rfjs 'Ecbas, ola
KOTO. TO TCUV OziWV GKpOaTTJplWV a^jUO. 61? T6 TOV BpOVOV TOV CTOV
ets TC TOV evSoôVaTov Koaiarwpa, /zdvcuv TCUV detcov <?Kpi (VI) vicuv
VTn7/56Tov/zevcuv cxAAa TOVTO *** ev TOVTW TCU ^,6pei /caAcu? T^jUiv ISofev
eêiv 67Ti ravrTjs STJ TTJS dpxTJs KOIVTJV §ovvai TT)V VTrovpytav TOI? Te e« TOV
TCUV 06/CUV eTTltTToAcuV CT/C/JIVIOV TOl? T€ 6/C T7]S Ta^GCUS" TT^J O"^S V776pO^^?. To
yelp 817 TCUV Trpoadev §vo jSi«apicuv TC UovriKrjs rrjs re *Aviavfjs TTOV-
TeAcus KaiviaOev Kal ei? TO^V cip^v fj,6vrjs eTrapîas jUias /êTacrTav,
$>ap,ev Kal 0pvyia? JZa/caTiavTjSj ^>OITCXTO> juev Trpd? TG TT^V
VTrepo^v Trpds" Te TOV evSoôVaTOV /cotaiaTCupa, JUOVTJV Se TT)V
TJJS Taêcu? TOV dpovov TOV crov,
CAPUT VII
-Kd/ceivo fj,evroi Beumôêv} ware CTTI TOVTCUV ST) TCUV ctp^cuv TCUV
vvv Trap* ^/ACUV eêvpefletcrcuv /cat jueTajSaAovcrcuv TO ctpâtov
eiTe avToêv /caTct TT^V <^vtnv TT^S ot/ceias1 Si/ccicraiev expos' €</re
e/c TrapaTTOf^TT'fls ^/ACTepas, TO.VTO foXdrrecrdai tr^^jua* «rai evâ
VTTfjpeTe'iv TVJV rdîv TTJS CFTJS VTrepo (VIII) ^? eOeaTrlaapev,
[elre €K TrapaTrofj/Trrls] CITE e«r TT^S TOV Si/cacrT^ptov ^vcrecu? 77 e
eiTe e/c TrapaTropvTTT/s r)fj,ere (IX) pas, opolajs T"fjs Taêcu? earai rfjs
' *.#</>* ots Te Koivrjv ewro/êv T^V Te TCUV <Ccrcuv> Tcxêcuv TT/V T6
e/c TCUV êicuv cr/cpivicuv VTiovpyiav, opolws T^V Koivorrjra <£vAaTTOjU.ev,
eiTe e/c 7rapa7TO[j,7rfjs eiVe /caTa TO TCTay/^-evov ev TCU cu/caoTTjpt'cu
yevotTO TCI T^S eêTacrecu?- '-Srr* e«:etvcuv juevToi TCUV Si/ccuv, as ov aTre/CTa-
BiKaaral /cp/vovtnv, aAAct avv^yopoi /AOVOV, e^>" cSv eiêpeTo Ta
32* APPENDIX I
rrjs v7To9eaews e'is re TOV Bpovov TOVCTOVe'is Te TOV evSoôVaTOV T

KoiaioTcupa, TCUV Ka#eutncU|U.eycuv At^SeAATjcricov VTr^perovpevcov
ev TravTeAcus eVi TauTat? /ce/caivicrrai, TO TraAaiov <j)vXdrrofj,ev
. cusTrep /cat em TCUV aAAcuv aTrdvTtuv TCUV ov /ccuvicr$evTcov TO.
TT)? TraAatas" vTrovpyias /zevetv e^* eauToiv BiardrTOfj,^vf ou§evos
yevo/xevov. d yap GTTiavpfias KCUVICT/ZO? dAAoiov TTCOS ^p-fjvai
Kal TO TCUV T^TrofpyovvTcuv weSeiê crûa.
<C*^7riAoyos%>. Td TOIVW 7rapacrTavTa ^/xtv icat Sid TovSe
8eiov Br)Xovjj(.€va vd/zou 77 0-17 wrepo^T) epyw «ai Trepan TrapaBovvai
Dat. xv. k. April. Constantinopoli post cons. Belisarii v.c, [a. 536]
F. NOVELLA XXI 6
.De Armeniis ut ipsi per omnia sequantur romanorum leges
KA
IJEPI APMENIQN QSTE KAI A YTO YS EN IIASI
TO/27 PQMAIQN AKOAOY&EIN NOMOIS,
'0 avTO$ jSacriAeus "/i/ca/cia) TO) jueyaAoTrpeTreoraTto avOvTrdru) '
<C-/7poot/ztov>. T^v '^4pp;evia)V jfcupav TeAetcos evvofMeiadai jSo

juevoi /cai /AT^Sev T^? aAATjs rjpwv SiecrTavai TroAiTeias1 dpâi? TC '
«:aZs eKoaiMTJaapev, TCUV TrpoTepcuv auT^v cxTraAAdâvTes1
axypaat re xprjadai rols 'Pcu/âtcuv avveidtaapev, deapovs re OVK
aAAous etvai Trap* auTois ^ ou? 'Pa)fj,a1ot vo/ztôvcnv erd£a[j,ev. Kal
v ^p^vat pjjrw v<û.cu Kaicetvo eTravop^cuo-at TO /ca/ccus Trap"
djuapTavd/zevov, /cai /ZT7 /caTa. TO fiapfiapiKov eQos dvSpcuv
€*vat TO? SiaSo^d? TCUV TC yovecuv TCUV TG dSeA^cuv TOU T6 d'AAou
wv §e OUK en, p;7]Se ^cupis TrpoiKos avras els dvSpo? <j>oirav
e dyopdêtrOai Trapd TCUV crvvoi/ceiv /xeAAovTcuv, TOUTO oTrep j8ap-
jSapiKcuTepov fJ>e%pi rov vvv Trap" avToZs evo/zt'cr^T} • ov/c avTcuv p.dvcuv
TavTa dypicuTepov SoâcrdvTCuv, dAAd /cat erepwv eBvwv ovrws dnpa-
advruiv ryv <f>vaiv Kal TO 0i]Au TrepiUjSptcrdvTcuv, cus ou Trapd
6 C?J(7, 6th ed., Ill, pp. 144 sqq.

yevdjuevov ouSe erwTeAovv T$ yevecrtovpyia, dAA* toy evre)(es T€ Kal

/cat TrdcrrjS e^cu TrposfjKov KaSeardvai ripfjs,
CAPUT I,
roivvv Bia rovBe TOV $eiov VO/AOV, COSTC /cat vrapd

ra avra Kparetv dVep /ecu Trap* ^ju.Zv Trpoâaei TT/S
cÂettuv StaSov^s, /cat prjBepiav eivai Bia<j>opav appevds Te Kai
MAA* cosTtep eV Tots* rjfjierepois voîois reraKrai, Kara TTOIOV p,s
yovets1, ^'yow irarepa Kal prjrepa, Kal TraTmov Kal
Kal rovs Iri TroppwTepto, ^ /cal TOV? /^.eT* avTOuy, rovrzariv
vlov Kal Bvyarepaf OTTIOS re avrol KXfjpovofjLOVvrai" ovruts KCU irapa
fAp[j,GViois etvai Kal jU/^Sev TO. *App,£vias vopipa TCOV 'PeOjuaiaw Stecr-
Tavat. î yap rfjs rfperepas TroAtTetas' eicrl SouAevovcri Te rjûv pera

raw aAAcov edvwv Kal Trdvrwv aTroAavovcrt r&v rj^r^pwv , ov Brjirov
povai Trap* avrois at Âetai rfjs Trap* rjfMV laorijros eKJUtXriOrjaovrai'
dAAd Trdcriv eV icrw TCI rtav r)[j,€T€pwv ecrTat vofAWV, ocra Te e/c Ttov
TraAaicov crvv^^poicra/Aev /cai ev TOI? ^jueTepois1 eTaâ^tev iverTiTovTois1
Te Kai StyecrTots" ocra TC e/c T^S j3am)(iKfjs voftodeaias r&v rs e'jLwrpocr$ev
avroKparopwv Kal rjuwv [re] avr&v aT
CAPTJT n.
roivvv arravra Kparsv es rov a/rravra eaTropev y^povov,

e/c Trpooiplwv rfjs Trapovays reaaapesKaiSeKarrjs eTnvefj/âecos
Kal avrfjSs /ca9* r]v TovSe ypdôpev rov vopov, TO yap Kal ra rraAaiorepa
Trepiepyacracrât /cai Trpos rovs avw xpovovs dveAêZv
^ vopoBeaias eariv dAA* e/c TCOV ^pdvcov, KadaTrep eiTro
f rfjs Trapovays reaaapesKaiSeKar7]s eVwep^crecos /cat
/cat /caTa TO> e£fjs drravra %p6vov at StaSoât peverwcrav o/ôtai,
TCOV e/c Trdarjs alrlas els SiaSoâs <j>epo/j,eva>v djuotcos* û-ev em ywai/cwv,
6[j,Qia)s Be em dvSptov TOT? AotTroi? ^vAaTTOjiieVcov, To §e e^Trpoadev
yevopevov arcav peveiv e?rl rov Trporepov ayjjâros ecujuev, eiTe CTTI
yeveap^t/ccov etTe e?rt TCOV aAAcov yeyovev, ovS* OTIOW eT
TCOV Bri\eiS>v TrposwTrtov errl TOIS T^STJ Biavefj/qOetcn
TI rais yevopevats SiaSoâis ^XP1 rfs TpisKaiBeKarTfjs emvefj,-
/cat avT^s" dAA" e/c rov prfBevrbs "fcpovov, rovreanv diro reaaapes-
KaiBeKarr)S emveftriaews, Kparelv ra Trap* rjn&v vofj,oderrjdevra,
Td roivvv rrapaardvra rj[MV Kal Bia rovBe rov

r—"
34* APPENDIX I
OGIOV SÂovjueva vdju,ov 77 ar/ /zeyaAo-TrpeTreta Kal ol /AST* avTTjs TTJS

dpxr)s dvTiXr)if}6[j,GVoi TrapafyvXaTTGW els TO SITJVGKGS aTrovoaaaTwoav,
Dat, xv, k, April, CP, post cons. Belisarii Y. c, [a, 536]
G. NOVELLA XXXI 7
De dispositions quattuor administrationum Armeniae
AA
IIEPI AIATYIIQSEQS TQN TEZZAPQN APXONTQN
APMENIAS,
'0 avTos /JacriAeus 'Iwdvvr/ ra> eVSo£oTaTa> eVdp;â> r&v teptop TTJS
TrpaiTwpicuv TO /?*, aTTO virdrcov Kal
•< J7poot/ztov>. Td ^drjjv /ceiju-eva /cat e/c/ceûej'cos' ei Ttpo?

TTposrjKovaav dcfriKoiro rdîv Kal SiaTeêw] /caAcus, eVepd Te
dv0* eTepcov Ta 7rpdyp;aTa (j>aivoiro /caAAtco Te e/c
Te /ce/cooYtiêVa Bi^pdpcopeva Te /cat Sta/ce/cpiûeVa e«:
aTa/CTeuv Te /cat oruy/ce^v/zeVcov, TOVTO icai em
dju-apTavd/ievov evptWe? w^^/zev xpTJvai vrpos plav appoviav rdâi
avT'/iv, Kal e/c TT^S evraîas iayyv Te auT^ Sowcu TT^V irposijKovcrav
rdîv Te GTTidsivai rrjv TrpeTrovcrav.
CAPUT I.
Totyapovv Tsaaapas elvai TTGTroirjKapev 'Apuevias' ryv fj,zv
fj$ T] /Z^TpOTToAtS T^ T1^? GVaGÔVS 'TjfJ.OJV TTpOSTjÔpiaS 57TO>VV[J,(a
TrpoTepov -Baâi'is T^'TOI ^leovTOTroAt? Ka\ovp,Gvq} TJ Ka
TijU-o^Ka/iev, ^s1 '-4/ccx/cto? TrpoecrT^/cev d pG'yaXoTrp
ros, o"7re«riaj8iAiav Te d7ro<j>r)vavTGs TO^V dp^v /cat Trdvra BOVTGS avrfj
OTrdcra TrposTJKov Ga.Tiv avQvTTarGiav eêiv o-ToA^ T6 yap avT-fjv /caTe-
avdviraTov Kal Trdvra aKoXovda TOVTOIS ejêiv
/cai TrdAets O.VT^ 8e8c6/caû.ev ©eoSocfiovTroAtV Te, ^v /cai
, ^"aTaAdv TC Kal NiKQiroXw Kal KoXu>VGtav e/c TT^S Trpco^
KaXovjj,Gvr)s AajSdvTes, TpaTTGôvvrd TG Kal Kepaaovvra
GK IJovrov TOV TTpwTjv IJoX^^wviaKov KaXovfj,4vovf ^coptaavTes1 ai5Tcuv
Tas fiev TOV Aa/^TrpoTaTov T^S* eTrapvtas ap%ovTos TO.S
/^.oSepaTCUpos, eTTTrd TC TrdAeo-t TO)V oA^v eTrapîav TrepiaTTJoWTes
OTTOCra T7)s TTGplOlKlBoS GCfTlV ttVTOJV.
7 CJ(7, 6th ed., Ill, pp. 235 sqq.

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36* APPENDIX I
pdrwv eKKXrjTovs oz^t rrpos ravrr/v ^>epecr$ai rrjv euSat/ôva

dAA' em rovs auveyyvs1 cFTreKrafiiXlovs ap%ovras, Kal rovro
cus'Te TCU juev dpôvTt rfj$ rrpwrrfS *Apjj,€vias, rovrecrri TCU avBvTra.ru>,
rds e/c TT^S oevrepas 'Appevias e/c/cA^TOu? <£epecr#at, TOVTECTTI TO.?
/caTa Ze/JdoTeiav, TCU Se TTJ? rpirrfS *Ap/j,€vias KOfiTjri, TCU KO.TCI
T^V ^>a/iev, Tcxs1 e/c T^? rerdprys *^4p/zevia? e/c/cA^Tou?
7TOCTO73,
CAPUT II.
TOVTCUV roivvv ovrcos rjfjjlv oiareraypevcov KO.KZI.VO rfpos§iopiaai
BiKaiov eVi vo/xiô/xev, e^* cu Tfpoarr]aai rrjs rpirrfS *Apfj,evias avopa
aspvov, VTTOVpyrjKora Te T]/xZv 17877 /cat a£iov rov rrjs dpx'fjs oyKov Kal
Trpouyjuiaros, Evpovres roivvv ®cu/xav TOV ûeyaAoTrpeTrecrTaTOV 77817
ev cxp^d? em TT^S* 'Apfj,evi(jov avvaavra ^cupa?, /cat TaAAa 8e dvopa
/cat yvrjCfiws rjfMv VTrr]p€r'f)0'dfj,ev6v re Kal
avrov eTTt TTJ TT^S dpx"fjs ravrj]S 7rpoj8aAAd/zeâ Stoi/CT^crei, cusTe TCCUS
/j.ev T779 eTrapîa? ravrrjs r/yeicrdai Kara TO pr/dev r/fjuv ayjlâ, rrpovoeiv
Se /cat TCUV dAAcov OTrdcra dv auTcu /^/ Std êtcuv emrp€âip,5v com-
monitoricov etTe CTTI T77? eTrap^ta? T^V avTcu 7rapa8e8cu/ca|Liev
/cat 67T* dAAats* oTrep /cat 7re77pdâ/j.ev $eta Trpos avTov
commonitoria Trepi TroAAtuv /cat Sia<f>6pwv Trpdêcuv, dVep
/cat ets eTepa? ^cupas1 rrposrJKov 1 ecrTtv ets epyov dyayetv. Td p,evroi
Trept Tas4 tepcucrwas", Kadd TroAAd/cts4 etpT^/ca/xev, ûeveiv /caTa TO
TTporepov j3ovX6fJ,e9a crûa, owSev ovVe Trept TO ^TpOTroAm/cdv
8i/catov OVTC Trept Tas êtpoTovtas TOU rrpdyâros d^tetj8o|UeVou 77
/caivt£o/AeVo7j, dAAd TCUV rrporepov êtpoTovouvTcuv /cat vuv e^dvTCUv
TT)V TT^S* êtpoTOVtas eôvuiav, /cat TCUV TrpoTepcuv /ATjTpOTroAtTcuv CTTI
eauTcuv juevovTCuv Taêcos", cusTe pr/Ssv TO ye CTT" aTjTai? /catvtcr^vat.
CAPUT III.
pevroi TCUV dvcuû,oAoy77/j.evcuv evriv, ws eTretST^Trep TOV
T77S1 rpirrfs *App,€via$ K6p,r)ra ov rroXiriKov p,6vov, dAAd /cat arpariw-
riKov 7re7Toi77/ca/zev dpyôvra, dvay/caicus1 epêiv /cat TOU? arpariwras
avra> rovs Kar' avrr/v lopvpevovs V7ro/ceZcr0at, dSetav IÔVTI, /ca^d
Tots arpantoriKols dpxovaiv eêtTat, /cat Trpos1 ovo/â /caAetv avTovs"
/cat eWi^Tetv /cat Trpovoetv TCUV atTTJcrecuv avTcuv /cat eTre^tevat Tots1
/caT* avTOTJs", eiTrep dSt/cotev, /cat ^77 Tt cruy^cupetv Tots arpariivrai-s
d8t/cetv TOU? vrfriKoovs, et 8e Tt Trpdâtev acfroSporepov, /cat ey/cATj-
juaTt/ccuv d/cpoacrât 8i/ccuv, /cav et arpariwrai KadzarrJKOisv, Kal
TrpdrTGiv oVoaa TOIS OTpaTtam/cots1 8eSw/ca|U,ev apôvaiv,

/cat cusTrep TU> T€ *Iaavp(as /CO/A^TI T<3 TTJS UaKariavrjs 0pvy(as Kal
irpos ye Tots- TrpaiTtopcrt AvKaovias re Kal JJtatSias1 /cat ©pa/c^s /cat TO
orpaTiam/coV VTT€ /cAtva ftev, OVTCO /cat avreS JU.T) p>6v^v etveu T^V TCOV
TToAiTi/ctDv TTjoayjuaTcov raîv, dAAa /cai T^V TCUV crrpcmcimKtov
re /cai dp%7)vf Kal etvat aej^vov avrov arpanu>rais TG Kal
KeAevovra /cat Travra Trpdmovra,, w$ [Mas 8-^ TTJS ap^
/cat jiiiav ridsadai Trpovoiav rov p,i]8sv ey/cA^jua /card
dfj,aprdveaBai, dAAd /cat auo(j>povia}j,ois VTrojSdAAeaât rot?
8e S1^ T^S eôvmas OVK dâipovfêda, TravreAcos1 avrov ITT*
Kara TT)V eTtajo^tav ovrcuv, etre tStcort/cw etre
crT/>aTiam/cw etre fj,(av yap /cat crwe^Tj T^V elpr)vr)v ev
aVao-t roTs Tepots1 </>vAdTTecr0ai jSovAdjueâ, ov TT^
$ia<j>opa T&V TT^V /caTa TCOV vppaiv elsd'yovres Kara^povrjaiv,
To. Totvw Trapao-TavTa ^Tv ^ 0-07 wrejoop9 /caTa
TGcradpwv *App€yia>v StaTVTTtocrtv, /cat ûdAicrTa /caTa T^V
T^S Tp(rif)s, fjs /caTa Trpoâcnv TOV irapovra dsiov eTrot^cra/Aev vopov,
vvv Te /cat ei? TOV e^s1 awavTa ~%povov <j>vXdrrGadai crTreucrdVco, TravTtoF
TrpaTToîevcuF /cat eyy/jaô/êVw^ Tats juept/cat? StaTVTrtoerecrt TWV
6fj,odpovwv r&v a&v, OTToaa BISoadai Ka6* e/caoTov eros TTposer d
Dat. xv, k. April. CP. post consul, Belisarii v.c. [a. 536] (8)
H. EDICTTJM III 9
successione
TH2 TQN APMENIQN AIAAOXH2.

jSacrtAev? ...>.
, Kal *Apfj,€VLovs j8oi»Aoju.eâ T^S irporepas dVaAAa-
dSi/ctas e77t Tots' r)jj,GT<lpov$ Sid Travrcav dyayetv vopovs Kal
Sovvai avToi? tcroTT^Ta T^
CAPTJT I.
t €7T€i$r) ê/m^/ca/xev Ivayôs fiapfiapiKov TWO, /cat Bpavvv

etvat Trap* a^ToTs vdjuov ot) 'Pcu/âtots ovSe T^ St/catocrw^ T
TroAiTeias", oVco? aV appeves ftev /cAo^povOjUoTev TWV
8 (7/. Chapter II, n, 2, for Adontz's objection to tlua Tersion of the text which is,
however, adopted by Honigmann, Ostgrenze, pp. 7-9.
9 O7<7, 6th ed., HI, pp. 760-761.
38* APPENDIX I
Se [ATJKGTI, Sid TOVTO $ecr7ri£oju,ev TO> TrapoWi $eio>

pos TT)V cn)v /êyaAoTrpeTreiav., o/ôias* eivai TCI?
/cai ocra TOIS cPa>/j,aia»v SiaTera/crai voîois em TC dvSptuv em T6
yvvai/ca>v, TavVa /cat eV '^pûevta Kparelv. Sta. TOVTO yap 819 /cat
S TûeTepou? 6/ce?cre KaT67rejUâ/zev vo/uovs, I'va
pwvres OVTW -TToAiTevoiVTO, 'ETTZiS'T) Se Ta
avaKtveiv TCUV cvroTraiTaTcov ecrTt, Sid TOVTO Bea7riôfj,€v TovSe
TOV v6[j,ov /cpaTetv CITTO TOV Kaipov T^? evcre^Sovs 7)[j,wv fiaaiXelas,
ware ras TCUV e|- e/ceiVov TeAevTTycrdvTwv /J.e^;pi vvv SiaSo^ds /caTa
TOVTOV TToAtTeveaâi TOV rpoTrov, TT^V ei juo] ITVÔV SiaAvo'd/xevot
7} d'AAa)? Trpd? dAAÂovs aTraAAayevTes". ei yap TI TOIOVTOV yeyove,
S oi/cetas1 juevetv 2 tcr^vos" /cai ^Sa/Ad»s dvaKivetaâi
Mere-êiv Se avTas /cai Ttuv /caAoVjUevcov yeveapî/caiv
a7rd TOV elpvjpevov %povov ôvXopeOa, ei /XCVTOI
nvas evpe^vai, oiTrep /caiVoi ^ /caAov/x,evas Ta? Ovyarepas eis1
e^ dSiaêTov SiaSo^v eypat/fav opws /cA^povo/xovs, /ACTeivat /cai
e^ avTcuv yevo/zevois T^S TtDv yeveapîKcuv TrpayîaTcuv StaSo^s,
<C"-El7rtAoyos>. Tct TOIVVV Trapatjrdvra rjfuv /cat Sid TovSe TOV
0eiov SÂov/êva vo/zov ^ 07) VTrepo^ /cat Trapa^vAdâi /cai
TrapaSovvai crTrevo-aTcu, CUSTC TOV? rf^repovs vopovs Sid
«:ai etvai /cvpiovs apô/êVov /xev TOV rrapovros vopov,
|U.ev, e/c TOJV Trpooi/zicuv TT^S T^yueTepas jSaaiAeias, Tai
i Se av/j.TrapaTaô'o/zevov %p6vw /cai ei? TO AOITTOV dVacri TroAi-
Tevcro/ievov TpOTrois /cai Trapd TTCIVTCUV <^>vAa^07^crojuevov,
Dat, X. kal, Aug. Belisario v. c. cons. [a. 535],
II. GKEEK AND LATIN ADMINISTEATIVE DOCUMENTS
A, NOTITIA DIGNITATUM *
i. Notitia dignitatum omnium tarn civilium quam militarium, in partibus

Orientis
2. Praefectus praetorio Orientis ...
5. Magistri equitum et peditum in praesenti duo.
6. Equitum ac peditum per Orientem ...
28. Comes Orientis ...
30. Uicaiii quatuor : ...
32. Ponticae ...
38. Duces tredecim : ...
42. Per Orientem sex : ...
44. Eufratensis et Syriae ...
46. Osrhoenae.
47. Mesopotamiae ...
49. Per Ponticam unus :
50. Armeniae ...
79. Praesides XL : ...
86. Per Orientem VIII : ...
90. Eufratensis ...
92. Osrhoenae.
93. Mesopotamiae ...
103. Per Ponticam VIII :
104. Honoriados.
105. Cappadociae primae,
106. Cappadociae secundae.
107. Helenoponti.
108. Ponti Polemoniaci.
109. Armeniae primae.
110. Armeniae secundae.
111. Galatiae salutaris ...
1 Not. dig., pp. 1 sqq.

40* APPENDIX II
ii. [Praefectus praetorio per Orientem]
1. Sub dispositione uiri illustris praefect-i praetorio per Orientem

sunt dioceses infrascriptae :
2. Oriens ...
5. Pontica ...
7. Prouinciae :
8. Orientis quindecim :
9. Palaestina.
10. Foenice.
11. Syria.
12. Cilicia.
13. Cyprus.
14. Arabia [et dux et comes rei militarisj
15. Isauria.
16. Palaestina salutaris.
17. Palaestina seeunda.
18. Foenice Libani.
19. Bufratensis.
20. Syria salutaris.
21. Osrhoena,
22. Mesopotamia.
23. Cilicia seeunda ...
41. Ponticae decem :
42. Galatia,
43. Bithynia.
44. Honorias.
45. Cappadocia prima,
46. Cappadoeia seeunda.
47. Pontus Polemoniaeus,
48. Helenopontus.
49. Armenia prima.
50. Armenia seeunda.
51. Galatia salutaris ...
vi, Magister militum praesentalis II
26. Sub dispositione uiri illustris magistri militum praesentalis :

GREEK AND LATIN ADMINISTRATIVE DOCUMENTS 41*
27. Uexillationes palatinae sex : ,,,

31, Comites sagittarii Armeni ...
mi, Magister militum per Onentem
23, Sub dispositione uiri illustris magistri militum per Orierttem : ...
48. Item [Legiones] pseudoeomitatenses XI :
49. Prima Armeniaca.
50. Secunda Armeniaca ...
58. Transtigritani ...
xxii. Comes Orientis
17. Sub dispositione uiri spectabilis comitis Orientis prouinciae

infrascriptae :
18. Palaestina,
19. Foeniee.
20. Syria.
21. Cyprus.
22. Cilieia.
23. Palaestina secunda.
24. Palaestina salutaris.
25. Foeniee Libani.
26. Eufratensis.
27. Syria salutaris.
28. Osrhoena.
29. Mesopotamia.
30. Cilieia secunda,
31. Isauria.
32. Arabia...
xxv. Uicarius dioceseos Ponticae,
14. Sub dispositione uiri spectabilis uicarii dioceseos Ponticae

prouinciae infrascriptae :
15. Bithynia,
16. Galatia.
17. Paflagonia.
18. Honorias.
42* APPENDIX II
19. Galatia salutaris.

20. Cappadocia prima.
21. Cappadocia secunda.
22. Helenopontus.
23. Pontus Polemoniacus.
24. Armenia prima.
25. Armenia secunda ...
xxviii. Comes limitis Aegypti

13. Sub dispositione uiri spectabilis comitis rei militaris per Aegyp-
tum : ...
22. Ala secunda Armeniorum, Oasi minore.
xxxviii. Dux Armeniae
FL Auaxa
INTALL.
COMORO
Castellum
PR.
Sabbu Domana Siluanis
Castellum Castellum Castellum
Apollinaris Melitena Trapezunta
Castellum Castellum Castellum
^s^ Colore
.^'^ caeruleo mare
^" indicatur
10. Sub dispositione uiri spectabilis ducis Armeniae :

11. Equites sagittarii, Sabbu.
12. Equites sagittarii, Domana.
GEEEK AND LATIN ADMINISTRATIVE DOCUMENTS 43*
13. Praefeetus legionis quintadecimae Apollinaris, Satala.

14. Praefectus legionis duodecimae fulminate, Melitena.
15. In Ponto :
16. Praefectus legionis primae Ponticae, Trapezunta.
17. Ala Rizena, Aladaleariza.

18. Ala Theodosiana, apud Auaxam.
19. Ala felix Theodosiana, Siluanis.
20. Et quae de minore laterculo emituntur :
21. Ala prima Augusta Colonorum, Chiaea,
22. Ala Auriana, Dascusa.
23. Ala prima Ulpia Dacorum, Suissa.
24. Ala secunda Gallorum, Aeliana.
25. Ala castello Tablariensi constituta.
26. Ala prima praetoria nuper constituta.
27. Conors tertia Ulpia miliaria Petraeorum, Metita.
28. Conors quarta Raetorum, Analiba.
29. Conors milwria Bosporiana, Arauraca.
30. Conors miliaria Germanorum, Sisila.
31. Ala prima louia felix, Chaszanenica,

32. Ala prima felix Theodosiana, Pithiae.
33. Cohors prima Theodosiana, Ualentia.
34. Cohors Apuleâ ciuium Romanorum, Ysiporto.
35. Cohors prima Lepidiana, Caene-Parembole.
36. Cohors prima Claudia equitata, Sebastopolis.
37. Cohors secunda Ualentiniana, Ziganne
38. Cohors, Mochora.
39. Officium autem habet ita :
40. Principem de scola agentum in rebus.
41. Numerarios et adiutores eorum.
42. Commentariensem.
43. Adiutorem.
44. A libellis siue subscribendarium.
45. Bxceptores et ceteros officiales.
46. Dux Armeniae VII 2 .
2 Cf. Mommsen, Verzeichniss, Bury, " The Notitia dignitatum ", JUS, X (1922),
and Jones, LEE, II, pp. 1417 sqq.
44* APPENDIX II
B. LATEECTJLTJS TJEROSTENSIS 3
Nomina prouinciarum omnium
2. Diocensis Orientis habet prouineias numero XYIII:

3. Libia superior. ;
4. Libia inferior.
5. Thebais,
6. Aegyptus louia.
7. Aegyptus Heiculea,
8. Arabia.
9. item Arabia Augusta Libanensis.
10. Palestina.
11. Fenice.
12. Syria Coele.
13. Augusta EupAratensis,
14. Cilicia.
15. Isauria,
16. Cyprus.
17. Mesopotamia.
18. Osroena.
II. Diocensis Pontica habet prouineias numero YII:
2. Bitinia,
3. Cappadoeia'.
4. Galatia.
5. PapAlagonia, nunc in duas diuisa,
6. Diospontus.,
7. Pontus Polemoniacus.
8. Armenia minor, nunc et maior addita ....
XIII, Gentes barbarae, quae pullulauerunt sub imperatoribus : ...
38, Armeni... 4.
3 Not, dig., pp. 249 aqq.

4 Cf, Mommsen, Verzeichniss, and above Chapter IV, n. 31, Bury, Verona List, Jones,
Verona. List,
C. LATEECTJLTJS POLEMIC SILYII 5

Nomina Prouinciarum
...Till, InOrienteX:
2. Prima : Siria Coele, in qua est AntiocMa.
3. Secunda : (Siria) Palestina.
4. Tertia : Siria Phoenice.
5. Quarta : Isauria,
6. Quinta : Cilicia, iuxta montem Taurum,
7. Sexta : Cyprus.
8. Septima : Mesopotamia, inter Tigrem et Euphratem.
9. Decima : Eufratesia.
10. Octaua : Hosdroene.
11. Nona : Sophanene.
IX. In Ponto YIII:

2. Prima : Pontus Polemoniacus.
3. Secunda : Pontus Amasia.
4. Tertia : Honoriada.
5. Quarta : BitMnia.
6. Quinta : Paflagonia.
7. Septima : Armenia minor.
8. Sexta : Armenia maior.
9. Octaua : Cappadocia ...6.
. D, HIEROKLES' SYNEKBEMOS 7
IEPOKAEOYS ZYNEKAHMQZ
631 3 KwvaTavrivovTTO/'ds . Elulv at Traaai eTiapîat «rai

at VTTO rov /JaorAea rwv 'Pcoju-aiwv §toi/cotJ/A6vai rov Iv
, TrdAets" Ae, ws VTroreraKTai. ....
5 Not, dig,, pp. 258-259.

6 Gf, Mommsen, Laterwilus,
7 HieroMes, pp. 12, 33 sqq.
46* APPENDIX II
690 3a UONTIKH [Aia. rfjs IIovTiKTJs

698 5 KAJHIJAAOKIA A ia KaTTTraBoKias a, VTTO
KovaovXdpiov, TroAei? S.
699 1 Nvacra Nvaaa.

2 ®Gp/j,d TO. ©epp;a
3 p'eyecuv TJdSavSos
700 1 KAnnAAOKIA IB A£. '.£iVrap^ta KaTnraSoKias ft, VTTO
2 Tvava Tvava
3 0avaTivoTToXis âUCTTlVOUTToAt?
4 KvfiiaTpa Kvftiarpa
5
6 27aa*f*a Sdaipa
7 TJapvacrcrds TJapvacrds"
8 peyecbv Aoapa, 'PeyeSoapa
701 1 peyecbv Movxiaaos
2 EAENOIIONTOZ _A^, 'âpX/a 'ÔTTO'VTOV, W
icavaoâp^TroAew ^
3 •4ô«'a
4 "Ifiwpa Ifiopa
5 ZrjXa ZfjXa
6 ZdXrov ZaXix^v
7 "Av8pa,7ra AvopaTra
> A f
702 1 *A[j,ia6s
2 SlVOiTTTj SlVWTTT]
3 IIONTOS nOAEMQNIAKOZ A£ 'ETTapxia IJovrov
JJoAe/xovia/cou, VTTO rjyepova, TrdAets" £.
4 JVeo«raicrapeia JVeoKaicrapeta
5 Tfopiava
6 77oAep:c6viov TO Aep,6viov
7 Kzpaaovs Kepacro vs
8 Tpa7T€ÔVS TpaTTSÔVS
702 9 APMENIA A p~, 'EiTapxia *Apjj,evia$ a, VTTO yyepova,
TrdAeis e.
703 1 TeâcTTeia ZepMaTta
2 JVt/COTToAl? NlKOTToXlS
3 JCoAwveia KoXovia
4 27araAa ZaTaAa
5 ZeBavrovTToXis Z'ejSacrTOVTroAi?
6 APMENIA B /xa. 'J^n-apîa 'Ap^GVias jS, VTTO rj

TToAei? s.
7
8 "ApKa
9 'Apdfiiaos
KovKOvaos KOKOVVOS
K6p,ava
22 'Apiapddeia *Apapa6ia
704 2 a ANATOAIKH [AiaTTjs'AvaroldKfjs
722 20 ~~
22
723 2 Kvppos
2
3
6 JJeppT]
7 NlKOTToXlS
S ^KTjvapîa
9 27aArov ' Epayit^vov
20 Ovpipa
22 EvpCOTTOS
22 OZPOHNH ^9. '^77 fPo apa)vvjs} VTTO
724 2 "^Secrcra
2 KwvuravTLva Kaivaravriva.
3 ©eoSomovtroXis
4 Kdppai
5 Bdrvai
6 Nea, OvaXevrta
725 2 Aeovr&rohs 17 KOI
.KaAAiviKo?
2 Btp&a BipBa
MEUOnOTAMIA , VTTO
"Afj,iSa
8 On the date of the Synekdemos and its relation to other sources, see Hierolcles,
pp. 1 sqq,, and above Chapter IV, n. 42b, also Jones, CEEP, p. 503.
48* APPENDIX II
E. BASILII NOTITIA 9
TASIS IIPOKASEAPIAS TQN OZIQTATQN UATPIAPXQN
ov /cal avTO/ce<£aAa>T> /cai z

VTTO TOV Bpovov TavTys Trjs
a.
ia.
»y,
Tvavcov XplV-
is. * QvcopiaSos"
Uovrov
c&viaKov
KaTTTraooKias
TQVTWV o /cat AOITTOV evrevêv apôvrat oi avrp-
UOVTOV
Kal oialpzais r&v ju^TpoTroAircov crw TOIS w* aurois
o Kaiuapeias
9 ffeor^. Cypr,, pp. 1 sqq.

o ®eoSocriov7roAecus
o KicrKiaov,
/. la *Apfj,Gvias B
o Br)piacrfjs>
I A.
6 ZaXiôv TJroi AeovroviroXews

6 ZrjXcov,
IB, ta *Apfj,€vlas
O "ApKTjS
6 KovKOvaov
IP.
6 Tuavcov rjroi
IE. ' OvcupiaSo?
o *Hpa.!<Xeias Uovrov
o TTpovcriaSos"
50* APPENDIX II
y- d Tiov
B. 6 Kpareias
e.
7s-.
d NeoKaiaapelas
a,
d Kspacrovvrajv
I'
y-
B.
KE.
6 MtoKrjaaov
a.
I d .KoAcuvei'a?
d TTapvacrcrou
d Aodpwv.
Kg.
a. d 'PoSoTToAetus
d Uerpwv
d ^tyavecov. ,..J
F. GEORGII CYPRII DESCRIPTIO ORBIS ROMANI u
... AIA THE ANATOAIKHS AIQIKHSEQS ...
'ETTapxta ' OcrporjV'fjs
"ESeaao,
Kdpai
XiaAAivi/cos TJTOI
Nza OvaXcvria,
10 On Basil see Honigmann, Basileios, Laurent, Basile, and Hierokles, pp. 49 sqq.
11 Georg, Cypr,, pp. 41, 45 sqq.
Bip6wv
Movifli'AAa
Moviavya
MaKapra
MapKOVTToXlS
3 Avo.ara.oio,
Meaorrorapias Kal apx?] rfjs

Ilepaloos,
MeaoTrorapias avw -rjroi A '
MaprvponoXis
O.TTO te rfjs avrfjs rroXews yzvvdrat 6 Tiypis
Aapas
arro s fiiAituv rfjs avrfjs TrdAecus1 eicri TO. Kal ol opoi IJzpatoos
Kaarpov *Piah
Kaarpov TovpdvBios
Kaarpov Mdpojjs
Kaarpov Aopvys
Kaarpov *Pi(f>dov
Kaarpov "Ia<j>pios
Kaarpov Tâvpas
Kaarpov Avodaaos
Kaarpov' A^dp^r/s
Kaarpov J. Livopias
Kaarpov "Jv^tertov
Kaarpov BavaflrjXwv
Kaarpov XovoSwv
Kaarpov *A'Caovoovos
Kaarpov Maa(f>povas
Kaarpov BaaiXiKov
Kaarpov 27/cÂov Kal "OSÂcov
Kaarpov Brj'iovflaWas
Kaarpov Mavaaadpwv
52*
Kaarpov
Kaarpov Sirewv Xtyas
Kaarpov KdXwvos
Kaarpov Bifiaadpwv
Kaarpov Tâvpas
Kaarpov Bipdas
Kaarpov * Arrays
KXiparos ' Apâvrjvfjs
Kaarpov
Kaarpov
Kaarpov
Kaarpov
Kaarpov BaXovos
Kaarpov Sapo^dpra^v
'\Q8e TT^crjpovrai rj Mzaorrorauia, Kal zariv 6 Tavpos Kal
5aAaAeicrcov, Kai ap%zrai Kara ro dpKrwov juepos1 rj Meyd
slal Be Kal oi oiKovvres els ro opos TOV Tavpov TrAô-jov TOV UVTOV
/cA/juaTOS Aaot jS'ovoju.aÔjuevot o pev els XoOaprai, 6 Be erepos Sava-
aovvirai. Kal eanv opos v^rjyAov, eirovop.aônevov MapaaKev ev tj>
Kal rj KijStoTos TOV JVcoe em<j>€pop,evr} rois vBaai rrpoaeKpovaev els
rrjv Kopv(f>rjv TOV opovs Kal eanv rovro yvwarov rfaai rois Ttov eKeiae
rfjs arjftepov,
A 'Appevias a
vvv prjrporroXis
'Apaaftovadrwv
Xo^dvcov
Kaarpov MepriKeprov
Kaarpov Ba'Covhovos
<C * Kaarpov 77aAto?>
Kaarpov *ApBtav
VTTO TO avTO /cAi/â, heyopevov *JaAi/zj8avwv, oêv

6 rrjv rrapovaav (f>iXoTrovr]aas jSijSAov BaaiXeios*
GKEEK AND LATIN ADMINISTRATIVE DOCUMENTS 53*
/cAtjua Papwfjs
/cAi/za BihafiriT
xAijua IJaXivfjs
IOL 'App,evias Meydfys
Azi eiSevcu, cm O.UTTJ o/UTO/ceâAds1 ecm JUT) TeAoucra VTTO TOV clvaTO-
At/cov Opovov. clAAd TijUTjêZaa §10, TOV cxyiov Ppyyopiov *^
TroAei? Kal Kaarpa KO.I /cAijuaTa cr. ...J2.
G. NOVA TACTICA 13
TAYTA MEN TA HAAAIA TAKTIKA SKOUEI AE KAI

TA NEA
TOJV J5acTiAi'8os 0ovco.
a. *.?/ Kaiadpeia ,,,

ta. 77
417. rj
jus. T] Kdfj,a%os ...
Se «ai ocroi e/caoTTj voi,
Kaictapeia
o TCOV .BatriAt/ccov
o JCa/zot)Atavcuv
12 On the date of George of Cyprus and his relation to other sources, see Hierokles,
pp. 1 sqq., and 49 sqq,
is Qeorg, Cypr,, pp. 57 sqq.
54* APPENDIX II
e. d Evatvwv
s. 6 Ztvypidoos
i 6 'Apa6eias
*?• 6 TOJV AlTToXlWV ...
LA. Tfj 27ej8acrTeia TTJS 'Appevias
a. d Zfpatrrowro,Aeco?
6 JVi/coTrdAetus
I'
y- d HardXwv
8. 6 Bepiaarjs.
rn
IB. lr) > Ap,aaeia
A ' '
ÂÔTTdvrov
a. 6 'Apiaov
j§. 6 2lV(jL)7TrjS
y. 6 'JjSdpcuv
s. d 'AvopaTTWv
e. 6 ZaXiov rjroi JZojUTTTî'ouTrdAecus'
Jr. Tfj MzhiTTjvfj TT^S *Ap[j,€vla.s
a. 6 "ApKrjs
6 KovKovaov
I'
y. 6 'Apapiaov
/SJ Kal AVTTWV ...
Tfj <JVeo>Kataap€ia Ilovrov
a. d Kepaaovvraiv
P. 6 TOV TJoAe/xcuviou
y. d
AT. Tfj TpOLTTÔVVTl TTJS A<Ô.Z>l,K'fj$>
6 Xepidvwv
6 .XaA
d IJairrep
6 Aepiov
Tf) Kapd^w
6 'Apa.apa.Kwv
S, 6 MsXov
e, o MeXov erepo? ...
NA, Tols Ev-âirais '
BpOVOS VTTOK£llJ,GVOS OVK EOT I
NB, TV) 'A/AavrpiSi rov Tlovrov

JTN. Twv ' Aap,u>aa.ro)V
NA.
H. EPISTULAE AD LEONEM IMPERATOREM
xxxvi - Armenia Prima 14
Piissimo et Ckristianissimo imperatori uictori semper augusto

Leoni lohannis Gregorius Auxentius Bustathius Epiphanius episcopi
primae Armeniae in domino salutem. Deus uerus dominus noster
lesus Christus semper optima naturae humanae dona concedens
nullum tempus sine sua pronidentia dereliqnit. qua gratia etiam
mine fidei uerae prospiciens, qnae nostrae salutis spes est, in te pio
et Christiano principe qnodam secundo Daxdd cormi imperii reclinaiiit.
qnem sibi nouit religiose a cunabulis seniifrurum, hunc sua sententia
in omni orbe terrarum imperare sancinit, qnatenus ex uestro imperio
profluerent bona subiectis et nbique pietatis praedicatio praeualeret
uestra ntique mansnetudine nihil aliud praeter fidem sceptra regalia
iudicante, quarum rerum testis est praesens zelus et studium ilia
firmandi, nnde firmitas uestri accedat imperii. a deo namque unetus
et regem mox ei qui unxit, ipsa principia commendasti optime satis
cogitationibus simul et nocibus ei deseruiens et ut haec bene consis-
terent, prae eeteris omnibus apud cunctos pro fide orthodoxa decer-
tatus es, omni scilicet mala secta prorsus expulsa atque sublata, ad
A CO, II, v, pp., 69-71.

56* APPENDIX II
idem eonuenientibus et ad inuicern. concordantibus qui nuper quod

fieri non oportuerat, uidebantur esse diuisi. quia prospicit uestra
pietatis intentio, ad unam reduxistis ecclesiam non solum eos qui
per dissensionem noua passione languebant, sed etiam eos quorum
erat a priscis temporibus mens corrupta et a recta et regia uia rece-
dentes ad loca praua et spinosa blasphemi erroris abierant, ut secundum
euangelicam uocem omnis ecclesiae unum ouile consisteret et unus
pastor dominus Christus esset. sed haec quidem omnia proueniant
in uestro semper imperio; quia uero et meae simul humilitati piis
litteris estis iubere dignati ut quid sententiam de his quae Alexandria
facta sunt, manifestem, licet [et] exaggeratio rerum ibi gestarum
neque sententiae tribuit facultatem caligine rerum tristium mentibus
obumbrante, hoc tamen uobis insinuo quia si uera sunt quae in precibus
religiosissimorum episcoporum et clericorum Aegyptiacae diocesis
continentur et auctor Timotheus inuenitur tantorum et talium scele-
rum, quae propter nimietatem, ut arbitror, non creduntur, alienus
sacerdotio cum his qui similia perpetrarunt, apud sanctos canones
iudicabitur. et haec quidem de his quae Alexandria gesta sunt,
cum sancto concilio quod mecum est, deliberans reHgiositati uestrae
significaui; fidem uero solam trecentorum XVIII sanctorum patrum
qui dei gratia conuenerunt in Nicaena urbe sub piae memoriae principe
Constantino, seruamus, qua ab infantia sumus inbuti et in sacerdotio
alios inbuere nouimus quamque et post haec CL episcopi congregati
in ciuitate regia firmauerunt et propriam iudicarunt et ipsa sibi
cooperatrice utentes et doctrina diuinitus inspirata, sancti scilicet
spiritus, blasphemias et zizania radicitus amputantes quamque
nihilo minus et definitio a sancto Calchedonensi consilio explanata
firmauit, praecipue repugnans uesaniae nefandi Nestorii et sanctam
synodum quae Ephesi est celebrata, confirmans, cuius praesules
fuerunt deo amabile et sanctissimae memoriae Romanorum et Alexan-
drinorum episcopi Caelestinus et Cyrillus, qui maxime aduersus
sceleratam blasphemiam Nestorii suis responsionibus doctrinisque
claruerunt, quorum epustulae aduersus eundem impium Nestorium
et <ad> Orientales uniuersos datae et ab eodem sanctae memoriae
Cyrillo contra eundem Nestorium anathemata proposita sunt firmata
atque roborata. Igitur indicamus prolatam definitionem a sancto
Calchedonensi concilio non sicut fidei symbolum, sed sicut defini-
tionem esse positam ad peremptionem Nestorianae uesaniae et ex-
clusionem eorum qui salutem incarnationis domini nostri lesu Christi
GREEK AND LATIN ADMINISTRATIVE DOCUMENTS 57"
denegare noscuntur, ut agnoscant omnes qui ob hoc scandalum pa-

tiuntur, quia neque nos post orthodoxum symbolum CCCXVIII
sanctorum patrum aut augmentum aut deminutionem in Ms quae
sic perfecte et a sancto spiritu sunt definita, suscipimus <et> fidem
aliam nescimus, quia neque est nee patimur hoc audire, licet quidam
esse dicant, si uero quibusdam uolunt calumniari uerbis, etiam
hoc uestrae serenitati indicare confidimus quoniam ea quae illis
uidentur esse dubia, ad intellegentium sic respicere noscantur affeetum.
sunt enim quaedam in definitione quae <si> recte intelligantur,
orthodoxa sunt; si uero aliquis ea aliter uelit inspicere, inueniet hanc
sensus dubios parientem. multi siquidem et scripturas diuinas non
intellegentes sicut scriptae sunt, propriae blasphemiae dogmata
genuerunt, quos dominus Christus sua dementia et sacra pietatis
uestrae prudentia diligentiaque conuertat et rectae praedicare uerbum
ueritatis edoceat et hoc sapere quod sancta catholica dictat ecelesia,
cuius caput quidem est Christus, uos autem robur ac fundamentum
imitantes immobilem Christi petram, super quam omnium creator
ecclesiam suam aedifieans omnibus Christianis pietatis requiem
condonauit, qui etiam uestram serenitatem semper conseruare
dignetur in talibus uigilantem et insidiantem bestiam Christi ouilibus
a saeptis fidei orthodoxae repellentem. credimus enim quia postquam
nostris litteris haee indicauimus, cuneta ueritatis uia omnis modus
uestrae panditur pietati quatenus sopiantur scandala et ad fidem
rectam membra discordantia reducantur domino Christo super quadam
inspiratione uestram tranquilitatem ad bona omnia deducente,
lohahhis episcopus misericordia dei Sebastiae metropolis sanctae
dei ecclesiae manu mea suscribens secundum sanctionem uestrae
pietatis praedictam epistula mea sententiam nuntiaui, quam habeo
pro fide trecentorum XVIII sanctorum patrum in Nicaea conuenien-
tium, quam et sanctum Calchedonense concilium confirmauit, simul
et pro Timotheo, quern preces his aduersarium ostenderunt, et eonse-
ruari uestram potestatem temporibus longis exopto
lohannis episcopus Nicopolitanus similiter
Gregorius episcopus SebastopoHs similiter
Maxentis episcopus Varissae similiter
Eustathius episcopus Coloniae similiter
Epiphanius episcopus Satalenus similiter.
58* APPENDIX II
xxxvii - Armenia Secunda 15
Beligiossimo et piissimo et Christianissimo imperatori semper

augusto Leoni Otrius Aeacius lohannis Adelfius Hormisda Longinus
seeundae Armeniae episcopi in domino salutem. Dens qui glorifi-
eantes se glorificat, secundum cor suum apicem uestrae tranquilitatis
inueniens inexpugnabilem palmam et honorem fidei consistentem
placidus praebuit uobis, Christianissimi principum, super omnes
homines sine prohibitione aHqua potestatem. Insurgentes enim
inopinabiliter subdidit uictoriis atque inconparabilibus triumphis
et uestram pietatem excellentissimis honoribus exornauit, immutilata
et sine litigio et ab aliis indiuisa praebens sceptra uestri imperii,
ut firmas atque claras in uobis diuinas semantes formas optima
uoluntate seruitis. bonum enim circa dominum deum favorem
uobis habentibus, mansuetis nutibus ad legalem et mirabilem uitam
conuersationemque deducitur quidquid sub sceptra uestri imperil
gubernatur; aequam uero sortem salutis uestrae utilitati reliquiorum
hominum ponentes inconcussam catholicis totius orbis ecclesiis pacem
sine tumultuatione confertis et dei clementiam imitantes neque
paruulos humilesque despicitis, quando per commodum condescen-
sionis summitatis culmen ad nos etiam pro fidei causa deponitis
sociosque nos, qui pro abiectione nostra nihil in terra sumus, inter
uestras accipitis curas, non egentes conlationem nostram et in hoc
utique magnitudinem incomparabilis dei clementiae demonstrantes.
quapropter quoniam iussi sumus, ultra nos quoque praesumimus et
quid sentiamus, uestrae pietati suggerimus. nos igitur, uenerabilis
imperator, in ultimo mundi loco degimus multo spatio a regia ciuitate
distantes, sed uestrae potentiae in nullo diuisi fauore circa fidem
equidem rectam sententiam possidemus, ad sermones uero conten-
tionum linguas habemus segnes. cohabitamus enim circa Armenios
barbaros, fideles quidem, sed recte Romano eloquio non utentes,
breui quodam ab eis spatio, magis autem intercessione Eufratis
fluminis separati, et propter frequentem barbarorum permixionem
longos nequiuimus proferre sermones, uitamus autem etiam doctrinas
extraneas proferentes, quia eloquentia quidem sancti spiritus rennu-
unt et propriam doctrinam in euangelicis eruditionibus adferre noseun-
15 AGO, II, v, pp. 71-75.

tur, nos eterdm secundam inhabitantes Armeniam una et immobili

utimur uoluntate et in una fide consistimus, communiter omnes et
seorsum singuli pro uestra maiestate ad deum facientes orationem
ab omni haerese et lingua blasphema separati unamque doetrinam
super omnia claram a sanctis trecentis XVIII patribus pereipientis
patrum fidem inuiolabilem conseruamus, quaestiones uero de deo
tamquam inutiles et nostra cogitatione superiores effugimus et aliud
quidquam aut <sentientes aut> dicentes ualde declinamus a superfluis
quaestionibus abstinentes et lectiones impias refutantes ab eorum
parauitate inimica ecclesiae sumus extranei et triticum fidei a zizaniis
separatum uobis fidelibus imperantibus conseruamus, in traditione
patrum doctrinae sufficientiam possidentes et nihil superuacaneum
quemquam loqui sinentes. ... eum itaque adoremus Christum, qui
et dispensatiue pro nostra salute suscepit carnem passionis et diuinae
nobis inpassibilitatis iura donauit. sic enim concilium sanctorum
patrum Calchedone celebratum sapiens et trecentorum XVIII patrum
inuiolabilem et intemptabilem custodiuit fidem et fortiter ineruditi
uiri fatuitatibus resist ens catholicis ecclesiis in toto orbe fundatis
contulit bona pacis, cum quibus nos quoque in uno corpore congregati
per fidem uestrum imperium inmutilatum et ad filiorum filios peruenire
ab omnium domino deprecamur. si uero quidam decerpentes con-
gruentias syllabarum conpositionesque uerborum bella et lites mouere
temptans aduersus ecclesias, deus restitit eis; nos autem intention em
exponentium fidem et mentem probantes nequaquam a uerborum
conpositione reeedimus, sed et propugnatores dogmatum et perfectos
custodes fidei trecentorum XVIII patrum habemus sanctos patres
Calchedone collectos et sicut et ipsos trecentos XVIII patres honora-
mus. nihil enim adicientes illorum symbolo os obnoxium multis
supplier's damnauerunt. igitur sanctionem pietatis uestrae suscipiens
una cum sanctissimis episcopis nostrae prouinciae relegensque preces
ab Alexandrinis clericis uestrae maiestati porrectas priores atque
posteriores in prioribus quidem inuasionem ouium factam contra
pastorem fleui et contra ipsum sacerdotium seditionem noui Dathan
et Abiron nimis ingemui. pudor enim cuctus per arrogantiam est
expulsus, omnis lex et timor imperialis et iudicium est contemptus
et sacerdotales sanctiones uexauerunt nefandissimae uoluntates manus
contra sacerdotes armantes, quas debuerunt optime temperare et
donum perceperunt dignum suae salutis pignus, habens etenim
mentem ratione priuatam, sicut precibus sumus edocti, si tamen
60* APPENDIX II
uerae stint, seeleratus Timotheus principatus amorera utilitati praepo

nens ad res nefandas accessit sedibus non sibi conpetentibus iniuens
adhue uiuo ecelesiae sacerdote dispensationemque ecclesiae petulanti
uoluntate diripiens et principium saeerdotii faciens sanguinis effusio-
nem, sed etiam sanetarum gregium caedis factus occasio inpudenter
eustodem constituit semet ipsum, qui neque uoeari dignns est Chris-
tianus, quando cruentis manibus uenerabilia mysteria non dubitat
impia praesumptione contingere et post damnationem illam operari
quae <neque> eiim. neque alios agentes sanctorum patrum regulae
iiidere peimittnnt, qni [neque] non snstinens nt secnndnm regulas
ordinaietnr eeclesiasticas et ab Ms qni simili castigationi iiidebantnr
esse snbiecti, factus episcopns ab omnibus ecclesiis semet ipsum
excommnnicasse dinoscitnr quasi faciens druinae gratiae donis iniu-
riam, deinde cum non naleat cniaie quae ab eo male praesumpta
sunt, si tamen quae de ipso dicta sunt, cum ueiitate concordant,
patrum conciliis obloquitur et cum ei mala patriae non sufficiant,
omnes conturbare temptat eeclesias, quasi potestatem habens gerendi
quaecumque uoluerit, et neque uiuis neque mortuis praesulibus pareit
ecclesiae, sed quasi contra omnes potestatem impietatis adeptus
primum CL patrum synodo deiogat, quam spiritu diuino statuit sedes
Alexandiina, quod mihi fecisse uidetur, ut effugiat homicidii adul-
teriique supplicia, illic namque in ipsis principiis contra homicidas
excommunicationis decreueiunt poenam. non suscipit autem sanctam
et uniueisale Calcliedonense concilium nesciens quia etiam ante lioe
a trecentorum XYIII sanctorum patrum fide semet ipsum fecit
extraneum, quam sanctum utique Calchedonense concilium confir-
mauit ac roborauit, oporfcebat enim eum ascendentem tyrannice
ad thronum beatae memoriae Cyrilli, illius libris incumbere et doc-
trinam iUius possidere. sed uos, pii, tamquam uniueisos pxincipes
optima uirtute superantes fidem defendite tyrannidem sustinentem,
patrum sanctionibus conferte uirtutem, sacerdotibus donate a periculis
libertatem, proHbete eos qui inregulariter contra eeclesias nituntur
insurgere, quatenus sine seditione et lite atque bello uestris temporibus
sanctae dei ecclesiae constitutae incessabiliter pro uestra longaeuitate
atque salute emittant domino Cliristo suas orationes, ut longis pacifi-
cisque temporibus uniuerso orbo terrarum et omnibus sanctis et
eatiiolieis dei eeclesiis condoneris, per omnia inuictissime et Cnristianis-
sime trium.pL.ator semper auguste.
Otreius misericordia dei episcopus Melitene metropolis sanctae et
catnolicae ecclesiae propria manu suscribens secundum sanctionem

uestrae pietatis meam sententiam per praefatam epistulam protuli
quid sentio et in confessione sanctorum patrum Nicaea eonuenientium,
quam secuta est et Calchedonense sanctam et uniuersale concilium,
simul et quod sapio super Timotheum, quern preces accusauerunt,
et custodiri uestram potestatem sancti ecclesiis et omni orbi terrarum
temporibus longis exoro
lohannis episcopus Arcae similiter
AdelpMus episcopus Arabissi similiter 16.
18 On the date of these Letters, see above Chapter VIII, n. 1.

APPENDIX II
I. TABLES
i. Helenopontos, Pontos Polemoniakos, Armenia Prima 17
HieroJcles Notitiae I, VIII, IX Notitiae HI, X, XIII
yA/j,ao~(a I. 1 ' Afj,aus(as 1 •âa.to

"IjSwpa 4 'Iftvpvwv 4 'Ifiopatv TJTOI
ZjXa 7 ZyX&v om. 7 Zr/Xcov

viii, ix
ZdXrov ZaXixyv 6 ZaXfyov TJTOI 6 ZaXfyov TJTOI
A.€OVTOV7ToXstOS AeovTOTToXstos
"AvopaTra. J AvOpQTTOOlOV 5 "AvOpaTTCDV
"Apiaos 2 'Apio-aov 2 'Afjuvaov
O Y1 /
Sivttmri 3 2Jiva)7njs
— //. Ev-â-irwv II, Evâirwv
JVeoKcucrapeto. 1 NeoKaiaapeias I. 1 NeoKdicrapeias
Kopava 5 Kopdvwv 4 Kofj,dvajv
noXepwviov 4 UoAe/zcuvei'ou 3 IloXepcoviov
Kepacrovs 3 Kspaaovvros 2 Kepaôvvros
TT ?~n Y ?
TpaTrt&vs 2 Tpa.TT^t,ovvros
— — 5 'AXvas
— — 6 'Piâiov
— 7 KoKKOV
—
— — 8 EVVIKOV
—
— 9 "Apaoda-rj
— — 10 Maprvporro-
Aecu?
— —
44 tt \j" / \
11 o I ys'TjAos
Ze/Mcrreia 1 V-.O_ ~' —
1 -27epacrTeias' J. Zj6pQ,C7T€tQ.S
NlKOTToXlS 3 NlKOTToXeCjJS 3 NiKOTToXews
KoXovia 5 KoXwvtas 5 KoXwveias
ZdraXa 4 27araAa)v 4 2Lio,To.X(jov
v o
Ze/Ja(7TOV7roA« 2 •Z/VpaoToi'TroAecus' 2 jLj C/J Q. (TTOf""
TroAeo)?
— 6 B,Pi^s 6 Kr]p(acr'T)s18
17 Ramsay, Hist, Oeorg., p. 319.

18 On the Episcopal Lists in general, see Beck, Kirche, pp. 148 sqq., and Robert,
Villes, pp. 428 sqq. Also, Jones, CEEP, Appendix.
ii. Pontos and Armenia 19
Justinian's Re-organization Older Byzantine

Arrangement
Armenia Prima Bazanis or Leonto- Unknown

polis
Theodosiopolis Cappadocia Prima
Trapezous Pontos Polemoniakos
5J
Kerasous
Satala Armenia Prima
Nikopolis
Koloneia
Armenia Secunda Sebasteia Armenia Prima

Sebastopolis ))
Komana Pontos Polemoniakos
Yerissa Armenia Prima
Zela Helenopontos
Helenopontos Amaseia urbs Helenopontos

Amisus urbs [sic]
Ibora urbs
Eukhaita urbs
Andrapa urbs
Sinope urbs
Leontopolis urbs
Neokaisareia urbs Pontos Polemoniakos
Polemonion urbs
Pityous phrourion
Sebastopolis pkrou-
rion
19 Ramsay, Hist, Georg., p. 325.

64* APPENDIX H
J, XENOPHON 20
KYPOYUAIAEIA
3. ol Se TJepcrt/cot vdjuot TrpoAa/Jovres eTrijUeAovrai OTTCOS T^V d

p,r) Totovrot etrovrat ot TroAtrat otot Trovypov rtvos aa^pov epyov
e^teo-#at, eVi/êAovTai Se eSSe.
"Eanv avroZs eAev0epa dyopd /caAov/AevT}, ev$a ra re /JacrtAeia /cat
TaAAa apêta 7re77Oi7jTai. evrevêv rd /ACV covia /cat ot ayopatot /cat
at TOVTCUV <f>wva,l /cat aTretpo/caAtat cxTreA'ÂavTai etj aAAov TOTTOV, cos
[MyvvTjrai rj TOVTCOV rvp^Tf] rfj rtov TremuSevjueVtov e73«rocr/zia. 4.
St^jo^Tat Se avTTj 1} ayopd ^ Trept rd dpêâ Terrapa jttep^* TOUTCOV
S'eWtv ev juev Traiaiv, ev Se e^jSots, d'AAo reAeiots di'Spdaiv, aAAo
rots 737T6P rd crTpaTe7Jcrtp;a eV^ yeyovocrt. VO/ACO S* ets rds eavrcov
^copas1 I/cacTTOt TOVTCOV Trdpeicrtv, ot fi-ev TratSes afta T^ ^juepa /cat ot
reAetot dVSpes, ot Se yepatrepot ^vt/c* aV e/cdaTco
raTs reTayjueVats T^jiiepats, ev ats avrov? Set Trapetvai, ot Se e
/cat /cotjitcovTat Trept rd apêTa crvv rots yvfjwrjTiKols owAots
yeya^KOTtov oi5rot Se ovre eTrt^rowrat, ^v ^ TrpoTTTTTy^^
ovre TroAAd/cts aTretvat KaAoF,
5, "^pôvres S* e^' eKao*Tcp TOUTCOV TCOV juepcov etat ScoSe/ca*
ScoSe/ca /cat TJepcrcSv ^vAat oifjpTjvrai, /cat eVt ftev rots Tratcrtv e/c
TCOV yepatrepcov rip^^lvoi ettrtv ot av So/ccocrt TOVS TratSas /JeArtoTOVs
aTToSet/cvuvaf eTrt Se rot? e^/Jots e/c TCOV reAeZcov dvSpcov ot av ai3
TOT)S e<j>rjj3ov$ jSeArtcrTovs SoKcocrt Trapeêtv CTTI Se rots avSpdcrtv ot av
So/ccocrt Trapeêtv avrovs ftdAtaTa rd rerayjU-eva Trotowras /cat rd
TrapayyeAAo/êva TJTTO TTJS fteytcTT^s dp^s" etcrt Se /cat TCOV yepatrepcov
TrpocrraTat ^p^juevot, ot TrpocrraTevovcrtv, OTTCOS /cat oi5rot rd /ca^/covra
aTTOTeAcocrtv, d Se e/cdcrr^ Ât/cta TrpocfreraKrai TTOISIV StTyy^cro/zeâ,
cos juaAAov SÂov yev^rat ^ eVtêAovrat cos av jSeATicrTot etev ot TroAtrat.
6, Ot /AT^V ST^ TratSes ets rd StSacrKaAeta ^"otrcovres Stdyovat p,av6d-
vovres St/catocrvv^v ...
S, ... p,av6dvov(?i /cat roêvetv /cat d/covriêtv.
20 Xen. <7yrop,, L. I, pp. 10/1-24/5.

GREEK AND LATIN ADMINISTRATIVE DOCUMENTS
Me%pi fj,ev By e£ 77 evrraKaiBeKa eVcuv a-jro yeveas ol TraiBes ravra

vrpdrrovaw, CK rovrov Be els rovs e^/Jovs1 eêpôvrai,
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7?AiKia jiidAioTa em/JieXeias SeZaâi" Trapsôvai Se «ral TT)V 7?/A6pav
eavrov? TOIS apôvcri xprjadai r\v ri Secuvrat wep TOU /coivov. /cai
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TWV TTpO? TOV TToASjUOV. . . . .
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/cai a0Aa rfporBerai' ev ^ 8" av TWV 0vAcov TrAeZcrToi cScri SaTj/ôveWaTCH
/cai dvSpi/ccoTaToi /cai ewiaTOTaToi, eVaivovaiv 01 TroAiTai /cai Ti/x-cucriv
ov judvov TOV vw ap%ovra avrcov, aAAa /cai ocrTis1 avTov? TraZSas ovras
ewaiSevcre. xpwvrai Be rois /êvovcri Ttuv e^jScuv ai dpâi, T;V TI ^
<j>povpr]<jai Beycrr} rj KaKovpyovs epevvfjcrai TJ Xrjaras •UTroSpa/xe'iv 7}
Kai aAAo TI oaa icr^vos T} Taôus Ipya eon',
Tavra jttev ST) 01 e07?j8oi trpdrrovcnv, eTreiSdv 8e TCI Se/ca erT? SiaTe-
Aecrcocriv, eêpôvTai ei? TOV? TeAeiovs" avSpas. 23. d<£* o^ S* av
eêA^cocri xpovov ofiroi a^ irevre /cai ei/coo"iv 6T7? Sidyovaiv cSSe. irptoTOV
ju-ev ocrTrep 01 e^ôi Trapeôuaiv eavTovs TaT? dpâis xpTJcrâi T}'V TI
Se*7? VTrep TOU /coivou, ocra ^povovvTCuv Te 7787? epya CCTTI /cai eVi Svva-
juevcov. T)V Se TTOI SeT? arpareveaBaif ro£a juev 01 ovrw rceiraioevêvoi
ovKeri eyovres ovSe TraATa arparevovrai, ra S* dyêûaâ OTrAa /caAov-
jueva, ^copa/cd Te Trepi Tots arepvois Kal yeppov ev TT? apiarepa, otdvTrep
ypdôVTai 01 Uepo-ai e-ôvres, ev 8e T^ Se£ta [jidâipav T) /coTrtSa.
Kai ai dpâi Se Tracrai TOVTCUV KaQlaravrai TrXrjV ol TCUV TratScuv SiSdcr-
KaAoi.
*^7T6iSdv Se Ta TTGvre Kal eiKocriv CTT? SiaTeAecrcoaiv, ewjcrav /^.ev
av O^TOI TrAeidv TI yeyovoVes T) Ta TrevrrjKovra erirj O-TTO yeveas' eêp-
Se rrjViKavra els rovs yepairepovs ovras re Kal
66* APPENDIX II
14. 01 8* ad yepatVepoi O£TOI arparevovrat. fj,ev ov/ceVt e£cu TTJS

eavTCuv, oi'/cot Se p,evovTes Si/cd£outn TO* re Koivd /cat TO. iSta TraVra.
/cat davdrov Be ouVoi Kpivovai, Kal rds dp%ds ouVot rrdcras alpovvrai'
Kal rjv TIS T) ev etfirjfiois r) ev TeXelois dvSpduiv eAAiTTT) TI TCUV vo/î'/zcuv,
âivovcri |ttev ot <j>v\ap-%oi e/caoroi /cat TCUV aAAcuv d ôvXoêvos, ol Be
yepaiTepoi aKovcravTes eKKpivovcriv 6 Se eKKpidels aTip
TOV XQITTOV jSiov.
^?5, w/va Se aaêarepov BrjXatdfj Trdcra rj Ilepcrwv TroAtTCia,
GTrdveifM' vvv yap ev j3pa%VTdTU) dv Br)X(jo6eir) Bid Ta Trpoeiprjpeva.
AeyovTat fj,ev yap Ilepaai d/j,(f>l Tas BwBeKa pvpidBas etvai' TOVTIOV
8" ouSeis cxTreAÂaTat vo/^.cu TI/^CUV /cat cxp^cuv, aAA* eêuTi Tfdai IJepaais
7T6jU.7reiv TOVS eauTcuv TratSas ets TO. KOtva TT^S St/catooiz5v7^s' StSacr/caAeia.
dAA* ot pev Bvvdpevoi Tpe<f>eiv TOVS TratSas" dpyowTa? Tre/x-Trovcrtv,
01 Be JUT) Bvvdpevoi ov Tre^Tfovaiv, ol 8* av TratSeu^cucrt Trapd TOI?
Br){j,ocriois BiBaaKaXois, e£euTW avTols ev TOLS efirfftois veavioKeveadai,
Tots Be /XT) StaTratSeDêicriv OUTCUS OVK eêaTiv, ol 8" civ ai3 ev TOIS
e<j)rjj3ois BiaTeXeawai TO. vcfyu/za TroiowTes, eêcrTi TOVTOIS els TOVS
TeXeiovs dvBpas avvaXiêadai /cat dp^cuv /cat TI/ZCUV /iCTeêtv, ot 8' civ
JUT) SiayevtuvTai ev ToZs e<j>rjj3ois, OVK elaepôvTai els TOVS TeXeiovs-
ol 8' dv a?3 ev TO?S TeAetot? StayevcuvTat dveTTiXrjTTTOi, O$TOI TCUV yepat-
Tepcuv yi'yvovTcu. OVTW [J,ev Brj ol yepatVepcuv Sid TrdvTcuv TCUV TraAcuv
KadiaTavTai' Kal rj rroXiTeia avTrj, f) otovTat
dv etvat.
III. ARMENIAN ADMINISTRATIVE DOCUMENTS
A. THKONE LIST - GAHNAMAK *
[/i^ Uuiûilfinj pjunpp uipuipbm^ p npuiu uipgni.

ojin h Spuuinu'i] hiuiLubnbini £/?£ bu nn.mSiubui'uu nuuiiiui nnp Hpinwpph h
ij.pi.wupu mbup p puiijnij wSunj *d£ : fjL ^nuifiuij uiptjuijh A pwpbpuipp
A nfpp uipuiph bu Uiu£uili uuipnqplinu p£ npuiû Qbp puiphpuipn
inujnf £uiinn uinuiinuin A iniuunmifnuiun nnwfu iiunui9 uin
[u A h &bpniS nfjLuiuh ^wûiSui^n^p'u uinubi, np juijuS
uijpg wP£wjb k ku [i/iu]4Â ^winy Ifuipnnhljnu LuokijtuD an b.

p Swwuiup qujpjjuijpij uipguijp A ajlbpu. A I uijuufû uipnuap A ; 2
[H.n.ui9j]u fotuwb A SuipinuiaJT^

w. DpLubuiij infcp db. I" °
c. Uiiiuihinu dn. ^
] dp. U.J1
q. inlp dp. Swj
b. Cuiûiujh tynihuit] in^p p, puiukbnj
Ifnljwr/ w£p pin. £p
u\lp pp..
p. ^p hij..
P. in£p ph.
d. buii] m^p pt^.
dm, U>uiui£,nilibuit] in^p pi.
dp. 1j 111 fit! wpiuljiuLh pp. hpljpnpnu
dq. pp. kplfpnpij.fr
dn. hppnpnu
1 See above Chapter X, n. 26.

2 On the problems of the Preface, see above Chapter X, n. 43. On this document
in general, Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 229 sqq., and tables iv, xiii.
68* APPENDIX in
ntil;fig kplfpnpq'ii bui.

bp.,
t}»piJWDukii]ii'ii dn.
jk, PnLpJiu bk,
LI"
if* Oil b£, i*ui$pkpni.l,pli
/£. ib nil bp_.
fuiu, /. flpuuii^kmlj
pjp. lip,
pjq,
pjq,
Juk,
pip_,
h Ifuipiunkuih
b.
B. MILITARY LIST 3
SwSpiupuiijp
3 See above, Chapter X, n. 27.

ARMENIAN ADMINISTRATIVE DOCUMENTS
b
b
b
b
b
b
ZvapuiLuijp'ii ij.ni.nii
u/'i/z?
n
A
n
n
^
U'uiilpliniikuj'ii'ii
Pnpiiujkgp
Quipknjtuili Uwa^pwuinLlifi
H,p.pui£u
Spnilip
"• L ijnSuiiiu pJwjL myfuuipû apwikuiw* It Iphp PpL Suipinpli uipuifin np

jifflLULj) ty—pg ^wnjiipwij ftnn^ ijuuj^wuwLnpu qputhh wpgniSip^np I
p uûimkpuiijS kîufi^ji^ pjtn w[p^Dwjp li Swpn.uikmwliui'ii np f
iujuiti p ijkpuij pwa^nL^Lnjfi h. qiuh&nLgh L phq. uuJkliuij^ ppL nopwgh
* np f £wppLp k
4 On the Military List, see Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 229, 234 sqq., and table v,
70* APPENDIX III
C, PSEUDO - GAHNAMAK 5
fc, 5*- Pppk- &knLiunpt;ijiUL

uû ' h ^kuuippui, li klfhw^ 'p
u bnpnqip tflui£u fapJiubivijL
Zuijnrj, q^np lp Ifuipqkuj^ 'p Jtfniipn —
Jwj L JiujI
h. Lw uiupq.£p ^
i np kh
5 ^Verses, pp. 32-39.

ARMENIAN ADMINISTRATIVE DOCUMENTS 71*
f]*uiip ilk tub p.

APPENDIX HI
$'mp lib vaii g,
DJU kli nui^njp L uijj_ ku jn]ni£,

tj^np builip £wSwpkijuij
i}pni£, ijnp finpni^kuig
puiauiLnpIi li Ijiupnkiun ^
&ui£njh fiLpnj ^p uhi^mti pip* p.uip&u
inpkj>iuppLpu*
pg \jkpupup : /iz/^ Y
D. ARMENIAN PRINCES ACCOMPANYING ST. GREGORY TO

CAESAREA
i, Armenian version 7
iunJuiiûiLp ipnipniJ It kplipuipL* ilbbwi.

^,, aniSuipkiu^ imtpjuiLnpu'ii huifuwpuipiuijli) ^nmuilfiaw ui>pjuip£ph
fajuiubfi DJiij.ki^ wia&, kpljpnpq fafuuilih iJ&ct&^zw^1 np £p
ilkb, kppnpn pppjuubb lfmpij.u^hinnLBkiuli pfhiuiiini.fdkui'ii'ii, fnppnp1}
inni.pkuib, nopuiJuip ûijng ui\fuujp£pli, i^k^kpnpq

, ni.pkpnpq
8 On the Pseudo-GaJinamaJc in the Vita of St. Nerses, see Toumanoff, Studies, p. 229.
' Agaf,, pp. 590-591.
*np ilpw uilinLuilikui^ p.qkiu£pjfi, fihbkp'npq

iu>juuip£pfj, uiaiubkpnpq. p^niui'u'ii ITnlfiug ui^hjuip^pfi^ ilkuiaiuw'uk—
pnpij. fafuuihh UpLbkwq ui}piwp£,p'ii, kpl^ninuiuiufihpnpq
ui}piuip£p'ii, kpkDinwuuilihpnpij. pppjui'ii'ii fjunpiuning w^ni
. h. Z^p qiuuunp,
mum^hpnpn fofuwhh \hpbpniSiliiiiij :
kh pjuwppg, IfnLumlûi^^ ^n^S&iwû/^, £uii[UipiULnpg, ppLpia—
mpD h 3^9 ^wjuiuuiiuli iu}pjiup£h muili'ii ftnpnnSuij, nnp anLSuipkwq ^mnu/inn&,
IL uinuipkuin nltnuia p LnnSuiliu buiuiuinniUiiunLng h Duitrwoii likuuipniqunq,
nnppnin £uijhpl;ii ihanLph yuidiuD Ifnikh, qjt mtupkw^ nQphnnph1
ii, Arabic version 8
86. Cum igitur pervenerunt epistulae, ad eum venerunt tres xeges,

rex Abenazorum (JbL.'z) et rex Geoigiorura (grg'n) et rex Albanorum
('ll'nyn) et cum ipsis caterva piincipum : primus princeps 'Ihbns.
Secundus princeps 'rtnwg nomine vitaxa (bytqs) magnus. Tertius
princeps 'rmt'n. Quartus prineeps 'sbytywn nomine 'sbyts, qui
praepositus erat custodiae montium qwsywn et mtznywn. Quintus
princeps mqwny'nwn nomine 'sb'r'b'ts : Me autem praefectus erat
exercitui totius Armeniae, equitum et peditum, nee discedebat a rege
magnae Armeniae, atque in bellis omnes quos memoravimus prineipes,
et memorabimus, sub eius potestate erant, praeterquam quod prineeps
qmrdl non erat sub eius potestate, quae (regio) est fortes qrdytn.
Septimus regens magnae regionis swfnys, quae est iuxta regionem
fluminum, Octavus princeps regionis gurgr, Nonus princeps rstnwn.
Decimus princeps mfnswn, Undecimus princeps swnywn et custos.
Duodecimals princeps dsbwd'wn, Decimus tertius princeps 'tywn.
Decimus quartus prineeps zwrydwn, et ipse iuxta qrdytwn. Decimus
quintus princeps ltrt.wrwnyws, dux, qui rector erat mlh'zwn'h. Deci-
mus sextus princeps (apxcw) 'rtzrwnyws, Et omnes gentes convene-
runt secundum gradus suos,
87. Et hi sunt sedecim prineipes quos enumeravit rex et ad quos
8 Qaritte, Agafhange, pp. 72-73 = Man, Christianization, p. 114.

74* APPENDIX III
misit propter honores eorum. Atque deliberaverunt de iis quae

inter ipsos erant, constitueruntque ut ad ilium irent, et hoc perfece-
runt.
iii. Greek version 9
135, ... o fiaaiAevs ... /ceAevet o$v rovs dp^'yovs r&v aarparrcov
avyKaXeaacfdai /cat rorrdpâs- Kal rcp&ros ap^cov * AyyeXirwv ot/coir
6 SeuTepos" app^tov *^4Acrevcov, o rfjs /cojUiraTâias1' o rpiros
em rfjs eôvaias rfftrpiKios Aeydp,evos" o rerapros ap^cuv o TO
eôuaiav e^cuv eTTiSâat TW jSacriAeT, o Aeyd/Aevo? *^4cr7r6Ta)V o
apj(wv (jrparoTreSdp^ris cfrparriXari,KTJs eôvaias TTJÂp^Gvito
6 e/CTOS1 ap^cov o TT^S JCopSouiVcSv ^-tupaj' o I^SSo/xos ap^cuv o erepo?
KOfMiTdTTJcnos' 6 oySoo? ap^cuv r^s 'fovCTTivcuv j^wpas" o eWaro?
apâiv o T^S KOfj,irwv ^copcis" o SeKaro? dp-^wv 6 rfjs SVVIT&V -^wpas'
6 ScuSe/caros dp%ajv 6 UovSalwv ^wpas" c> Tpicr/caiSe/caros ap^cuv d
T^S OVTIWV ^cupas" d Tecraaptcr/caiSe/caTos1 ap^cuv d eflvap^s1 Zapov-
avScuv /cat Xepas rfjs rrarpiBos' o Keprrros KO.I Sefcaro? d TOV
îtuv oi/coir d ef/caiSe/caro? ap^cuv d 'Îpcrovpowcuv. O^TOI 01 a
01 e/cAe/croi r OTTO Kpdr opes, Trarpiapî/coi, ^lAtappôt /cat
p.ecra) TT]? 'Appevtwv ^copas1 oi/cov ©opycu/^,, ous avvadpoiaas o fiaaiXsvs,
cxTrecrreiAev eis TO. /^.ep^ KaTTiraSoKias els iroXiv Kaiaapaiwv, Kara
rr)v 3App,eviwv StaAe/crov Macrd^ Aeyo/zev?^, OTTCO? aTreAôvres" TOV
Pp^yopiov dpîepea /caTacrT^crcocri rrdaj] rfj
iv. Greek Life of Saint Gregory 10
9<§. UvvfjXBov Se Trpds1 Ta rrpo'ypdfj.fj.ara ol rpsls jSacrtAeZs1,

TC /cat 'JjSepcov /ecu *^4Aj8avcov, /cat ÛCTCI TOT)? /JacriAets d 7rpu>ros
'IvyiXrjvfjs /cat '^VTICTT^VT^S' TOTrdp^s* d Se SevTepo?
rid^Tjs o p;eya?' d Se rpiros TWV MepScuv
6 Se rerapros yevedp^s1 TWV * OcrTrtTtavtSv errdp^s oaris /ca<CTa>
vrffjpêv (frvXdrrew rd p^pfj rwv KavKaviwv opetov /cat
9 4^., pp. 68-69 = ,4.4,&S, Sept. VIII (Antwerp, 1762), pp. 320-400.
10 Garitte, Agathcmge, pp. 72-73.
T£,dv(jL>v 6 Se TrejUTTTOs1 o TCUV MaLiaKowiavcov rj

Trdvras rtov *Apfj,eviu>v iTT-noras re Kal 7re£ous e^tuv VTTO TT)V owceiav
arparrj'yiav, oweuv re dei rto /JacriAei TT^S AfeyaATy? 'Apiievias, Kal
ev rcus Trapardêaiv Trdvras rovs TC Trpoyyoviievovs /cat WTOTCITTO-
juevov? <...> UTTO T^V oiKGiav arpo.rrjyiav e/cros Se o roTrdp^
KopSovav&v xwpas OVTW KaXovpzvrjs, TrXrjaiov VTrapôvar/s
*-4v8pio/co§ptTct)V o Se CjSSo/xos1 sôvaiavTrjS rfjs
oucn}? TT^ Meao7rorap,ia' 6 Se oySoos 7?ye/j.aw TCOV Povyapajv
oans eiêv «ai auro? dîav Tnridôv evvaros Se o TCOV 'Povcr-
TOVVICOV TOTTdpxrjS' o Se Sefcaros" o TCUV JkfoKacreu^ aarpdTTif]S' o Se
evSe/caro? o TOJV Svviwv <f>v/(ap)(os' ScoSe/caro? o TOJV T£au"8eu>y
d Se rpiaKaiBeKaros <C... Teo>crapecr/caiSeKaTos%>" d aar-
Zavpaf3av$wv Kal Xeip&v -^wpas, Kal TOVTWV TrXrjaiwv TCUV
KoSpirtov 6 §e TrevreKaiSeKaros yevedp^s d rtov Xovp-ôpcDV ws
^yov/xevos e^cov T^V o.pyr]v ryv KaAou/xe^v AfaAâ^djSe' e^KaiSe/caros
d rcDv '^4jor^<!)C»>owia)v eôucriacrT'^s' /cai TO. AotTrd Se yevT] Kara
E. AEMENIAN PEINCES ACCOMPANYING TKDAT III TO KOME
i. Armenian version ia
U>u{ui frppb- JtiLuiL ijiaju iiii/khuijb likb uipguij

wniiuijp Juiuii Guiiiw u[iu pûigî mjfmgîlf. ûibqkpkw^ Ifiu^S^p^ wnfinjp pjiq
jiLp ilkb Hp^kufpulfnufnufi Qppqnp k ijLnpnifi npqjjh t^f^pûinuifû^k ijhujpulfn —
mnuii U,qppujbnu : fet ^ i^pLnLnpuiûiIi IinijjSwb£b f^vnpkup'iu t^m^kpû'u pipni
inui&wpph, up p.ifkui£pjj)b Ifntpb. t£iun.uij)ph uiu^SwHiuil^wî p \>np ^ppuilûili
/f/jj£i7«/&£&, IL nkpbpnpn uui^SuiliuiLuiili jH.unpkuinw'iikwjq LnnSiu'iilli^ L i^kppnpnh
jUpni.kiiuju]& Ifnij^SiafiÎi^ ^npnpqli p Ifuiu^piag lfnijdiub£b, ijJbb
DJinhn W/I/&, k npiaamnhp wuiahinfi^ L auuiuipuiwbuj'ii ilkb, IL
L npypiuilih UhLlikuig^ IL nfopJiubL f^înntiikuiy^ h. nhyfuwhh
WM/&&, A nyiiûiuili &iu£ivu]piJLubp, L nfofuuibb UuiiuulûiuikinnL.pkiij'iiî : fct
buiilbbog, h. /iîw&u/unt& ^wqiupuiL pjimpp qppnL$i £wbr}l;p&
jUjpiupiijin qiuLiiin£ p îiiijiup^wufiiiin ^wiîuf^ luhtjwbk^ p
11 On all the versions of the so-called " Agafcmgelos " and their problems, see Garitte,
Agafhange, also above Chapter X, n. 89a. Qn this Hating of Armenian princes to which
he refers as " List A ", see also Totimanoff, Studies, pp. 159 sqq., and notes, also table vi.
18 Agat\, pp. 643-644.
76* APPENDIX III
ii. Greek version 13
164, ... ore ofiv rJKOvae roiavra 6 fiaaiXevs, efiovXevaaro /zero.

OTrovorjs 7rop€v6fjvai rrpos avrov, /cat eroipos yevo/xevos, rrapaXa^dvci,
TOV peyav dp-îeniaKorfov Pprjyopiov /cat TOV vlov avrov 'ApcoaraKrjv
em'a/coTTOV, /cat OTTO TCUV rrzpl avrov evSo^cuv rovs Tecrcrapa?
rov loiov rraXariov, rov vrpwrov rorroKpdropa arro
p,epwv, rov Sevrepov rorroKpdropa O.TTO rcov rrjs 'Aaavpias fj,spa)v,
rov Se rpirov drro rcov 'Apovaarwv fj,epwv, TO oe reraprov drro r&v
Maaa%ovrwv Ovvvcov /xepcuv, /cai rov [teyicrrov ap%ovra rov O'IKOV
rwv XeyopevcDV 'AyysXirwv, /cat rov crre(j)ovra rov âcrtAea apôvra,
er Aeyo/^.evov, /cat rov QTggTOTrgSagyjgv rov /zeyav, /cat TOV apôvra
/cat TOV apôvra Svvirwv, /cat TOV dpôvra
/cat drroypd<f>ovra apôvra, /cat TOV e^vap^v Uaamavajv, /cat TOV
apôvra ^Wacr/caTreTecuv, /cat TrAetcrTous TtDv aAAcov ûeyaAcov /cat
^tAiaSa? e/cAe/CTtuv oTpaTOTreScuv.
eêA0a>v o^v 'Apapdr rrjs rrarptoos /cat OuaAapcraTraT T^S
eTrepaaev et? TO, jMepo^ TTJS '/covta?. ...^4.
. ARMENIAN PRINCES SUMMONED TO CTESIPHON
i. Lazar P'arpeci 15
II. /J^1 ••• fet n/7^ /f duiSniSi [j ilkbiuilkb

buiu[u/p£npql;tjiuL* iiijun^jjlj kli : f> inn
/7&, no ft d-mSniX) Suinnuiui'u'i] ^p ûijn^. L h uinf.S^'ii UnbnriLUbuin
. fj inn£,Si;b QnfjyinnL&kiuij Uniniiilf. ft
fr mn^Slfi IfiaifjilfnL^lin û/nnu/i), 2,ui\ntj uiuuiwnwiukin L. in£nL
fi inn£,Sl;'i> U"nlfiug Hpinuilj. fi inn£fi£ti Hufui^nLfikuig lfuib£&. h t
innibkiuij *Jûi£ujb. p wn^Slfj ûi£,h.nLiikuii) fyfiun. Ji wn£,Sl;<U
]. L jui^vuipîi *l^piuij pqkpjvb (jb/7i£«/, li u/»
13 Ag,, p. 83.
14 This passage does not occur in the Arabic version or in the new Greek version of
the Life of St. Gregory published by Garitte, Agathange, cf. Ibid., pp. 327-331. On the
princes accompanying Trdat III on this hypothetical journey, see Toumanoff, Studies,
" List B ", pp. 159, 161-162, and table vi.
15 LP\. 143-144, 236-237.
» fap ••• Him D^p uin bnuui

p^
) IL kpniinjp fin am nuiuiiT $£ n j DTJD u h fi^&P, IL ns
It iîaiuinpL ûijukSo jnii/ko^ : fet ii ii hkhnni^
IfiuûiL iûiiJkhkuhiah k vtnijp k^ ft jpinS Upkuitj.
ilhb QpbpnLlikuit] ij\fknûiuinL^ h,
in«/&& ûihuihiliuj, It ij^fopjiu&fi inwhh
li nfefuuibh wu/&& yji^huigkiag n^SiULnli^ IL wzu&&
j£*£a/^H/&&. IL t£p£pjnifih QhpniSikuitj, h. ^p^fuiufili H^n IL
kqklipg tffpwijtui^ IL ijji^piuiiili Suiywj j^^S, h.
ijlûipuuifft IL ijiujûla p inn]hnLin£puig& Ii JWLUUJ. u
p rinLnh hk^ ifiui^ p
A&D&
II. •«- fet u/&^& ftiaij.wi.np'u p

IL n£ lw pjim umjapn^kw^^ tajj_ pialui tjuijpuiiiji'liu ppp
uin uiinkj^pu IL lulni^pinuifiii^ tlfo^'LP'l tuifahkLpb tfilkbwilkb ifuiamiulfu inppuau£p
i, uiji ifhwjb Ifnwj £puiiluifi innikiai juilimli^ juilinuuli^ qiapu, ijnp
& mju : >
QIIJJU fiuipjuiptupou Ijnikijph p tj.nuiii uipgnibp, « « • 1'.
M§, pp. 42-43.

17On all of tlie princely lists in Lazar P'arpeci and Efiae, and their reliability, see
Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 246 sqq., and tables TJii-ix.
78* APPENDIX III
G. PARTISANS OF VASAK OF SIWNIK' 18
i. Lazar P'arpeci
II. Z.S ••• fct /J/JJ? hmuwnpbqwli ifyhp uuiinuibuijph pjin^ ni.pjiniiiLbbn.pL
*luiuuilfuij* bL uijungplj. fopiiiiLL puiqpui ninth king Sppnq^, fapjwLL ]\}nppinn.nLU —
km a Quinhpnj, h^hiuiLL l^ww^nLubwq lfuiL£&, hyJvuiLL îii£Iini.Lbuiq ^-pun,
fepjuilifi tym ipili hui ij ûipiuûiu^nLÎi^ fafuuiliii U>p.b^kbpij [sic]
f]t.pbuij \,kpuk£, L uijlf jnuinuililiui^^ k ukujnL^f nfiwhg
ii. EUse19
III. ••• frail annLUrfii kppnpq. p £knu ûiuwlfuij p^pjuilipli UpLh£wij, np n^

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18 LP\. 209.
19 EKSe, pp. 74, 91-92.
ARMENIAN ADMINISTRATIVE DOCUMENTS 79
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H. PARTISANS or VARDAN MAMIKONEAN
i. Lazar P'arpeci 21
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21 LP\. 198-199, 227-228.
80* APPENDIX III
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I. AEMENIAIT PEINCES PEISONEKS IN PERSIA

1 £azar P'arpeci 34
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82* APPENDIX III
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J. LIST OF ARMENIAN CHURCHES IN JERUSALEM 27
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27 Alishan, Hayapatum, pp. 227-229.
84* APPENDIX III
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86* APPENDIX III
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, jD>uuia[uiui (ppljipL, L h fîuaopuiuuili /£um&, L h
fd*wp.opuij. li uijjliu h bnili linnfiiuuu SpP-bpuiliwh bntjnLU^
qnq^Swu^ nip qkofdu lilûiliwhji bin ('fippuinnu) ^pbqîuppLpnq/Li : I)L ui
uijuuiû bnking :
fi jkplfpph 2,nn.nSng ^luquiinpu]^ np Suil^wlinLU ^n^h HLqnLppuj, jj
Qppq.nph juiunLU kuknknh* ammo aAnp, jnpniS qpkiui £p npniwinu uiju, np
UJiuiuwuiu uilinuiiSp. Jjupnûiu^bin Zuijng tfiiuigkui^ £p jl)pnmuinJ:;S, li wljiabujinhu
hnhiui dui'iinplpn'u, L. ^& uiifkhiuju JuihnptiijDli fining np j^pnmuintS^ koftui—
ItiuunLU dui'lip, li qpkw^ qwiJkbwjIi li nkphiui p tynipwg qiiJLiiinli, np
. li ifbp ainbuii HWJU k- ophbuiukuii niailbuwju LuipawL :
K. THE GEEGORID BISHOPS
i. Armenian version 28
uidbiiuijli kpuhpu £uijng^h biunwg dhiiili h bmqu

pLL fiapnanLphuiiLiu li uiilnnuipiiibnLpkujLu. p l]w —
inuinmgLng DuinuiD^h i/phili usn laypJiapûiL^J Jtfuimnkwg, uft&j/i uin
dhli) puufiun fi uui^Siultu IfuiugJdwg, Jhiidi h npnLUu ii/zu&u/
, h <J>u]juiuil[iupuju gwquig lupfiajnipkujiLiu Zwjng, li
i/pliili uin U'bp.p'ii gwnuipuiL, j>kplp tun. uiu^mLopu Uûnpng, mn
\>np ^ppiuqui^ hplfpujLu, li uin. tjnpqLOg JphfL juiSnip hpljpph Ifwpuig,
uin muiSp.'u Ifw^gpuiuiu fafiiuibph, t/fih^li jUinpiqminuiquiL &n£p muip
pip :
uijh duiiiuihiiiliu lihuuin hipng, muSuini] L a&dlsnu ginhi. L
wnuiug juiufuiqli^nj f>Lpni£ pulf WLiniiipuiuuiIfuiu k n^nj
nuuigpLDu, iunui9h piunwLnpuig L ppfuvuuujg li uii/buuijk £kpiuhnuuig^ uiu —
nunnpfiiulfuig h ^wljuinuiljnpniug quii/buuiippljiph w&nLuh Spnmh Ijpkuig, L
nuii/hLuijb na.fr uiuinnLuibuinabuinu L naâtliu iliunkuig : • • •
tip juipuip&uju hufpulfnujnLphujfiu fcpli uipdwiip û/^n/, uinkui^
p ufiuiul;, np uinuiVbnju Unjipuiunu uiuniu, np uiufw qnq^SuiLgî
kijipuiujuiljuiu nkuinjh !pu£p dkpiuliuignL. kplipnpnph* TjLUiwnhnu, np fi qnnSuauu
djujpuigli Puiuhunj Ifuighui^ ^pb!;p ^ni^pL. kppnpqpu* fiuiunu. snppnpnu* Ifndjilu,
28 Agaf., pp. 621-624, 630.

88* APPENDIX in
;u, phhkpnpnfo1 Hpuniljiu^ inwulikpnpnV DJiinpnol

ij, kplfnujtauuifihptip^ tj/nnH/^nw : U,juj)* np jnpip.ng& opSuaqii pjiuipkawii
huipuIfnujnuD LnnSui'iig linnSui'liq^ m^knnLUiisliki nDiupnqni.ppLh : fci
qtujjnq uilinmiliu p£ k Luii/pqh no, ns Ifiupuiuql; }wnc}kj^ :
fyduippin k iuuinni.ujbuiu£p ilhpial^mgnL ftnrjnjp uipgni. —
pli, L phgh pjiij. tûiSmfiuilfu duiSuifiiubu p
. np k pliokiuSp. pLpnJ lufi^wSa huh opphiuh nnLquiltlp : « • •
SH.S'i'U" <Juiiiwbuilip hpuiiikj^p ijiiihliiuih k tuii
p_um ij.m mining tj.uiLuin.uit] hpfikui^ pjiuiplp uiii&pli pipniS ^«yw

kuib juihuiujiuuj mk/^pu k uihq p.huiL£p, Iijiufiusujuiinpn jjJLUiuLnp^p
I)L pim^Siunjij Ifiui/njg inkunLZu kmpul[nuj!nuii juiilbhuijh qmiuinu Zmjntj
pLpnj. L np hufpulfnufnuiagî jui}inp£uih ^knfiiuijphyuiti p
wknkuiq : jhulf ajûipaû bphqwiig L. LuiS uuiplûiuiinuin LuiS w'iiuia.ui'unuujij,

L. np uiji Lu uiur\inoli $kuinSi liuinpfi, luhJd'pi-D Ipii h
ii. Greek version 29
rj rfj xcopa TJJS 'Appsvias CITT* a/cpou ecus a

Stereive rrjv epyacrtav rov evayyeAtKrou KTjpvyiMTQS, GOTO J/'araAwv
rfjs TroAecos' p^XP1 7"'?s' X^P0-5 XO^TWV Kal KaXapau>v, ecus opicov
Maaaxovrajv Qvvvwv /cat TruAcuv Kaairiwv Kal pep&v Âhavtov Kal
0araKapavr}s TroAecus 'Appevias jSacriAecuv. Kal ciTro rrjs TCOV Âî^vwv
)U-e;i(/H JVicrtjSecos Trapa ra opia TT?S Zvptas ecus NopaipaKwv
yrjs Kal KopSov'Cr&v Kal rfjs pcuraTT^s %cupas T&V MijScov Kal rov
QIKOV Maxovprwv rov apôvros KO.\1 'ArpairaraKdv, TJris KaAeZrai
Kara rrjv TrspaiKrjv yXwrrav, eêretê TO Gva
t depovs Kal êijucuvos, rjpepas Kal WKros, 6 ao/cvos ev
avrov Trojoeta Kat Glpyvofiopa) j3aoia[j,ari Girl /
Kal ap%6vrwv Kal e6va>v aôfiws TO rca,v<ywrr)piQV ovopa rov Kvpiov
eTrt arop,aros <j>epwv, reaaav ^v^rfV xpiaroffropov elpydaaro .....
153. ... e£ cSv Kal ets r^v eTrtcr/coTTt/c^v rip^v Ttves d^tcuêFTes
Trap' avrov •xeiporovovrai, 6 rrp&ros 3AXj3wo$ /caAovjuevos, OCTTIS
Ag, pp. 77-80.

ARMEOTAN ADMINISTRATIVE DOCUMENTS 89*
rots juepecrtv Ev(f>paTOV TOV iroTapov eTreVr^ StSaovcaAos". o Se BevTepos

Ev6d)(iQS, TOIS juepecre, Baavjv&v KaTaaTadels Troip/jjv, 6 TpiTos Bdaaos,
6 TZTapTos Mtvvu'rjs, o TT^TTTOS Evaefiios, 6 GKTOS '/wavv^
'Aydmos, o oySoos "ApTios, o evvaTos 'ApavKiqs, o BeKaTos "
avTol eK TO>V lepecov vla>v eêAe^^crav ysvsadai e-TTicr/coTroi ev $ia(f>6pois
ware ets av^Tjcriv ^>epetv TO Kr/pwypa, TWV Se AOITTCOV Ta
Svcrêcup^Ta, ei Arat ôv/^deiT) TIS eêwretv,
I? 54. TOV 8e *^4AjSivov, • avSpa akqQivov Kal $eo</>iAeoTciTOV, ev TO)
TOV jSacriAecus eTTiaTaT^v eVaêv, /cat avTO? Kara Kaipovs
ev ToZs dfiaTQis opeaw rjyev aôA^v, TWOS' ev TTOVTI Kat Tracrt yivo/tevos1.
/caTO. Kaipovs Se TICTI TOTTXH?, ei T->V

TW ovoju-aTt. TOTC ovv
/cat uTrep/caAAôn} eyeyovei ^ ^cop
... / rpyyopios] eis /zecrov 7ra/jeA0cuv, TO ^COOTTOIOV TOV
evayyeAiov TOV XpiaTov eTreipdQir) TTJ TWV Mp/êvtwv
0eocrej8eiav ?7avTas eStâêv. Kal ev TroVcus" p^copais Trojoevojuevos1 eTre-
AeâTO eavTW ets* KaTOiKijcriv ep^/Aovs TOTTOVS", ica/ceicre <^/cei* 0.776
TCOV ep^jUicov TravTas* etvai STTICFKOTTOVS Trdaais TOIS Trarpiaw TTJS
*Ap[j,€viwv %wpas. 01 Se 757T* avTov êipoTov^êWes /cat /caTaoraêWes'
TrAeiovs1 ^ TSTpaKoaiot, smaKOTTOt. ^crav, 01 /cat Sia<j>6pois TOTTOIS eVecr-
KOTTTjuav, TO §e TrA^ôs1 TQ)V TrpecrjSvTe/jcuv Kal 8ta/covcov /cal avayvcoorcov
/cal aAAcov TCOV ev T$ AeiTovpyta TOV êov KaTaaTaêvTtuv TOV dpi$[j,ov
, I/i/e o/ âmi Gregory 30
6e emctKOTrovs o ayios Ppyyopios

eirl Traaav y^v T^S JkfeyaAo^s Âppevias Kal els Traaav ^tupav, 0/x.oitus*
/cal TT-peo-jSvTepovs-. Xal CK T^S Z'ejSao-TeiavcSv ^cupa
ovopaTi Trpecr^vTepov /cal T^yovftevov O^TOS Se o Elprfvapôs
^v ev cr%i]fj,aTi Kal TroXiTeia eTraiveT^, e^cov Kal Ttetpav
TCUV êicov ypaîwv OV'TO? Kal ev T^ evpecrei TCOV ayieov Aei^favcov TCUV
Teo-crapaKovTa Sta/covos ^v TOV TijviKavTa eTricrKOTrov oWoy TTJS
, av^p TroAm KeKoajj.Tjpevos, Els §e TT^V y^v TCUV
30 Garitte, Agathange, pp. 101-104.

90* APPENDIX III
Zcu^pdvtov Kal avTov TrpecrjSvTepov ovra /ca-TTTraSd/CTp, /cat awov crweA-

Bovra rw dytar ov TreTrotTj/cev eWovcoTrov /cat aTrecrreiAev. -Sis Se
'AXfiavlav ®a>fj,av oatov avopa, e/c TTJS TCUV 2araX4wv rrjs /x.t/cpas
TrdAecus'. OuVot yap TrAetoTOt crwTyAôv avTcu, et5 lrfiardp,e.voi TO.?
ypa<j>ds.
Kara Se TOV o/xotov rporrov em Te
/cat TT)V peydXrjv Tôêv^v /cat r^v
v, Svviovs /cat '^4pTêvtous /cat ets TT^V Mo/caa<Sv j(cupav /cat
OVTCD ev Traaats1 apvats /cat Trarpcnv
e77tcr/c77ot)s aTreuev a/x.a TOI? ye/j,crtv auTcov. acrieis- /cat
/^.6Ta TrAetCTTT^s papas' e/caaTos sTretyeTO a/Aa TOIS Aaôucrtv tepets ev
Tats tSiats %wpais, aveyeZpat e/c/cAâtas, /CTtcrat §e /cat
172. "EoTrevSev Se /cat ev erepais rfjs MeydXrjs *^4p/,tevta?
GTncfKOTTOvs, *^4A]8tavov juev T^ X^Pa Baypavavftwv Kal ETTI TOV
"/Ipcrtvov TTorapov ot/covvTas, OCTTIS eyeyovei /x-ev Trpcu^v tepevs TCUV
etScuAwv, e7rio*Tpei/fas Se e?7t T^V aATîv^v TTICTTIV /cat yvcoatv TOV ®eo£
dperfj Kal creûvoTTjTt rjîovro rov aTroaroXiKOV 9povov.
EvddXiov §6 eTTi T^V Ba(jiavr)v eêrre/ATrev 67ria/co7rov. Bdaaiov Se
CTTI .KcoTcov, Ma>o">jv Se e?7t '^KAeTêvTjv /cat xdepêv^v, EvaejSiov
8e e^Ti TT^V ZlapavaAecus ^cupav. '/wavv^v Se em T-^V Kapavirw, *Ayd-
Tfiov Se eTrt T^V SovuTT&pnv apa TOJ -^ye/zdvi T^S ^cupas TOJ acr'Trapa-jrer^.
8e eTrt TOV daTrapafTreJriKov ot/cov evâ dvaKGKTTjfvJro ot
TWV Afa/|Lta7/covtavcuv owot 8e aet avvrjaav rw jSacrtAet p,eTa.
TOV ot/cetov avTcDv yevfejdpôv rov p;eyaAov arparrjyov Kal daTrapa-
Sto /cat "-4Aj8tov aet crvveZvat TO> jSacrtAet zrrerarrev 6 ay to?
, /cat TOV ot/cetov TOTTOV dvaTrATypcDcrat ev Te T^ crweêZ
/cat StSacr/caAta.' ev rcdor) yap muSei'a e/ce/cda/AT^To ev
TC pajpa'CKTJ Kal eXXrjViKfj, peyiarfjv pvrjaw e^cov /cat TCUV êoTrvevcrTcuv
ypa^>cuv eWtovcoTrei Se /cat Tapavvwv /cat Taidoxov. *Apndav 8e
êtpOTOVT^cras eTrtcr/coTrov, aTreoTetAev Se eTrt T^V AfaAâ^dv aûa
TO) Xop-ôpovvios yevedp^T], ÂpaovKav Se e?rt TT)V Z'tpd/ctDV.
"Avrioôv Se eTrt TT]V KopSovvwv ^wpafv] . Ttpt/ctov Se CTTI TT^V Ovavdv~
Scuv /cat * Aftr]/(iGvr)v Kal "Erepov Se KvpiaKov eTrt
j^copav M^4pcra/Aovvios. i erepovs rrXeiarovs ^cuptov Te /cat e^vcuv
ets TC eTna/coTT^v /cat eâTreo-TetAev Swa/êvovs
TOV Adyov T^S dX
173. ^4vTos Se d ayio? .... IJdvra yap Kal evtSpvo*as
TT) rrtaTGi TCUV xpicmavcuv d'TravTas, "AXftiov rov oatov /caTaAeAotTrcus
ev e/cacrro) rov avrov e/CTrA^jooiv TOTTOV, 6 aytos Ppijôpios em
ravra w/cet ev Mapidvar, eV

Zl apavaAecu?, e/cSeSto/ctos' /ecu $a,Kpvcnv /ecu vrjaretais,
iv. Arabic version 31
158. Turn praeparavit episcopos sanctus Gregorius, Me qui catholicus

totius Armeniae factus est, eosque dimittebat in totam terram Ar-
meniae et in Georgiam (gig'n) et in regionem drzqy't et in Albanos
(ll'nyn), Et assumpsit hominem georgianum (grgny) ex illis qui
cum ipso Sebastea venerant, nomine 'byrbzhw' (lege Irenarehum)
eumque metropolitan! fecit et misit eum ut episcopos constituent
super totam Georgiam (grg'n); erat autem pulcher vitae modo, per-
fectus, doctus Scripturarum Bcclesiae, diaconusque erat et praesens
cum ossa Quadraginta Martyrum invenerunt, atque ornatus canitie
erat; propterea eum in hunc gradum constituit. Bt misit in regionem
Abchazorum ('bh'z) Sophronium (sfrwn) qui presbyter erat a Cappa-
docia advenitque cum sancto Gregorio, eumque episcopum fecit et
misit. Et misit in regionem Albanorum ('ll'nyn) Thomam, hominem
electum, eratque e civitate Satala (s't'l'wn) parva. Hi autem erant
ex illis qui cum eo venerant et docti erant Scripturarum sanctarum.
159. Et sicut prius feeerat, misit ad regionem 'Igylnyn et ad 'bli'z
et ad magnam zwf'nyn et ad zwf'nyn parvam et ad 'sty'nyn et ad
swynws (sic, lege swnyws) et ad mqswn et ad mrznt'q'n et ita ad omnem
locum quern praefecti ei accomodabant, episcoposque cum praefectis
regionum mittebat. Illi autem principes et potentes et praefecti
gentium multa cum laetitia in regiones suas ibant cum episcopo suo
qui eis praefectus erat catervaque sacerdotum ut ecclesias in nomina
martyrum constituerent.
160. Et festinavit etiam in reliquas regiones Armeniae episcopos
mittere. Misit Albianum ('Iby'nwn) in regionem Bagravand (b'grw'-
ndwn) et ad omnes incolas finium Euphratis qui antea idolis ministra-
bant, sed doctrina sua eos omnes ad cognitionem Dei convertit, nam
dignus erat qui in throno diseipulorum sederet. Et misit Euthalium
31 Garitte, Agathange, pp. 101-104 = Marr, CTiristia/nization, pp. 136-138.

92* APPEISTDIX
('wt'lywn) in regionem bsy'nyn, episcopum super earn, Et misit

Bassum (bswn) episcopum. super byqwgwn, Et misit Moysem (mwsy)
episcopum super regionem 'yb'klyrtyn et drdnyn. Et roisit Eusebium
('ws'byws) super regionem d'r'n'l'ws. Et misit lohannem episcopum
super regionem qw'nytyn. Et misit Amatum episcopum super
regionem swsb'rtyn; qui abiit cum praefecto regionis dicto 'sb'ta.
Et misit Albium ('Ibywn) episcopum super regionem 'sbr'b't-icam
et mqwny'nwn, qui ex familiaribus regis erant et 'sbr'b'tw' cum
praefecto eorum qui patricius dicitur; beatus autem Gregorius prae-
cepit Albio ('Ibywn) episcopo et dixit ei : « Ne diseesseris a patricio
regionemque ample praedicatione»; atque hoc (fecit) quia episcopus
eruditus erat in variis scientiis, romana et pagana, validusque erat
ad interpretationem sanctarum Scripturarum; et sub eius potestate
erant t'rwn et bswn. Atque Artithern ('rtyt'n) episcopum fecit
eumque ad regionem mlh.'zwn misit cum principe eorum g'n'rsy.
Et fecit Arsukan ('rswq'n) episcopum eumque ad sr'g regionem misit,
Antiochum ('ntywlm.) etiam episcopum fecit eumque ad regionem
qrdlt misit. Tiricium (tryqywn) quoque episcopum fecit eumque
ad regionem Atrpatakan ('tr'b't'qn) misit. Cyriacum (qry'qs) quoque
episcopum fecit eumque ad regionem 'rs'mwnyws misit. Et misit
etiam episeopos nonnullos ad reliquas regiones et gentes, et ita etiam
monitores misit validos ad docendum verbum Teritatis.
161. Sanctus vero Gregorius .... Cum vero omnia absolyit, univers-
osque in religione Christiana confirmaYit, sanctum Albium ('Ibywn)
omnibus rebus ad inquisitionem regiones (pertinentibus) praefecit.
Et ita et omnes regiones et episeopos omni tempore fundabat docendo
fidem in qua constituti erant. Post haec autem omnia, abiit et habi-
tavit in spelunca m'ny'rt nominata, in regione d'r'nTws, ut quietem
inveniret a curis mundi, atque seipsum ieiunio et orationi et fletui
dedidit33.
32 On the problems of the versions of " Agat'angelos " in general, see above Appendix
III-D, n, 11. On the bishops ordained by St. Gregory, see Garitte, Agathange, pp. 321-
323, and Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 458-460, n. 98. See also above Chapter XII, nn, 10-11,
14-16b-
v. Step'annos Orbelean 33
5. • •• f>ul[ tfjih) uiju uijuufû 1îupij.kguiL, miqui Ifmpi^ L unipp.

i nuiuu^ anui^ li nnjiainpL buipulfnufnuwnb, k ^nuiJSwjl; puumlki
pligbwli wfdnnnd^ L nulfkhlfiiip puip^ni 36 bufpulfnufnuw^ 18 JiuQSl; li
pulf jiu 9 l^n jbojÎikpnpij. ;. li
vi. Uxtanes Ufhaeci 34
lj/3>. ... fjt feiqpuhnu[ni]p* np &bnbuinpbijui& p puili nvn

£iappLp Ijiahulinuinu* uikiinLtj) mknkiiig uibnauia :
2, lliUJPl'
}pi-p i&pnj upp.nj'ii
ih wlilnnnbliiui l)ujpulinuinuiuq^ nlfiapqu. tuniu9ph* ^
kphpnpnb* fluiniuh bu[pufynuiniiL, hpnpnh* Siujnti
Ifinpnuinnj, £phnbpnpnh* HpîuiinLUbuji], JJsijkpnpnla*
^ nLJdhpnpqh* flryinni.'iibuiij, pli'libpnpnh*
, ilbmiauui'iikpnpntf Piuukhnj,
, bpkpmuiuui'iibpnpnli' jpiunpkmfinmj^ inpbpwnjuuihkpnpnh* Jtfnp —
hbiiiij, ph&luniuuuihbpnpr}&* , guui'iibpnpnli* QuipnSuifiuij, f

H,Iil;nj, puuili L hpLnm^ ^ puwfi h. bphpli* t)pni.inuil[wij,
L. £npuh* UtUnpbuiij, ^wu/6 It
, puuili k h.pb* lfb£hni.hbujtj, guuifj k oi^9&* fe/n/, guiuti li phh* Q_ui —
LliV IfpuiiiiLnpbuig ': U,ju bpbuniSi fetyû^n^J7U^ nPf wfdn—
nliLuinii'ii &bnbuinpni.ppLfi p upp.njb ^ppt^npl L uijj^ Lu
k kp mfimil nib Jjtijpuliniiinuj). np It Lnfia Ifiupqkgiaî p inkn^pu i
L. Uniufin pLpwguih^pLp qwuani] p ipuinpu Huinni-bnj 3
\, Orb., I, pp. 64-65,

34Uxtanes, I, pp. 99-100.
35 On the bishops ordained by St. Gregory, see above n, 32. On TJytanes, see above
Chapter XII, nn. 8, 12.
94* APPENDIX III
L. AKMENIAN CONCILIAK LISTS
i. Council of A.D. 450
a. Lazar P'arpeci 36
puin {.pui'uuiup inuibnLinkpuinh Zuijntj unLpp

£uin quiLiunuig uippjuip^pL Zwjnij, li ufuiuinmiliiiib bppnnLbp It
, npg kh uijunpplf, UnLpp.fi Sniûliji^ np pluflm IL kplg lp njain
Lphwu Zwjntj njuBnnii nLli^p p
S^p Uihuibpui UpLukuirj huipulfnufnu, S£p \J"nL^ H.pbpnLukuig
Sip l]ui£,uili Swpobnj kiifpuljnufnu, UnLppb Uiii£uilj f^nfinnLUkuiij
S£p ITh^pujl Ifuiii^kpinnj kui[iul[nu{nu, Sip b^plf puiqpliuihqkuij kufpulfn
Sip UnLpfiuilj PaJinLhbwij ku[pulfnu[nu, Sip fompplf puiubLnj
Sip bpkJpui U'uipn(uiuinuitifi hujpnu[nu, Sip 9^""^ ûitiiiibiflniij
Sip jpuiupi^ Ifnlfmg ku^pul^nu^nu^ Sip t>1rlUJJP Ub&Iiuiijkuiij kufliu^nufnu^ Sip
Sui&win Siujng kufpuljniifnu, Sip 'fiuiunLli Swpp.kpnLiinj kufpul[nufnii, Sip
§u/t^& Ifuibm&uiqLnj kufpulfnuinu, Sip blfol HSiuinnLiikuig kujpiilfnu[nu,
Sip bphilpia Hujui^nLfikiiiy kufpulfnufnu : Hjunoplj uiilb'iikfbw'u kujpuL
h. p iifuiinnLwlfuiiii kppyuibij^ unLpp.Ii l^lmli^ L fjnplh p Ifpkbhuij, L.
L wjj_ ufuiwnLuiljiah kphnnLUo, h. uiLwaf Juiliuilfuibp nwajiLUp^ £uiunkp£ u
IL ^pkîniiiljiiilipob uibpuiSp.'u [^/jiu&u/i, np lp jw^lfi D^pbpnLlikuib^ fjt
p huipjuipuipuigb Ipli ^nnjiijkui^^ inlpb UpiSikuig Quiuuilf, L i
\,l;p£uiu[nL£, ^Lpp'i iT"'J2/wuf^, mlpli ITuiiJpIfnhlpij L
inlpb ^w^hnLfikuig ^pun, wlpb Ifnlfiag
UpîupnLlikuitj UpûiLpp, wlpb D.3uimnLiikwg , in^pii

inlpii tfjuiinL&kiiiif ^wpumyuimnL^ m^pli
Saijm^ inlph U,p.knJ;hpij ûipjipli, mlpli
Ujunphli mifkiikpbui'u UILUID. inuilinLfflkuipp, £uibnkp& UILUIO. iikui£op L

, h. uiLinq pvaîuHiuijpLp L. Juibialfiiifiop,
L inn uiifbLuijh
LP\. 133-135.
b. Elise 37
npg iupiuuilsuiii quiLiunli L. uipuippli
u Hjpuipuiwnj.
kuj[jul[nufnu
buihubniunii
kiif[iul{nu[nu
U>Swin nib kin.
U,ju luifb&uijL kufhuLniunuD L pianni^ DnpkiupuLniuniiD L

kppgntL^ p inkijkwij inkrjbwtj £iubifkp& iintpp nLJuwpi.
L JpwûiLuiliD^ i/hmûiSnin dnijndhuiip h puiniuLnpwLpuin wki^pL
JkbwJbb livapjuipuipuiij'u L
bivSiuLpL uiujinujufuujbh $8 ;
ii. Council of A.D. 505™
f1 Ifkbuib Zwjntj h puinaktiuij h ûiinn bu{pulinu[nuuiiiiku]I;, L. h bnphb uijdn —

lfijuitf, p Ifkp^muf^nj lfun/lil{nfipij kufpul^nufnu^ p \,kpubiil
, h Skuinliinpnj û/noiz/; kufhuLnujnul;, h
37 Elise, pp. 27-28.

38 On the Council of 450 and the list of those present, see Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 246
sqq. and tables viii-ix.
39 EL, pp. 41-47.
96* APPENDIX in
ft ^niUiuiuuij k h UmSniki^ fiaiuklinj kiuhuLnufnuuig 40: I,
iSilitut] ki^fiulfnii^nu^ fj jHqjiihiuj hnpfunnntfilnag ku^pulfn—
mj Suijnq kiahuLnuinu^ h Sui&winiuj l^pîaSniSikuiq kuipubn —
t p ûifipki^ f)»ni.£innLhkuiq ku^hul^nujnu^ ft 8za^û/&/ I
jj J\}uipp.uij UpbpniSikuiij kuipuljnuinu];, [i &w£kj; HfiwuiniSikuiq
p Dui^mlâij tf)in]ni.fil;iug ku^pu^najnii^ p ûtLijnul ^îniSikiaq
p ITniJûhu^ tûipp&LUi&li bufpulfnu^nu^ ji ûiiûiujj SSnpkmq
h ^luhhkijt yî^liiankuia kuihulfni^nu^ p ^Spwj IfkflunLtikuin
tjlanjli ^mSuipâiliiuufû p.kpk]ni£ ijni^nj'ii^ juiuinnmibuiuiuiîn k jniqijiaipuin
^qtiuiuipiuq khkqkqi.nj, hphquiLq L iûibiulfiuhiui] L ijpuijhiuqkiai Snliwqui'iiq,
h. p fnupkujiaîn ujkinuiq k fepjiahiuij Zuijwvmw'ii iii£pjiup£pu, np pfcpkh qjiu^qja—
ifiuin. ûiLuiin jphgkiub) ûiprf. Ifuii/plfnfihm^^ 1Jui£tulf ^wSumpiulûila luppui —
pniSikiutj wlp, IJiifui^qpiuin Z^jny uiuufhui, Upinui^fip Zwjntj SuipJiiiq_,
J whin nuij w/n, Ifui'iiqhlii \l,SuimnL^skuiq HJ//J, Shpnin ^juij
lPI puiyfuk/Li ûi^lutiLlikian OT^/J, Up in my np DpiJikiuq w/n, U,inphhpuk£

^n, U>piniii£pp Unwikiiphpij in£p, k
p i/kbmg h. p ijinoniSiif, h. npg phy.
unipp. liuiftnLqJiqJ; L juinm^k^mlfiufi kl^kqjsgui^ npj> qJ-t^Suapput £uiLiuin n
p Zwjp-i b- if) PIP* h. h unLpp. Znnhb, jiut/khiiijh Zuijniumiiib lu^himpû^ jkuihu —
^ jkphqia&zj, h. p û/&H/îzf&i«^. jiuqjuinnirj k p pfihiuljwhuiq, mn &tp
in upp.ni.ppLbij.1 uppnifii *ftppuinnujj nLpaipjaihw^ :
qh ni.pkinvuu'iikpnpq. wifli ^JiuLoiuiuij uipoiujpq wpgwjpi iJpliinkn. ku
Zuijnq kuipubnufnuiuinkin, laJkbiujh ku^pulinupuuiLD L.
h. HiuipimpuipuiLp {fnqnJkiuj^ £iu,p jUjpmpiain awuun, inz//nu/&
ur£p]iiip£pu p ^nipli giuquig, •««
fet qjuju [uhqpp foSuippui £uiuainnj qpkquig L. fybgkqiug : feu PiufUfl;h Z^jn
TjuijpnL^plfnu u/z/&&u/jfi kufpulfnujninm.^ p^pimûiL^ k hwpinipwpwLg
40 Tlie text seems clearly defective at this point. Not only does the printed version,
BL, p. 41, read " ...^ DuiSnLkjl Pqjuni.bhiiiij kmpulfnufnu^: p ^mjlûtuuij ki p
PqJiniStbiuq kufpul[nu{nu£, p ^>nijjûiuuij £1 p Um
'," -with the suspicious repetition of names, but the punctuation is
cuous.
41 A translation of the greater part of this letter can be found in Ter Minassianz, Die
Armenische Kvrche, pp. 152-157, to accompany his discussion of this Council, Ibid,,
pp. 33 sqq. See also Garitte, Narratio, p. 109, and Toumanoff, Studies, pp. 249-250
and table x.
iii. Council of A.D, 555
5t dumb ah kqk^ iûiiih uijhnpplf

£uiiiiay[uuipiulfiah, iJkg laifbinjb Zwjg, jt guvah It ^nppnpq uiifp Jtfnupnijjii.
ijhn uippuijh^ p unipp. p Diun.uiubl;pnpnubt p ^pLpmb^p nqnqniJkbp& 43,
iiup uiqiuhifp& pjnLÎîug \fkuinnpuilîufiiag *•*
feu \fkpuû Zwjnq. Ifiupnuifi^nu : fei U"kp£uiujni.£ û/^ja/t&ni h. IfmifpliniJ^pg
uku[^wlfuili q&qph kuipiilfnu^nu : ûipiÎi Zuipgiuj hufpu—
linuinu : ÂnzH/rfiuimpliiufinkiiijhiupuhniunu : Qphnnp Pwukhnj kiupuljniqnu^
\fkpuû Ifiupquiijnj ku^hu^nu^nu : ^mijnm HpîuSnifihuug kujpulfna^nu : tfjkinpnu
Upifikiun kinpulinufnu : Qphnnp UpbpnL^kmn kwhulinufnu : Ifmplfna
ijhuij huipubni^nu : Ifui^qng fynpjunnnLhkuiij hufjiulfnu^nu : Qnûih H
kii[pulinufnu : Hp.qpiinj Uunpkuitj nLqîuip
kvahubnuinii : ^zutntA Uppiupnifikuin kufhuljnufnu : 'fippuiniuifinp
huipul[nu[nii : Qnju 9-o^û/i/ kufpulfniqnu :
u k milh'hiaj^ kufpulfnmnuL^f Zfjntj ui^pjmp^pu : fet
p fyn upj[ui nuiifkuih p inui'ul; Ifiuilplfn&pij :
pqnp h î?iuyu/^m& : Du]ûil^ p
: HuinnLui&uiinnLp ^wfimfiquij wlp : ^luinnj p ûip^nLqkiub :
k ^tupquib p ûiumlfujj : QiuLpialf p îjuiLntiuih : ^
h Snûihuih ; ^«/nn/o& h U'nLyktjkiu'ii : 2ui3mijiuuuf, JJiaûib h
: ^ppqnp Upkijkmfi : Ifkp^mufni.^ h
: HuinnLaibiainnLp ZiaikbiiLfifi :
p ûipuiiiinppnijkiiib : IfnL^ki^ p ZSuijklikiuh : ti/7/'^/ j
Hp\uii.pkiii& : UmSniki^ h \TuiSuili tub : ^vipij. p
\jkpul u h UiuSunhkiaL : ûipqiuh ûi£Lni5ih : ZSvijkml^ ^
y«/zw&jpz.&A : *]ûipn k Hpuiiamiqij. h Ifiaiiiuliuifi : ^«/J?IW^H;III^ A
: Uuiîulf p ITai^nLkijliiaî : *liupqiuh p ITnv^kijhvi^ : fei. n^ n^
nj iKiwq jivpfuiupûjliuihuig h jwju h LiaSuiinp anpbnj^ h
p ^«/&U/Û/&UID, A ctnijiHlpqiulfuibuiij) p p.uipkuinîlpg h. juiilkluuijli
I[p£pifii £wp : p jnju juiuquirjlfiufi nquJJ h. Suipifiinj : 44
42 5i, pp. 73-74.

43 The printed test has here the misleading " pLnnqniikhph ".
44 On the Council of 555, see Garitte, NarraUo, pp. 130 sqq., and Toumanoff, Studies,
pp. 249-250 and table xi, also above Chapter XII, n. 19.
98* APPENDIX III
iv. Councils of A.D. 607 45
nr
fc^
• •• dumb npnj (tn^ni^kguig kuipulfniqnugu mju p Siujpiugwijuig
ÛLbkuij, f&lnnnnnu fiuinnufbutuilfiub biifhulfnuinu, Qn
kinhuLnufnu, 'f-nfjuintuijinp U,pi.hkiuij kuijjulfnufnu, Ifuibwiil; puiukhnj
ufynuinu, UpLpuiîuS r^yuinLliku]^ kuffiul[nu[nu, 8nil£ui&£i£u
jnj kujpulfnufnu^ f^va^nu U,nliiiijnj kufpulfnu^nu. bii^puljniifnuf D*. b-

L nui£iuLiajD S« / t ^ , LwSwLD li u///no, ûiumuiinki uuiîiiuti
juinuinu uijliuipubuan, npg qiab p funuinni£ui£inL[i}pLb i^^wtiui^ni^ îjbuiii L.
qiiknu anp nnpbkqp'ii LwSiui. L uilûiSwj^ tj^p npuiiuunhb uiuiinpuiuinnLJlkuiSp.
qiniuhhi lub&uibn ippbnippLfi p Skuiniil; : • • •
snr UITPUS
, nr-p
zusns, ebs irn*iui?ur>, ^ mev
bS
L ifiuinwLiipbjnj h.
DSpLiusnwj *]^pl[iub Suipqwiu'iip k inhpiu&n ^phnitipp, L.
ipuibp, k i£uipquiii}l;ui[] Zwjny ûipuuiijiupp.
fnul;, h *fippuinuiipnpl; Upilikiag kiqpul]nu[nii£,
ufnu^ p Qnil^wHilul l^StainniSikm^ ki^pulfnufnu^ p
kufpulfnufnu^ p Upnijbl; ^nqjdwli ki^pulfnufnu^ p
lfnu^nu^ p \,kpul-ul; pndnLhbuiij kuipulfnii^nu^ h
, p lûiq^nu^ Unuibnj kufpul[nu{nul;, $lipiiii)p. n
pq lailp Hiifpniki^ }\Jnupni£nL lupguijprj uipgwjp,
Suipkph, npu^lu JiuiniuLnpnippL^n £kp juiju kufpulfnujnuujij* tj^np p
EL, pp. 146-147, 149-150, 151-152.

. nn h diuSnLU h ^ntnLh h unipp kliknknLn9u nhuiuip,

ihiiuli uninp It nujijwijiuin £uiLiuwnj, anp ifkp ûipwliali h. kpuihkih
^ L uijdS niSipSg lûiSuiLfli Humnidnj : • ••
I)L Ifiigkguip ij^bnliuipljû wjii, h. kquij) uni.pp k^kqknLnû ^niLujj : feu lTuihuiu£
^ fiS ui^nnuslûiL^ £uibqhp&, npn$ uifinuuJugli fi i^hpnjq
: £?L IjSpuiin ^nLuili Swnnwui'ii, L inkpiubn n^hm-Tip, fiLp
inm^fi uiiIkhwunLpp. kppnpqnLpkwhb, hiufu upuifjig
ilbnmJj), L. wiifui fiuiinuiLiiJLD i&nnJo ;
zmns
wens, ue^n^^ nr
znanirns t*
77t inwuLhpnpij. uiilp Hu^kpni^ Jtfnupni^ni. uipgwjpij uipguijp, pS

Zwjng huifdnLnplinuh h. wj)nn.wûin hSntj, Ifui'tiuiulp
, "fippuiniuipnpp UpLhkwij kufpulfnufnu[], Sniûibjj
, Qppqnph yji^luughuig kufpulfnuinufi, Uhnifiifi ^nqpuili kujpulfn —
^ U£iupnb[j If k£b nth king ki^hul^ni^nup^ \,kpu£uh pndnLbkwij ku^pul^n
Qn^wliliuif ^nnj kiuhulinuinup, /ûin^nuh Uniutiuij kufpuLnu^nuh L py
i/kpng. Skiunh l)Sp.uiiniuj ÎplfiuL fiujpûfiuhp L inkpuihg i£pLnLnpp : fei.
^lupinliujpiiihp, k. Jiupniuuikinh ^tu/nn îiipuuinuipp^ L. tuji hpjuuihuin L ui}pjuip£,w-
IjiuLujg L. nLqiûiipuinuig wiiiuQp Ifiugkui^ j^lnr^npnu uku[£uiliiuh qhqpL ku^p —
ubnuinu, Uuihipwlinu puinpiuLiuhniuj kufpuhnniijnu, ITniJuû Jflnnfunnnhkuin
ulfniifnu, "ftppuinuiifinp Hufin^nL^kwg kufpuljufnu^ \,kpu£u *]îuhwhnuij
ulfnuinu, £iu£iqkp£ i^whhtj kppguiSpfu uijungpLg, UppwûiS uppnj lûi^ni.—
sic] iûiLpg kp£r/, UwfinLpkûppnj Znpifjupi/kp, piuppLîuu uppnj Qn
kp£ij, Jjnupni^ l^Lûilûi'iinL^ QuiLpinkuili Hq^pi^wpqiuj^ ^wipp fc
QuinLnj, Sni5iuilil;u Quuhp, fiupuij^ îniûiiîuîp^^ Qn^plj fe
UpmiULiaqnuij uiuiuipiuLhn, U^pmu L. []pnhwls L H,pput£iiiii (p
U.^pg-, ^hnpqpii U,p£nj, ^n^Swu Hipquij, Ifwjtb ilfiLU
Qnîulipli Upduiinuig, \JpSnli 'J'WinuiLiuIinn, JJiuSnin P/uanuipuihh, L mil Jvubpn
kphnwSp £wlinlp&, klikui^ juibifnfiuili i/kp i^pmpkufwyinnLppLli funuinni^tuliknhh,
i[}uip dnijnijli ^piuqlfkqnLp, IL ûfppb wnLiiwph £/u7&/7, A mijw \wliu
iJ wnuiVh i/kp, pjuinlsb^ t^plipbuiliu p iIpwp.uilini.ji}pLii
'fppuinnup ••• 46
46 On the successive Councils and their problems, see above Chapter XII, nn, 21-25.
100* APPENDIX III
v. Council 0/A.D. 644 47
npkiui nilf JkpnJp unipp. kuipuljnujnuoD 2,uijnn

&knbuiplfBiui puin £piuJ3ui$ip k uw^Suifip ^fl^tn/& uppnj L pjimpkwq
'unpw :
ui, S£p SniKuififiû numiiili L fiuipifii[kinuiljuih
P" Sip )jkpuiu Zuipguij kuipulinufnu
/f. Sip *ftppuuinutuinnLp jpuiukhnj
if. Sip f>uPutjijL Swjng ku^puljujn
k. Sip Smlûihhiii U"mpij.aifinj
1' Sip Qn
i> Sip
£• Sip
^, Sip Qphnnp JtfnppinnnL&kuiij kujpuljnujnu
d. Sip Ufrdinhf)*£innLhl;iijq
dm. Sip fiu
dp. Sip l^
dn. Sip Humji] UiSuimnLiikwq kuipubnuinu
ds].. Sip
dh. Sip f^kni^npnu
dq^. Sip Quibnilpnu ûintLlikiun
d~i* Sip UiuSni.i^ U*k£iLinLhkwq
l&ju kli unipp. dnqnJnjfj Zuipn nibnuahipi npct h dnnnijkqui'ti p
uPF-nJ ^î^ * ^
vi. Council of A,D. 726

a. (Armenian)49
mens
nr
. uiilk'liui^nnjiili uppnj
nSik^ 1* ppnpq dnqjni
*p.uiqSuiLpl;wj duiSui'iitiiliuiL ifhui —
« Dwin Canons, pp, 200-202.

48 On the problematic date of the Council of 644( ?), see above Chapter XII, nn. 20a, 26,
and Garitte, Narratio, pp, 339 sqq,
4» BL, pp. 220-224.
kqk p
pnj ^ p i/ji i[iajp J Uû^m^nLîhiug qmiiun. jj qhqh
£aiduiphuil[ funiiinni£iuhni.pl;u]iip. ui^pjiup^pu ^«/yn^, L
oui9ph k pfiuiuinuiuppli wnii ifipipunijiuijlj Qphanpfi
^ dni]ni]kw]_ ^ppuinnuiuu^p inkwpg
QkutiL fiiuuhhnj, Uiupqpii $iujnij, ^j^ni^npnu /^rf&nt&iu;//, Qpfynpû gnph—

lupubnufnu UpptupnL&kinn, £uifinkn& wilk'iiiujli kutpuliniîiiiiuiLD 2,ui\nrj^ DOS —
k uuiplfuiLiiit^nL^f^ IL nipjutji Suiîl^nLli^ uninp. kl^htjkûij^ npj) uiu}&ui —
ononi, h iJh Jiujp nni-Siunkuiip, ^luuwiuhwil nûiuuwu
n&n ifkn niup&kiu^ wpj> nSuilip kufpulfniqnuD 5- h Qiuhnpihb auulif;,

juip.iubni.fdkiuh pjnmnni£iii&nLJ(}
kh wjunglilf. Untu^pfifi *]nuiniuhqph
ifi Skp Hj<}iuhujii \jipplfkinnj

Jknkpnpnh f^^nnnpnu IJ^Suiupia hujpulinufnu : Ungiu uitlh'iikgp'ii
uipDkuipulinuinup'ii U^mpnowj kliiuuipkiui hnkb wn lika h i/fiiupiuhkuii
li JhpwauilikwiD ptiij. ilpi/kuiliu
£uinu
b. (Syriao)50
JExemplaire de la lettre synodale que firent les Armeniens et les Syriens

lorsqu'ils s'unirent
En Tan 1037 des Grecs, 135 selon le comput des Armeniens, vous
etes arrives chez nous de la region de Syrie, sur I'ordre de Mar Atha-
nasius, patriarche d'Antioche, pres de moi Iwannes, catholieos de
la Grande Armenie, vons, eveqnes, dont les noms sont consignes ici:
Constantin d'Bdesse, - Simeon de Harran, - Theodorus de Ger-
manicia, - Athanasins de Maipherqat, - Simeon de Dara; en Tue de
Tunion entre nous et vous, c'est-a-dire entre les regions de Syrie
et d'Armenie.
Selon la regie, nous avons dii vous demander de nous donner la
definition de votre foi; vous 1'avez ecrite et nous 1'avez remise par
5° Mick. Syr., II, pp. 496-500.

102* APPENDIX III
eerit. Alois nous avons ordonne qu'un synode des venerables eveques
s'assemblat dans le canton d'Apahounis an village de Manavasqerd,
Nons j arrivames par la permission de Dieu et de 1'Esprit-Saint:
Moi, Iwanes, catholicos de la Grande Armenie, et les evSques qni
etaient avec moi:
l)Halphai, Sveque de 'ARKIWS; - 2) Theodores de 'ARMN; -
Sahak, eveque Mamikonean; - 4) [RSQW, eveque de] Basean; -
5) Sargis, eveque de DITPIS( ?); - 6) Theories, de Beznounis; - 7) Theo-
doros, d'Asamounis; - 8) Grigorios, d'Asarounis; - 9) NWZWN, de
'ASIBW; - 10)Habel, d'Amatounis; - 11) David, d'Srestounis; -
12) lowsep', d'Artsrounis; - 13) Grigor, de Wanand; - 14) Narkisos,
de Khorkhoronnis; - 15) Esayi, de Golt'n; - 16) Iwanes, de Gnounis; -
17) Gorgi, de Botakay; - 18) lowsep', de Bakratounis; - 19) Mik'ayel,
de Bagrevand; - 20) Eremia, d'Apahounis; - 21) Salomon, de MEINA;
- 22) Gabriel, d'Arz6n( ?); - 23) Khosrow, pretre et docteur des Ar-
meniens; - 24) David, de Souphrin( 1); - 25) Salomon, archimandrite
de Mak'enis; - 26) Raphael, archimandrite; - 27) Simeon( ?), docteur;
- 28) Iwanes, choreveque; - 29) Grigor, de Taraun; - 30) Sahak, chor-
eveque de MATNIS; - Sargis, evgque des Sanasnaye;
avec les autres pretres et moines assembles dans le synode, dont il
n'est pas necessaire d'ecrire les noms, et aussi (avec) notre frere le
noble, glorieux, sage Haiyan( ?), fils de 'Abou Hakim. ...
Pour la confirmation, le maintien, la conservation de 1'union faite
entre nous et vous, nous avons ecrit (cette definition) et nous vous
(l')avons donnee, 6 nos freres nommes plus haut, representant toute
la Syrie, nous eveques, choreveques, pretres, plus haut designes,
representant toute 1'Armenie, devant le Dieu vivant et vivificateur
de 1'univers, et (devant) ses saints anges. Qu'il soit lui-meme le sceau
et le cachet confirmatif de la foi, c'est-a-dire de 1'union entre nous et
vous jusqu'a la fin du monde.
Et nous aussi, pour la certitude des choses qui ont ete faites, nous
avons signe et scelle de notre sceau, en confirmation 51.
51 On the Council of 725-726, see above Chapter XII, nn. 29-30, and Ter Minassiantz,
Die Armenische Kircfie, pp. 71 sqq., 178 sqq.
IV. GEOGEAPHICAL DOCUMENTS
A. PTOLEMY - GEOGKAPHY
KE0. ©E2IS
1 , *H Ka7777aooKia 7repiopi£eTCU 0.776 fj,ev ovaecos aaTLO, /ecu

pepei Uan<j>vXias Kara TTJV eKTeQeip,evriv 0.776 TOV UOVTOV iypa[J,fj,r)V
, ov rj Beats eTreêi poipas 64° 37° 4(f
0.770 Se s rfj re KiXiKia. Kara TTJV evreuêv Std TOV Tavpov
opovs TOV 'Apavov opovs ypa^L^v ecus' Treparos, o$ r) Oeais
70° 37° 20'
Ka Svpias rw evT€v9ev 8ta rov *A[j,avov opovs e?rt TO TOU
TO e T T e o v fj.oipas 71° 20' 38°
OLTTO oe avaroXwv 'App,evia MeydXr) Trapa pev TOV Ev<f>pa,Trjv 0.776 TOV
f.ipr}p,4vov T/zT^juaros (J*£XPl r^ls ^.pKTiKWTdrifjs O.VTOV 77p6s dvaroAds
€77io:Tpo<f>'fjs, r) eTreêi fj,o(pas 71° 42° 30'
/zero, oe TOLVTO. Tfj Trapa. TO. MOO-ÎKOL opr) ypa/x/j.^ ^XP1 TrepaTOS", ou
^ Beuis ^ 73° 44° 45'
/ecu TTj evTevBev €7n£,€vy>vvovo"r) TO 6tp7j/xevov rrepas ypafj,p,f}'
0.776 oe apKTCov pepei TOV Evêivov UOVTOV TW 0.776 'Apiaov TTJS
PaXaTias ^XP1 n^pa-TOS, ofi deais 72°20' 44° 45'
2. *H fj,ev ovv rrapaAtos TOVTOV TOV Tjj^rjpaTOS eêi
3. TIovTov PaXaTiKov Trepl TT^V 0avdpoiav TO TreS/ov

4, UOVTOV IJoXep,a}ViaKov
®epp,cboovTos 77OTapov e/c/JoAcu 67° 43° 15'
at Trr/ya TOV 77OTO.[j,ov 68° 30 42° 45
67° 15' 43° 05'
d/cpov 67° 30' 43° 15'
KoTvwpov 67° 35' 43° 05'
67° 50' 43° 15'
Ptolemy, pp. 865-894.

104* APPENDIX IV
5. UOVTOV KaTTTraSoKiKov irapa p,kv rrjv

65° 20' 43° 20*
Kepavovs 6S° 50' 43° 20*
0apvaK 69° 20' 43° 05*
" Yavov 70° 45' 43° 20*
70° 50' 43° 05*
6, Trapd Se rovs Kicrcriovs
*0(j)tOVS 77° 43° 25*
7:7° W 43° 35*
71° 43° 45*
71° 20* 43° 45*
MopdovXa 71° 40* 43° 45*
e/Cj8oAcu 72° 44°
72° 05' 44° 10*
TT-i ^ » n \
Aiacra Trorapov GKpoAai 72° 10* 44° 20*
"Aifroppos 72° 20* 44° 30*
'Aifjoppov 72° 20* 44° 40*
/3> t\
rov PXavKov
•is rov AVKOV 72° 30* 43° 45*
xt TOV *A\jjoppov TTorapov 72° 45* 43°
a,t TOV AVKOV 71° 15* 43°
rO7roAis 72° 20* 44° 45*
7. "Oprj Se aîoAoya KaTj"7ra8oKiav o re.
TO. Trepara evreêi 65° 30* 40° 30*
/ecu 66° 30' 39° 40*
o MeXas Troraôs pzwv TO)
) Kara 9saiv e poipas 71° 39° 20*
KOI O *AvTl7aVpOS TO OpOS SlT/KMT (WTO TOU TaVpOV OpOVS ^XP1
EvcfrpaTOV 7TOTajj,ov lv StaAei/x./AaTi, o^ TO p,ev Trpos r& Tavpa) opsi
T/Aâ eirfyei poipas 65° 30* * 38° 30'.,.
Kai 67° 25* 39° 15*
TO Se TTPOS TO> EvApaTri T/OTauco eTrevei Kai » A /
67° 30' 39° 40'

72° 30' 41° 15'
t o ^KopSiaKos TO opos, ov TO. Trepara e •ei [Aolpa-S
68° 41°
Ka 69° 42° 30* ...
9, UOVTOV UoXepcjomaKov
66° 30* 42° 40*
GEOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS 105*
67° 20' 42° 10'

Kapovavis 67° 40" 42<> IQ>
Bapfidvicraa, 68° 42° 20'
"AÂara 68° 20' 42°'
67° 20' 41° 50'
JSavpavia 68° 42°
JkfeyaAovAa 67° 40' 41° 40'
67° 30' 41° 42'
68° 41°
68° 40° 40'
68° 30' 41° 45'
68° 20' 41° 40'
MeyaAocrcrds' 68° 10' 41° 20'
10. IJovrov KatTTraBoKiKov
68° 20' 43°
"Ala. 69° 42° 30'
69° 30' 42° 45'
70° 43°
70° 30' 43° 05'
"Aaifia 71° 20' 43° 15'
MapSdpa 71° 30' 43° 40'
72° 43° 30'
11. Sr parity ias
dp,a 65° 40° 45'
"AvSpaKa 65° 40° 20'
PaBaa^va 65° 45' 40° 55'
OvdSara 65° 20' 40°
65° 40' 40° 30'
3 OScuya 66° 40° 20'
12,
0idpa 67° 41°
66° 20' 40° 45'
67° 40° 30'
66° 30' 40° 25'
3 'Apiapd6ipa 67° 20' 40° 45'
Mdpwya, 67° 30' 40° 30'
13.
65° 40°
64° 45' 39° 40'
106* APPENDIX IV
Navaauos 65° 30* 39° 45*

Ao/ccuo-a/>eta 65° 30* 39° 30*
65° 15* 39° 20*
Terpa-rrvpyla 66° 39° 20*
14, KiAiKias
MovcmA/a 66° 15* 40° 20*
Ziova 66° 30* 40° 05*
66° 15* 39° 45*
Kal Kaivdpeia 66° 30' 39° 30*
Kîarpa 67° 39° 20*
Etdywa 67° 10* 40° 15*
"APXa.AAa 67° 30* 40°
Z6fiapa 67° 10* 39° 40*
15, AvKaovias ...
16, 2rparity ias '
17. 2rparr)yias TvaviriSos
18. 'Apfjizvlas MiKpds TI fj,ev dpKTiKco •drrf KaAeiTcu •Orf^,
rj S* T^TT* avrrjv AlrovXav^, elra AlperiKr) /ecu VTT avryv 'Opayvrj Kal
O / 5 \e etcrt Trapa
jueCTTyÛjSptvcoTaT^ /xeTa T7]v 'Opair]vr)V 'Op liayvT), TTOAGIS
avrov rov Ev<f>pdTtr]v at
19. 71° 42° 30*
71° 42°
JaAava 71° 41° 40*
Ziapapa 71° 30* 41° 25*
Zlpapa 71° 30* 40° 40*
AavKovaa 71° 40° 25*
or> > \ P . \ /
6U, evTos oe Kai irapa ras opewas
ZdraXa 69° 30* 42° 10*
Aopava 70° 42° 05*
TdTTovpa 70° 30* 42° 10*
NiK67TOAis 69° 41° 40*
Xopaafila 69° 40* 41° 45*
Xdpag 70° 30* 41° 45*
Adywva 68° 40* 41° 20*
Z'eAeojSepeia 69° 30* 41°
69° 50* 41° 15'
70° 20* 41° 10'
68° 30* 40° 55*
JbSaaa 69° 40° 45*
EvSoiâra 68° 15' 40° 25'

KapdiTr) 71° 20' 41°
Kaadpa 70° 30' 40° 40'
' Op6fj,av8os 69° 40' 40° 30'
70° 30' 40° 20'
69° 40° 15'
'Apdvr) 69° 45' 40° 10'
68° 30' 39° 50'
Mdp&apa 69° 05' 39° 45'
OvapcraTra 67° 50' 39° 30'
"Opera 68° 30' 39° 30'
21. MeXiTrjvrjs
Trapa fj,ev TOP Ev(f>pdrjjv Trora/zdv
Zlayowa 71° 40° 05'
71° 39° 45'
71° 39° 30'
evros Se rovrwv
Za>7rapicrcr6s 70° 40°
TiTa/Hcrcros1 69° 45' 39° 45'
KidviKO, 69° 20' 39° 30'
0ovanrdpa 70° 30' 39° 40'
Evcripdpa 70° 10' 39° 30'
'/acrcrds 69° 39° 30'
KiaKis 69° 30' 39° 15'
Aevyaiaa 70° 15' 39° 10'
70° 40' 39° 20'
70° 30' 39° 20'
AaSoivepis 69° 30' 38° 50'
22. ias' Karaovias
Kaftacrvos 67° 15' 38° 35'
Tvvva 66° 50' 38° 30'
TipaXXls 67° 38° 20'
KvfiicrTpa 66° 38° 15'
65° 40' 37° 50'
ZlaAicravSds 66° 20' 37° 50'
TJoSvavSds 67° 38°
Kofâva KarnraSoKias 68° 38°
Moifiov Kpr/vr] 67° 20' 37° 30'
TavaBapis 68° 20' 37° 45'
108* APPENDIX IV
68° 40" 37° 40*

23, 2rparf)y>ias
67° 30* 39° 10'
KoTawa 68° 15' 39° 10'
ZopoTraaaos 69° 20' 39°
Nvcraa 68° 20' 38° 40'
'Apdcra,£a 67° 30' 38° 30'
Kapvahis 68° 45' 38° 30'
68° 30' 38° 10'
24, 2JTpa.Tr]'yias
irpos [lev rip Ev<f>pdTr]
Kopvrj 71° 39° 15'
71° 39°
KXavBids 71° 38° 45'
TOUTCOV
70° W 39°
70° 38° 45'
JJaudpvr) 70° 30' 38° 30'
69° 20' 38° 30'
68° 50' 38° 10'
69° 50' 38° 20'
Aavyaaa 69° 20' 37° 50'
25, Zr/jar^yias 'Apawrjvrjs
Trapa. pkv TQV Ev^)p6,TrfV
71° 38° 25'
71° 38° 10'
TOVTtDV
70° 40' 38° 15'
70° 15' 38° 10'
70° 37° 45'
69° 30' 37° 30'
... KE0, ®', KOAXIAOZ ®EZIS2
.... 3, *ATTO Se j TW 6VTei»0ev KaTnraBoKiKaJ

pa TT)V eKTeBei^^v Kal TW e^fjs juepet TTJS
9App,zvias Bia TTJS avTrjs ypappfjs >^ keens'
740 440 4Q>
2 Ptolemy, pp. 922-924.

0.776 Se avaToAdh> 'I^pta, Kara. €7n£,€wyvvovcrav TO. e

Bid TCUV KavKacriwv opecuv ecu? 75°
,,.KE0, I, 'IBHPIAS
1. *H 'J/?7?/H'a TTGpiopi^Grai O.TTO /zev ap/crcov TW e/creêêVco
2apparlas jueper 0.770 Se Swecus1 JCoA^jSi wapa rrjv elprnj,4v7]v
0.770 6e peaypppias juepei T^S MeyaA^s 'Appevlas TCU 0.776 TO{» 77^6?
T$ JôAîSi opiov psxpi TTGparos ofi ^ B4ais
76° 44° 40'
0.770 Se dvaroAaiv *^4Aj8avia Kara T^V 677
77epara ypapprjv ecus 77° 47°
1 TT" \ O > 5 > / ^ / \\.
is. iiiai oe CF avr^ 77oAeis Kat /ccuûat aide*
' 75° 40' 46° 50'
75° 46° 30'
76° 46° 20'
75° 20' 46°
Zbvpa 75° 45° 20'
MprdWcra. 75° 40' 46°
MetrrA^ra 74° 40' 45°
76° 44° 40'
75° 44° 30'
KE0, IAf. *
1. *H MAjSavia rrspiopi^GTai 0.776 /^,ev ap«rrcuv TCO

ju,epei T^S Sapparias' 0776 Se §vcr/xcov 'JjS^jo/a Kara T^V
yjOaju-ju^v* 0776 §e fj,ecfr)(j,^pids 'Appsvias Trjs AfeyaA^s /^.epei TCO 0776
TOV 77p6s T^ 'JjS^pia TTZparos p>$XPl T^ls 'YpKavias âAacrcnjs" /card.
TO.S eKjSoAaS1 To£J KvpOV 77OTajUOU,
a i STTôvai fiotpas
790 4ff 440 30'
0.776 Se dvaToAcov TCU eVreiJêv fte^pi TOU Sodvo, 77ora.jU.ov T^S * YpKavias
8aXdc?(JT)s juepei /card TTepiypa^rjv roiavrifjv fj,erd rr/v rov 2!odva,
TTorapov e/Cj8oA^v, 77 e77e^;ei 56° 47°
2, TeAcwjSa 7rcJA« 55° 46° 40'
8 Ptolemy, pp. 926-927,

4 Ptolemy, pp. 928-931.
110* APPENDIX IV
Peppov TTorapov eVcjBoAcu 84° 30" 46° 30'

FeXoa Tro'Ais 83° 46° 30'
Kaaiov TTOTCI/ZOV e/c/?oAcu 82° 30 46°
'AXfidva 776X15 81° 40' 45° 50'
'AXfidvov norapov eicjSoAoi 80° 30' 45° 30'
rdyyapa rroXis 79° 30' 45°
' r]v at TOV Kvpov Trora/jiov e/cjSoAat 79° 40' 44° 30'
3. TToAei? Se elaiv ev rf) 'AXftavia /cat fj,€Ta£v p,ev TTJS
Kai TOV TTorapov rov 0.776 rov Ko.VKo.aov els rov Kvpov
os Trap' oXr/v rrjv re 'I^piav /ecu r 'AXfi avav pet
oiopi^tov rr]V 'Appeviav O.TT' avrwv,
Tdywoa 77° 30' 46° 50'
Baicxia 77° 46° 30'
Zavova, 77° 40' 46° 40'
ArjyXdvrj 77° 20' 45° 45'
Niya 77° 20' 45° 15'
4, Mera^v oe rov elprjfievov Trorapov /cat TOU 'AXfidvov Trorapov,
os Kal avros O.TTO rov KavKacrov pel,
Mdo-Tjya 79° 47°
Zapovvis 79° 46° 40'
'/dSouAa 78° 46° 20'
'lovvo, 79° 46°
78° 30' 45° 40'
79° 45° 30'
'48AdVa 78° 45° 15'
79° 45' 45° 40'
77° 30' 44° 45'
Zi6oa 78° 15' 44° 40'
79° 20' 44° 40'
Se /cat ai 'AXfidviai UvXai, potpas, a>? e'ipr/rai,
80° 47°
5. Mera£v Be rov 'AXfidvov Kai rov Kaaiov Trorapov
80° 47°
Xofiwra 80° 30' 46° 45'
Bo&dra 80° 46° 20'
Miaia 81° 46° 20'
XaodXa, 81° 46°
82° 46° 15'
/j,era£v Se rov Kaaiov rrorapov Kal rov Peppov Trorapov
GEOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS 111
&iavva 82° 15' 46° 40'

QafiiXdKa 82° 45' 46° 50'
v Se TOV Peppov TroTapov Kal TOV Uoava TroTaôv
iXpis 84° 15' 46° 50'
6. NTJVOI Se rrapaKGiVTai TTJ 'AXfiavia ovo eXtboeis, tSv TO
poipas 80° 30' 45°
KE0. IB'. 'APMENIAZ METAAHZ &EZIS 5
*H MeydXr/ 'Apfj,evta rrepiopi^Tai 0.776 p,kv apKTWV TW TC

XbAî'Sos juepei /cat 'Ifiypia Kal 'AXjSavia Kara TT)V
oia Kvpov TOV TroTap,ov yf>a,\i\),r\v 0.776 8e ovasws KaTrrraooKia Trapa
TO eKTedeifJL^vov TOV Ev(j)pdTov [A^pos Kal Trapa. TO eK/ceiûevov TOU
KamraSoKiKov UOVTOV ^XP1 T^ls KoX%ioos oia Trjs TWV MoaxiK&v
opecuv 'ypa^prjs' 0.776 Se avaToAcuv Trjs Te ' YpKavias BaXduuT^s pepei TOJ
0,776 TWV TOV Kvpov TroTapov eKôXwv ^XP1 77ôa/7'C)S', oij r) Otais
79° 45' 43° 20'
Kal Mr)oia Trapa TT)V evrevdev ypauurjv Girl TO Kdamov opos Kal
Trap' avTo TO Kdamov opos, ov TO. irepaTa €776^61 fj,oipas
79° 42° 30'
Kai 80° 30' 40°
0,776 8e pGoripfiplas Tfj Te M&aoTtOTap,ia Trapa Trjv TOV Tavpov opos
rypafj,fj,r]V} r}Tis TO) /zev EvfipaTr/ TroTapw avvaTTTei KOTO, Oeaiv 6
poipas ' ' l 71° 30' 38°
TU> 8e TtypiSt TroTa^w Kara d4aiv eTr^xovaav uoipas
75° 30' 38° 30'
Kal Tfj 'Aaavpia Trapd TT/V Bid TOV NufiaTov opovs ypa^TjV <Ls €TT '
evBelas rf) slprujLevri p^XP1 T0^ Îp^êvov TrepaTos TOV KavTriov opovs,
81' rjs ypafAU'rjs SiaTetvei 6 Ni^>aTTis opos.
2. "Opr/ Se T^? 'Apuevias 6voud£,£Tai TO TC KaXovpeva Mocr^t/cd
SiaTetVovTa Trapa TO inrepKeifjLSVov /zepos TOU KaTTTraooKiKov UOVTOV
Kal 6 Ilapvd&prjs opos, ov TO, TrepaTa e776j/et Troipas
75° 43° 20'
Kai 77° 42°
Kal 6 OvoaKcaTT'Yjs opos, ov TO ueaov 6776êt [Molpas
80° 30' 40°
5 Ptolemy, pp. 932-949.

112* APPENDIX IV
/cat TOV >AvTt,Tavpov TO evTos TOV Ev^pdrov, o?3 TO ftecrov eVe

,uotpas 72° 41° 40'
/cat o /caAovp;evos "Afias opos, ov TO p,eaov eTreêt pxnpas
77° 41° 10*
/cat TO. JPopSvaTa op^, tov TO p,eaov erce-êi poipas
75° 39° 40'
3. IJoTapol Be Stappeovat TTJV âipav o re *Apdt;7)S 7roTap,os, os
e/c/3oAds eêt /caTa fleow TT?S cYp/cavias dahdaays,
79° 45' 43° 50'
Tas Se Tnjyds' /caTa. Oeaiv 67reôvo*av poipas 76° 30' 42° 30*
ts Trpos1 dVaToAas1 ftept TOV Kaairtov opovs Kal ST
ap/CTovs T^ eis T^F 'YpKaviw OaAaaaav e/c/MAAst, T^ §e
oTa^w /caTa demv eTreôvaav fj,oipas
78° 30' 44° 30'
/cat TOV Ev(f)pdTov TTOTa/ôv TO 0.770 TT)? eipTjfJtZVijs Trpos dvaToAds"
fte^pt TCUV TrTjytuv. at eTreôvcrt popas
75° 40' 42° 40'
Se /cat €Tepa d^toAoytoTepa aTro TOU Evcf>pdrov Trorapov e
•^s TO jU.ev avvdiTTOv TW Ev<f>pdTr) TTOTajuo) Trepas eTreêi poipas
71° 30' 40»30'
TO 6e /caTa Tas 77°
TOU TtyptSos ev TT? 'Appevia pepos airo TOV
ryivojj,evov VTTO rrjs necfrjfjL^pivfjs TrAevpas T/^/âTos p^XP1 T**>v
avTov TOV Tiypioos, alVtves eTreôvcrt poipas 74° 40' 39° 40'
TTOIOVOW Xipvrjv rrjv Ka)(ovfj,evY)v ©cucrmTtv. -Ktcrt Se /cat eVepai Xi
Tj Te Kaôvpevrj AVXVITIS, rjs TO jiecrov eTre
7S° 25'
/cat ^ "ApaTjaa Atj s TO peaov eTreêt popas
78° 30' 40° 45'
4, Xwpai Se etatv ev T^ *App,evia ev ra> dTroAa/AjSavOjiteVa)
Ev^pdrov KOI Kvpov /cat *Apd£ov TroTapwv Tp^paTi Trapa /xev Ta
a, opT) ^ KaTap^vrj VTrep TOVS /caAov/êVovs Boâs, Trapa Se
TOV Kvpov TTorapov TJ re ^Qâpj^vr] Kal TJ 'Qryvr), irapd Se TOV
TToraôv TJ re KoXd^vr] /cat 9] ?57r' avr^v UoSovKyvij, Trapd Se TOV
UapvdopTjV TO opos 07 Te 2ipaK7]vrj Kal rj 2aKaaif]vij' Kal TroXeis ev
5, 73° 20' 44° 20'

74° 44° 20'
Bdpa£,a 75° 20' 44° 10'

AdXa 76° 10' 44°
77° 20' 44° 20'
78° 44° 20'
Tcuya 78° 50' 43° 30'
OvapovOa, 73° 43°
'AE,dra 73° 45' 43° 45'
XoXova 74° 43° 10'
74° 40' 43° 45'
Uovpra 74° 30' 43° 40'
Taariva 74° 40' 43°
Ko^dXa 75° 20' 43° 30'
75° 15' 43° 40'
Bar two, 76° 10' 43° 40'
/3i£ajca 76° 50' 43° 10'
Urovaa 77° 43° 45'
rXiafj,a 78° 20' 43° 40'
-XoAovara 78° 45' 43° 40'
79° 10' 43° 15'
'Apaapdra 79° 30' 43° 15'
Kal rrapa rov Ev(f>pdrr)V rrorapov
Bpsaaos 72° 42° 45'
'-HAeyeta 73° 20' 42° 45'
Xacripa 74° 42° 40'
Xopaa 74° 40' 42° 50'
75° 20' 42° 45'
//cai Trajoa TOV 'Apd^rjv
76° 40' 42° 45'
78° 42° 40'
Naôvava 78° 50' 42° 45'
6, 'Ev ok rw drroXap-fiavofAGva) rfj,ijpan VTTO TO
:> rov Ev(j)pdrov
7] re BaaiXiayvr] /cat 77 Kal rj "Apwr)cra}
VTTO Se ravras TJ Te ' /cat T) 'AwravviTis Kal r) Trpos avrfj
rov 7Tora[j,ov ZZoAeis Se etcriv ev rovra> r&
7. 'ABoiSa 71° 30' 42° 30'

TiWaa 73° 30' 42° 30'
Z6piya 71° 30' 42°
114* APPENDIX IV
73° 30' 42°

74° 50' 42° 30'
Aapdviaaa 76° 42° 20'
ZoyoKapa 77° 25' 42° 20'
Kovfiwa 75° 30' 42° 20'
KoSdva 72° 30' 42° 40'
72° 42° 20'
XoXova 73° 30' 42°
74° 42°
74° 25' 42° 45'
74° 50' 42° 30'
Zapovdva 75° 40' 42° 45'
76° 42° 30'
*Avdpiov 76° 50' 42° 30'
Siyova 77° 42°
Tepova 78° 42° 50'
Zovpôva 78° 30' 42° 40'
Marovardva 78° 42° 40'
78° 42°
Tapetva 72° 20' 42°
73° 40' 40° 40'
J5a/8iAa 74° 20' 40° 45'
Uayavdva 75° 25' 40° 45'
"At,apo, 76° 20' 40° 50'
8. *Ev Se TOJ AOITTO; /cat earjfjtfipivcorepq) TfiTJpaTi fj,€ra£v jitev
Ev^pdrov Kal rwv TiypoBos TTT ycuv 17 re Av£,irrjvri /ecu TJ VTT avrrjv
e?ra ^ Kopiala.' Kal TrdAeis 6fj,oia>s ev TOVTOJ
0
72" 20' 39° 50'

72° 39° 30'
72° 50' 39° 30'
5eA/c a v a 73° 30' 39° 20'
74° 40°
®euom'a 74° 20' 39° 50'
75° 30' 39°
Siavdva, 72° 30' 38° 20'
73° 38° 20'
K6ppa 74° 30' 35° 40'
9. d.7r' dvaroAdiv Se TCUV TiypiBos Trorapov irrjy&v TJ re BaypavavBrjvr)
KCU VTT' avrrjv TJ PopBvTjvr), T)? dvaroXiKuirepa rj Kwraia /cat

avrrjv MdpBoi, IJoXeis Be etcrt /cat ev rovrcp 6/j,oitos aiSe'
10. Tacr/ca 75° 30' 40° 10*
76° 40° 10'
Malrra 76° 10' 40° 40'
Bovdva 76° 45' 40°
77° 45' 40° 40'
Tepefiia 77° 40' 40° 55*
AavBvdva 77° 40' 40° 20'
Karrovra 79° 20' 40° 30'
'Aprefj,ira 78° 40' 40° 20*
76° 15' 39° 50*
ZYcu 75° 45' 39° 40*
0epevBis 74° 40' 39° 20*
TiypavoKepra 76° 45' 39° 40'
75° 50' 39° 10*
KoXaa 78° 39° 50*
Tiypavodpa 79° 45' 40°
'Aprayiydpra 75° 20' 38° 45*
... KE®. IZ'. ME20IIOTAMIAZ &EZIE6
OLTTO p,ev ap/crcuv TO>

TTJS MeydXrjs *Ap[j,evias" O.TTO Se SvaecD? TOJ e/creêi/êya) Trapa
2!vpiav rov Ev^pdrov TTOTO.p.ov jiieper 0,770 8e dvaroXwv TW Trapa
'Acrcrvpiav /zepet rov Tiypi,oos TTorapôv rw 0.770 rov Trpos rfj
'HpaKXeovs /?a>/AWV ot eTreôvcri
popas 80° 34° 20'
... . 2. p,kv ofiv ev rfj MeaoTrorapia Karovo^dêTat TO re
Mdaiov opos, TO p,eaov eTreêt p,oipas 74° 37° 20'
.... 4, Se rrjs ^cupas TO. /J.EV Trpo? TT^ 'Apjj,evia rj 'Avde-
-XaA/aTis" UTTO Se ravrr)V TJ re Pavâvlris Kai rrpos
r& Tiypioi rrorafj,w r) 'Axafirjvri' VTTO Be rrjv Pavâvlriv rj
/ecu em TroAT; Trapa rov Evcj)pdr7)V rj 'AyKcoftaplriS'
... . 6, IJapa BG rov Tiypiv TTorapov rroXeis al'Se* ...
... Zdirfa 76° 37° 40'
6 Ptolemy, pp. 1000-1011.

116* APPENDIX IV
... Siyydpa 76° 37°

...9A<jrdp€ia . 79° 50' 34° 20*
7, *Ev Se TTJ {J.ea'Y] %cu/?a TrdAeis euSe- ...
...*E8e<raa * ' 72° 30s 37° 30*
... Marts' 75° W* 37° 30'
...Kdppai 73n5* 36° 10'
... 'Peacuva 74° 40* 35° 40*
B. ARMENIAN GEOGRAPHY - LONG VERSION 8
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n&n ^nSuii^'iip Hunpina iJhh\lL gfcippuiin : /7i&/7 k mil jbphbu, n/Jnn& b. qpiii —
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k ifiuinndnunu, k qpitLliu kpfynL kfuatihfnj U,unpuiq :
[y,rtu/9/f& Zwjj) J^lpq fyIULr"l V>n.iu9piJ Îmujuinni^lfpnj mn Ipp jp
k uui^Sia'iip jkjLptj feijipuiinuiL, L ij;uinu nLlip i]U,n.qJ;nu, L. a^km hpkunLli,
k mil
fcppnpq h np fab JWP^'J_P3 îuiijuifj.ni^lipnj^ li kpl^wj'ii miupuibp
k nibh wji ahinu kplinL, k ikphû aiuanLSu Jhbuiilkbu fuia —
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7 On the accuracy of Ptolemy's information, c/. Eamsay, Hist, Geogr., pp. 62 sqq.,
283 sqq., Jones CHRP, Appendix, and W. KuTbitsehek, " Studien zur GeograpHe des
Ptolemaus, I ", SAW, CCXV (1934).
s Arm. Geogr,, pp. 24/33-40/53.
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118" APPENDIX IV
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GEOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS 119"
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120* APPENDIX IV
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Cunijmijy uiiiu Sn^mpmtl du '•nrtrnqJ

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, IfuiiiLpuiu, UunuiupSuih, ^ Uuiliiuuuiuiu, Qiuuiiuiuiniu'ii,

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h Jflnpuiuuib, np 1; LnnS uipkkj^pq. jnpniLl I; w\jvuip£, DUWU L.

ajip miikS. D>£iiuinwu, ^/ni?, ûiplfuiu,
, \,uuin, U'hui&uiliuiiid'hb,
n^ \,ui£,p&pp,
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np £) Zwjf, ûip£uifr np
nP I
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C. ARMENIAN GEOGRAPHY - SHORT VERSION :o
I{UJILnil ^P^faj mn Smi-pnii ikpuiSgii, n

kppu, li ij-kinu ?npu-, h iipniSiu kplfHL k^wiihipj H,unpLng :
f>. Hntu9p^ ZWJJP jklhg Ifui^nil uinui^hti ^jimifiunni^lfpng wn kpp
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IL kplfni : ••«
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Uuipfiiuinhnj van. *i/7OD A Jkb ZiujnJj). L niuh bo^kp ipngp iii^pjuipû inpu.
aJfpiSipuui, njjnlip, aJtfuiaJiL^ ujftwhkji} npf kli Jfluiquipg : Dt-'iip fippfiu pwajiLiiu,
h. nkinu L. DiunujDu L pkpnu, IL uiji quinijnu L. qbnûiguinûiDu It tl
fib* *l^knpiu, uiju phob I ^ppg, J^LP3 \ui]ni^ ko^hpiuj mn
wn IjmJIfuiuni. JphfL gH^niiufipn uui^Smlili uin ^Jntp qkinni^ : fet
kb '[> ^ppf uijungljp, Îqwppg, U,pinui£iiih, ^wL^kij.^ Quimifiif,
Uûipuiy QnpnnJiappuhi, îi/n&Au/u^/^, Ifui'linnkuiijipnp, 'finipyimjinp, pnnjin —
ifrnp, frnkn^g, ^whquipf, Sui^pp li U.£u>jp h. 9*nz.u/i/, bppupJf, 'Pnt.qpq, ^nupj,
IJujtjpjnLiitp, fauihpijpj. L giuquig S^lpn, ^wS^ntq^ VgpJppuJJ nip jvuiî
I : f)i-bp ff-kinu j^p tyuiSpg :
frQ' Unpui&pw, uiju b'iif'u i UnjJLuibj), jklpij IjUiinJ ^puitj uin kph JJuipSui —
ujpnj uin ^JuiLlfuiuuiL ifhufL gljuiuppij bnifa li gîujnij uw£Suifiulii uin. ^nip
9 On the Armenian Geography, its versions and problems, see Eremyan, Armenia,
Hewsen, Armenia, and above Chapter XI,nn. a-1.
1° Arm, Geogr., II, pp. 603-611 = Saint-Martin, Memoires, II, pp. 318/9-374/5.
124* APPENDIX IV
nkinnJ : /?ifiA niupinii uinniumibnu, puiniupu h. nkpnu L tj.knuipwnuipu,

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juiSmpu quiiiunu mbh phii,
nliu^ aThppuijpg nu/tu/n, qlj,pniuijinni£pin, ^kpSui^np : l)i nibp 'A Spang

u]£p}ujli li Suibpuinnp, li 'A nuiqui'iiuig oA&cl tj.knkglimpjuijtnnig^ L 'A £ujinin
GEOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS
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puu* q^lnq^ a^fikpniugijinp^ ajljiupinfyuigipnp, qjûilju, q^pnipjui,
, qllukuigipnp : fet LP^P ^P S^ju PULO^ k umnu, uiqwnp,
jnLuu It uniy :
126* APPENDIX IV
Ujpuipuiin yh fi£9 quij juinia9uiuiaqkuii uippjiupûiqq. k kli '/?

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D. ITINEEABIUM ANTONINI ia
1. Itinerarium Provinciarum Antonini Augusti ...
A Sebastia Cocuso per Item a Sebastia Cocuso

Melitenam 294 sic per compendium 206 sic
Blandos 24 181. Tonosa 50
177. Euspoena 28 Ariarathia 50
Arahis 24 Coduzalaba 20
Ad Praetorium 28 Comana 24
Pisonos 32 Ptandari 24
Melitena (32) 22 Cocuso 38
178. Areas 26
Dandaxina 24
Osdara 24 Item ab Arabisso per
Ptandari 24 compendium Satalam
Cocuso 38 268 sic
182. Tonosa 28
Item a Sebastia Cocuso Zoana 25
per Caesaream 257 sic Gundusa 23
179. Scanatu 28 Eumeis 30
Malandara 30 Zara 18
Armaxa 28 Dagalasso 20
Eulepa 24 183. Nicopoli 24
Caesarea 16 Olotoedariza 24
180. Artaxata 24 Ad Dracones 26
Coduzalaba 19 Haza 24
Coraana 24 Satala leg. XV Apolli-
Ptandari 24 naris 26
Cocuso 38
11 See above, n. 9.
12 Miller, Itineraria Romana, pp. lix-Lx.
128* APPENDIX IV
184. A Germanieia per Doll- In. medio 12

cham et Zeugma Edis- Edissa 15
sam usque 87 sic
Sicos Bassilisses 20 Item a Cyrro Edissa 92 sic
Doliolxa 10 Ciliza sive TJimagiganti 12
185. Zeugma 12 190. Abaiaia 10
Bemmaris 20 Zeugma 22
Edissa 25 Bemmari Canna 40
Batlmas Man 8
186. Item a Gemanicia per Edissa 10
Samosatam Edissa 70 sic
In Catabana 15 Item a Mcopoli Edissa
Nisus 16 137 sic
Tharse 14 ABaria 13
Samosata leg. VII 13 Gerbedisso 15
187. Edissa 12 191. Dolicha 20
Zeugma 24
Item ab Antioehia Eme- Canaba 25
sa 133 sic In medio 22
Niccaba 25 Edissa 18
Capeituri 24
Apamia 20 Item a CalHcome Edissa
Larissa 16 85 sic
188. Epiphania 16 Bathnas 24
Arethusa 16 Hierapoli 21
Emesa 16 192, Thilaticomum 10
Bathnas (Bathas) 15
Item ab Arabisso Muza- Edissa ,.. 15
na 48 sic
In medio 22 Item a Travia Sebas-
Muzana 26 tiam 161 sic
204. Coiniaspa 21
Item a Gemanicia Edis- Parbosena 25
sa 84 sic Sibora 25
Sicos Basilisses 15 Agriane 20
189. Dolicha 15 Simos 30
Zeugma 14 Sebastia 40
Cannaba 13
Item a Travia per Se- Item a Satala Melitena

bastopolim per ripam Samosatam
Sebastiam usque 166 sic usque 341 sic
205. Mogaro 30 Suissa 17
Dorano 24 208. Arauracos 28
Sebastopoli 40 Carsagis 24
Verisa 24 Sinervas 28
Fiarasi 12 Analiba 28
Sebastia 36 Zimara 16
209. Teucila 16
Sabus 28
Item ab Ancyra per Ny-
Dascusa 16
sam Caesaream usque
Ciaca 32
198 sic
Melitena 18
Gorbeus 24
210. Maisena 12
206. Orsologiaco 18
Lacotena 28
Aspona 20
Perre 26
Parnasso 22
Samosata 24
Nysa 24
Osiana 32
Saccasena 28 Item a Caesarea Meli-
Caesarea 30 tena 228 sic
Artaxata 24
Coduzalaba 24
Item a Caesarea Satala
Comana (16) 26
324 sic
Siricis 24
Eulepa 16
Ptandaris 16
Armaxa 24
Arabisso 12
Marandara 28
211. Osdara 28
Scanatus 39
Dandaxena (34) 24
207. Sebastia 28
Areas 22
Camisa 27
Melitena 28
Zara 18
Dagalasso 20
Nicopoli 24 Item a Ceasarea Ana-
Olotoedariza 24 zarbo 211 sic
Draeontes 26 Arassaxa 24
Haza 24 Coduzalaba 24
Satala 26 Comana 24
130* APPENDIX IV
Siricis 16 Malandara 39
Cocuso 25 Armaxa 28
Laranda 18 Eulepa 24
212, Badimo 18 Caesarea 26
Praetorio 22
Flaviada 22
Item a Cocuso Arabisso
Anazarbo 18
52 sic
Ptandari 28
Item a Sebastia Cocuso
Arabisso 24
206 sic
In medio 25
Tonosa 25 Item a Cocuso Melite-
In medio 25 nam 153 sic
Ariarathia 25 215. Ptandari 28
Coduzalaba 20 Arabisso 22
Comana 24 Asdara 28
Ptandari 24 Dandaxena 24
213. Cocuso 38 Areas 22
Melitena 28
Item a Nicopoli Arabis-
so 226 sic Item a Melitena Samo-
Dagalasso 24 sata 91 sic
Zara 20 Mesena 12
Camisa 18 Lacotena 28
Sebastia 24 Perre 27
in medio 25 Samosata 24
AriaratMa 25
Coduzalaba 20
Comana 24 Item a Nicopoli Satalam
Ptandari 24 122 sic
Arabisso 22 Olotoedariza 24
Carsat 24
214. Item a Sebastopoli Cae- 216. Arauracos 24
saream usque 217 sic Suissa 24
Verisa 24 Satala 26
Siara 12
Sebastia 36 Item a Trapezunta Sa-
Scanatus 28 talam 135 sic
Ad Vicensimum 20 Sedissa (fines Ponti) 17

Zigana 32 Domana 24
217. Thia 24 Satala ...13 18
E. TABULA PEUTINGEEIANA
viii. Diocesis Ponticae 14
xci [Hippus] 4
Stempeo [12]
Calcedonia - Trapezunte - Ar-•- [Lamupulis] 4
taxata - Sanora Sebastopolis 60
Ad fontem felicem 35
Calcedonia ... Ad mercurium 45
Trapezunte 24 Caspiae 5
Nyssilime 18 Apulum 7
Opiunte 15 Pagas 40
Reila 18 Gaulita 14
Ardinco 16 Misium 10
Athenis 9 Condeso 14
Agabes 11 Strangira 30
[Pyxites fl. 16] Artaxata 20
Cissa 16 Geluina 24
Apsaro 6 Sanora 12
Portualtu 12 Lalla 10
Apasidam [12] Ugubre 40
[Ad Isidem] 3 Teleda 44
Nigro 6 PMlado ?
Phasin 3 [Cyropolis]
—
Cariente 16 Lazo 16
Chobus 19 Satara 18
Sicanabis 4 Bustica 24
Cyanes 12 Sanora —
Tassiros [18]
13 See below Appendix IVE, n. 17.

14 Miller, Itineraria Eomana, pp. 631-684.
132* APPENDIX IV
xciii Hassis 13
Ziziola 12
Nicomedia - Amasia - Neoce- Satala 20
saria - Polemonion Salmalasso 20
Darucinte 20
Nicomedia ... Aegea 15
Amasia 15 Lucus Basaro 22
Palalce 12 Sinara 15
Coloe 10 Calcidava 12
Pidis 16 Autisparate 15
Miron.es 10 Tharsidaiate 20
Neocesaria 38 Datamisa 10
Bartae ( ?)11 Adconfluentes 30
Polemonio Barantea 26
Andaga 12
xcv Armanas 17
Chaldas 24
Ancyra - Tavio - Nicopoli - Colehion 24
Satala - Artaxata Raugonia 24
Hariza 24
Ancyra ... Coloceia 33
Tavio Paracata 23
Toraba 22 Artaxata
Evogni [40]
[Sebastopolis 20] xcvi
ad stabulum 22
Mesyla 16 Amasia - Tavio - Zela - Neo-
Comana pontica 16 cesaria
Gagonda 5
Magabula 25 Amasia ...
Danae 25 Tavio 36
Speluneis [1 Rogonorum 36
Mesorome 13 Aegonne 28
[Nicopoli 14 Ptemari 26
— [12] Zela 32
[Olotoedariza] [26] Stabulum 22
Draconis 13 Seramisa 16
Cunissa 10 Neocesaria
V

xcv [Pataia 14
Medocia 12
Polemonio - Nicopoli - Zimara Salonemca 18
Domana 18
Polemonio — Satala
Sauionisena 16 Dracords
Matuasco 18 Haris 17
Anniaea 18 Elegaisina 8
Nicopoli 21 Bubalia 27
Ole obexda 15 Zimara 18
Caleorsissa 24 Zenocopi 18
Analiba 15 Vereuso 13
Zimara Saba 18
Dasensa 18
Hispa 18
xcviii
Arangas 9
Ciaca 28
Trapezunte - Satala - Meli- Melentensis 8
tene - Samosata Come 14
Metita 12
Trapezunte 20 Glaudia 46
Magnana 10 Baisalinm 9
Gizeneniea 18 Heba 30
JBylae 6 CharmodaTa 12
Erigdarrura 8 Samosata
ix. Diocesis Asianae15

ev Eudagina 32
Megalasso 32
Mphesus - Cesarea - Sebasteia Comaialis 22
- Nicopoli Sevastia 23
Ephesiim ... Comassa 15
Dogards 25
Mazaca-Cesarea 13 Megalasso 22
Sorpaia 14 Mesorome 13
!Foroba 14 Nicopoli
Armaza 16
15 MiDer, Itinerant!. Homana, pp. 724-748.
134* APPENDIX IV
cvn Nisibi
Tavio - Cesarea - Melitene - cvin

Amida - Nisibis
Tavio ... Sardebar - Tigranocertc
Raugonia
Mazaca- Cesarea 24
Sinispora 13 Sardebar 10
Arasaxa 10 Adipte 12
Larissa 23 Sitae 10
in cilissa 20 Thalbasaris 15
Comana capadocia 24 [Martyropolis] ( ?) [22]
Arsanio 24 Tigranocarten 30
Castabola 20 Zanserio 20
Pagrum — Cymiza 22
Arabissus 30 Dyzanas 27
Arcilapopoli 30 Patansana 26
Singa 14 Vastauna 32
Aiega 12 MolcMa 26
Nocotesso 24 Dagnevana 15
Lagalasso 18 Elegoana 15
Sama 13 Isumbo [17]
Melentensis 8 [Nasabi] [24]
Ad aras 9 [Anteba] [24]
TMrtonia [ca. 28] [Some] [27]
— 8 [Catispi] [39]
Mazara 16 Raugonia
Colchis 13
Comilu 14 cviiia
Arsinia 14
Coissa 16 Amida - Tigranocerta
[Amida'] 13
Sardebar 10 Amida 27
Arcaiapis 14 Ad tygrem 13
SammacM 17 Nararra 45
Aque Frigide (Meiacarire) — Colchana 15
Arcamo 30 Tigranocarten
Tiiamaudi 16
GEOGRAPHICAL DOCUMENTS
x, 2. Parthia 16
xcv Filadelfia 20
Trispeda 45
Artaxata - Ecbatana Peresaca 4
Arabum 7
Artaxata 39 Eneca 4
Catispi 27 Rhasum 4
Sorvae [24] Ad tomenta 4
Anteba 24 Naucanio 6
Nasabi 17 Nicea Nialia 50
Gobdi 24 Ecbatanis Partiorum ... 17
. TOVMA ARCRUNI - HISTORY 18
The divisions of VaspuraJcan
III, XXIX... Qbm Sui^tiLiuhb H.vninp"- uinlinL

^wijnp^ knnwjp iinphii • • •
np hpfyppu pLphuitia in£pni.pl;u]LIi pu ikplfniu SuiunLtiu :
j Ifnju L. p SHLUIU np wn ^pLupLufj q^wjkgui&h uinhw^ ^p p
, cijfinLUj} tîuLuinSi L
A, U,niubnn.nin, PuinpiruJpui, b. U"kbbni.£ipD, Sn —
: HjunDpIi
, q^np juin.w^p'ii u [»-pnj
pLp wpiupbiu^ niL^p {.lujpHi i, nnp L Jhp
igwf q^npiqpunLppLiii, A Sui'iiuiLiu'iii^ L &iuiippwSwj
ihiunwLnpuii^.nj'iiii jiuiikLiujh linnSuifig ^wuwnLpiuli
pijuûilip Ztujng uinbui^ lp p piudLh jkju Ifnju k np
p £wpwLiul[nqifii, ijlJJiûi^prj ^n/J, ifip£nLhpu, tj^jlfnirûili ni[pin, k
quintal, tjl^p^hûil^ni^pin^ yninli [Z/I&/7/, qllr^pwij ITbb b. if
16 Miller, Itineraria Romana, pp. 781-782.

17 On the Tabula Peutingeriana and the Itinerarium Antonini, see Miller, Itineraria
Romana, pp. xiii-lv et passim, cf. Ramsay, Hist. Geogr,, pp. 62 sqq., and Manandian,
Tabula Peutingeriana, Routes, Trade,
18 Tov. Arc., pp. 251-252.
136* APPENDIX IV
L i^Qiap££ujLuih quiLuun £wLkiu^ £p h

na, hulj ifijUihi&uiLuiti puinuip h. a^nqjd'ii auiLuin £wbkuii £n h
diuSuihuiLap /umu/9, ITc/'li wSop, Jwl^b wjniiuih kbhnhn—
iûiiuhquiLnp SUI^HL ijopwgh £iujng : f>ulf
p duiSuiliui^ lûiinwpSm'ii uppnih *lîu£iuhiiij, juidfr Z5*<2S pn
jnnni-S uiiip Ifiuiniiipkijun. untpph îwû/&, up lp npi^p JtfnupniJwj
ink ujnil :
V. TOPONYMY
This appendix is an attempt at a partial synthesis of the geographical

information found in Adontz's work together with the identifications
of later scholars and the modern forms of toponyms. The material
is presented in tabular form, with all the equivalents of a given topo-
nym, ancient (Armenian and Classical) or modern, being given when-
ever possible. Every equivalent form of a toponym has been treated
as a separate entry and provided with the available literary and map
references relevant to it. Hence, all alternatives should be consulted
in order to obtain the complete information. Variant forms, however,
are given as part of their main entry without additional information,
although, in the case of provinces, an attempt has been made
to indicate the source in which the variant form occurs.
Scholars continue to disagree as to the identification and position
of a number of localities, so that no attempt has been made to reconcile
divergent opinions which will be found in the references.
The main works consulted for this appendix have been: Eremyan,
Hayastan dst " Asxarhacoyc " [E]; Toumanoff, Studies in Christian
Caucasian History [T], (on the provinces), and the Department of the
Interior's Gazetteer No. 46 : Turkey [GJ]; The maps used were : Ere-
myan's Hayastan ast " Asxarhacoyc ", and the Atlas of the Armenian
SSR [AA], (for Armenian toponyms); Calder and Bean's A Classical
Map of Asia Minor [CM], and the Grosser Historischer Weltatlas I
[HW] (for Classical names); and the USAF Aeronautical Approach
Chart [U] (for the modern equivalents). Miller's Itineraria Romana
[M] is the references given for the stations in the Tabula Peutingeriana
and the Itinerarium Antonini. Other references are given only where
particularly relevant or if they are not included in the corresponding
notes. References to Lynch's and Kiepert's maps have been omitted
as incorporated in Adontz's work, and reflecting conditions existing in
1908 rather than at the present time.
Of necessity, references have been highly selective, or even arbitrary,
and severely limited, since any pretence at exhaustiveness would
have expanded this appendix beyond manageable size and far trans-
cended its modest scope. The shortcomings of such a limited attempt
138* APPENDIX V
are far too obvious to require comment; the most that can be hoped
here, is that this listing will provide some minimal assistance to the
reader faced with the chaotic state of Anatolian toponymy at the
present time.
A. PROVINCES
The following abbreviations have been used in this section in ad-

dition to those given in the Bibliography and Notes :
Agat'. Agat'angelos, Patmufium. [History], 3rd ed. (Venice, 1930).
Aed. Procopius, " On Buildings ", Works, H.B. Dewing and G. Downey edd.
and trans (Cambridge, Mass.-London, 1940), VII.
A.M. Ammianus Marcellinus, The Surviving Books of the History, J.C. Rolfe ed.
and trans (Cambridge, Mass.-London, 1950).
de B. Johannis Episcopi Ephesi... Commentaria de Beatis Orientalibus ..., W.J. van
Douwen and J.P.N. Land trans. (Amsterdam, 1889).
B.L. Girk' T'U'oc [The Book of Letters] (Tiflis, 1901).
CJ " Codex Justinianus ", P. Kriiger ed. in CJC, II, 8th ed. (1906).
C.Th. Codex Theodosianus, T. Mommsen ed. (Berlin, 1905).
D.A.I. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Administrando Imperio, G. Moravscik
et al. edd., (Budapest-London, 1949, 1962).
E. Eremyan, S.T., Hayastanz vst " Asxarhacoyc " [Armenia According to
the " Armenian Geography "], (Erevan, 1963).
G.C. Georgius Cyprus, Descriptio Orbis Romani, H. Gelzer ed. (Leipzig, 1890).
Goth. Procopius, " The Gothic War ", Works, H.B. Dewing ed. and trans. (Cam-
bridge, Mass.-London, 1919-1928), III-IV.
H.S. Hierokles, Synekdemos, E. Honigmenn ed. and trans. (Brussels, 1939).
L " Laterculus Polemii Silui " in Seeck, Not. Dig.
ad L. " Collectio Sangermanensis, [Epistulae ad Leonem Imperatorem] ", AGO,
II-v.
M Mansi, Sacrorum Consiliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, new ed. (Paris,
1901).
M.S. Chronique de Michel le Syrien ..., J.B. Chabot ed. and trans. (Paris, 1899-
1904).
N " Novellae ", E. Schoell and W. Kroll edd., CJC, III, 6th ed. (1912).
N.D. Notitia dignitatum, O. Seeck ed. (Berlin, 1876).
N.H. Pliny, The Natural History, H. Rackam ed. and trans. (Cambridge, Mass.-
London, 1938-1965).
P. Claudii Ptolemaei Geographia, C. Miiller ed. (Paris, 1901).
Pers. Procopius, " The Persian Wars ", Works, H.B. Dewing ed. and trans.
(Cambridge, Mass.-London, 1914), I.
P.P. " Ex historia Petri Patricii ... ", I. Bekker and C. Niehbuhr edd., CSHB.
S Strabo, The Geography, H.L. Jones ed. and trans. (Cambridge, Mass.-
London, 1960-1961).
St. Byz. Stephanus Byzantinus, Ethnika, A. Meinicke ed. (Berlin, 1849).
S.O. Chabot, J.B., Synodicon Orientale (Paris, 1902).
140* APPENDIX V
T Toumanoff, C., Studies in Christian Caucasian History (Georgetown, 1963).

de Th. Constantino Porphyrogenitus, de Thematibus, A. Pertusi ed. (Vatican city,
1952).
VL " Laterculus Veronensis " in Seeck, Not. Dig.
X Xenophon, The Anabasis of Cyrus, C.L. Brownson ed. and trans. (Cam-
bridge, Mass.-London, 1950-1961).
ZM Zacharias Rhetor, Historia Ecclesiastica, E.W. Brooks trans. (Paris, 1921).
(d.) diocese.
(s.) strategy.
(th.) theme.
The coordinates given in Armenian letters in Eremyan's map have been transcribed
into Latin characters, E.g. p-4: = B-4.
Coordinates are invariably given in the customary order: Latitude-Longitude.
For a translation of Eremyan's tables, Armenia, pp. 116-120; see Hewsen, Armenia,
pp. 326-342.
REFERENCES
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL NOTES
Abaran See Aparan.

Abasgia Abasgoi Awazov asârh E41, 101 ^ Basgun.
Abazgoi Abkhazia T. 60 n. 58,209,266,405 nn. 52,
al-Abhaz 54,496-497.
Bazgun See Ch. XII, n. 14.
Abasgoi See Abasgia.
Abazgoi See Abasgia.
Abeleank' E.31, 118-xv/3 T. 220. H
B-5 §
al-Abhaz See Abasgia. ^
Abkhazia Abasgia See Abasgia. 5
Aboci See Asock' *1
Afiara See Adzharia. ^
Acisene See Akilisene. W
Acwerk Aras^ Ovea E.38, 117-vii/4 <l
Arisi D-6 g
Adiabena See Adiabene. W
Adiabene Adiabena Hedayab E.49, 72 P. V, xvii, 4 T. 129, 131, 133, 148, 163-166,
Nor girakan S. XI, v, 8; 197, 200, 305, 322 n. 76.
Median March XI, xiv, 12 See Ch. XIV n. 60, and Nor
Kadme ? XVI, i, 1, 19 Sirakan and Kadme.
Adzharia A6ara Egr See Egr.
Aegyptus P. IV, v
N.D.
Aegyptus I N. VIII
Aegyptus II N. VIII £
Ainiana S. XI, vii, 1 *
REFERENCES
to
*
Ake E.32, 117-viii/17 T. 197.
D-5
Akilisene Acisene Ekeleac E.50, 116-1/4 P. V, xii, 6 T. 73, 132, 137 n. 240, 166, 194
Acilisena Anaetica G-3 S. XI, xii, 3, n. 209, 210, 218, 233 n. 291, 322
Akisene Anaitis chora XI, xiv, 2, 5, 12, 16 n. 76.
Ekelenzines Anahtakan XII, iii, 8 See Ch. Ill nn. 1, 12-a-c, 18;
Kelesene CM Nd V, 60 and Kozluk kazasi.
Keletzene KozliSan ? Pers. I, xvii, 11
Kozluk kazasi ? M. IX, 391; XI, 613.
Alahe6 E.32, 117-ix, 6
G-7
Alanac erkir . See Alania.
Alandost . See Alandrot.
Alandrot Alwanrot E.33, 117-viii/26
Alandost G-8
Alania Alanac erkir E.32 T. 199.
A-5
Albak (Mec) Great Albak Baskale kazasi E.33, 117-viii/18 G. 78, 38°10' x 44°10'
Elbak G-6 T. 199-200, 219, 304, 305 n. 119.
See Ch. XI, n. 71.
Albak (P'ok'r) Lesser Albak E.33. 117-vi/ll T. 181 n. 143, 199-200.
D-6
Albania Alwank' P. V, xi T. 83, 102 n. 158, 185-186, 219,
Arran S. XI, iv ; xiv, 7 258 n. 362, 405 n. 54, 438, 467,
Ran 476 n. 168, 477-478, 483-484,
499.
See Ch. IX, p. 173-174 and nn.
21, 22a.
REFERENCES
Alewan E.32, 117-xi/10

G-7
Aliovit Alit hovit E.33, 116-iv/13 T. 205-206.
Alovit G-5
AKt hovit See Aliovit.
Aliwn Ariwc E.33, 116-J/2
G-3
Aljn Aljnik' Arzanene E.33-34, 116-iii
Arjn Arabian March D-4 H
be0 Arzon 1-3
Aljnik' See Aljn. ^
Alovit See Aliovit. ^
Alwank' Albania Albania E.34, 120 K*
Arran B6-B8 '^
Ran g
Alwanfot See Alandfot. •<
Alwe E.34, 118-xii/4 g
B-7 |
Amel See Amol.
Ami See Amol.
Amol Amel E.I 15
Ami
Anaetica Anaitis Chora Anahtakan N.H. V, xx See Akilisene.
Akilisene
Anahtakan Anaetica Agat., v See Akilisene.
Anaiitis Chora Anaetica C.D. XXXVI, xlviii See Akilisene.
S. X, xiv, 16. g£
Angelene See Ingilene. *
Angel tun Angl Ingilene E.35, 116-iii/l
G3-G4
REFERENCES
Anel . . See Angel tun.

Anjaî joi Anjax Sncayeci E.36, 117-viii/19 T. 220.
G-6 See Ch. XI n. 60.
Anjewacik' Anjowacik' Norduz E.36, 117-viii/ll T. 198-199, 200.
Anjawacik* D-5 See Ch. XI pp. 247, 250 and
Norduz.
Anjit' Hanjit' Anzitene E.36, 116-U/6
Hanazit G-3
Handsith
Hanzith
Khandchoot fe
Anjowacik' See Anjewacik'. 2
Antiochiane P. V, vi, 16 g
Anzetene See Anzitene. j-j
Anzitene Anjit' P. V, xii, 8 T. 131, 137-138 n. 240, 166 *
CJ, I, 29, 5. n. 63, 167, 170-172, 175-176,
N. XXXI 241, 303.
de B. xxxi, Iviii See Ch. II nn. 9, 19b, 20.
CMNe
Apahunik' E.36, 116-iv/14 T. 132, 218.
G-5 See Ch. XI n. 50a.
Aparan Abaran See Nig.
Arabastan See Arwastan.
be# Arabaye See Arwastan.
Arabia Augusta
Libanensis N.D.
Arabia Euphratensis See Euphratensis.
Arabian March See Arzanene.
Arac See Arac kohnn.
REFERENCES
Arac kohnn Arac E.38, 118-xv/21

G-6
Aragacotn E.38, 118-xv/10 T. 197.
B-6
Arajin Hayk' See Armenia I.
Afanfot E.37, 118-xii/l
B-7
Arauene P. V, vi, 25 See Ch. IV n. 9.
^J
Afawaneank' See Af aweneank' O
Afawelean See Ch. XI n. 16. O
A~aweneank' Arawaneank' See Ch. XI n. 16. ^
Araxenon pedion Erasâjor S. XI, xiv, 4 See Arsarunik'. ^
Aiberani Arberan E.37,117-viii/8 T. 205.
G-5 See Ch. XI n. 57. g
Area* Arjax Karabag E.41, 117-x T. 129, 132, 148,217 n. 250,332. O
Arcax Sodk' B6-G7 See Ch. IX p. 174. g
Arcisakovit ArSisahovit Er?ek E.40, 117-viii/4 See Ch. XI n. 56. O
G-5 M
Ardozakan See Artaz.

Are Re E.115
Arewik' E.39, 117-ix/ll
G-7
Argastovit E.39, 117-V/7
D-5
Argovteacovit See Argwet'.
Argwelk' See Argwet'. i—1
Argwet' Argwelk' E.39, 119 C£
Argovteacovit A-5
Arisi See Acwerk.
REFERENCES
05
*
Afiwc See Aliwn.
Arjn See Aljn.
Ark'ayic See Mokkc Afanjnak.
Armenia I Arajin Hayk' CJ I, 29, 5 T. 196, 331
N. VIII, XXXI
N.D.
ad L., H.S., G.C.
Armenia II Erkrord Hayk' E.51 N.D. T. 331.
G-2 C.Th. XXX, xi, 2
C.J. I, 29, 5
N. VIII, XXXI
Armenia III Errord Hayk' E.51 T. 331.
Armenia IV Corrord Hayk' E.57, 116-ii N. XXXI T. 331.
Upper Mesopotamia G3-G4 G.C. See Ch. IX n. 42.
Cop'k'
Sophene
Armenia IV (Altera) Justinianea G.C. T. 129, 131, 173-175.
M. XI, 992 See Ch. IX n. 42.
Armenia Altera Satrapiae (Aed. Ill, i, 17) See Satrapiai.
Armenia Interior Barjr Hayk' N. XXXI T. 148, 175, 193 and n. 208,
194-196.
See Ch. III.
Armenia Magna . See Armenia Maior.
Armenia Mai or Armenia Magna P. V, xii T. 72-73, 193 n. 208, 195-196,
Buzurg Armenan S. XI, xii, 3-4 277, 286, 451 n. 53, 459 n. 98.
Mec Hayk' XII, iii, 29
xiv, 4-8
CM Oe-Pc
Armenia Megale See Armenia Maior.
REFERENCES
Armenia Mikra . See Armenia Minor.

Armenia Minor P'ok'r Hayk' P. V, vi, 18 T. 72-73, 76 n. 84, 82-84, 277,
Armenia Mikra S. XI, xii, 3 286, n. 35, 451 n. 53.
Lesser Armenia XII, iii, 28/29 See Ch. IV nn. 1-2.
Aed. Ill, iv, 15
V.L., L.
CM Md-Nc
Armeniakon (th.) deTh.
Afna 3fna B.L. 146-147 See Ch. XII n. 25.
Arnoy-otn E.37, 117-viii/10
D-5
Aros-pizan E.37, 117-xi/5
Arran Ran . See Albania.
Arreson . See Arreston.
Arreston Arreson Rstunik' ? M.P. 393 See Ch. I p. 11.
Arsamunik' Asmunik' E.40, 116-iv/4 T. 212.
G-4 See Ch. XI nn. 41, 43.
Arsarunik' Erasâjor E.40, 116-iv/4 T. 202, 206, 207 n. 236, 210,
Araxenon pedion G-4 324 n. 81.
MJC. II, xc See Ch. XI nn. 2, 2a.
c-por -p or E.40, 118-xiv/8
B-4
Artahan E.40, 119-i/3
B-3
ArtanuJ . See Klarjet'i.
Artaseseank' Artasezeank' Artawanean E.41, 117-vii/28 T. 232 n. 286.
G-6 See Ch. XI nn. 63-64.
Artasezeank' . See Artaseseank'.
Artawanean . See Artaseseank'.
REFERENCES
_ _ . _ _ _____ _ _ . , , . . __ - , . , . . h-'
^
Artaz Ardozakan Sawarsam E.40, 117-viii/16 T. 197. °£

M.X. II, Hi See Ch. XI n. 59.
Arwant'uni See Erwandunik'.
Arwastan Arabastan b§0 Arabaye S.O.272 T. 179.
Mygdonia
Arwenic jor E.37-38, 117-V/4
G-5
Arxanene See Arzanene.
Arzanene Arxanene Aijn S.0.272 A.M. XXV, xix, 9 T. 129, 131-132, 149-150, 163,
Arzene be0 Arzon PP. xiv 165, 166 n. 63, 179-182, 183
Arabian March CM Pe n. 147, 197, 199, 236, 248, 304-
305, 468 n. 138. %
See Ch.II n.25; IX n. 16. g
Arzene See Arzanene. £
be 6 Arzon befl Ostan Arzon Ostan S.O.272 See Arzanene. H
Arzn ^
Arzon Ostan See be 0 Arzon.
Aseac p'or See Arseac p'or.
Asiana N.D., N. VIII
ASmunik' See Arsamunik'.
Asock' Aboci E.36, 118-xv/4 T. 185-186, 187 n. 175, 190, 191
B-5 n. 199, 324 n. 81, 440 n. 16,
444-446, 468-474, 489, 499.
See Ch. XI n. 4.
Asorestan Assyria E.38 See also Sophene.
D5-D6
Aspakanuneac Jor See Aspakuneac Jor.
Aspakuneac Jor Aspakanuneac Jor E.38, 116-iv/2
Aspakunik' G-4
Aspakunik' See Aspakuneac Jor.
REFERENCES
Aspurakan See Vaspurakan.

Assyria See Asorestan.
Astaunitis P. V, xii, 6 See Asthianene.
Asthiane See Asthianene.
Asthianene Astaunitis Hasteank' P. V, xii, 6 T. 131, 137-138 n. 240,172 n. 95,
Asthiane Gen9 kazasi C.J. 1,29,5 241, 442 n. 22, 458 n. 93.
Astianikes Capak9ur? N. XXXI See Ch. I n. 27; II pp. 32,35-37.
Aed. Ill, iii, 7
CMOe H
Atropatena See Atropatene. O

Atropatene Atropatena Atrpatakan S. XI, xii, 4 T. 75, 131, 163-164, 232 n. 187, O
Media Atropatene Azerbaijan xiv, 3 459 n. 98. K^
See Ch. IX nn. 3, 8, 27. ^
Atrpatakan Atropatene E.38, 114-115
D6-D8 §
Atrpatunik' See Trpatunik'. ®
Awazov a§ârh See Abasgia. ^
Aygark' E.35, 117-vi/6 §
D-5
Ayli KuriSan E.35, 117-vii/l
D-6
Ayrarat Ararat E.35, 118-xv T. 129, 132, 139, 148, 192, 197,
B5-G6 199, 204-206, 215, 218, 220-222,
230 n. 281, 322, 468.
A(yt)rwank' See Aytwank'.
Aytwank' A(yt)rwank' E.35, 117-vi/5 £

D-5 <§
Azerbaijan ,SeeAtropatene.
Aznawajor See Azwac jor.
REFERENCES
h—I
CJt
o
Aznawac-jor Aznawajor E.31, 116-iii/7 *
G-5
Azordac-p'or Kap'or E.32, 118-xiv/8
B-4
Bagan See Bak'an
befl Bagas S.O. 272 See Ch. IX n. 33.
Bagrauandene Bagrewand P. V, xii, 9 T. 132, 137, 138 n. 240, 201-202,
209, 218, 241, 309, 324.
See Ch. XI nn. 2b, 20, 27, 27a.
Bagsen See Basean
Bagrawand . . . . . . . . . . . See Bagrewand .
Bagrewand Bagrawand Bagrauandene E.42, llS-xv/6
G-5 W
Bak'an Bagan Marand E.44, 117-viii/29 See Ch. XI n. 64. §
Bak'ran G-6
Bak'ran . . . . See Bak'an. "^
Balabitene Balabitena Balahovit C.J. I, 29, 5 T. 131, 138 n. 240, 212, 241.
Bilabetines Pasinler kazasi N. XXXI
Aed. Ill, i, 26
CMNe
G.C.
Balahovit Balaôvit Belabitene E.43, 116-ii/4
Palu kazasi ? G-3
Balan rot Rot i Bala E.43-44, 117-xi/4
G-8
Balasakan Gargaracik' E.42-44, 114-115 See Ch. IX n. 13 ; XIV n. 73, 76.
P'aytakaran B-7
Bazgun ?
Kaspe ?
REFERENCES
Balk' Meli dast E.44, 117-ix/9

G-5
Barjr Hayk' Armenia Interior E.37, 116-i
G-2
Basean Basen Basiane E.44, 118-xv/l
Bagsen Phasiane
Pasinler kazasi
Basen See Basean.
Basiane Basean X. IV, vi, 5 T. 218-219, 219 n. 254, 496. Q
Phasiane CM Pd See Ch. XI nn. 2-3. g
Pasinler kazasi 3
^N
Basilisene See Orbalisene. S
Baskale kazasi G. 78, 38°10'N X 44°10'E. .^
See Albak Mec. 2
po
Basoropeda S. XI, xiv, 5 O
Bazgun See Abasgia and Balasakan. a
Bazunik' See Buzunik'. O
Bel See Bex- M
Berdac p'or E.44-45, 118-xiv/2

B-5
Berdajor See Berjor.
Berjor Berdajor E.44, 117-x/S
B-7
Bex Bel E.44, 105, 120
Si* B-7
Bilabetines See Balabitene. H-
Bithynia P. V, i 2
N.D., V.L., L. *
CM D-Fc
REFEEENCES
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL NOTES H-
to
*
Bodunik' Bogunik' E.45, 117-viii/3
Budunik' G-5
Bogunik' See Bodunik'.
Bohio p'or E.45, 119-iv/3
B-6
Bolxa Boxa E.45, 118-xiv, 5 P. V, xii, 4 T. 204, 230 n. 78, 451 n. 53,
Buxa G-5 458 n. 93.
See Ch. I n. 42.
Boxa P. V, xii, 4 . See Bofya
Budunik' See Bodunik'.
BulanQ^ See Bulanik'. ^
Bulanik' Bulanax G. 109, 39°05'N X 42°05'E. g
Bulanyk See Hark'. %
Bulanyk See Bulanik'. |-J
Buxa See Bolâ.
Buzunik' BaSunik' Norduz E.45, 117-viii/9 -See Ch. XI p. 248; XII n. 31.
BZunik' G-5
Buzurg Armenan See Armenia Maior.
Bzabde See be# Zabde.
Bznunik' E.45, 116-iv/ll T. 209-210, 213, 216, 324 n. 82.
Bzunik' See Buzunik'.
Cahuk E.64, 117-vi/10
D-5
Cakatk' E.64, 118-xv/ll See Ch. XI n. 1.
G-5
Cakk' E.64, 118-xiv/9
B-5
Calarzene See Katarzene.
EEFEEENCES
£aldiran See Ch. XI p. 237.

Calkotn Calkunik' Varaznunik'(1) E.56, 118-xv/7 T. 309 n. 32, 315, 319.
Zachunuc G-5 See Ch. XI nn. 6, 19, 21, 23.
Calkunik' See Calkotn.
Camanene N.H. VI, 3 . See Chamanene.
Canet'i See Tzanika.
£apak§ur Capljur Gen§ kazasi ? See Asthianene ^
Capljur E.59 .See Asthianene. &
Cappadocia P. V, vi; CM I-Me g
N. XXX K|
Cappadocia I N.D. ^
N. XXX
Cappadocia II N.D. ^
#
N. XXX §
Cappadocia (Greater) See Cappadocia Taurica. ^
Cappadocia Pontica Cappadocia ad Pontem S. XII, iii, 2 See Ch. IV nn. 3-4. M
Cappadocia Taurica Greater Cappadocia S. XII, iii, 12
Cappadocia ad Taurum xii, 10-11 See Ch. IV n. 6.
Caranitis N.H. V, xx . . . See Karenitis.
Caspiane See Kaspiane.
Cataonia N.H. XI, iii See Kataonia.
Qawdeayk' Cawdek' Zabdikene E.86
Tur Abdin D-4
Cawdek' See Cawdeayk'.
Cawdk' S6dk\J
Chaldia St. Byz. *S
REFERENCES
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL NOTES ^
Or
*
Chamanene Camanene Haymana kazasi ? P. V, vi, 11 See Ch. IV nn. 3-4,8
S. XII, i, 4
N.H. V, xx
CM Id
Chera See Her.
Cholarzene Calarzene Klarjet'i P. V, xii, 4 T. 142, 188 n. 188, 322 n. 76,
Katarzene ArtanuJ 334-335, 382, 434,442 n. 22, 24,
453 n. 62, 457 and nn. 89, 93,
461 and n. 109, 462-468, 471-
472, 474, 485-488, 491, 495-498.
Chordzianene See Chorzane. !**
Chorzane Chordziane Zorjayn S. XI, xiv, 4 T. 442 n. 22, 457 n. 93. |t
Chorziane Aed. Ill, iii, 7 See Ch. Ill n. 1; V n. 60. %
M
Korzene CM Nd S
Khordzen
Orzianines
Chorziane See Chorzane.
Cilicia See Kilikia.
Clak SeeCluk.
Qluk C*ak E.56, 117-ix/7
G-6
Cobenor E.56, 119-v/l
B-6
Cobep'or Cop'op'or E.56, 118-xiii/l
B-6
Colchis Kolk'ise P. V, ix
CM Pa
Colopene See Kulupene.
Colthene See Kolthene.
REFERENCES
Commagene N.H. VI, iii See Kommagene.

Cop'ac kolmn See Cop'k' Mec.
Cop'k' Cop'k' Sahuni Sophene E.57
Armenia IV G3
Cop'k' Mec Cop'ac kolmn Sophanene E.57, 116-ii
G3-G4
Cop'k' Sahuni Sahe Sophene E.57, 116-ii/5
Sahunian Sophene G-3
Cop'op'or See Cobep'or. ^
Corduene See Korduene. ^
Corrord Hayk' Armenia IV E.57, 116-ii J3
Sophene G3-G4 g
Cowarseank' See Cowars-fot. „
Cowas-fot Cowarseank' E.64, 117-viii/21 gj
Cowafsfot G-6 O
Cwasot H
z,
Culupene N.H. VI, iii O
Cxrasjmay E.87, 119-iii/10 be
A-6
Dalaf Elmali dere E.48, 116-iv/8 See Ch. XI n. 53.
G-5
Dambvar See Dmbawand.
Darachichak Varaznunik'(l) ? See Varaznunik' (1).
Daranalia (d.) Daranalis Daranalik' CM Nd
Analibla M. XI, 645. T. 233 n. 291.
SeeCh.IIInn.l,4a,12d;Vn.60. ^
en
Daranalik' Daranalia E.49, 116-1/1 Oi
Analibla G-3
Daranalis See Daranalia.
Dafni See Garni.
REFERENCES
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL NOTES g
O5
#
be6 Dasen S.0.272 See Dasn.
Dasin See Dasn.
Dasn Dasin be0 Dasen E.49 See Ch. IX n. 33.
D-5
S.O. 272
Dasnawork' Gastovor E.49, 116-iv/6 See Ch. XI n. 63.
G-4
Degik' E.49, 116-ii/7
G-3
Derjan Dersim Derxene E.49, 116-i/6 See Ch. Ill n. 1,12a,14; V n. 60.
G-4 fe
Dersim See Derjan. ^
Derxene Derzene Tercan kazasi S. XI, xiv, 5 2
Xerxene Derjan N.H. V, xx H
Tercan kazasi CM Od <*
Derzene N.H. V, xx See Derxene.
Dilumn See Dhnunk'.
Diospontus Pontus Amasia
Helenopontus L.
Dhnunk' Dilumn E.I 15
Dmbawand Dambvar E.I 15
Dorek' See Gawrek'.
Dwin ostan See Ostan Hayoc.
Edaiab See Hedayab.
Eger See Egr.
Egeria See Egr.
Egr Egeria Adzharia E.50
Eger B-4
NOTES
Ekeleac Akilisene E.50, 116-1/4

Anahtakan G-3
Kozluk kazasi
Ekelenzines M. IX, 391 ; XI, 613 See Akilisene.
Elbak ................................ See Albak Mec.
Elmali dere Dalaf G. 207, 39°25' X 40°35'.
Erasâjor ............................... See Arsarunik'. H
Er£ek ................................ See Ardisakovit. ^
Ercoy Ercwoy E.51, 119-vi/3 §
B-6 _ g
Ercwoy ............................... See Ercoy . KK
Erestuni ............................... See ftstunik'. ^
Erewark' E.51, 116-iv/12 g
G-5 ^
Erit'unik' ............................... See Erwandunik'. ^
Erkrord Hayk' ............................. See Armenia II. J3
Ernjak E.51, 117-ix/l
G-6
Errord Hayk' .............................. See Armenia III.
Erutak ............................... See Rotak.
Erwandunik' Arwant'uni E.51, 117-viii/13
Erit'unik4 G-5
ErxetV Xerhet'k' E.51, 116-iii/8
G-5
h-1
Ethne ................................ See Satrapiae. Or
Eufratesia ............................... See Euphratensis. *
REFERENCES
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL NOTES ^
. oi
oo4t
Euphratensis Arabia Euphratensis N.D., N. VIII
Eufratesia
Ewtnp'orakean E.51
bagink' G-8
ancayeci Hncayni See Anjaî jor.
Hncaynock1
ancayni See Anjaî jor.
ancaynock' See Anjaî jor.
grnay See Afna.
Foenices See Phoenicia.
Gabeteank' Kalzwan E.46, 118-xv/2 T. 220-221. J>
Kagizman kazasi G-5 hd
Gabit'ean See Gawet'an. g
Galatia P. V, iv 2
S. XII, v, 1 ^
N.H. VI, iii ^
N.D., N. VIII
CM Fe-Ic
Galatia II N. VIII
Galatia Salutaris N.D.
Gangark' See Kangark'.
Gardman E.46, 118, xii/6 T. 216, 258, 475-478, 480-484,
B-6 485 n. 211, 487 n. 224, 499.
Gargaracik' Karkar See Balasakan.
Gargaracwoc dast
Garines See Karenitis.
Garni Dafni E.46, 117-viii/7 See Ch. XI n. 57.
G-5
Garni Bazar See Mazaz.
REFERENCES
Garsauritis P. V, vi, 13
S, XII, i, 4
N.H. VI, iii
CMIe
Gastavor . . See Dasnawork'
Gawet'an Gabit'ean E.46, 117-viii/30
G-6
Gawreg . See Gawrek'.
Gawrek' Gawreg Dorek' E.41, 116-ii/8
G-3
Gazrikan Gazrikean E.46, 117-viii/31
D-6
Gazrikean .See Gazrikan.
Gelak'unik' Gelark'anunik' E.47, 117-ix/4
B-6
Gelan Gilan E.47
G-8
Gelark'anunik' . See Gelak'unik'.
Gen? kazasi Asthianene G. 234, 38°45'N X 40°35'E.
Hasteank'
Gentes. .See Satrapiae.
Georgia . See Iberia.
Gilan . . See Gelan.
Gogarene Gugark' S. XI, xiv, 4-5 T. 102 n. 158, 129, 131-133,
Iberian March 155 n. 14, 162 is, 40, 165, 177
Moschic March n. 115, 183-192, 217, 236S 334,
432, 449, 452, 457-459, 459 n. 48,
467-474, 483, 487, 489, 495
n. 262, 499.
Lang, Review, ^^catum XLII,
1 (1967) pp, 194-196.
See Ch. XIV n. 76.
REFERENCES
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL NOTES f-
.. — 01
O
*
Gogovit See Kogovit.
Gokan See Gugan.
Golthene See Golt'n.
Golt'n Golthene E.48,117-viii/34 See Ch. XI n. 65.
G-6 Not to be confused with Kolt
in Arcajf q.v.
Gordyene Korcek' P. V, xii, 9 T. 57 n. 54, 75, 102 n. 158, 129,
S. XI, xiv, 3 148, 166, 179, 181-182, 202, 468
XVI, 1, 24 n. 138.
CMPf
Gorgovatis^ See Gorot'is-xew. t>
^d
Gofot is-êw Gorgovatis^ E.48, 119-iii/l ""d
A-5 |
Greater Albak See Albak Mec. 2
K>
Greater Armenia See Armenia Maior.
Greater Cappadocia See Cappadocia Taurica.
Greater Sophene See Sophanene.
GrSunik' See Kr5unik'.
Gugank' Gukan E.48, 117-viii/25 See Ch. XI n. 63.
Gokan G-5
Gugark' Gogarene E.48, 118-xiii
B5-B6
Gukan See Gugank'.
Gurzan Z.M. 144 See Iberia.
Gzel See
Gzelx Gzel E.47, 116-iii/9
G-4
Haband I E.61-62, 117-ix/18
G-7
REFERENCES
Haband II See Miws Haband.

Haeretica See Hairetike.
Hairetike Haeretica P. V, vi, 18
Hakkari G. 268, 37°35'N X 43°50'E.
Hanazit See Anjit1.
Handsith See Anjit'.
Hani E.62, 117-xi/6
G-8 H
Hanjit' See Anjit'. hj
Hanzith See Anjit'. j^
Har&lank' Harclawnk' E.62, 117-X/6 g
G-7 5
Harclawnk' See Har61ank'. ,,
Hark' Charka Bulanik kazasi E.62, 116-iv/9 See Ch. XI n. 45, 52. #
O
G-5 <
Hasteank' Asthianene E.62, 116-ii/2 g
Gen9 kazasi G-4 W
Hawnunik' E.62, 118-xv/4 T. 215 n. 246.
G-5
Haymana kazasi Chamanene ? G. 283, 39°25'N X 32°35'E.
Hayoc jor E.62
G-5
Hedayab Edaiab Adiabene E.49,72
Nor Sirakan
Median March
i—i
Helenopontus Diospontus N.D. os
Pontus Amasia N. VIII, XXVIII **
CM Ac
REFERENCES
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL NOTES 1—4
OS
to
*
Her Xar Chera E.63, 117-vii/9 Later fused with Zarewand into
Xerakan dast G-6 Rotak.
See also Zarewand.
Honoriada ' Honorias L., N. VIII
Honorias N.D. See Honoriada.
Hosdroene See Osrhoene.
Iberia Georgia P. V, x
Gurzan S. XI, iii
Varjan
Virk'
Iberian March
APPENDIX
Ingilene Angelene Angel tun C.J.I, 29, 5 T. 131, 137-138 n. 240, 166
N. XXXI n. 63, 167, 170-172, 175-177,
224, 241, 297-303, 324 n. 81.
See Ch. II n. 25b.
Isayr E.54, 117-v/l <J
G-6
Isoc Isuc E.54, 117-v/S
D-5
Ispir kazasi Suspiritis G. 318, 40°30'N X 41°00'E.
Jawa^k' Jawaêt'i E.78, 119-1/4

Jova^k' B-5
Jer major E.78, 117-T/8
D-5
Jorkc E.64, 117-ix/10
G-7
Jorop'or E.63, llS-v/3
B-6
REFERENCES
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL
Jowa^k' See Jawa^k'.

Justinianea See Armenia IV Altera.
Kadme Korduene ? Adiabene ? E.86 T. 224-225 and n. 270, 233 and
n. 289, 236.
See Ch. XIV n. 60.
Kagizman kazasi Gabeleank' G. 322, 40°10'N X 43°05'E.
Kal Kel E.89, 116-iii/4
G-4
Kalarjk' See Klarjet'i. H
Kalarson See Klarjet'i. ^
Kel SeeKal. g
Kalzwan See Gabeleank'. ^
Kamisene S. XII, iii, 37. K}
Kangark' Gangark' E.57-58, 118-xiii/6 "
Kankark' B-6 »
O
Kankark' See Kangark'. <j
Kapkoh k'ustak K'apkolk' E.114-115. |
Kap'or See Azeac-p'or. H
Karabag ' See Arca^.
Karat'unik' See Kart'unik'.
Karayazi kazasi Towarcatap' G. 359, 39°55' X 42°05'.
Karenitip Caranitia Karin S. XI, xiv, 5 T. 193 nn. 207, 209, 233 n. 291,
Garines N.H. V, xx 458 n. 98.
CMPd See Ch. Ill nn. 1, 12a-b, 14;
V n. 60.
Karin Karenitis E.58, 116-i/9
G-4 os
w
Karkar See Gargaracik'. *
Kart'unik' Karat'unik' Saraponik' E.58, 117-vi/9
D-6
REFERENCES
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL NOTES Oi
rf^
*
Kaspe . See Kaspiane.
Kaspiane Kasp'e Kazbk' S. XI, iv, 5 T. 129. 132, 148, 232 n. 287.
Caspiane P'aytakaran xiv, 5
Kataonia Cataonia P. V, vi, 22
S. XI, xii, 2
XII, i, 4;ii, 2-6
N.H. VI, iii
CMKe
Katarzene Cholarzene Klarjet'i P. V, 12, 4
Calarzene CM PC
Kazbk' Kasp'e Kaspiane E.57
P'aytakaran B-8
Kelesene Pers. I, xvii, 11 See Akilisene.
KeVik' E.59, 116-iii/5
G-5
Khandchoot See An jit*.
Khordzen . See .Xbrjayn.
Kigi kazasi Xorjayn G. 386, 39°20'N X 40°30'E.
Kilikia Cilicia P. V, vii
CM I - Jg
Kilikia (I) N. VIII
Kilikia (II) N. VIII
Klarjet'i Kalarjk' Cholarzene E.59, 118-xiii/9 T. 142, 188 n. 188, 322 n. 76,
Klarjk' Katarzene 334-335, 382, 439, 442 nn. 22,
Kalarck* ArtanuJ 24, 452, 453 n. 62, 457 nn. 89..
93, 461 and n. 109, 462-468,
471-472, 474, 485-488, 491, 495-
498.
REFERENCES
Ko9hisar Morimene ? G. 411 (7) 39°52' X 37°24'.

See Ch. IV p. 58, also Cities.
Kogovit Gogovit E.59, 118-xv/13 T. 200, 202, 309, 321-322 and
G-5 n. 77, 342-343, 398.
See Ch. XI, nn. 24-25.
Kol Kola E.59, 118-xiv/l T. 457.
B-5
Kolbop'or E.60, 118-xiii/2 O
B-6 O
Kolk'ise See Colchis. ^
Kolt' Koxt Kolthene? E.60, 117-X/12 T. 259. S
B-7 Not to be confused with Goltn
in Vaspurakan. 2
Kolthene Colthene Goltn ? P. V, xii, 4 T. 105 n. 160, 203, 204 n. 230, O
Kolt ? 323,451 n. 2. §
Kommagene Commagene P. V, xiv, 8 O
E)
S. XI, xii, 2 00
N.H. VI, iii

CM L - Mf
Kor Kore D.A. I. See Ch. XI nn. 28, 52.
Kore .See Kor.
KorSayk' . .See Korfiek'.
KorSek' KorSayk' Gordyene E.60, 117-vi
D-5
Korde . . . .See Korduene. os
Kordrik' . .See Tmorik'. Or
Korduene Corduene Korduk' A.M. XXV, xix, 9 T. 131, 180-182 and nn. 140, *
Korde be0 Qardu P.P. xiv 142, 144, 146.
REFERENCES
—_____ .
Korduk' Korduene E.60, 117-vi/l
be# Qardu D-5
Korzene See Chorzane.
Kosakan See Kovsakan.
Kotayk' Kotek Zangi bazar ? E.60, 118-xv/6 See Ch. XI p. 238.
Kotaia B-6
Kotek See Kotayk'.
Kovsakan Kosakan E.60, 117-ix/12
Kusakan G-7
Koxt' SeeKcAt'.
Kozlifian Kuzichan Akilisene ? See Ch. Ill p. 47.
Kozluk kazasi ?
Kozluk kazasi Akilisene ? G. 428, 38°12'N X 41°29'E.
Kr6unik' Krkcunik5 E.61, 117-viii/22 See Ch. XI n. 62.
Grcunik1 G-6
Rotkr6unikc
Krk6unikc See Kr&unik'.
Kulanovit E.61, 117-viii/5
Kulupene Colopene S. XII, iii, 37 See Ch. Ill n. 20.
Culupene N.H. VI, iii
CMKd
KuriSan See Ayli.
Kusakan See Kovsakan.
K'ust-i-p'afenk* K'usti P'afnes' E.88, 90, 117-x/lO NB Eremyan's division into two
B-6 districts.
K'usti P'arnes See K'ust-i-p'afenk\n
REFERENCES
Lauiansene P. V, vi, 24
S.XII,i, 4;
ii, 10;
iii, 37
CM Ld
Lazika P. V, ix, 4 T. 255-257, 363-364, 365 n. 32,
Goth. IV, ii, 3 388, 405 n. 52.
G.C.
CMPb H
Lesser Albak See Albak P'ok'r. P
T3
Lesser Armenia See Armenia Minor. O
Lesser Siwnik' See Sisakan-i-Kotak K)
Lesser Sophene See Sophene. ^
Lower Sophene See Sophanene.
Lykaonia Lycaonia P. V, vi, 15 fd
N. VIII, XXV §
CM Ge - Hf §
Machurton See Mahkert tun. H
Mahkert tun Machurton al-Mahardan E.64, 118 T. 165, 166 nn. 58, 59, 218, °°
b§0 Mahqart D-6 459 n. 98.
Revanduz S.0.272 See Gh. IX n. 33.
be0 Mahqart S.0.272 See Mahkert tun.
Malatya kazasi Melitene G. 455, 38°25'N X 38°20'E.
ManaK See Mananali.
Mananali Manali E.64-65, 116-i/5 See III n. 1; 16;
G-4 V n. 60.
Manralik' Manraloi E.65 05
A-5 ^
Manraloi Manralik' P. V, ix, 4
Maperkiton See Mareptikon.
REFERENCES
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL NOTES _
os
00
Marac amur asârh E.65, 69, 115, 118 *
Agat'. cxx
Mardalik' E.65, 116-iv/5 -See Ch. Ill n. 1.
G-4
Mardastan Mardock' E.65, 117-viii/15
Marducayk' G-6
Mardock' See Mardastan.
Mardpetakan Mareptikon ? T. 131, 139, 169 and n. 81, 170
Sephakan ? n. 85, 200, 231 n. 285.
See Ch. I p. 11.
Marducayk1 See Mardastan. ^
Mareptikon Maperkiton Mardpetakan? M.P. See Ch. I p. 11. £g
M. VII g
Mari E.65, 117-vii/2 b
D-6 M
Mark' See Media. <J
Maseac otn E.65, 118-xv/12
G-6
Mazaz Garni bazar ? E.64, 118-xv/17 See Ch. XI p. 238.
B-6
Mec Alankc See Mecirank'.
Mec Albak $ee.Albak Mec.
Mec Hayk' Armenia Maior E. 66-70
Mec Kwank1 Mec Kwenk' E.66, 117-x/S
B-7
Mecirank' Mec Alank' E.66, 117-X/4
B-7
Mecnunik' E.70, 117-viii/23
G-5
REFERENCES
Media Mark' P. V, xii, 1

S. XI, xiii
Media Atropatene See Atropatene.
Median March See Adiabene.
Mehnunik' Mehenunik' B.L. 146-147 T. 232 n. 286.
Meh' dast See Balasakan.
Melitene Melitine Malatya kazasi P. V, xii, 21
S. XII, i, 4
ii, 1 H
N.H. VI, iii _ §
adL. §
CMLe g
Melitine H.S., G.C. See Melitene. Kj
Mesopotamia Mijaget N.D., N. VIII ^
CM Mg-Ph g
Mesopotamia Upper See Armenia IV. •<
Mija Vijac E.70, 117-V/5 j|
oo
Mijaget See Mesopotamia.
Miws Haband Sisakan i Kotak E.70, 117
Mokk' Moxoene
b§0 Moksaye E.71, 116-i/6
G5-D-5
Mokk' Afanjnak Ark'ayic E.41, 71, 117-v/G
G-5
be0 Moksaye S.0.272 See Mokk'. i_i
Morunene Murimene Kx^hisar ? S. XII, i, 4 See Ch. IV p. 58. 01
v,4 *
N.H. VI, iii
CMIe
REFERENCES
.
Moschic March See Gogarene.

Mot'olank' Ot'olank' E.71, 117-vi/7
D-6
Moxoene Mokk' S.0.272 A.M. XXV, xix, 9 T. 129, 148, 166 n. 63, 180,
beflMoksaye CM Ee 181 n. 140, 197 n. 222, 200,
202, 468 n. 138.
Mrit E.71, 119
B-4
Mrul E.71, 119
B'4
Mughan See Muânk'.
Mukan See Muânk'.
Munzur See Muzur.
Murimene See Morimene.
Muxank' Mukan Mughan E.71, 117-X/7
Mxank' G-7
Muzur Manjur Muzuron E.71,116-i/3
Mzur G-3
Munzur
Muzuron Muzur G.C.
Mvank' See Muânk'.
Mygdonia See Arwastan.
Mzur See Muzur.
Nig Aparan E.72, 118-xv/15 T. 198,205-205,207.
G-6
Nigal E.72, 110, 119
B-4
Nihorakan See Ni%orakan.
REFERENCES
Nixorakan Nihorakan Daherrakan E.72, 118 T. 165.

deh Nahirakan D5-D6 See Ch. IX pp. 175-178.
be0 Nohadra Nohadra S.O., 272 See Ch. IX nn. 33, 35.
Notartay
Norduz Anjewacik' G. 489, 37°51'N X 43°32'E.
Buzunik' See Ch. XI p. 248.
Nor Sirakan Nosirakan Adiabene E.27,49,52,59, See Ch. IX pp. 172-173,175-178.
Sirakan Median march 64,67,72,77
Nosirakan See Nor Sirakan. H
Notartay See be0 Nohadra. hd
Ok'ale Ok'at E.76, 118-xiv/6 §
B-4 g
Orbalisene Basilisene P. V, vi, 18 T. 54 n. 49, 451 n. 53. KJ
See Ch. Ill n. 25. ^
Orbisene P. V, vi, 18 » g
Orisank' See Orsirank'. ^
Ormizd Peroz Ormzdperoz E.75, 117-xi/9 §
G-7
"' H
cc
Ormzdperoz See Ormizd Peroz.
Orsene P. V, vi, 18 See Ch. Ill n. 25.
Orsirank' Orisank' E.75, 117-vi/8
D-6
Orzianines G.C. See Chorzane.
Osrhoene Osroene N.D., N. VIII See Ch. Ill n. 25.
Hosdroene CM Mf
Osroene See Osrhoene. H-"
Ossetia See Alania. ~^
be0 Ostan See befl Arzon. *
Ostan Hayoo Dwin Ostan E.49,74, 116-xv/19
B6-G6 See Ch. XII n. 30.
REFERENCES
Otene Utik' P. V, xii, 4 T. 129, 132, 148, 220, 259, 467,

482.
Other Armenia See Armenia Altera.
Ot'olank* See Mot'olank'.
Oves See Acwerk.
Packank' Panckank' E.77, 117-X/9
Parsakank' G-7
Paflagonia See Paphlagonia.
Palanakan tun See Pamatun.
Palankatun See Palnatun.
Palestina I N. VIII
Palestina II N. VIII
Palestina III N. VIII
Palestina Salutaris N.D.
Palinatun See Palnatun.
Palines Palnatun G.C. T. 212 n. 240.
Palnatun Palankatun Palines E.76-77, 116-ii/3 See Ch. Ill n. 1.
Palanakan tun G-3
Palinatun
Palu kazasi Balahovit ? G. 505, 38°40' X 39°55'E.
Palunik'
Palun See Palunik'.
Palunik' Palun Palu kazasi ? E.76 (1), 117-viii/24 T. 212.
G-5
Panckank1 See Packank'.
Paphlagonia Paflagonia N.D., N. XXIX
V.L., L.
CM Gb-Jb
P'afnes See K'ust i p'afenk'.
Parsakank' See Packank'.
REFERENCES
Parskahayk' Persarmenia E.77, 117-vii T. 129, 148, 152, 164 n. 48, 197.
G6-D6
Parspatunik' Parspunik' E.77, 117-viii/26 See Ch. XI n. 64.
Patsparunik' G-7
Pasparunik'
Parspunik' See Parsparunik'.
Partizac p'or E.77, 118-xiv/3 ^
B-5 O
Parwar E.77, 119-iv/4 O
Pasinler kazasi Pasen Basean G. 507, 40°00'N H 41°40'E. K)
Basiane KJ
Pasparunik' See Parsparunik'.
Patakaranes See P'aytakaran. £d
Patsparunik' See Parspatunik'. ^
P'aytakaran Patakaranes Kaspe E.88, 117-xi §
Kazbk' G7-G8 H
Balasakan
Pentarchy See Satrapiae.
Persarmenia See Parskahayk'.
Pharangion Pers. II, xxix, 4 See Suspiritis.
Phasiane X. IV, vi, 5 See Basiane.
Phauene See Phaunitis.
Phaunitis Phauene Saunitis S. XI, xiv, 4
Phoenicia Foenices N.D.
Phrygia P. V, ii, 17 T. 53 n. 49. !~|
CM Df-Fd ^
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS NOTES
Phrygia Pacatiana N. VIII

P. V, iv, 9; v, 7
Phrygia Salutaris N. VIII
Piank' E.77, 117-x/S
B-7
Pisidia N. VIII, XXIX
CM E-Ff
P'ok'r Hayk' Armenia Minor E.88-89
G2-B3
Pontica (d.) N.D.
Pontus P. V,i
S. XII, iii, 1-2, 10-19
CM Jc-Pb
Pontus Amasia Diospontus S. XII, iii, 38
Helenopontus L.
Pontus Cappadocicus P. V, vi, 5, 8 T. 450 n. 53.
xii, 2
CM Me
Pontus Galaticus P. V, vi, 3, 8
CM Jc
Pontus Polemoniacus P. V, vi, 4, 8
N.D., V.L., L.
C.J. I, 29, 5
CMKc
be0 Qardu S.O. 272 See Korduene.
be# Rahimai .See be0 Relume.
Ramonin (d.) S.O. 272 See Ch. IX n. 33.
Ran . See Albania.
Re . . . . See Are.
REFEEENCES
be# Rehime bed Rahimai Rehimene S.O. 272

Rehimene Rehimena be0 Rehime A.M., XXV, xix, 9 T. 180, 182 n. 147.
Revanduz See Mahkert tun.
Rostak See Rotak.
Rotak Rostak E.63 See Ch. XII nn. 27,28.
Erutak See also Zarewand and Her.
Rot-i-Bala See Balan-fot.
Rotkrcunik' See Krfiunik'.
Rot-Parcean Rot-Pacean E.79, 118-xii/3 Q
B-7 g
Rot-Pacean See Rot Parcean. 3
Rstunik' Erestuni Arreston ? E.79, 117-viii/l T. 213 n. 242. g
G-5 ^
Rwan Rwel E.I 14-115 2
CO
Rwel See Rwan. O
^j
Sacasena See Sakasene. M
Sahafunik' T. 214 and n. 243. O
See Ch. XI p. 241. S»
Sahe See Sophene.
Sahib as-Serir See Albania.
Sahunian Sophene See Sophene.
Sakasen Sikasen Sakasene E.73, 118-xii/7
B6-B7
Sakasene Sacasena Sakasen P. V, xii, 4 T. 220, 467 n. 128, 482 and
S. XI, xiv, 4 n. 199.
Salagomk' Satgom E.73, 116-i/8 See Ch. Ill n. 1. H-
Salgamk' B-4 Ot
Salajor See Salnoy-jor.
Salgamk' See Salagomk'.
REFERENCES
.
Salnoy-jor Salajor E.79, 116-iii/10
Sanojor G-4
Sanasunitai Sasun T. 210.
Sanasunk' See Sasun.
San6an E.73, 115
D-8
Sanojor See Salnoy jor.
Saraponik' See Kart'unik*.
Sarauene S. XI, i, 4
CM Jd
Sargaurasene P. V, vi, 12
S. XI, i, 4
•• a
11,6
CMKe
Sarur dast E.73, 118-xv/20
G-6
Saspeiros See Suspiritis.
Sasun Sanasunk' Sanasunitai E. 79,116-iii/ll
G-4
Satgom See Salagomk*.
Satrapiae Armenia Altera C.J., 1,29,5 T. 131-135, 137, 138 n. 240,
Ethne N. XXXI 170-175, 197.
Gentes Aed. Ill, iv, 17 See Ch. II; V n. 66.
Pentarchy
Saunitis See Phaunitis.
Sawarsakan See Sawarsam.
Sawarsam Sawarsakan Artaz ? M..X. II, Ixii See Ch. XI n. 59.
Sawdk' SeeSodk'.
Sawsedk' See Sawset'.
REFERENCES
Sawsedk' E.73, 119-i/2

B-5
Sephakan Mardpetakan ? See Ch. IX n. 38; XI nn. 66,
Vaspurakan 66a.
Sepuhrakan See Vaspurakan.
Sikasen See Sakasen.
Sirak Sirakene E.73-74, 118-rv/8
Siiregel B-5 O
Sirakan See Nor Sirakan. Q
Sirakene Sirak P. V, xii, 4 T. 202,206 ^
Siiregel See Ch. XI nn. 2c-d, 3. &
Sisagan See Siwnik1.
Siaajan See Siwnik'. 2
Sisakan Z.M. 144 See Siwnik'. O
Sisakan i Kotak Sisakan Ostan Lesser Siwnik' E.70, 117 H
Miws Haband Q
Siwnik' Sisakan Sunitai E.81, 117-ix T. 129, 131-132, 137, 148, 214 «
Sisajan B6-G7 n. 244, 241, 323, 332.
-SeeCh.IXnn. 13b, 14-15, XIV
n. 72.
Sodk' Cawdk' Sodukene E.80 See Ch. X pp. 194,199,230.
Sawdk' Arcax B-6 Not to be confused with
Zawdk' Cawdek' q.v.
Sot'k'
Sodukene Sodk' P. V, xii, 4 T. 182 n. 146. H-
Sof See Sophene. -^
S5phan-aye See Sophanene.
REFERENCES
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL NOTES 00
*
Sophanene Tzophanene Copac kohnn C.Th. XX, xviii T. 131, 137-138, n. 240, 139,
Cop'k' Mec C.J. I, 29, 5 166 n. 63, 167-168, 170-171,
Greater Sophene N. XXXI 173 n. 103, 174, 175, 179, 237
Lower Sophene Aed. Ill, ii, 2 n. 306, 241, 304.
Sophan-aye iii, 1 See Ch. II nn. 20a, 21-23b.
Supani
Sophene Tzophane Cop'k' Sahuni P. V, xii, 6 T. 131, 137-138 n. 240, 166-167
Lesser Sophene S. XI, xii, 3-4 and n. 63, 170 n. 88, 235 n. 306,
Upper Sophene xiv, 2 241, 285-287, 298, 304-305.
Sahunian Sophene XII, ii, 1 See Ch. II nn. 20a, 21-24.
gahe C.J. I, 29, 5 Used both as a restrictive and
Sof N. XXXI a general toponym.
Suph de B. i See also Asorestan.
Syrian March CMNe
Soragyal . .See Siiregel.
Sot'k' . . . . .SeeSodk'.
Spandaran-Peroz E.81, 117-xi/8
G7-G8
Sper Suspiritis E.81, 116-i/7
Pharangion B-4
Ispir kazasi
Sunitai Siwnik' Pers. I, xv, 1
Supani. .See Sophanene.
Suph . . See Sophene.
Siiregel Soragyal Sirak G. 578, 40°45'N X 43°36'E.
Suspiritis Hesperites Sper H. T. 131, 137-138 n. 240, 202,
Saspeiroa Pharangion X. VII, viii, 25 233 n. 291, 241, 315, 321-322
REFERENCES
Ispir kazasi S. XI, xiv, 9 n. 76, 323 n. 77, 81, 326, 342, 455
Pers. II, xxix, 4 n. 73, 456 n. 77, 464 n. 117,
CMOc. 466 n. 123, 467 n. 126.
See Ch. I n.43; III n. 12a.
Syria I N. XX
Syria II N. VIII
Syria, Coele N.D.
Syria Salutaris N.D.
Syrian March .See Sophene.
Tamberk' Tambet' E.84, 117-vii/6
Tambet' ............................... See Tamberk'.

Tamoritis Tmorik' T. 200, 202, 322, 323 n. 78.
Kordrik'
Tankriayn .............................. See Taygrean.
Tanuterakan tun See Ch. IX pp. 180-182.
Tao Tayk' See Tayk'.
Taparastan .............................. See Taprastan.
T'ar ................................ See T'awr.
Taprestan Taparastan E.114-115.
Taraunitis Tarawn Pers. II, xxv, 35 T. 132, 202, 209-210, 212, 215,
CM Pe 218, 314, 324 n. 81, 351.
See Ch. XI nn. 29-30, 34.
Tarawn Taron Taraunitis E.85, 116-iv/3
G-4
Taron ................................ See Tarawn.
Taruberan Tawruberan E.85, 116-iv T. 129, 132, 148, 199, 205 n. 234,
Turuberan G4-G5 209,212,312.
See Ch. XI n. 30.
REFERENCES 00
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL NOTES o
#
Tasir E.85, 119-V/4

B-6
Tatik E.85, 116-iii/6
G-5
T'awr T'ar E.53, 119-H/3
T'or B-5
Tawruberan . See Taruberan.
Taxtin Takhtin Kara? See Ch. XI n. 3b.
Taygrean Tankriayn E.84,117-viii/31
Tagrean G-6
Tayk' Tao E.84, 117-xiv T. 129, 131-132, 148, 202, 204-
B4-B5 205, 209-210, 211 n. 238, 231
n. 285, 324 n. 81, 439-445, 450,
452-457, 460 n. 98, 467, 470,
485-486, 491-498.
See Ch. Ill n. 24a; XI n. 31.
Tercan kazasi Derxene G. 595, 39°45'N X 40°25'E.
Derjan
Thospitis Tosp P. V, xii,
Thracia (d.) N.D.
T'ianet' E.53, 119-vi/4
A-6
Tmorik' Tamoritis E.86
Kordrik' D-5
T'onfawan .See T'ofnawan.
T'or . . . . See T'awr.
REFERENCES
T'ofnawan Tonrawan E.53, 117-viii/19

G5-G6
Tosp Tosb Thospitis E.86, 117-viii/2
G-5
Towarcatap' Karayazi kazasi E.86, 116-iv/7 See Ch. XI n. 53.
G4-G5
T'rabi T'rap'i E.54, 117-vii/3
D-6
T'rap'i See T'rabi.
T'felk' T'rialet'i E.54, 119-V/6
B5-B6
Tfi E.86, 118-xii/2
B-7
T'rialet'i . . See T'felk'.
Trpatunik' Atrpatunik' E.86, 117-viii/12 T. 221, 235 n. 301.
D-5
Trunik' See, Ch. XI n. 75.
TuQk'atak . . . . . . . See Tus K'ustak.
Tur Abdin Tuf apdin Cawdeayk' E.86
Zabdlkene D-4
Turuberan . . . . . . See Taruberan.
Tus K'ustak TuQk'atak E.86, 118-xii/5
B-6
Tyanitis P. V, vi, 17
S. XII, i, 4
ii, 7
Tzanika Canet'i Goth. IV, iii, 3 T. 255. 458-460 n. 98.
Aed. Ill, vi, 1, 18
Tzophene N. XXXI See Sophene.
REFERENCES
PROVINCE VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EASTERN CLASSICAL NOTES _
. . , , . , oo
to
Tzophanene N. XXXI See Sophanene. *
Upper Sophene See Sophene.
Urc Urcajor E.76, 118-xv/21 T. 222.
G-6 See Ch. XI n. 4d.
Urcajor See Urc.
Utik' Uitia Otene E.75-76, 118-xii
B6-B7
Vakunik' See Vaykunik'.
Vanand Upper Basean E.82, 118-xv/9 T. 215.
B-5 See Ch. XI n. 2a.
Varaznunik'(1) Darachichak? E.82 (1) 118-xv/18 T. 222.
Calkunik' B-6 See Ch. XI nn. 54,76. hj
Varaznunik'(2) Vaznunik' E.82 (3) 116-ii/10 See Ch. XI n. 54. H
G-4 g
Varaznunik'(3) Vaznunik' E.82 (2) 117-viii/33 See Ch. XI n. 76. £
Vizanunik' B-6 <1
Varjan See Iberia.
Vaspurakan Aspurakan Sepuhrakan E.82, 117-viii T. 129, 131-132, 148, 197, 200,
G5-G6 202-206, 212, 215, 220-222, 323
nn. 78, 81, 331-332, 381.
See Ch. IX n. 38; XI nn. 66,66a.
Vayc See Vayoc jor.
Vaykunik' Vakunik' E.82, 117-X/2
B-7
Vayoc jor Vayc E.82, 117-ix/3
G-6
Vaznunik' See Varaznunik' (2, 3).
Vijac See Mija.
Virk' Vefia Iberia E. 104,119
Varjan B5-B6
REFERENCES
Vizanunik' See Varaznunik' (3) and Ch. XI

n. 76.
E.55, 119-rv/5
B-6
.Xar Her.
ZerhetV
.Xerk E.55, 119-vi/2 H
T5-fi O
-° ° hd
.Xorasan k'ustak Khorrasan E.I 14 ^
.Xbrjayn Xorjean Chorzane KJ
JTorjen Kigi kazasi E.55, 116-ii/l ^
Khordzen G-4
Xorjean See .Xbrjayn. £d
^
See iorjayn. <H
k'usfcak E.I 14-115 §
Bulanik? E.55, 116-iv/16 T. 208-209. i
G-5
Xoyt' E.55, 116-iv/l T. 312.
Xerxene S. XI, xiv, 5 /See Derxene.
be0Zabde Bzabde S.0.272 See Zabdikene.
Zabdiane A.M., XXV, xix, 9 See Zabdikene.
Zabdikene Zabdiane be0 Zabde A.M. XXV, xix, 9 T. 131, 166 n. 63, 180, 182
Cawdeayk' P. P, xiv n. 146.
Tur Abdin £
Zachunuc See Calkotn. *
Zangi bazar Kotayk' ? See Ch. XI p. 238.
REFERENCES
oo
*»
Zarawand Zarewand E.51, 117-vii/8 T. 305 n. 119. *
G-6 Later fused with Her into
ftotak q.v.
Zarehawan E.52, 117-vii/7 T. 293, 305 n. 119, 310 n. 32.
G-6
Zarewand See Zarawand.
Zawdk' See Sodk'.
B. CITIES - TOWNS - VILLAGES
The following abbrevations were used in this section in addition to those previously given :
I.A. Itinerarium Antonini
T.P. Tabula Peutingeriana
M. Miller, C., Itineraria Bomana (Stuttgart, 1916).
LOCALITY VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS REFERENCES MAPS NOTES H

O
O
Abaxa Auaxa Awaz N.D. See Ch. V n. 15a. %
Auasa g
Adamakert See Hadamakert. **
Aeh'ana Arna? N.D. O
Afision See Fis. H
Af§in Yarpuz G. 7 U. 341 BIV ^
Arabissos? .38°15' X 36°55'
Uarsapa ? O
Afumon Fum ? See Ch. I nn. 17, 17a, 19a. ^
Agil See Egil. ™
Akbas Aqba Anosarvan-Kala ? See Ch. I nn. 14-16a. <*
Okbas P
Ak§an Olakan G. 16 (2) >
38°53' X 41°34' U. 340 A III T. 209. §
Akn See Egin.
Alacahan Alajaân Aranis G. 26
Aladja Han 39°02' x 37°37'
E. 37 E. G-2
Aladarariza See Olotoedariza.
i—i
Aladja Han See Alacahan. oo
Alajaân See Alacahan. *
Alaleisos See Ch. I n. 21a.
Aliorsk' See Ch. XI n. 49.
LOCALITY VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS EEFERENCES MAPS NOTES
oo
Oi
Aliws See Ch. Ill n. 6. #
Alki Elki E. 32, 60 E. G-5
Alvar G. 35 (2) U. 340 A II
39°56' X 41°37'
Amadia E. 34 E. D-5
Amaras . . . See Amaraz.
Amaraz Amaras E. 34 E. G-7, AA 106 See Ch. IX n. 22.
Amaseia . See Amasia.
Amasia Amasya E. 34 E. B-l,HW21a. F-l
Amaseia TP M 643 and f. 211
Amasya Amasia G. 35 (2)
40°39' X 35°51' U. 324 D IV
Amid .See Amida.
Amida Amid Diyarbakir E. 35 E. D-4 See Ch IX n. 42.
Amit' T.P. H.W. 41, 0-5, CM Of
M 737-740, f. 238
Amit' . . See Amida.
Analiba . See Analibna.
Analibla .See Analibna.
Analibna Analiba Daranalia T.P., LA. M 645, 679 and 680 f. See Ch. Ill nn. 16a-b.
Analibla 223
P. V, vi, 18 CMMd
N.D.
E. 33
Anastasiopolis .See Dara.
Angl berd Agil Egil E. 35 (1) E. G-4 T. 75 n. 83, 109 n. 168, 131
Karkathiokerta AA106 137 n. 240, 167-168, 176-179,
224, 297-303, 315.
See Ch. XI n. 21; XIV
n. 48.
LOCALITY VARIANTS EQUIVALENTS REFERENCES MAPS NOTES
Angl in Calkotn Anglon E. 35 (2) E. G-o T. 310, 315, 319.

See Ch. XI nn. 21, 22.
Anglon See Angl in Calkotn.
Ani in Daranalik' Kemah E. 35 E. G-3 T. 109 n. 168, 454 n. 64.
See Ch. Ill nn. 1, 3a.
AniinSirak G. 37 U. 325 DIV T. 206, 207 n. 236.
40°32' X 43°34' g
Anosarvan kala See Akbas. ^
Antioch of Mygdonia See Nisibis. %
Anzit See Anzita. g
Anzita Anzit Hisn Ziyad E 36 E. G-3 See Ch. II nn. lib, 19a-c, 20. ^
Hinzlt Castellum Ziata Q
Tilenzit 3
Aqba -See Akbas. 02
Arabesson See Artaleson. '
Arabissos Af§in ? T.P., I.A. M 737-738, f. 237 O
Yarpuz ad L., H.S., E. G-2 ^
G.C. CMKe 0=
E.38 ^
Arabrake See Ch. IV p. 69. p
Arahez See Avaris. j^
Arakli See Siirmene. S
Arane See Arams. . °°
Arangas Argaus ? T.P. M 682 and 681 f. 223 See Ch. IV n. 20.
CMLd
Aranis Arane Alacahan P. V, vi, 21 M 684 See Ch. IV n. 23.
LA. CM Ld
Arapkir G. 40(1) U. 341 BII So
39°03' x 38°30' *
ad Aras Izollu E. 31 E. G-3
T.P. M. 738, fig. 238
Arasaka See Sarki§la. 00

00
Arauracos Araurica LA., N.D. CM Md *
Araurica See Arauracos.
Arbela E. 49 AA 104, HW 21a G-2 See Ch. IX n. 33.
Areas Arka Arga LA. M 736 and f. 237 See Ch. IV n. 42a.
Arkas ad L., H.S., G.C. CM Me
Arke
Arcat'i Arzuti AA106 See Arzuti.
ArSes Arcis E. 39 E. G-5 T. 205 n. 234.
AA106
Arcis Ar5es G. 41 U. 340 B IV
39°00' X 43°19'
Arcn E.58 AA106 See also Karin.
Ardasa Torul G.41 AA106
40°35' X 39°18'
Areon See Ch. Ill n. 25.
Arest Afestawan E. 37 E. G-5 See Ch. I nn. ll-12a.
Arreston
Afestawan See Afest.
Arga Areas G. 42 (2)
38°21' X 37°59'
Argaun Argaus Tahir ? E. 39 E. G-2 See Ch. IV n. 20.
Arangas ?
Arguvaa ?
Argaus See Argaun.
Arghana Maden G. 42 U. 340 AIV
38°23' X 39°40'
Arguvan See Arguvas.
Arguvas Arguvan Arangas ? G. 42 U. 341 B III
Argaun? 38°47' X 38°17'
Ariarathe See Ariarathia.
Ariaratheia See Ariarathia.

Ariarathia Ariarathe Aziziye ? C.Th. XXX, xi, 2 HW 20a D-2 See Ch. IV n. 42a.
Ariaratheia C. J. XI, 47, 1 CM Ke
ad L., H.S., G.C.
Arizan See Erez
Arka • See Areas.
Arkathiokerta See Karkathiokerta. ^
Arke See Areas. ]2j
Arna Aeliana? E. 37 E. G-6 *2
Arreston See Afest. g
Arsamosata Asmusat Yarimca E.40 E. G-3 T. 75 n. 83, 210. ^
gamsat CM Ne See Ch. II nn. 17-19. o
X v S
feamsey H
Samusat a
Samusi '
Samusia Q
Simsat ^
Artales See Artaleson. co
Artaleson Artales Endires ? See Ch. I pp, 19-20 and n. 36. '
Artasat Artaxata E. 41 E. G-6 £
Artaxata See Artasat. ^
Artvin G. 46 U. 324 C III g
41°11' X 41°49' a
Arzuti Arcat'i? G. 46 U. 324 C III
40°04' X 41°16'
AsagiKirvaz Kowars? U. 340 A III See Ch. I n. 30.
Kiravi ?
Askale G. 55 (2) U. 340 A I cc
39°55' X 40°42' ^*
Asmusat See Arsamosata.
Asnak See Osakan.
Astisat Yastisat E. 36 E. G-4 T. 209.
SeeCh.IIn. 4; XI n. 35.
Astlberd Azakpert ? AA104 See Ch. I n. 33a.

Kitharizon ? ^
Athenae At'ina E. 32 E. B-4, AA 106 See Ch. Ill n. 30. O
Athenis T.P. M 648 and f. 212
CM Ob
Athenis See Athenae.
At'ina See Athenae.
Attachas At't'ax Hindis ? AA 106 See Ch. I nn. 7,8a; V n. loa.
Attacha
Hattah ? CM Oe
At't'a^ See Attachas.
Auasa See Abaxa.
Auaxa See Abaxa.
Avares See Avaris. pi
Avaris Avares Arahez? G. 58 U. 324 C III g
40°51' x 41°45' g
U
Awaz See Abaxa. j-j
ri
A^kan See Olakan. .
Aza See Haza.
Azaghberd See Azakpert.
Azakpert Azaghberd Astlberd? G. 64 U. 340 A I See Ch. I n. 33b.
Aznaberd? 39° 14' X 40°30'
Kitharizon ?
Aziran See Erez.
Aziris P. V, vi, 18
Aziziye Pirnaba§in G. 64 U. 341 BIV
Ariarathia? 38°44' X 36°24'
E. 39
Aznaberd See Azakpert.
Baberd Bayburt AA 106
Bab-al-Abwab See Darband.
bed Bagas See Ba§kale.

Bagawan Bagauna E. 42 E. G-5 T. 309,319-320.
Surb Karapet See Ch. XI nn. 20, 27a.
Bagafi6 See Bagayafi5.
Bagayafi6 Bagaric Pekeri? E. 42 E. G-4 See Ch. Ill n. 1.
Baghin See Bagin.
Bagin Baghin Palin G. 62 (2) U. 340 A I §
Palios 39°00' X 39°55' g
Baiberdon Bayburt See Ch. Ill n. 25. j^j
Baioulouos See Balu. ^
Balaleison See Bales. ..
Bales Balates Balaleison E. 44 E. G-5 See Ch. IX n. 34. O
Bitlis AA 106 EH
Balu Baioulouoa E. 43 E. G-3 See Ch. Ill n. 3. j»
Palu AA 106
BanabelSn Benabelon See Bnabel. O
Barchon See Ch. Ill n. 26c. |j
Bargiri See Berkri. &
Barissara See Berisse. ,
Barsalium See Barzalo. p
Barzalo Barsalium T.P. E. D-3 ^
E. 44 M 684 and f. 224 g
C MN e . 0 0
Bas Soragyal See Sirakawan.
Ba§kale Hadamakert G. 78 U. 340 BIV
be0 Bagas ? 38°02' X 44°00' AA 108
Ba§siiregel Bas Soragyal Sirakawan G. 80 U. 325 DIV
40°42' X 43°44' S
i—i
Bayazet' See Dogubayazit. *
Bayburt Baytberd Baiberdon G. 82 (2) U. 324 CIV
Baberd 40°16' X 40°15' AA108 «O

to
E. 44 E. B-4 *
Baytberd See Bayburt.
Baz G. 84 U. 340 BIV
38°00' X 44°07'
Bazanis See Bizana.
Bazmalbiwr Xac AA. 105 See Ch. Ill n. 6
Belhan See Belikan.
Belikan Bilikan Belhan? G. 88(2) U. 340 AIV.
Babikan Belkania ? 38°19' X 40°02'
Belkania Belhan? See Ch. Iln. lib.
Benabil Bnabel G89

37°19' X 40°51' See Ch. II nn. 5a, 6.
.See Partaw.
Berisse Barissara ad L., G.C. See Ch. IV n. 42a.
Verisa
Berkri Bargiri Muradiye G. 77 AA 106
39°00' X 43°43' U. 340 B IV
Berzend See Ch. IX n. 13.
Bezabde Bzabde Jazirah ibn Omar E. D-5
Bitlis Balaleison G. 98 U. 340 A III
Bales 38°22' X 42°06'
Bizana Bazanis Leontopolis I See Ch. Ill n.26; VI nn. 28k,
Vizana Vizan 29.
Blandos Tutma9 ? LA. M 683
Blur See Ch. XI n. 27a.
Bnabel Banabel5n Benabil E. 45 E. D-4 T. 137 n. 240, 168, 176-177.
Boglan G. 100
38°58' X 41°03'
Bol . . . See Bolberd.
Baberd 40°16' X 40°15' AA 108 CD

to
E. 44 E. B-4 *
Baytberd See Bay hurt.
Baz G. 84 U. 340 BIV
38°00' X 44°07'
Bazanis See Bizana.
Bazmalbiwr Xa£ AA. 105 See Ch. Ill n. 6
Belhan See Belikan.
Belikan Bilikan Belhan? G. 88(2) U. 340 AIV.
Babikan Belkania ? 38°19' X 40°02'
Belkania Belhan? See Ch. Iln. lib.
Benabil Bnabel G89

37°19' X 40°51' See Ch. II nn. 5a, 6.
See Partaw.
Berisse Barissara ad L., G.C. See Ch. IV n. 42a.
Verisa
Berkri Bargiri Muradiye G. 77 AA106
39°00' X 43°43' U. 340 B IV
Berzend See Ch. IX n. 13.
Bezabde Bzabde Jazlrah ibn Omar E. D-5
Bitlis Balaleison G. 98 U. 340 A III
Bales 38°22' X 42°06'
Bizana Bazanis Leontopolis I See Ch. Ill n.26; VI nn. 28k,
Vizana Vizan 29.
Blandoa Tutrna9 ? LA. M683
Blur See Ch. XI n. 27a.
Bnabel BanabelSn Benabil E. 45 E. D-4 T. 137 n. 240, 168, 176-177.
Boglan G. 100
38°58' X 41°03'
Bol . . .
LOCALITY VAEIANTS EQUIVALENTS REFERENCES MAPS NOTES
Boiberd Bo! Valarsakert ? E. 45 E. B-4 See Ch. I nn. 39a, 40-43;

Bolon Bugakale? AA106 XI n. 3c.
Porpes
Borbais See Porpes.
Bourg See Bourgousnoes.
Bourgousnoes Bourg See Ch. Ill n. 27.
Brisa N. XXXI g
Brnakapan Pirnakapan E. 46 (2) E. G-4 See Ch. Ill n. 12. g
AA 106 !2
Bubalia T.P. M. 680, f. 223 See Ch. IV n. 17. §
Bugakale Boiberd ? G. 108 U. 324 C III ^
40°12' X 41°41' O
BiiyiikTuy See Du. H
Caene Parembole Kaine Parembole N.D. See Ch. V n. 19. ^
Caesarea of Cappadocia Eusebeia I.A., T.P. M 729 and f. 234
Mazaka E. 58 HW41N-5 -See Ch. IV n. 7. g
Kayseri E. B-7 ^
CMJe 1
Qaldiran G. 122 (3) U. 340 B I
39°09' X 43°52' ^
Caleorsissa Kaltiorissa Golaris ? P. V, vi, 18 M. 679 and 680 f. 223 See Ch. IV n. 16b. £
Caltiorissa Olotoedariza ? T.P., LA. CM Md Q
Calik See Zagki. . 02
Calki -See Zagki.
Caltiorissa See Caleorsissa.
Camisa Comassa Kemis ? T.P., LA. M. 730 and 676 f. 222
Haf ik, Ko9hhisar ? CM Ld
Capakjur Capljur Kitharizon ? G. 129 AA 106 £
38°50' X 40°12' "
Carape See Karape.
Carcathiocerta See Karkathiokerta.
h-i
Carsat See Garsagis. rfx
Casara See Kasara.
Castellum Ziata See Anzita.
Cemifgezek Cmakacak G. 141
39°04' X 38°55'
Cena See Kena.
Cerasus See Kerasos.
Cerme Jermay G. 144 (5) AA105
39°37' X 40°37'
germik Ciaca ? G. 144 (2) U. 341 BIV
38°42' X 38°27'
Charaba See JTaraba Barbas. >
Charax P. V, vi, 18 CM DC E
Charsianon Charsianum Horsana ? CM Jd fe;
Charsiane 2
Charsianum See Charsianon.
Charton See Hart.
Chaszanenica Gizenica T.P. M. 681 and 641 f. 212 See Ch. V n. 17.
Hadzana ? N.D.
Larhan ?
Chiaca See Ciaca.
Chlomaron Klimar See Ch. I nn. 17, 18a.
Chorsabia P. V, vi, 18
Ciaca Chiaca Craca P. V, vi, 19-21 M. 682 and 680 f. 223
Kiakis C«rmik ? T.P., I.A.
Kiakkas N.D.
E. 59 E. G-3
Cimin Cimin Tzumina G. 152 U. 340 A I
Jimin Justinianopolia 39°43' X 39°44'
Citharizon See Kitharizon.
Claudia Glaudia T.P. M. 684 and f. 224
Klaudias P. V, vi, 24 CM Me
Klawdias E. 59 E. G-3
Cmskaeag See Cemi§gezek.
Cocuso See Kukusos.
Colemerik See Julamerk.
Colonia See Koloneia. g
Comana See Komana. 3
Comassa See Camisa. jzj
Corne Korne T.P. M. 684 and 683 f. 224 g
CM Me *
Coucarizon See Kukarizon. O
Covk' E. 56-57 E. G-3 tn
AA106 i
Craca See Ciaca. '
Ctesiphon Tizbon HW 41 0-6 See Ch. XIII n. 25. O
Mada'in S
Cunissa T.P., LA. M. 676 and 645 f. 212 See Ch. IV n. 16a. Q°
Dadima See Dadimon. ^
Dadimon Dadima CM Ne See Ch. IX n. 42. £
Dagalasso Megalasso ? LA. CM Md See Ch. IV n. 16. £
Dagona Doganis P. V, vi, 18 ^
T.P. M. 730 and 676 f. 222 °°
E. 48 E. G-2
Dalana P. V, vi, 18
Dandaxena Dandaxina LA. M. 736 and f. 237
E. 48 E. G-2
Dara Kara Dara Anastasiopolis G. 168 U. 340 DII See Ch. I n. 3. «o
37°10' X 40°58' HW 43 0-5 *
CMPf
Derbend Bab-al-Abwab E. 49 E. A-8
Derbent
LOCALITY VAKIANTS EQUIVALENTS REFERENCES MAPS NOTES
i—'
Darende Taranta G. 169 U. 341 B III See also Osdara. o
38°34' X 37°30' *
Darewnic Berd See Dariwnk'.
Darioza Derreigazan ? See Ch. I n. 38a.
Dariwnk' Daroynk' Dogubayazit E. 49 E. G-6 T. 202, 321-323, 322 n. 77,
Darewnic Berd AA106 342-343, 344 n. 16.
See Ch. XI n. 19a, 24-25.
Daroynk' See Dariwnk'.
Dascusa Daskusa P. V, vi, 18 CM Me See Ch. IV n. 19a.
Daseusa T.P., I.A. M. 682 and 680 f. 223
N.D.
E. 48 E. G-3 >
Daseusa See Dascusa. ^j
Daskusa See Dascusa. ^
Dasteira Dostal E. 48 E. G-3 See Ch. Ill n. 15a. 2
Deh Naxiragan See Deh Xargan. ^
Deh Xarakan See Deh Xargan.
Deh-Xargan Dehârakan Deh Naîragan AA106
Deh- See Der.
Deliktas Euspoena G. 175 U. 341 B-l
39°21' X 37°13'
Der Deir Sikefti G. 178
38°09' X 44°12'
Derik G. 183 (1) U. 340 DI
37°22' X 40°17'
Divrigi Tephrike G. 190 U. 341BII See Ch. IV n. 19.
Teucila? 39°23' X 38°07'
Tevrik
Diyadin Tateonk' G. 190 (3) U. 340 BI
39°33' x 43°40' AA 108
Diyarbakir Diyarbekir Amida G. 190 U. 340 D I See Ch. I n. 8.

37°55' X 40° 14'
Diyarbekir See Diyarbakir.
Diza See Gever.
Djanik Samsun G. 191 U. 324 D I
41°17' X 36°20'
Djelu Cal ? Unidentifiable.
Doganis See Dagona.
Dogubayazit Bayazet' Dariwnk' G. 82 U. 340 B-I
39°32' x 44°08'
Domana P. V, vi, 18 CM Oc
T.P., LA. M. 682 and 646 f. 212 Q
N.D. H
Dostal Dasteira G. 195 U. 341 BII «
39°28' X 38°30'
Doubios . . . .See Dwin. ^
Dracones Draconis Melikserif? T.P., LA. M. 676 and 645 f. 212 See Ch. IV nn. 16a, 17. ^
Dracontes ChapulKopru? E. 49 E. B-3 oo
CM Me <*
Draconis See Dracones. M
C"1
Dracontes See Dracones. t*
Du Tuy BiiyiikTuy G. 432 (Kii§uk) U. 340 AII See Ch. I nn. 38c, 39. Q
Kiifiik Tuy 40°00' X 41°26' (Biiyiik) . oo
Dwin Doubios E. 49 E. G-6 See Ch. I n. 18.
AA106
Egil Agil Angl Berd G. 202 U. 340 AIV
38°15' X 40°05'
Egen See Egin. S
Egin Ekin Akn G. 202 U. 341 B III ~*
Egen 39°16' X 38°29'
Eken See Egin.
i—>
CO
Elanc Efaut Ognut See Ch. I nn. 29, 30. ^
Ohiut
Elbistau Plasta G. 205 (1) TJ. 341 BIV
38°13' X 37°12'
Elegaf 16 See Elegarsina.
Elegarsina Eiegafifi Kami§li dere T.P. M. 682
E. 50 E. G-3
EJind Erind T.A. 1/d
Rint
Elki Alki G. 206 U. 340 CI
37°24' X 43°10'
Elnut See Ognut. ^
Enderis Endires Susehri G. 210 U. 324 D III See Ch. I n. 36. §
Endiryas Artaleson ? 40°11' X 38°06' ^
Henderis H
Endires See Enderis. <*
Endiryas See Enderis.
Efand See Rhandeia.
Eraâni See Erkinis.
Er9is See Arcis.
Erez Eriza Erzincan E. 50 E. G-3 See Ch. I nn. 28, 28a, 32, 32a.
Erezawan Arizan ? AA106
Erznka Aziran ?
Erezawan See Erez.
Erind See Blind.
Eriza See Erez.
Erkinis Eraâni G. 213
Irân 40°33' X 41°43'
Erumya , See Urumya.
Erzincan Erez G. 214 U. 340 A I

39°44' x 39°29'
Erznka See Erez.
Erzurum Theodosiopolis G. 214 U. 340 AII
Karin 39°55' X 41°17'
Eski Mosul See Nineveh.
Euchaita CM Ic See Ch. VII n. 18. O
Eudoixata P. V, vi, 18 §
Eumeis I.A. M 675 ^
Eusebeia See Caesarea of Cappadocia. S
Euspoena Delikta§ I.A. M 683 „
CMLd Q
3
Fatax See Phathachon. S
Fidi Pydna G. 225 U. 324 DIV on
40°43' X 36°27'
Fis Afisios Pheison G. 226 U. 340 AIV See Ch. I n. 21. O
Affis 38°20' X 40°34' |
Fittar See Phitar. ™
Fum Pum Afumon? See Ch. I n. 17a. ^
Gaitaric See .Xaldoy afifi. p
Ganjak Ganzaca Shiz E.46 E. D-4 See Ch. I n . 1; IX nn. 27, 28. £!
Ganzaka Takht i Suleiman HW 41 P-5 §
Ganjak Sahastan . ^
Ganjak Sahastan See Ganjak.
Ganzaca See Ganjak.
Garissa See Garsi.
Garni in Daranalik' Kami E. 46 (3) E. G-3
Garni in Kotayk' E. 46(2) E. G-5 S
AA106 *
Garsagis *Garsanis Carsat I.A. M 675
Gercanis
to
o
o
*Garsanis See Garsagis. *
Garsi Garissa Karissa E. 47 E. B-l
T.P. M 678 and 675 f. 222
Garzan See Zok.
Garzanissa See Gercanis.
Gawaf , See Gever.
Gazaca See Ganjak.
Gegik Gelik Giwlik G. 232
Geyik 40°11' X 40°44' U. 324 CIV
Gelik See Gegik.
Gercanis Gerdjanis Gersagis G. 234
Kercanis Garzanissa 39°54' X 38°46' Jti
Refahiye ? E. 58 E. G-3 H
Germani Fosaatum Krom ? Aed. Ill, iv, 10 See Ch. Ill n. 25. y
Gersagis See Gercanis. jxj
Gever Gawaf Bagas ? AA106 See Ch. IX nn. 33, 34. <J
Bales gewer ?
Girvaz See Guvars.
Giwlik See Gegik.
Gizenica See Chaszanenica.
Glaudia See Claudia.
Godasa Gundusa Giinduz ? P. V, vi, 18 M. 675
LA.
Goksun Kukusos G. 244 U. 341 BIV
38°03' X 36°30'
Golaris Goller koyii Caleorsissa ? U. 341 BII See Ch. IV n. 16f.
Goller ko'yii See Golaris.
Gomenek Komana Pontica G. 248 U. 324 DIV
40°23' X 36°39'
Gumiifane Giimushane G. 255 U. 324 CII

41°07' X 41°56'
Gumiishane See Gumu§ane.
Gundusa See Godasa.
Gundiiz Giidviz Godasa? G. 252
39°34' X 37°21'
• -»
Gurpinar See Kangawar. Q
Guvars Girvaz See Kowars. Q
Haciwn Haysun E. 62 E. G-6 3
AA106 g
Ha^koy X&$ G. 267 U. 340 A I See Ch. Ill n. 10. ?
Bazmaibiwr 39°39' X 40°40' O
Hadamakert Adamakert Baskale E. 62 E. G-o T. 199-200. tn
AA 106 See Ch. XI n. 71. oo
Hadzana See Chaszanenica. '
Hafik See Ko?hisar. Oi^
Hahi Xax? G. 267 U. 340 AIV j|
38°54' X 39°32' »
Halan Halane Horonon See Ch. Ill n. 31 b. "^ .
Halane See Halan. £3
Hamsen See Hemsin. ^
Hamurgan See SiLrmene. 2
Han . . , tfeeHani. °°
Hani Han G. 274(1) U. 340 AIV
38°24' X 40°24'
Hapul kopru Chapul Kopru Dracones See Ch. IV n. 17.
Haraba See Harabe.
to
Harabe koy Haraba Mezraasi Porpes? G. 275 (1) U. 340 A III See Ch. I n. 33. O
Jiwnakert ? 38°67' X 41°02' ^*
Hare-berd See Xarberd.
Haris T.P. M. 682 and 680 f. 223
bo
o
Harput Kharput .Xarberd G. 277 U. 340 A IV
38°43' X 39°15'
Hars T'uârs G. 277 U. 324 C III See Ch. I n. 44.
40°39' X 41°37'
Hart Khart Charton G. 277 (2) U. 324 C IV
40°25' X 40°09'
Harta-berd . See Xarberd.
Hasan Badrik . See Hasanbatrik.
Hasanbatrik Hasan Badrik Pisonos G. 278 See Ch. IV n. 22.
38°36' X 38°11'
Hasancelebi ad Praetorium G. 278 U. 341 B II
38°58' X 37°54'
Hasankale Valarsakert G. 279 U. 340 A II See also Bolberd.
39°59' X 41°41'
Ha§ara Chaszanenica ? G. 279 U. 324 C IV
40°30' X 39°28'
Hasras G. 280 U. 340 D II
37°57' X 42°16'
Hassis . . . . . See Haza.
Hattah . . . .See Attachas.
Havsun . See Haciwn.
Haza Aza Hassis T.P., LA. M. 676 and 654 f. 212 See Ch. IV n. 24.
E. 31 E. B-3
CMNc
Hazm See Hazro.
Hazro Hazru G. 284 U. 340 A III
Hazm 38°15' X 40°47'
Hemgin Hamsen G. 285 U. 324 CIV
41°00' X 40<>53'
Henderis See Enderis.
Her Xer Xoy E. 63 E. G-6

Hindis . . . . . . See Attachas.
Hinis Xnus G. 289 (2) U. 340 A II
39°22' X 41°44'
Hinzit . . .See Anzita.
Hi§n Ziyad . See Xarberd.
Hispa Saracik T.P. M. 682 and 680 f. 223
E. 63 E. G-3
Hogeac vank' See Ch. IX n. 23a
Hore berd Xore berd Xarberd E. 63 E. G-3 See Ch. II n. 15.
Hof omos vank' See Ch. XI n. 17.
Horonon Halane See Ch. Ill nn. 26b, 31b.
Horsana Chorzana Charsianon ? G. 294 (2) U. 341 B-I See Ch. IV nn. 27, 28.
Orsa? 39°45' X 37° 14'
Hozat Xozan ? G. 296 U. 340 A I
39°07' X 39°14'
Hula .See Hulvenk.
Hulvenk Hula vank' G. 296 U. 340 A IV See Ch. II nu. 10, 11, 16.
38°42' X 39°09'
Humurgan See Siirmene.
Hvnsele .See
ee Insile.
pse. ^
Ilige Lice G. 450 U. 340 AIV ^
38°28' X 40°39'
Ipsala See Ipsile.
Ipsele See Ipsile.
Ipsile Ipsala Hypsele G. 311 U. 324 D III See Ch. IV n. 26. ^
Ipsele 40°14' X 37°33' CM Lc g
E. 54 E. B-2 *
Irân See Erkinis.
Ishan Isân G. 312 (2) U. 324 C III T. 455 n. 70. O

40°48' X 41°45' *
Ispa P. V, vi, 18
Ispir G.316 U. 324 C III
40°29' X 41°00'
I§xan I§han E. 54 E. B-4
AA106
luliopolis E. 72 CMNe See Ch. IV n. 9.
T.P. M. 658 and f. 216
Ivora See Ch. VII n. 18
Iz oglu . See Izolu.
Izolu Iz oglu ad Aras ? G. 317
APPENI
38°28' X 38°41'
Jazirah ibn 'Omar Jeziret ibn 'Omar Bezabde AA105
jfenzan .See Zenjan.
M
Jermay .See Cerme.
Jeziret ibn 'Omar . See Jazirah ibn 'Omar. ^
jfimin .See Cimin.
Jiwnakert Jiwnkert Porpes E. 62 E. G-4
Harabe kb'y ? AA106
Jiwnkert .See Jiwnakert.
Julamerk Colemerik G. 318 U. 340 C I See Ch. XI n. 55.
37°34' X 43°45' AA108
Justinianopolis Cimin SeeCh.VIp.ll7andn.31;VIIn.21.
Kagdari9 Biiyiik Kagdari9 -Xaldoy afi6 G. 322 U. 340 A II
GattafiS 39°58' X 40°47'
Kagizman Qaghyzman Kalzwan G. 322 M. 325 D IV
40°09' X 43°07'
Kaine-Parembole .See Caene Parembole.
Kainepolis .See Valarsapat.
Kalaiik . See Kalecik.
Kalecik Kalejcik G. 326(16) U. 324 C IV

Kalajik 40°27' X 39°18'
Kalejcik ............................... See Kalecik.
Kaltiorissa .............................. See Caleorsissa.
Kalzewan .............................. See Kalzwan.
Kalzwan Kalzewan Kagizman E. 57 AA 106
Kamacha .............................. See Kamax- O
Kamakh .............................. See Kamax- Q
Kamax Kamacha Kemah AA 106 j*j
Kamakh g
Kamis Kemis E. 57 E. G-2 See Ch. IV n. 15a. ?
Kami^li dere .............................. See Elegarsina. O
Kamurjajor Vank' AA 106 £
Kan Kjan G. 329 (3) U. 340 A II i
39°57' X
Kangeva ............................... See Kangowar. O
Kangever ............................... See Kangowar. S
Kangowar Kangeva Kangever E. 58 E. G-5 T. 198.
Kanguar Giirpinar ? AA 106. ^
Kanguar ............................... See Kangowar. £H
Kara Amida .............................. See Amida. ^
Kara Dara .............................. See Dara. S
Karape Carape P. V, vi, 18 M
Karin Karnoy k'alak' Theodosiopolis E. 58 E. G-4 T.193-194 n. 209.

Erzurum AA 106 See Ch. VI n. 28h, 36.
Karissa ............................... See Garsi.
Karkathiokerta Arkathiocerta Martyropolis ? E. 35 CM Ne T. 75 n. 83, 131, 137 n. 240,
Carcathiocerta Angl berd 297 n. 80. O
See Ch. II n. 5. *
Kami Garni in Daranalik' G. 362 U. 340 A I
39°40' X 39°14'
to
Kamoy k'alak' ............................. See Karin. O
Kara Karuc berd G. 362 U. 325 D IV ^
40°37' X 43°05' AA 106
E. 58 E. B-5
See Kars.
Kasara Casara P. V, vi, 18
Kase Kon§a ? E. 58 E. G-l See Ch. Ill n. 6.
AA105
Kayseri Caesarea of G. 373 U. 341 B IV
Cappadocia 38°43' X 35°30'
Eusebeia
Mazaka
Keban-Maden G. 375 U. 341 B III
38°48' X 38°45'
Keli Koloberd Kigi AA106
Kemah Kama^ Ani in Daranalik' G. 378 (3) U. 340 A I
39°36' X 39°02'
Kemaliye
Kemis See Kamis.
Kena Cena See Ch. Ill pp. 49,52 and n. 27.
Okena
Keomana ............................... See Komana.
Keramon ............................... See Krom.
Kerasos Cerasus Pharnakia N. XXXI HW 15c C-l
Kerasunta CM Me
Kerasunta .............................. See Kerasos.
KerSanis ............................... See Gercanis.
Kharput . . . ............................ S e e Harput.
Khart ................................ See Hart.
Khiaghid aridj ............................. See Xaldoy afi6.
Kiakis ............................... See Ciaca.
NAME VARIANT EQUIVALENT REFERENCES MAPS NOTES
Kiakkas See Ciaca.

Kigi-Kasaba Keli G. 386 U. 340 A I
Koloberd 39°20' X 40°30'
Kinkivar See Kowars.
Kiravi Kirvel G. 391 U. 340 A III See Ch. I n. 30.
38°54' X 41°32'
Kirvel See Kiravi. H
K'is SeeKu§. ^
Kit'afid Qitriz K6deri9 E. 59 E. G-5 See Ch. I n. 38. %
Kitharizon ? AA104 g
Sheikh Selim Kala ? *
Kitharizon Citharizon Kit'aric ? CM Ne See Ch. I nn. 27,33b-37. o
Koderis ? £3
Sheikh Selim Kala ? jg
Kjan See Kan.
Klaudias See Claudia. ^
Klawdias See Claudia. 55
>>
K'limar Kutemfan Chlomaron E. 89 See Ch. I n. 18a OD
Ko?hisar Sereflikoghisar Hafik G. 411 (7) U. 341 BII
Camisa? 39°52' X 37°24' w
K6deri9 Kitharizon? G. 411 U. 340 AIV See Ch. I nn. 27,33b. £
38°54' X 39°45' O
H
Kokaris Kokiris Kukarizon ? See Ch. VI n. 33. 02
Kukalafic
Kol See Koloberd.
Kolb Kulp E. 59 E. B-5
Koloberd Kol Keli E. 60 E. G-4 See Ch. I n. 26.
Kigi-Kasaba g
Kolona See Koloneia. *
Koloneia Colonia §ebinkarahissar ad L., CM Me See Ch. Ill nn. 25,30b.
Kolona Koyulhisar? H.S., G.C. E. B-2
Koloniay E. 60
to
Koloniay See Koloneia. oo
Komana Aurea Comana §ar LA., T.P. HW 21a, F-2 See Ch. IV n. 7. *
Golden Comana ad L. M. 735-736 and f. 237
H.S., G.C. CM Ke
Komana Pontica Comana Gomenek T.P. M. 674 and 676 f. 222 See Ch. IV n. 42a.
Komanta HW 21a F-l
CMKc
Komanta See Komana Pontica.
Konsa Kale? G. 415 U. 340 AIV
38°32' X 40°38'
Korne See Come.
Koropassos See Zoropassos. >
Kot'er Kotiir See Ch. Ill n. 6. h§
Kotiir Khotour Kot'er G. 424 U. 340 A I See Ch. Ill n. 7. §
39°43' X 40°18' 2
Kowark' See Kowars. ^
Kowars Kowark' Kiravi? E. 61 See Ch. I n. 30. ^
Guvars ? Asagi Kirvaz
Girvaz ? Girvaz komlari ?
Koyulhisar Koloneia? G. 425 U. 324 DIV
40°18' X 37°51'
Kr6unik' See Kurcivik.
Krom Kroman Keramon G. 428 See Ch. VI n. 35.
Kuruman Germani Fossatum ? 38°52' X 40°20'
KiicvikTuy See Da.
Kukarizon Kokaris ? Aed. Ill, iv, 12
Kukusos Cucusus Goksun LA. M. 736 and 735 f. 237 See Ch. IV n. 42a.
Cocuso ad L., H.S., G.C. CM Ke
Kulp Kolb Tuzluca G. 434
40°03' X 43°39'
Kurcivik Krfcunik' ? G. 437 U. 340 B IV

38°34' x 44°07'
Kurnug MknafinS ? G. 439 U. 324 C III
40°03' X 41°37'
Kurucan G. 442 U. 340 B IV See Ch. XI n. 62.
38°37' X 44°16'
Kiiruman . See Krom. H
O
Ku§ Kis Kasimi? G. 443 U. 340 D I ? §
37°44' X 40°41' %
*^s
Kutemran See Klimar. §
Larhan Chaszanenica G. 449 U. 324 CIV ^
40°44' X 39°37' O
Leontopolis See Bizana and Zalichos. 3
Led Lerri Lerion U. 324 CIV See Ch. VI n. 35. i
Rumlik
Lerion See Leri. ^
O
Lerri See Leri. S
Lice See Ilige. ^
Lim Limb Lumb E. 54 E. G-5 See Ch. XI n. 60. ^
Limb See Lim. £3
Longini Fossatvm See Ch. Ill n. 27. f£
Lumb See Lim. §
Lysiormon Aed. Ill, iv, 10 See Ch. Ill n. 25. &
Lytararizon Lusatcari6 ? Olotoedariza ? Aed. Ill, iv, 10 See Ch. Ill n. 25; VI n. 34.
Mada'in See Ctesiphon.
Maden . See Arghana Maden.
Maipherkat See Miyafarkin.
Maku Sawarsan E. 64 E. G-6 T. 197. O
AA106 *
Malatya Melitene G. 455 (1) U. 341 B III
38°21' X 38°19'
to
Malazgirt Masgirt Manazkert G. 455 U. 340 BI See Ch. XI n. 45. O
Mazgert 39°09' X 42°31'
Mazgirt
Mamahatun G. 456 U. 340 A I
39°47' X 40°24'
Manawazkert See Manazkert.
Manazkert Manawazkert Malazgirt E. 65 E. G-5 T. 218.
Manzikert AA106 See Ch. XI nn. 45, 51.
Manzikert See Manazkert.
Maragay See Ch. Ill n. 1.
Maragha AA 105
Mafakan Marakert Marakend E. 65 E. G-6 See Ch. XI n. 61. >
AA 106 ^
H
Marakert See Mafakan. %
Marand E. 65 E. G-6 S
AA 106 *
Mardara P. V, vi, 18. ^
Marde herd See Mardin.
Mardin Marde berd G. 459(1) U. 340 DI
37°18' X 40°44'
E. 65 E. D-4
Masgirt See Malazgirt.
Martyropolis Tigranakert Aed. Ill, ii, 2-3 HW 43 0-5 T. 137-138 n. 240, 174.
Miyafarkin Pers. I, viii, 22 CM Oe See Ch. I nn. 4-6.
Np'rkert xxi, 6
Mastara AA 109
Mazaka See Caesarea of Cappadocia.
Mazara Mezre ? See Ch. II nn. lib, 12a, 13.
Mcbin Nisibis E. 71 E. D-4
Nusaybin AA 108
Megalossos Dagalasso ? T.P. M. 730 and f. 234 See Ch. IV n. 16.

CMMd
Megalossos See Megalasso.
Meletensis See Melitene.
Melikan Artaleson G. 464 (2) U. 340 A I
39°28' X 40°21' H
Melik§erif Melikserik ? Dracones ? G. 464 U. 341 BII See M. 682. <•>

39°56' X 38°56' g
Melita Metita P. V, vi, 24 *3
Meteita T.P., N.D. M. 684 and f. 224 ^
E. 70 E. G-3
CM Me §
Melitene Meletensis Malatya T.P., LA. M. 683 and f. 224 -SeeCh.IVn.il g
Melitine N.D. HW 41N-5 ^
E. 66 E. G-6 H
CM Me |
Melitine See Melitene. te!
02
Melomeran See Mollaomer. ,
Mesorome T.P. 7 M. 731 and 675 f. 222 <
E. 70 E. B-2 p
Metita See Melita. >
Miyafarkin Maipherkat Martyropolis G. 475 TJ. 340 A III See Ch. I nn. 9,10. fej
Muharkin Tigranakert 38°08' X 41°01'
Mufarlui Np'rkert
Silvan
Mknarin5 See Kurnu§.
Mochora Mohola ? N.D. See Ch. V n. 16a. to
Mucura G. 475 U. 324 CIV E
40°54' X 39°27'
Mohola See Mochora.
Mollaomer Molla Omer Mormrean G. 476 (2) U. 340II £2

Mulla Omer 39°27' X 40°45' **
Melomeran
Mormran See Mormrean.
Mormrean Mormran Mollaomer See Ch. I n. 25.
Morran
Morran See Mormrean.
Mren E. 71 E. B-5 T. 214.
AA 106 See Ch. XI n. 18.
Mucura See Mochora.
MufarKn See Miyafarkin.
Muharkin (See Miyafarkin.
Mulla Omer See Mollaomer. h3
HD
Muradiye See Berkri. H
Nagan See Nkan. y
Na^6awan See Naîjewan. ^
Na;$ewan Na^5awan Naxuana P. V, vii, 5 A A106 <j
E. 72 E. B-5
Naxuana See Naîjewan.
Neferkert See Np'rkert.
NeoCaesarea Niksar T.P. M. 644 f. 211
HW 43 N-4
CMLc
Nerjiki See Ch. I n. 18a.
Nicopolis See Nikopolis.
Nikopolis Nicopolis Piirk P. V,vi, 18 HW41N-4 See Ch. Ill n. 25; IV nn. 14,
T.P., LA. M. 675 and f. 222 16a, 42a.
ad L., H.S., G.C. CM Me
E. 72 (2) E. B-3
Niksar Neo Caesarea G. 488 U. 324 DIV
40°36' X 36°58'
Ninah See Tortum.

Nineveh Ninwe Eski Mosul E. 72 E. D-5
HW lOb C-l
Ninwe See Nineveh.
Nisibis Antioch of Mygdonia T.P. HW 41 0-5
Mcbin M 770-771 and 741 f. 241 H
Nusaybin CM Pf O
Nisus See Nyssa. ^
Nize Nyssa? G. 489 U. 341 BIV K-
38°46' X 35°41' §
Nkan Nagan AA106 See Ch. XI n. 60.
Np'rkert Np'fet Martyropolis E. 73 E. G-4 £j
Neferkert Tigranakert AA 106 g
Miyafarkin ^
Np'ret See Np'rkert. 1-3
Nusaybin Nisibis G. 490(4) U. 340 D II ^
Mcbin 37°03' X 41°13' %
O2
Nysa See Nyssa.
Nyssa Nisus Nize ? I.A. M 661 and f. 217 See Ch. IV n. lOa. <
Nysa CM He £
Ognut Ehiut Elanc G. 492 U. 340 AII >
Olnut 39°08' X 40°53' M
Ohiuberd
Olin
Okbas See Akbas.
*0kena See Kena.
Okhda See Otha. to
OJakan Olkan Olane E. 74 E. G-4 T. 209. W
Ak?an See Ch. I n. 30; XI nn. 32, 37. *
A^kan
to
Olane See Olakan. ^
Oleoberda Uleoy berd T.P. M. 679 and 680 f. 223 *
E. 73 E. G-6
Olin See Ognut.
Olkan See Olakan.
Olnu herd See Ognut.
Olnut See Ognut.
Olotoedariza Aladarariza ? LA., N.D. M 675 and 645 f. 212 See Ch. V n. 15.
Caleorsissa ? E. 32 E. B-3
Lytararizon ? CM Me
Olti See Oltu.
Oltu Olti G. 493 U. 324 C III >
40°33' X 41°59' AA108 H§
Ordru See Ordu. %
Ordu Ordru See Ortuzu. 2
Orjnhal See Osnak. ^
Oromandos P. V, vi, 18 ^
E. 75 E. G-2
Orsa Horsana P. V, vi, 20 See Ch. IV nn. 25,28b.
Osdara ?
Ortu See Ortuzu.
Ortuzu Ortu Ordu ? G. 500 (1) See Ch. I n. 39.
39°55' X 41°33'
Osakan Asnak T. 197.
See Ch. XI nn. 9, 9a, 10, 16.
Osdara Orsa ? LA. M. 736 and f. 237 See Ch. IV nn. 25,28d.
E. 74 E. G-2
CMLe
Osnak Orjnhal G. 501 U. 324 C III
40°40' X 41°24'
Otha Okhda ? G. 501 U. 324 C III See Ch. I n. 42.

40°35' x 41°39'
Palin Bagin G.C. See Ch. Ill nn. 2-3.
Palios kastron E. 76 E. G-3
Palios kastron .See Palin.
Palu Balu G. 505 U. 340 A IV
H
Baloulouos 38°42' X 39°57' O
Partaw
P'aytakaran
Berdaa
Phatakaranes
E. 77 E. B-7 T. 476 n. 169, 484.
See Ch. IX n. 13b.
ig
Pekerig BagayafiS G. 509
39°43' X 40°13'
U. 340 A I 5
: CITIES
Peri G. 510 U. 340 A IV
38°51' X 39°42'
Pertek Pistek ? W. 250 See Ch. II n. 19.
Pistik H
Petra SeeCh. In. 46a; III n. 30. O
Petrios See Ch. VI n. 32c.
03
Pharnacia .See Pharnakia.
Pharnakia Pharnacia See Ch. IV n. 1. '<
Phathachon Thathax See Ch. I n. 2 la. £
0
Pheison Phison Fis See Ch. I n. 20.
00
Phison .(See Pheison.
Phitar Phittur Fittar See Ch. II n. 6.
Phtr
Pitar
Phittur See Phitar.
Phtr (See Phitar.
Phuphagena P. V, vi, 18
Phuphena P. V, vi, 20 See Ch. IV n. 23.
Piriz P'rris G. 514 U. 340 A I ^

39°50' X 40°08' *•
Pirnabasin See Aziziye.
Pirnakaban See Pirnakapan.
Pirnakapan Pirnakaban Brnakapan G. 514 U. 340 A I
Pirsnakapan 39°58' x 40°34'
Pirsnakapan See Pirnakapan.
Piaingara P. V, vi, 18.
Pisonos Hasanbatrik I.A. M. 684
Pistek See Pertek.
Pitar SeePhitar.
Pithia Thia Pitiunt? LA., N.D. M. 681 See Ch. V n. 19.
Pitiunt Pithia? E. 77 E. A-4 fe
Pkoiir See Piirk. H
Plasta Elbistan E. 78 §
Polemonion T.P. M. 647 and 643 f. 211 See Ch. IV n. 42a; VII n. 18. £
CMLb <j
Porpes Borbas Xaraba-Barbas See Ch. I n. 33.
Jiwnakert
Harabe koy ?
ad Praetorium Praetorio Hasan§elebi LA., T.P. E. G-2 See Ch. V n. 10.
E. 31 M. 684
P'rris Piriz See Ch. Ill n. 8.
Ptandari Tanadaris P. V, vi, 22 CM Ke
Tanir? LA. M. 736
E. 78 E. G-2
Pum See Fum.
Piirk Piirko Nikopolis G. 518 U. 324 Dili
40°08' X 38°09'
Pydna See Fidi.
Qaghyzman See Kagizman.
Qitriz See Kit'arifi.

Refahiye See Gercanis.
Rhandea See Rhandeia.
Rhandeia Rhandea Brand See Ch. II n. 18b.
Rhizaion Rizon Rize E. 79 E. B-4 See Ch. Ill nn. 28a, 30.
Rhizus AA106 §
CM Ob g
Rhizus. See Rhizaion. ^
Rize Rhizaion G. 522 U. 324 C I g
41°02' X 40°31' ^
Rint See Blind. O
Rizon See Rhizaion. J^
Rumluk See Leri. JQ
Saba See Sabus. '
Sabus Saba Sepik LA., T.P. M. 682 and 680 f. 223 O
Sabbu N.D. CMMd §
E. 79 E. G-3 °?
Sadak Satala G. 524 U. 324 CIV <
Satal 40°03' X 39°36' £
Sahapiwan AA 104 j£
Sahverdiyan G. 527 ^
38°34' X 40°35'
Salamas AA 106
Salk'ora E. 79 E. B-5
AA106
Salona See Siluana. ^
Salonenica See Siluana. ^
Samosata Sumaysat T.P., LA. M. 684 and f. 224 See Ch. II n. 17. *
HW 21a F-2
to
Samsat See Arsamosata. oo
#
Samsun See Djanik.
Samsey See Arsamosata.
Samusat See Arsamosata.
Samusi See Arsamosata.
Samusia See Arsamosata.
§ar KomanaAurea G. 534(2) U. 340 BIV
38°20' X 36°19'
Saracik Hispa G. 534(2) U. 341B III
38°52' X 38°40'
Sarki§la Arasaka ? G. 540 U. 341 B I
Tonus 39°21' X 36°26' >
i^
Sarsapa Sarsapi See Uarsapa. HJ
Sarsapion kastron See Uarsapa. ^
Satal Satala E. 80 E. B-3 S
Sadak M
Satala S Ataleni Satal P. V, vi, 18 CM Nc See Ch. Ill nn. 25, IV n. 42a. ^
Sadak T.P., LA. M. 676 and 646 f. 212
ad L., H.S., G.C.
S Ataleni See Satala.
Sawarsam See Maku.
Schamalinichon Zimla See Ch. Ill nn. 26a, 27.
Sebaste See Sebasteia.
Sebasteia Sebaste Sivas LA., T.P. M. 730 and f. 234 See Ch. Ill n. 25; IV nn. 5,
Sevastia ad L., H.S., G.C. CM Ld 42a.
Sivastia E. 80 E. G-2
Sebastopolis Sulusaray P. V, vi, 4 CM Kd See Ch. IV nn. 5,42a; V n. 19.
N.D., LA. M. 674-675, f. 222
ad L., H.S., G.C.
E. 80 (2) E. G-2
gebinkarahisar Koloneia G. 544 U. 324 D III

40°20' X 38025'
Seleobereia P. V, vi, 18
§epik §ipik Sabus G. 550
39°06' X 38°32'
Seresekia See §arki§la.
Sevastia See Sebasteia. O
Sewanaberd Seyvan kale AA106 Q
Seyvan kale Sewanaberd G. 557 (1) U. 340 BIV See Ch. XI n. 60. *
38°33' X 43°40' g
I*H
Sheikh Selim See Kitharizon.
Kala Q
Sikefti See Der. f3
Siluana Salona T.P., N.D. M. 682 and 646 f. 212 See Ch. V n. 16. i
Salonenica
Siile ? O
Silvan See Miyafarkin. S
Simsat See Arsamosata. m
Sinara See Sinera. ^
Sinekli See Sinikli. p
Sinera Sinerva P. V, vi, 18 CM Md £
Sinara T.P. M. 680 f. 223 ^
Sinerva See Sinera. ^
Sinikli Sinekli Siniscolon ? G. 562 U. 341B III
38°46' X 38°35'
Siniscolon Sinikli ? P. V, vi, 21
Sinna See Zintha.
to
Sinope T.P. M. 644 and 642 f. 210 t-1
HW 21 a F-l *»
AA104
CMJa
to
S, ipik See Sepik. to
o
Sirakawan Bas Soragyal E. 74 E. B-5 See Ch. XI n. 3. *
Ba§siiregel AA106
Siri Sirin Sirinan ? See Ch. Ill nn. 6, 9.
Sirni
§irinan § irnan Siri ? G. 564 U. 340 A I
39°08' X 40°35'
Sirnan See Sirinan.
Sirni See Siri.
Sisilia N.D.
Sisilisson Ziziola ? See Ch. Ill nn. 27, 31c-d.
Sismara P. V, vi, 18
Sivas Sebasteia G. 565 U. 341 B-l
39°45' X 37°02'
Sivastia See Sebasteia.
Spunios See Ch. IV n. 23.

Suissa LA. M. 675-676
CMNd
Siile Siluana ? G. 574(2) U. 324 CIV
40°25' X 39°44'
Suluk G. 576 (2) U. 340 A III See Ch. XI n. 37.
38°51' X 41°32'
Sumaysat See Samoaata.
Sulusaray Sebastopolis G. 576 (2)
38°42' x 34°44'
Surb Karapet See Bagawan.
Surmene Susurmene Usiportus G. 578(1) U. 324 CIV
Humurgan 40°55' X 40°07'
Arakli ?
Susarmia See Susurmene.
Su§ehri See Endires.

Susurmene Susarmia Surmene See Ch. Ill n. 28a.
Tablariensis N.D.
Tabriz Tawriz AA106
Tahtakiran G. 581 U. 324GUI See Ch. XI n. 3b.
40°53' X 42°36' H
Takht i Suleiman See Ganjak. O
Takhtuk See Tutma9. O
Tanadaris See Ptandari. ^
Tanir Tanadaris? G. 583 (2) U. 341CI §
Ptandari ? 37°52' X 36°41'
Tapura See Tephrike. g
Taranta Derende E. 85 E. G-2 g
CMLe ™
Tateonk' Diyadin E. 85 E. G-5 See Ch. XI n. 22. ^
Tawriz See Tabriz. 9
Tephrike Abrik Divrigi P. V, vi, 20 %
Tevrik E. 86 E. G-3 f
Tapura <1
Teucila ? ^
Teucila Teucira Divrigi? I.A. M. 682 >
*Teurica CM Md gj
Teucira See Teucila.
*Teurica See Teucila.
Tevrik See Tephrike.
Thatha^ See Phathachon.
Theodosiopolis Karin HW430-5 See C. Ill n. 26; VI n. 28f. to
Erzurum CM Pd ^2
Thia See Pithia.
Thilenzit See Tilenzit.
to
Tigranakert Tigranokerta Martyropolis T.P. M. 746 and 738 f. 239 See Ch. I n. 10. to
to
#
Tigranocarten Np'rkert HW 20a E-2
Miyafarkin CMOe? Of?
Tigranocarten See Tigranakert.
Tigranokerta See Tigranakert.
Til Tilenzit G. 598 (4) U. 340 A IV See Ch. Ill nn. 1, 5
38°49' X 39°18'
E. 36
Tilenzit Thilenzit Til See Ch. II n. lla.
Anzita
Timur agha See Ch. I n. 22b.
Tizbon Tispon Ctesiphon E. 23 AA 104.
APPEND:
Tokat Tokatli G. 601 U. 324 D IV
40°19' X 36°34'
Tokatli . . . . . . . See Tokat.
Tonosa Tonus I.A. M. 730 X
CMKd <
Tonus Tonosa G. 602 (5) U. 341 B I
garkisla 39°21' x 36°26'
T'ordan Tortan E. 53 E. G-3 See Ch. Ill n. 1; XII n. 48.
AA106
Tortan T'ordan G. 604(1) U. 340 A I
39°40' X 39°09'
Tortum Ninah G. 604 U. 324 C III
40°19' X 41°35' AA108
Trabzon Trebizond Trapezos G. 605 U. 324 C I
41°00' X 39°43'
Trapezos Trapezunta Trabzon T.P., I.A. M. 647-648, and 645 See Ch. Ill nn. 28, 30.
N.D. f. 212 CM Nb
Trauezunta . See Traoezos.
Trebizond Trapezos E. 86 E. B-7

Trabzon AA 106
Tutma9 Tutmadj Takhtuk G. 609 See Ch. IV n. 22.
Blandos 39°32' X 37°11'
Tutmadj See Tutma?.
T'uârs See Hars. ^
Tuy See Du. §
Tuzluca See Kulp. %
Tzanzakon Zavzoka See Ch. Ill nn. 27, 32. g
Tzumina Cimin E. 57 E. G-3 See Ch. Ill n. 26; VI n. 30. ^
AA 106 O
Ualentia N.D. tn
Uarsapa Varsapa Arabissos ? P. V, vi, 18 See Ch. IV n. 28b. 02
Varpasa Sarsapa ?
Uleoy berd See Oleoberda. O
Urumya khan Erumya See Ch. IV n. 18a. g
Valarsakert Hasankale E. 81 E. G-5 See Ch. I n. 41. cc
AA 106 ^
Valarsapat Kainepolis E. 82 E. B-6 See Ch. V nn. 10a,19. £
Vardanakert E. 83 E. G-7 ^
Vardasen Vardisen AA 106 £
Vardenik Vartinik AA 106 ^
Vardisen See Vardasen.
Varissa See Verise.
Varpasa See Uarsapa.
Varsapa See Uarsapa.
Vartinik Vardenik G. 621 U. 324CIV t|
40°15' X 40°40' "
Vereuso T.P. M. 682 and 680 f. 223
fcO
to
*
Verise Varissa Berissa I.A. M. 674 and 675 f. 222 *
CMKc
Vican Vidjan Bizana W. 249 U. 340 A I
Vizana
Vizan
Vidjan ............................... See Vican.
Vizana ................................ See Vican.
Vizan Bizana E. 83 E. G-4
AA106
Vizana ............................... See Vican.
Xa$ Hackoy See Ch. Ill nn. 6, 10.
Bazmalbiwr V
Xaldoy ari5 Gaharic Kagdari? AA 105 See Ch. Ill n. 11. H
X alto ari& O
Kiaghid aridj fxj
Xalxal ................................ SeeXi\il <
Zaraba-Barbas Charaba Porpes E. 63 -See Ch. I n. 33.
Borbas
Xarberd Hare bert Harput AA 106
Hore berd Hlsn Ziyad ?
Hart Bert
X&x Hahi ? See Ch. Ill n. 1.
XQT ................................ See Her.
Xilxil Zalxal See Ch. IX n. 21.
Xnunik' ............................... See Xnus.
Xnus Xnunik' AA 108
Hinis
Xoy Xer AA 108
Her
Xbzan Hozat ? E. 55 E. E-4

AA106
Xram Unidentifiable.
Yarimca Arsamosata G. 630 (6) U. 340 A IV
38°39' X 39°46'
Yarpuz Yarpus See Af§in.
YastiSat See Astisat.
Ysiportus Yssu limen Siirmene N.D. P.V, vi, 5 See Ch. V n. 18.
Zagki Calik G. 657 U. 324 C III See Ch. I nn. 38c 39.
40°12' X 41°29'
Zalichos LeontopoUs CMJb See Ch. VII n. 18.
Zara LA. CMLd
G. 658 (4) U. 341 B II
39°55' X 37°46'
Zarehawan of Calkotn E. 52 (3) E. G-5 T. 309, 310 n. 32.
AA106 See Ch. XI n. 23.
Zela T.P. M. 679 and 675 f. 222
N. XXXI HW 41 N-4
CMJc
Zen j an Jenzan ? AA105
Zenocopi T.P. M. 682 and 680 f. 223
Zerran See Gever.
Ziata Anzita CMNe
Hi§n Ziyad AA106
Zigana N.D. AA106 See Ch. Ill n. 33.
G. 661 U. 324 C IV
40°37' X 39°20' CMNc to
bi>
m
Zimara P. V, vi, 18 CMMd
*
T.P.. I.A. M. 679 and 680 f. 223
to
G. 662 U. 341 B II to
Ol
*
39°29' x 38°21'
E. 52 E. G-3
Zimla Zimlakova S chamalinichon G. 662 U. 324 C IV
40°46' X 39°59'
Zintha Sinna ? E. 52 E. D-6 See Ch. IX nn. 29, 29a.
Zindu ?
Ziziola Sisilisson ? T.P., LA. M. 676 and 645 f. 212
N.D.
Zoana LA. M. 675
Zok Garzan G. 664(1) U. 340 A III
38°02' X 41°33'
APPEND
Zoropassos Koropassos CM I- See Ch. IV n. lOa.
1
X
C. MOUNTAINS - PLAINS
The following abbreviations were used in this section in addition to those previously given :
M. mountain.
P. plain.
Abes, Ml*. Serefiye G. 2 U. 324 D III Coordinates given for town no
TOPONYMY
40°08' X 37°47' mountains indicated by this
name in Gazetteer.
Abus M. Ararat ? CMPd See Ch. Ill n. 19a.
Asri datH . . . . .See Ararat.
Ala dagi Calke G. 26 (2) U. 340 B I g
39°20' X 43°35' O
Alagoz .See Aragac.
d
Aleluya P. "Fair Plain" See Ch. II nn. 12, 16. %
Zarberd P.
Olu ovasi
I
Harput P.
Anti Taurus M.
Kalopedion
E. 36 E. G-2
IHH
fel
CO
CM O-Pe
Aragac M. Alagoz E. 38 E. B-6
AA7
Ararat M. Masis G. 40 U. 340 B II See also P'ok'r Masis.
Agri dagi 39°40' X 44°24' AA 7
Abus? E. 31 E. G-6
to
Nibarus ? to
Araxenon pedion Ersâjor See Ch. XI n. 2, also *
Provinces: Arsarunik'.
Argaeus M. Erciyas dagi CMIe
NAME VAEIANT EQUIVALENT REFERENCES MAPS NOTES
Arnas dagi Arnos G. 44 U. 340 CI

37°59' X 42°58' tj>
E. 37 E. D-5 0°
7T
Arnos See Arnas dagi.

Aye Ptkunk' M. Gohanam E. 35 E. G-4 See Ch. I n. 34; VI u. 44.
Palandoken M.
Solalar
Azat Masis M See Ararat.
Bagirbaba dagi Bagirpasa dagi Pa^r M. G. 68 U. 340 A I
39°30' X 40°06'
Bagirpasa dagi See Bagirbaba dagi.
Bakireyn Tunnel See Ch. I n. 23.
Barâl See Parhar.
Belhan M. See Ch. II n. 12a. >
Bingol daglari Srmanc M. G. 97 U. 340 AII j|
39°20' X 41°20' %
t)
Bolhar See Parhar. £
Brnakapan pass Pirnakapan E. 46 E. B-4 See also Cities: Prnakapan.
CalkawetM. Dumlii dagi E. 36 E. B-4
Calke See Ala dagi.
Camlibel daglari G. 125 U. 341 BI
39°57' X 36°31'
Capotes M. CM PC See Ch. Ill n. 12b.
Cevtla M See Cotela Akcakara M.
Chaldean P See Xaldoy jor.
gimen dagi G. 152 U. 340 A I
39°56' X 39°15'
Cip'an See Sip'an.
CiraneacM. Kandil M. E. 56 E. B-4
Clisurae See Kleisurai.
Cotela Ak§akara dagi Cevtla G. 161 (15) U. 340 A III
38°40' X 40°52'
Darkosh M. Kurtik M. ? See Ch. I n. 22a.

Dava boyun M .............................. See Deveboynu daglari.
Deveboynu daglari Dava boyun M. See Ch. I n. 38b.
Dumanli dagi G. 197 (6)
39°42' X 40°45'
Diimlii dagi Calkawet M. G. 197 U. 324 C III
40°12' X
H
Erasâjor ....................... . ....... See Araxenon pedion. O
Erciyas dagi Argaeus G. 211 O
38<>32' X 35°28' ^
"Fair Plain" Kalopedion See Aleluya P. §
GargarP. E. 46 E. G-8 See Ch. XIV nn. 75-76.
GarnijorM. Giresur M. E. 46 E. G-6 See Ch. XI n. 57. g
Gaylaâzut M .............................. See Pa^r M. O
Giresur M ............................... See GarnijorM. H
Gohanam M. Kohanam M. Kara dagi See Ch. Ill n. 4; VI nn. 43-44. M
Goan Sepuh M. co
Solalar '
n3
Maneay ayrk' ? P
Aye Ptkunk1 H
Gure M. See Ch. XI p. 248. w
Ha9 dagi Xa& M. G. 261 (2)

39°32' X 40°28'
Ha9re§ daglari Khandosh M. G. 267
38038' x 40°28'
Halhal ............................... /SeeHarhalM.
HalSras ............................... See Oloray. bg
Haluris ............................... See Oloray. ^
Harhal dagi Xalxal M. G. 276
Meledu* M. 39°27' X 40°56'
to
Harput P See Aleluya P. O
Hart ovasi See Cities: Hart.
Hawasor See Hayoc jor.
Hayoc jor Hawasor E. 62 E. G-5
Illyrisum pass Aed. Ill, iii, 4
Izala M See Masios M.
Joraynkoys . See Kleisurai.
Kalopedion See Aleluya P.
Kandil dagi Ciraneac M. G. 330 (3)
40°11' X 41°35'
Kara dagi Gohanam M. G. 342 (28) U. 340 A I
Sepuh M. 39°45' X 39°13' >
Maneay ayrk' ? *$
Kara Tonus M. U. 341 BI §
Karasakal dagi Kazikli M. ? G. 355 g
39°20' X 39°38' ^
Karayazi ovasi Karayazi kazasi Towarcatap' G. 359 See Ch. XI n. 53. ^
39°35' X 42°05'
Karer M See Karir dagi.
Karga bazar M See Kargapazari dagi.
Kargapazari dagi Karga bazar M. G. 360 U. 324 C III
40°07' X 41°35'
Karir dagi KoherM. G. 361 U. 340 A I
Karer M. 39°05' X 40°40'
Kazikli M See Kîikgol dagi and Karasa-
kal dagi.
Keraunian Caucasus See Sant'ayin M.
Kesi§ daglari G. 383 U. 340 A I
39°50' x 39°45'
Khalkhal M See Harhal
Khandosh M See Hasref daglari.

Kirklar tepesi Mazgirt M. G. 395
39°03' X 39°37'
Kleiasrai Klesurk' Joraynkays E. 59 E. G-4 See Ch. I nn. 20-23; IX n. 24.
Clisurae ftahva pass See also Kop dagi.
Klesurk' See Kleisurai.
Kohanam See Gohanam M. ij
Koher M See Karir dagi. Q
Kohi Nihorakan E. 59 E. D-6 See Ch. IX n. 34a. 3
Kolat daglari G. 413 U. 324 CIV ^
40°36' X 39°35' g
Kop dagi G. 416 See also Kleisurai. ^
40°01' X 40°28' g
Kosedagi G. 421 (1) U. 324 D III §
40°06' X 37°58' ^
Ku§ukg6l dagi Kazikli M. ? G. 430 £
39°19' X 39°44' %
Kurtik M See- Darkosh M.
Lesser Ararat See P'ok'r Masis. t-i
Maneay ayrk' See Sepuh M. J-H
Masios Masius Izala M. E. 65 E. D-4 02
Masis Azat Masis See Ararat.
Masius See Masios.
Mazgirt M See Kirklar M.
Not to be confused with Manaz-
kert.
Meledux M. Harhal dagi E. 70 E. G-4 See Ch. I n. 34. to
Misfina M. See Ch. II n. 19c. ^
Movkan dast See Mulani dast.
Mughan P See Mulani dast.
Mulani dast Movkan dast Mughan P. E. 71 E. G-8 os

Munzur sisilesi Muzur M. G. 479 U. 340 A I *
39°30' X 39°10'
E. 71 E. G-3
Musar dagi G. 481
38°37' X 38°25'
Muzur See Munzur M.
Navsan pass Navarshan dere See Ch. I n. 33a.
Nemrut dagi G. 487 U. 340 A III
38°40' X 42°12'
Nex Masik' M. Sip'an M. E. 72 E. G-5 See Ch. XI n. 50.
Siiphan dagi ^
Nibarus M. See Ararat. H
Nimrud M See Nemrut dagi. §
Niphates M. Npatakan M. P. V, xii, 1 O
NpatakanM. Npat Niphates M. E. 72-73 E. G-5 M
Olor See Oloray. <
Oloray Olor Haloras See Ch. I n. 22.
Haluras
Holuris
Olu ovasi See Aleluya P.
Palandoken dagi Aye Ptkunk' M. G. 504 See Ch. In. 34.
39°47' X 41°15'
Parhal See Parhar M.
Parhar M. Parhal Paryadres M. E. 77 E. B-4 See Ch. I nn. 43a, 45.
Parâr
Barâl
Parâr See Parhar.
Paryadres M. Parhar M. CM L-Nc T. 445,450-452.
PaîrM. Bagirbaba dagi E. 76 E. G-4
Gaylaâzut M.
P'ok'r Masis M. Lesser Ararat M. E. 89 E. G-6

Rahva pass See Kleisurai.
Salbiis dagi Sipilus M. G. 529
Surb Luys M. 39°17' X 40°00'
Salin M. Salnoy M. E. 79 E. G-4
Salnoy M See Salin M.
Sant'ayin M. Keraunian E. 73
Caucasus M. H
Saphchae pass Aed. Ill, iii, 4 IT)
Saiîfek yaylasi U. 341 BII The coordinates given in G. 537 |^
do no fit the indicated location 3
between Arapkir and Divrigi. *1
SarurP. E. 73,118 E. G-6 g
SasunM. E. 79 E. G-4 O
Cj
Sebouh See Sepuh. ^
Sepuh M. Sebouh Kara dagi E. 80 E. G-3 ^
Gohanam M. %
,, , ,„ OQ
Maneay ayrk ? ,
§erefiye See Abe§. hj
Sinibel M. See Ch. IV n. 16f. >HH
Sip'an M. Cip'an See Nex Masik'. ^
Sipikor dagi Surb Grigor M. G. 563 U. 340 A I
39°52' X 39°35'
Sipilus Salbiis dagi ? CM
Surb Luys M.
Solalar M See Aye Ptkunk*.
Srmanc M. Bingol daglari E. 80 E. G-4 See Ch. I n. 34.
Subhan See Siiphan dagi. w
Siiphan dagi Subhan dagi Sip'an M. G. 577 U. 340 BIV *
Nex Masik' M. 38°54' X 42°48'
Surb Grigor M See Sipikor dagi.
bO
Surb Luys M See Salbiis dagi. Jj£
SurbNsanM -See Top dagi. *
Taurus M. Toros daglari CM Jf-Kc
Tecer dagi G. 589 U. 341 B I
39°27' X 37°11'
Tendurekdagi T'ondrak M. G. 593 U. 340 B I
39°22' x 43°55'
T'ondrak M. Tendurekdagi E. 53 E. G-5
Top dagi Surb Nsan M. See Ch. VI n. 42.
Toros daglari Taurus G. 588
37°00' x 33°00'
A"ag M See Ha? dagi. t>
.Xaldoy jor Chaldean P. E. 55 E. B-4 hjj
XsAx&l See Harhal dagi. ^
Alar dast See Xerakan dast. ^
ZarberdP See Aleluya P. <*
Xerakan dast Xar dast E. 63 E. G-6 ^
Zagros M. AA 104
Zigana sirdaglari G. 661 HW-llc
40°37' x 39°30'
E. 52 E. B-3
D. RIVERS - LAKES - SEAS
The following abbreviations were used in this section in addition to those previously given
L.
R. river.
S. sea.

H
O
AbrikR See Ch. IV n. 19. O
Acampsis See Akampsis. 3
Adzharis Tskali R. Oxenis Clali R- u- 324 CII S
Adzho R. AA 6 ..
Bzang R. W
Adzho R See Adzharis Tskali R. ^
Akampsis Acampsis Boas R. E. 32 E. B-4 W
Akamsis Coruh nehri A A 104 •
Voh R. CM Oc £
Akamsis See Akampsis. W
Ak <jayi See Timut R. 02
Ak ?ayi II See Cowars rod.
Akhurean R See Aûryan R. H
Aksar deresi Pulat dere G. 22 U. 324 D III Coordinates given are for &°
40°05' X 38°12' locality.
See also Pulk 9ayi.
AlisR See Halys R.
Angu R. Arapkir 9ayi See Ch. IV nn. 19a-20.
Gortuk
to
Aracani R. Arsanias R. Euphrates R. E. 38 E. G-5 co
Murat nehri AA 6 *
Araks R See Araxes R.
Arapkir 9ayi See Angu.
Aras nehri Araxes R. G. 41 U. 324 D IV OS
39°56' X 48°20' *
Araxes R. Araks R. Aras nehri E. 38-39, 50 E. G4-G7
Egri R. AA 6, 105
Erasx R. CM PC
Mure R.
Ardisak L. ArSak Ergek golii E. 39-40 E. G-5 See Ch. XI n. 56.
AA105
Arcisak R. . .See Mehmedik R.
Ardanuc R. G. 41 U. 324 CII The coordinates given are for
41°05' X 42°05' the locality and district.
Arethusa Aretissa See p. 460 n. 56. tS
rg
Arghana su See Maden suyu. £cj
Arpa 9ayi Axuryan R. G. 44 U. 325 DIV tz!
Rah R. 40°06' X 43°44' 2
Arsanas See Arsanias.
Arsanias R. Arsanas Euphrates R. AA 107
Aracani Murat nehri HW lOa D-2
Askar deresi See Aksar deres .
Axuryan R. Akhurean R. Arpa cayi E. 32 E. B-5
Rah R. AA 107
Kars R.
Azat R. Garni gay E. 31 E. B-6
AA7
Bala rud See Balan rot.
Balan rot Bala rud E. 44 E. G-8 See Bolgara gay.
Balas rot
Balas rot See Balan rot.
Batmansuyu Nymphios R. G. 81 U. 340 DII
Kahrt' 37°45' X 41°00'
D. RIVEKS - LAKES - SEAS
The following abbreviations were used in this section in addition to those previously given :
L. lake.
R. river.
S. sea.

-
O
AbrikR ................................ See Ch. IV n. 19. O
Acampsis ............................... See Akampsis. 3
Adzharis Tskali R. Cxenis Clali R. U. 324 C II
Adzho R. AA 6
Bzang R. W
Adzho R .......... ..................... See Adzharis Tskali R. ^
Akampsis Acampsis Boas R. E. 32 E. B-4 ^
Akamsis Coruh nehri A A 104
Voh R. CM Oc p
Akamsis ............................... See Akampsis. W
Ak gayi ............................... See Tlmut R. 02
Ak gayi II .............................. See Cowars rod. '
Akhurean R ............................... See Aûryan R. &
Aksar deresi Pulat dere G. 22 U. 324 D III Coordinates given are for GO
40°05' X 38°12' locality.
See also Piilk 9ayi.
AlisR ................................ tfeeHalysR.
Angu R. Arapkir cayi See Ch. IV nn. 19a-20.
Gortuk
bo
Aracani R. Arsanias R. Euphrates R. E. 38 E. G-5 w
Murat nehri AA 6 *
Araks R ................................ See Araxes R.
Arapkir $ayi .............................. See Angu.
bi
OS
Aras nehri Araxes R. G. 41 U. 324 D IV OS
*
39°56' x 48°20'
Araxes R. Araks R. Aras nehri E. 38-39, 50 E. G4-G7
Egri R. AA 6, 105
Erasx R. CM PC
Mure R.
ArSisak L. Arcak Er9ek go'lii E. 39-40 E. G-5 See Ch. XI n. 56.
AA105
ArSisak R. See Mehmedik R.
Ardanu9 R. G. 41 U. 324 CII The coordinates given are for
41°05' x 42°05' the locality and district.
Arethusa Aretissa See p. 460 n. 56. |>
n3
Arghana su See Maden suyu. jrj
Arpa 9ayi Axuryan R. G. 44 U. 325 DIV 52!
Rah R. 40°06' x 43°44' 2
Arsanas See Arsanias.
Arsanias R. Arsanas Euphrates R. AA 107
Aracani Murat nehri HW lOa D-2
Askar deresi See Aksar deres .
Aûryan R. Akhurean R. Arpa $ayi E. 32 E. B-o
Rah R. AA 107
Kars R.
Azat R. Garni gay E. 31 E. B-6
AA7
Bala rud See Balan rot.
Balan rot Bala rud E. 44 E. G-8 See Bolgara 9ay.
Balas rot
Balas rot See Balan rot.
Batmansuyu Nymphios R. G. 81 U. 340 DII
Kalirt' 37°45' x 41°00'
Bendimahi 9ayi G. 89 U. 340 BIV

38°55' X 43°35' AA 7
Berklinziilkarneynsuyu G. 90 U. 340 AIV
38°31' X 40°29'
Bingol su Harsanova suyu ? See Ch. 1 n. 32a.
Boas See Akampsis.
Bohtan su See Botan 9ayi. ^
Bolgara 9ay Balan rot E. 44 E. G-8 See Ch. IX n. 13. g
Botan 9ayi Bohtan su Kentrites R. G. 103 U. 340 DII ^
Jerm R. 37°44' X 41°48' g
Bolxa R. Oltu 9ayi E. 45 E. B-4 ^
Bulam L See Ha9li Golii. £d
Bzang R See Adzharis Tskali R. <1
Bznunik' S See Van L. S3
Calgar R. See Ch. II n. 19d. ™
Qaltisuyu Kangal su G. 123 U. 341 BII See Ch. IV p. 68. F
39°23' X 38°24' ft
Caspian S. Kaspic S. E. 58 E. A. 8-G-8 oo
Hyrkanian S. '
C/ekerek irmagi Scylax R. G. 138 U. 324 DIV H
40°34' X 35°46' rc
Centritis See Kentrites R.
Qeyhan nehri Jaihun 9ayi Pyramus R. G. 145 U. 341 CIV
36°45' X 35°45'
goruh nehri Akampsis R. G. 160 U. 324 C III
Boas R. 41°36' X 41°3o' AA 6
Voh R. g
Covk'L. Goloukgolu E. 57 E. G-3 ~*
AA105
to
Cowars rod Ak cayi II E. 64 E. G-6 See Ch. XI n. 61. CO
oo
AA105 See also Karmir R.
Qvenis clali See Adzharis Tskali.
Cyrus R. Kura HW 29a P-4
Degirmen deresi Pyxites R. G. 173 (6) U. 324 C IV
41°00' X 39°46'
Dicle nehri See Tigris R.
Dklat R .See Tigris R.
Eeri R . . . . . See Araxes R.
Elmali deresi G. 207 See Ch. XI n. 53.
39°25' X 40°35'
Ep'rat R See Euphrates R.
Eras^ R .See Araxes R.
Ercek golii Arfiisak L. G. 211 U. 340 B IV
38°39' X 43°22'
Euphrates R. Ep'rat R. Arsanias R. E. 51 E. B-4
Kara su cayi AA6
Murat nehri
Firat nehri
Firat nehri Euphrates R. G. 226 U. 341 B III
31°00' X 47°25'
Gargar R. Karkar R. E. 46 E. G-7
AA107
Garni gay Azat R. AA105
Gayl R. Lykos R. E. 46 (2) E. B-2 See Ch. Ill nn. 5, 24a.
Kelkit gayi AA 106
Gelakuneac S . See Sevan L.
Gercanis R. G. 234 The coordinates given are for
39°54' x 38°44' the locality.
Gernaoksuyu Gernevik G. 236 U. 340 BI
39°37' x 44°07'
Gernevik See Gernaoksuyu.

Geuljik L See Golcuk L.
Ginek R. Goniksuyu E. 47 E. G-4
AA6
Goksu nehri Sarus R. G. 244 (5) U. 341 D III
36°20' X 34°05'
Golcuk L. Geuljik Hazar golii G. 246 U. 340 AIV
Goljik Covk' L. 38<>30' X 39°25'
Goljik See Golcuk L.
Goneksuyu See Goniksuyu.
Goniksuyu Goneksuyu Ginek R. G. 249 U. 340 AII See Ch. I n. 27.
Gunig su 39°00' X 40°41'
Gortuk See Angu R.
Great Zab See Zab R.
Giimiisane deresi Harmut su G. 255 U. 324 CIV
40°30' X 39°23'
Gunig su See Goniksuyu.
Ha9li golii Bulam L. G. 267 U. 340 AII-III
39°00' X 42° 18'
HalysR. Alis R. Kizil Irmak E. 32, 63 E. B1-G2 See Ch. Ill n. 20.
CM Kd Hd Jd
Harabe deresi Harbe Menaskut R. ? G. 275 U. 340 A III
38°56' X 40°56'
Harmut su See Gumu§ane deresi.
Harsit deresi Haraut R. G. 277
Kharsut 41°01' X 38°52'
Hasanova suyu Bingol su ? G. 280 U. 340 AII
39°11' X 41°06'
Hayoc jor su See Xosab R.
Hazar golii See Golcuk.
Ho§ap .Xbsab R. G. 295 U. 340 BIV Coordinates given are for the
38°20' X 43°46' locality. J£
Hrazdan R. Hurazdan R. Zanga R. E. 63 E. B-6 ®
AA7
Hurazdan R See Hrazdan R.
Hyrkanian S See Caspian S.
Imerhav ?ayi Imerhevi Meruli G. 306 U. 324 CII
41°17' X 42°13'
E. 73 E. B-5
Iris R. Yesil irmagi E. 54 E. B-5
CMKc
Jaihun 9ayi See Ceyhan nehri.
Jegam R. Zegam See Azerbaijan Atlas 21 and Ch.
JermR. Kentrites E. 78 E. E-7 IXn.21. f>
Botan $ayi ^
Kala-0R See K'alirt' R. Iz)
K'alirt' R. Kala-0 Nymphios R. E. 89 E. D4-G-4 See Ch. I nn. 13, 14, 19. S
Sit'it'ma R.
<
Batmansuyu
Kangal su See Caltisuyu.
Kapudan S. Kapautan S See Urmiah L.
Karasu Marmet R. G. 356 (1) U. 340 BIV
38°32' X 43° 10' AA 6
Kara su 9ayi Euphrates R. G. 356 (3) U. 340 A I
Melas R.
Firhat nehri 39°42' X 39°32' AA 6
Karasuyu Mel R. G. 356 (20) U. 340 A III
38°49' X 41°28'
Karabudak 9ayi G. 337 U. 341 BII
39°28' X 38°32'
Karaderesu G. 343(12) U. 324 CIV
40°57' X 40°04'
Karkar R. . See Gargar R.

Kannalas R. Zamantisuyu ? See Gh. IV n. 7.
Karmir R. Kotur R. E. 58 G-6 See also Cowara rod.
Kotoroy R.
Kizil gay
K'asal R. AA7
Keii . . . . . See Miws Gayl.
Kelkit §ayi Lykos R. G. 378 U. 324 D III
Gayl R. 40°46' X 36°32' AA6
Kentrites R. Centritis Botan gayi CMPf
Jerm R.
Khabur R. Zabor R. E. 55(1) E. D-5
K'abaros
Kizil gay . . See Karmir R.
Kizil irmak Qyzyl Yrmaq Halys G. 270 U. 324 D I
41°45' X 35°59'
Komiir 9ayi H. 414 (4) U. 340 A I Coordinates given are for the
39°40' X 39°03' locality.
Kor su . .See Koroy jor.
Koroy jor Kor su E. 61 E. G-5
Kotoroy R. Kotur gayi E. 60 E. G-6
Kotur $ayi Kotoroy R. Karmir R. AA7
Kulp su Kulp dere U. 340 A III
Kur . . . . See Kura R.
Kura R. Kur Cyrus R. G. 437
Mtkvari R. 39°24' X 49°19' AA6
E. 61 E. B5-G8
Kuru 9ayi G. 442 (8) U. 341 B III
38°35' X 38°22'
Lice .See Saromsuyu.
Li6ik . . . .See Perisuyu.
Limb . .See Lumb.
Lumb R. Limb R. See Ch. XI n. 60.
_—_ . , ^
i p^
Lychnitis L See Sevan L. to
Lycus R See Lykos R.
Lykos R. Lycus R. Gayl R. CM Lc
Kelkit cayi
Maden suyu Arghana su U. 340 AIV The coordinates in G. 452 do
not suit the indicated locality.
Mahmedik 9ay See Mehmedik.
Maku 9ay Tehnut R. AA 7
Zanginiardere
Maligir Mirangir U. 340 A III
Mananali R. Tuzlasuyu E. 65 E. G-4
AA105 >
H3
Marat See Mrit. 2
Marmet R. Mermenid R. E. 65 E. G-5 &
Mermid R. AA 105 2
rN
Kara su
MecZawR See Zab R.
Mehmedik deresi Mahmedik 9ay Arcisak R. E. 39 E. G-5
Memedik deresi U. 340 B IV
MelR. TeleboasR. E. 70 E. G-4
Kara suyu
Memedik See Mehmedik deresi.
Menaskut R. Harbe deresi ? See Ch. I n. 32b.
Mermenid See Marmet R.
Mermid See Marmet R.
Meruli See Imerhav 9ayi.
Mirangir See Maligir R.
MiwsGaylR. Mews Gayl Kefi R. E. 70 E. G-4 See Ch. I nn. 25-26.
Li6ik R. AA 105
Perisuyu
Mrit R. Marat R. E. 71 E. B-4
Mrul R. E. 71 E. B-4
Mtkvari See Kura R.
Munzur deresi Muzur G. 479 U. 340 AIV
Mzur 38°46' X 39°27'
Murat nehri Euphrates- G. 480 U. 341 B III
Arsanias R. 38°52' X 38°48' g
Mure See Murcamawr. ^
Murcamawr R. Mure R. Araxes R. E. 71 E. G-4 -3
Egri g
Murgulsuyu deresi G. 480 U. 324 CII ^
41°20' X 41°40' »
i—i
Muzur R. Munzur deresi E. 71 E. G-3 <J
Mzur R. AA 105 §
Mzur See Muzur R. ,
Nazikgolu G. 486 U. 340 A III f
38°50' X 42°16' AA 105 j*
Nikephorios See Nymphios. &
Nymphios R. Nikephorios K'alirt' R. CM Pf
Sit'it'ma R. fed
Batmansuyu 02
Oltu9ayi Bolxa R. G. 493 U. 324 C III
40°50' X 41°40' AA 6
Palin R. Perisuyu E. 76 E. G-3
Miws Gayl R.
Keli R.
Perisuyu Palin R. G. 510 U. 340 A I V See Ch. I n. 25. J£
Miws Gayl R. 38°50' X 39°35' AA 6 *»
Keli R.
LiSik R.
Piramis See Pyramus.
Pontos Euxeinos Black S. E. 78 E. B2-B4

CM Da-Oa
Pulat dere Aksar U. 324 D III
Piilk §ayi G. 517 U. 340 A I
39°51' X 40°07'
Pyramus R. Piramis Ceyhan nehri CM Jg-Kf
Rah R. Aûryan E. 78 E. B-5
Arpa §ayi
Kars R.
. See Goksu nehri .
Saromsuyu Lice R. ? G. 541 U. 340 A III
38°21' X 40°54'
Sarsap deresi G. 541 U. 341 B IV
38°21' X 37°13'
Sarus R. Saris su Goksu nehri CM Jf- Jg
Scylax R. Cekerek irmagi E. 81 E. B-2
CM Jc
Sememe deresi G. 550 U. 324 C IV
39°56' X 40°45'
Sevan L. Gelakuneac S. E. 47 E. B-6
Lychnitis L. AA7
Sit'it'ma R. Sit 'ma See K'alirt' R.
Talori deresi G. 582 U. 340 A III

38°12' x 41°10'
Tatta L. Tuz golii CM He See Ch. IV n. 7.
Thospitis L . See Van L.
Tigris R. Dicle nehri G. 597 CM Pe Of
Dklat R. 31°00' X 47°25' AA6
E. 86 E. G-4
Mrit R. Marat R. E. 71 E. B-4
Mrul R. E. 71 E. B-4
Mtkvari .See Kura R.
Munzur deresi Muzur G. 479 U. 340 A IV
Mzur 38°46' X 39°27'
Murat nehri Euphrates- G. 480 U. 341 B III
Arsanias R. 38°52' X 38°48' H
O
Mure .See Murcamawr. 13
Murcamawr R. Mure R. Araxes R. E. 71 E. G-4 i
Egri
Murgulsuyu deresi G.480 U. 324 C II
41°20' X 41<>40'
Muzur R. Munzur deresi E. 71 E. G-3
Mzur R. AA105
Mzur .See Muzur R.
Nazik golii G. 486 U. 340 A III
38°50' X 42°16' AA105
Nikephorios .See Nymphios.
Nymphios R. Nikephorioa K'alirt' R. CMPf
Sit'it'ma R.
Batmansuyu
oltawi Bolxa R. G. 493 U. 324 C III
40°50' X 41°40' AA6
Palin R. Perisuyu E. 76 E. G-3
Miws Gayl R.
Keli R.
Perisuyu Palin R. G. 510 U. 340 A IV See Ch. I n. 25.
03
Miws Gayl R. 38°50' X 39°35' AA6
*
Keli R.
Licik R.
Piramis See Pyramus.
to
Pontos Euxeinos Black S. E. 78 E. B2-B4
*
CM Da-Oa
Pulat dere Aksar U. 324 D III
Piilk §ayi G. 517 U. 340 A I
39°51' X 40°07'
Pyramus R. Piramis Ceyhan nehri CM Jg-Kf
RahR. Aûryan E. 78 E. B-5
Arpa cayi
Kars R.
See Goksu nehri.
Saromsuyu Lice R. ? G. 541 U. 340 A III
38°21' X 40°54'
APPENDIX V
Sarsap deresi G.541 U. 341 B IV
38°21' X 37°13'
Sarus R. Saris su Goksu nehri CM Jf- Jg
Scylax R. Cekerek irmagi E. 81 E. B-2
CM Jc
Sememe deresi G. 550 U. 324 C IV
39°56' X 40°45'
Sevan L. Gelakuneac S. E. 47 E. B-6
Lychnitis L. AA7
Sit'it'ma R. Sit'ma See K'aiirt' R.
See Urmiah L.
Talori deresi G. 582 U. 340 A III
38°12' x 41°10'
Tatta L. Tuz golii CM He See Ch. IV n. 7.
Thospitis L See Van L.
Tigris R. Dicle nehri G. 597 CM Pe Of
Dklat R. 31°00' X 47°25' AA6
E. 86 E.G-4
Thnut R. Ak §ayi E. 86 E. G-6

Maku gay AA105
Zanginiardere
Tortum $ayi G. 604 U. 324 C III
40°47' X 41°42' AA6
Tortum golii G. 604 U. 324 C III
H3
40°47' X 41°42' O
Tuz golii Tatta L. G. 610(2) O
38°45' X 33°25' 3
Tuzlasuyu Mananali R. G. 610 U. 340 A I g
39°43' X 40°16' AA6
Urcajor R. Vedi R. E. 76 E. G-6 ^
t—1
Urmiah L. Kapudan S. E. 58 E. D-6
Kapautan S. AA6 CO
Spautan S.
VanL.
Varsak springs
Bznuneac S.
Thospitis L
E. 620
38°33' X 42°46'
U. 340 B IV
See Ch. XI n. 56.
See Ch. XI n. 21.
£
H
CO
Vedi R. Urcajor R. AA7 CO

Voh Yoh Akampsis R. E. 32, 84 E. B-4 See Ch. Ill n. 24a. H
Boas R. CO
Coruh nehri
Kakamar R.
.Xabor See Khabur R.
Xosab R. Hayoc jor R. E. 62 E. G-5
Hosap suyu
Yenice irmagi Zamantisuyu G. 658 U. 341 C I
OT
Karmalas R. ? 37°36' X 35°35'
Ye§il irmagi Iris R. G. 643 U. 324 D IV
41°24' X 36°35'
to
Yoh SeeVoh. §s
ZabR. MecZaw G. 657 AA6 *
36°00' X 43°21'
E. 66 E. D-5
Zamanti suyu See Yenice irmagi.
Zanga See Hrazdan R.
Zanginiardere Maku 9ay AA 7
Tlmut R.
Zegam R See Jegam.
Ziban Tigris See Tigris.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE *
Since the original bibliography of Armenia in the Period of Justinian

has of necessity become obsolete after the passage of more than half
a century, and its form did not correspond to modern standards, this
Bibliographical Note and the Bibliography which follows it are an
attempt to indicate to the reader some of the major studies which
have appeared since its publication. The vastness of Adontz's
interests and the expansion of Armenian, Byzantine and Iranian
studies in the intervening period preclude any suggestion of biblio-
graphical completeness, so that only the most general outline has
been attempted here. Wherever possible, more recent works sub-
suming earlier scholarship and bibliography have been listed to remain
within manageable bounds. Consequently, a number of familiar
works have had to be omitted. A number of more specialized studies
will be found in the Bibliography and in the relevant notes. In all
these cases, however, numerous lacunae of Avhich the editor remains
painfully aware must strike the various specialists. At best, therefore,
this Note is intended as an introduction to the student, and not as
a guide to the experienced scholar.
Before turning to the works of other specialists, we should note that
Adontz, himself, developed and reworked much of the material found
in Armenia in the Period of Justinian in a number of subsequent
studies many of which will be found listed below in the Bibliography.
For a more extensive listing, both the obituary article in Handes
Amsorya, LXI (May, 1947) and the bibliography in the Annuaire de
VInstitut de philologie et d'histoire orientale et slave of the Universite
Libre de Bruxelles, IV (1936) should be consulted as well as the article
of K. Yuzbasyan in PBH (1962/4).
The single most relevant work at present for the study of Armenia in
the Period of Justinian is unquestionably Cyril Toumanoff's Studies
in Christian Caucasian History (Georgetown, 1963) in which he has
expanded and re-worked most of the subjects treated earlier by
Adontz, with the possible exception of the Armenian Church which
* For the full reference on each entry, the Bibliography should be consulted where
necessary.
248* BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
is discussed only tangentially. Toumanoff's extensive work on the

history, geography and particularly the social structure of ancient
and mediaeval Armenia, as well as of Transcaucasia, provides in
one sense a new edition of Armenia in the Period of Justinian incorpor-
ating both the subsequent scholarship and the necessary revisions.
Hence, Adontz's work now benefits by being read in conjunction with
Toumanoff's attendant commentary.
I. The Sources
In a number of cases the sources cited by Adontz have received

more satisfactory editions, and for several classical works he relied
on the obsolescent Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, even
though both Theophanes the Confessor and Theophylakt Simokattes
had already appeared in the preferable editions of C. de Boor (1883 and
1887). To these should now be added A. Pertusi's edition of Constan-
tine Porphyrogenitus' de Thematibus (1952) and Moravcsik, Jenkins,
et al.'s publication of the same emperor's de Administrado Imperio
(1949, 1962). The Mommsen, Kriiger, et al. edition of the Corpus
Juris Civilis has become standard despite some of the misgivings
voiced by Adontz, and where it is available, the Conciliar documen-
tation is probably better cited according to Schwartz's Acta Conciliorum
Oecumenicorum (1914) than according to Mansi. There are better
editions of several of the Episcopal Notitiae than the one of Pinder
and Parthey, as was already observed by Louis Eobert, Villes d'Asie
Mineure, pp. 428 sqq., and Honigmann's Le Synekdemos d'Hierokles
et Vopuscule geograpliique de Georges de Chypre (1939) should now be
consulted on both these treatises. Finally, Miller's Itineraria Romana
(1916) is the standard edition for the Itinerarium Antonini and the
Tabula Peutingeriana. Although the volumes of the Loeb Classical
Library are of variable quality and in numerous instances to be checked
against the critical edition of the text, they provide a convenient and
generally accurate English translation of the original; when available,
however, the French translations in the parallel Bude series are often
preferable.
In the case of Syriac sources such as Ephraem Syrus, John of
Ephesus, or Ps. Zacharias of Mitylene, the versions published in the
Corpus Scriptorum CJiristianorum Orientalium have superseded earlier
ones.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 249*
Armenian sources unfortunately continue to lack critical editions

in far too many instances; moreover, such editions as " Agat'angelos ",
Movses Kalankatwaci, and Movses Xorenaci (Tiflis, 1909, 1912, 1913),
Malâsyanc's Sebeos (Erevan, 1939), and Abrahamyan's Yovhannes
Mamikonean (Erevan, 1941), are still difficultly obtainable, and were
regrettably inaccessible to this editor. Nevertheless, a number of
new editions have replaced those used by Adontz: Akinian's Koriwn
(Vienna, 1952), Ter Minaseanc's Elite (Erevan, 1957), Melik' - Ohan-
janyan's Kirakos Ganjakeci, (Erevan, 1961), Yuzbasyan's Aristakes
Lastivertci (Erevan, 1963). A new version of Yakovb Karneci is to
be found in volume II of Hakobyan's Minor Chronicles of the XIII-
XVIII C. (1958), and the first volume of the Armenian Book of Canons
containing the Canons of St. Sahak, appeared in 1964. The so-called
Diegesis or Narratio de Rebus Armeniae, which Adontz preferred to
cite in his own copy of the MS rather than according to the Combefisius'
edition fathered by Migne simultaneously on the elusive " Isaac
Katholikos " (PG CXXXII) and Philip the Solitary (PG CXXVII),
has now received the excellent edition of Garitte in the CSCO (1952).
Translations of Armenian sources into western languages, with the
outstanding exception of Dowsett's The History of the Caucasian
Albanians by Mouses Dasxuranci (1961) and his Penitential of Dawit'
of Ganjak in the CSCO (1961), have hardly changed since Adontz's
time, and remain almost uniformely unsatisfactory.
Considerable epigraphic material unavailable to Adontz has come
to light in recent years. The pre-Armenian, Urartian period has
been illuminated by Melikishvili's edition and translation of the
Urartian inscriptions, Urartskie klinoobraznye nadpisi (1960), comple-
mented by D'iakonov's Urartskie pis'ma i dokumenty (1963) and his
" Assyro-Babylonian Sources on the History of Urartu ", VDI (1951).
The Armavir inscriptions of the formerly unidentified Erwandian-
Orontid rulers of Armenia, some of the Aramaic inscriptions of the
Artaxiad dynasty, and the Garni inscription of king Trdat III, together
with a number of other epigraphic sources, have been collected in
K. Trever's Ocherki po istorii kultury drevnei Armenii (1953). The
Nemrud dag inscriptions of the kings of Kommagene, whom Toumanoff
has linked with the Zariadrid dynasty of Sophene, are found in Jalabert
and Mouterde, Inscriptions de Syrie, I, until the expected publication
of the final report on Nimrud dag by T. Goell and F.K. Dorner,
and a list of the more recently discovered Artaxiad Aramaic inscrip-

tions is given by Perikhanian in her latest article in the REA (1966).
Three volumes of the Corpus Inscriptionum Armenicarum are now out
(I960, 1966, 1967), and such collection of foreign sources on Armenia as
Melik'set'-Bek, Georgian Sources concerning Armenia and the Armenians
(1934, 1936, 1955) and Nalbandian, Arabic Sources Concerning Ar-
menian and the Neighbouring Lands (1965), should likewise be consulted.
The great Sasanian inscriptions, whose discovery has greatly affected
Armenian chronology especially in the third century, are to be found in
the following publications: Herzfeld, Paikuli (1924), Nyberg, Hdffidbdd
(1945), Sprengling, Third Century Iran (1953), and Maricq, Res GestaeDivi
Saporis (1958) which contains the earlier bibliography. For the earlier
Achemenian inscriptions, the standard text at present is Kent, Old
Persian (1953). Finally, the Greek and Latin inscriptions found in
Armenia and Pontus were collected by Anderson, Cumont and
Gregoire in Studia Pontica, III (1910).
Adontz was acutely aware of the fact that all hypotheses on Ar-
menian history and culture were, of necessity, only as sound as the
sources on which they were based, and he turned repeatedly to this
problem both in Armenia in the Period of Justinian, and in subsequent
studies. Nevertheless, the status of many crucial Armenian literary
sources remains equivocal and controversial at best. The most
convenient introduction to the multiple problems of this subject is
found in M. Abelyan's Hayoc hin grakanufyan Patmut'iwn (1944,
1946), but this work should be complemented in most cases, since
Abelyan's views have not been invariably shared by his colleagues.
The most convenient resume of the continuing controversy over
the date and purpose of the History attributed to Movses .Xorenaci
in which Adontz actively participated is given by Toumanoff in his
Studies, and his recent article in HA (1961). On the various problems
of the compilation traditionally associated with the name of Agat'-
angelos, but for which recent scholars tend to prefer the descriptive
title of Gregorian Cycle, the fundamental study is Garitte's admirable
Documents pour I'etude du lime d'Agathange (1946), now comple-
mented by his study in AB (1965). A resume of the
literature on the Armenian Geography formerly attributed to
Movses Jforenaci can be found in Eremyan's Hayastan est " Asâr-
hacoyc " (1963) and in Hewsen's useful abstract in the REA (1965).
On the so-called Anonymous or Primary History of Armenia, usually
found in conjunction with the History of Sebeos, see Adontz's own
study, Markwart in Ca (1930), Malâsyanc in VV (1949) Abgaryan,

Sebeosi Patmut'iwn (1965) and Toumanoff, Studies. On Koriwn's
Life of Mesrop Mastoc, see once again Adontz's work, Akinian
in HA (1949), and the collections of articles on Mesrop Mastoc published
by the Armenian Academy of Sciences (1962) and the University of
Erevan (1963). On P'awstos Buzand, see Excursus U in Stem's
Histoire du Bas Empire, II (1949), on Elise, Akinian's numerous
articles in HA (1931-1937, 1950-1951), on Lewond, likewise Akinian,
HA (1929). On Sebeos, the most recent extensive study is Abgaryan's
Sebeosi Patmut'iwn (1965), though Abgaryan's conclusions have
not been definitively accepted. On the alteration of the date of
Uxtanes' History of Armenia, see Peeters, " Sainte Sousanik " in AB
(1935), on Movses Kalankatwaci or Dasûranci, Akinian, HA (1952,
1956-1958) and Dowsett, History of the Caucasian Albanians (1961).
On the Treatise attributed to Eznik the Priest, see Akinian's answer
to Adontz, HA (1938). Finally the Code of Mît'ar G5s and its
relationship with other such works has attracted considerable attention
e.g. Samuelean, Myifar Gosi Datastanagirk'n (1911), Tigranian,
IKIAI (1925), Kiwleserean, HA (1926), Harut'yunyan's Introduction
to Papovian's translation, Armianskii Sudebnik Mkhitara Gosha
(1954), Gralstyan in his edition of Smbat Sparapet's Datastanagirk'
(1958), Pivazyan, BM (1960), and T'orosyan, EM (1962). See also
Mecerian, BA (1947-1948), and Pigulevskaia's article on the Syrian
Lawcode, C7ZL(1952). As in all cases of actively controverted subjects,
all these interpretations and the bibliography must remain provisional.
II. Geography
Adontz's book was composed at a time when Hiibschmann's great

study, Die altarmenischen Ortsnamen (1904) had already appeared
as had the earlier works of Lehmann-Haupt and of Markwart. The
later publications of these authors should, however, be consulted,
especially Lehmann-Haupt's Armenian einst und jetzt (1910-1931)
and Markwart's Skizzen zur historischen Topographie (1928), Siid-
armenien und die Tigrisquellen (1930), and his recently published
MS on the province of Parskahayk' in RE A (1966).
The major recent study of the eastern frontier of the Byzantine
Empire is Honigmann's Die Ostgrenze des byzantinischen Reiches
(1935), and a systematic attempt not only to identify and locate,
but also to estimate the territory of the various districts and provinces
mentioned in the Armenian Geography has been presented in Ere-
myan's Hayastan dst " Asâ/rhacoyc " (1963). Wherever possible the
multiple articles of Barthold and of Minorsky in the El should likewise
be consulted as well as Hakobyan's Asârhagrut'yun (1968).
The topographical information provided by the various Itineraries
crossing Armenia has been studied by Miller, Itineraria Romana (1916),
and with a more precise focus on their sections dealing with Armenia,
by Eremyan, VDI (1939), and Manandian, Manr hetazotut'yunner
(1932), Hayastani gl-%avor canaparhnerd (1936), and the Trade and
Cities of Armenia (1944).
Considerable information on Armenian ecclesiastical geography,
as well as on secular topography, is provided in Honigmann's other
studies, particularly in his notes to the Synekdemos of Hierokles, in
Eveques et eveches monophysites d'Asie Anterieure (1951), and in the
article on the location of Romanopolis, which appeared in his Trois
memoires posihumes (1961). The same is true of Garitte's commen-
taries to both the Documents pour Vetude du lime d'Agathange, and the
Narratio de rebus Armeniae.
In addition to these works, information on Armenian geography
is also found in Ruge's articles in PW, Minorsky's " Transcaucasia ",
JA (1930) and his notes to the Hudud al-Alam (1937), Kanayeanc,
Anyayt gawafner hin Hayastani (1914), Manandian, Hin Hayastani
mi k'ani problemneri masin (1944), and Patmakan-As-ârhagrakan
manr hetazotufyunner (1945), Dashian's articles on the western border-
lands of Armenia, HA (1937-1945), Appendix X of Goubert's Byzance
et VOrient, I (1951), Canard's, Histoire de la dynastie des H'amdanides,
I (1951).
For the peripheral lands discussed by Adontz as being at times
part of Armenia, see, in addition to the notes in the Hudud al-'Alam,
Minorsky's History of Sharvdn and Darband (1958) and Barthold's
earlier Mesto prekaspiisJcikh oblastei (1924), for the Caspian districts;
Pigulevskaya, Mesopotamiia na rubezhe V-VI vv. (1940), Honigmann,
Die Ostgrenze, Eveques et eveches, and Le Convent de Barsauma (1954),
as well as Canard, Histoire des H'amdanides, and Dillman's article
in S (1961) together with his La Haute-Mesopotamie orientate (1961),
for Mesopotamia and north Syria; Honigmann's Ostgrenze, and his
article " Kommagene ", PW, IV, Dashian's articles in HA (1937-
1945), Pertusi's commentary on Costantino Porfirogenito de Thema-
tibus (1952), and Tiracean's article on Kommagene in I AN A (1956),

on the west; and finally, Markwart's Skizzen, Honigmann, Ostgrenze,
Manadian, The Trade and Cities of Armenia, Excursus II in Mncaka-
nyan's Alvanic As-ârni ... surjd (1966), and Hakobyan's Siuniki
T'agavorut'yund (1966), for the northern borders.
Throughout the area studied by Adontz, the problem of the topo-
nymy remains a nightmare for the investigator. Western Asia
Minor has received considerable attention lately in the many studies
of Louis Robert, but the east of the peninsula remains well nigh
terra incognita, especially since maps of this area are generally either
totally inadequate or unobtainable as classified military information.
The survival of ancient Urartian toponyms in Armenian is discussed
by Banateanu, HA (1961), Wittek's article on the transition from
Byzantine to Turkish Toponymy, B (1935) is very useful, and the
Department of the Interior's Gazetteer No. 46 : Turkey provides
coordinates for most sites together with the version of their name as
of ca. 1960, but a systematic concordance of ancient and modern
toponyms, and particularly of their recent, multiple, and rapidly
changing avatars is an imperative necessity.
III. Philology
Armenian linguistics and philology have been until now the most
active fields of Armenology. Consequently, there can be no question
of attempting to give here a review of the extensive literature which
has been added to this subject, all the more so because of Adontz's
generally peripheral treatment thereof.
The first edition of Meillet's Grammaire comparee de I'Armenien
classiques appeared as early as 1902, though Adontz gives no indication
of his being familiar with it as he was with the works of both Hiibsch-
mann and de Lagarde. Of Meillet's other works and Benveniste's
constant studies in BSL, REA, HA, etc., such studies as Meillet's
" Quelques mots parthes", REA (1922), Benveniste's " Titres
iraniens en Armenien", REA (1929), and Titres et noms propres
en Iranien ancien (1966) should be mentioned here as directly
relevant to Adontz's interpretation of na-ârar terminology, as is
Dowsett's challenge of the etymologies proposed by him for such
terms as ter, tikin, in the Memorial du Centenaire de I'ficole des langues
orientates anciennes of the Institut Catholique (1964). In view of

Dowsett's query of Adontz's capacities as a philologist, of Benvenist's
suggestion of an Iranian origin for such a term as awzit, which Adontz
derived from Syriac, and of the growing evidence for the close con-
nexion between mediaeval Armenian and Parthian, the linguistic
aspects of Armenia in the Period of Justinian should probably be
revised in the light of new scholarship.
For the characteristics of Classical Armenian and its development,
see in addition to Meillet's Grammaire comparee, Karst, Geschichte
der armenischen Philologie (1930), Acafyan, Liakatar Jc'erakanut'yun
Hayoc lezvi (1955), and Benveniste, BSL (1959) on phonetics and
syntax. On the evolution of the language, see Akinian, HA (1932),
Lap'ancyan, Hayoc lezvi patmut'iwn (1961), Lazaryan, Hayoc grakan
lezvi patmut'iwn (1961), and Manandian's Yunaban dprocd (1928),
on the influence of the Hellenistic school. When possible, Acafyan's
difficultly procurable Hayeren armatakan bararan (1926-1935), should
also be consulted, even though not all of his etymologies have proved
acceptable.
On the origin of Armenian and its relationship with other Indo-
European and non Indo-European languages, see Lap'ancyan K prois-
khozhdeniiu Armianskogo iasyka (194:6), and the articles in his Istoriko-
lingmsticheskie raboty (1956) together with the objections of D'iakonov,
" Khetty, Frigiitsy i Armiane", Peredneaziatskii Sbornik (1961),
as well as Haas, HA (1961). For the classification of Armenian within
the Indo-European system, see Pedersen, Le groupement des dialectes
indo-europeens (1925), Solta, Die Stellung des Armenischen im Kreise
der indogermanischen Sprache (1960), and Garibian's report to the
XXV Congress of Orientalists (1960). On the relations of Armenian
and Iranian, see Meillet, REA (1921), Benveniste, HA (1927) and
RE A (1964), Bolognesi, Le fonti dialettali degli imprestiti iranici in
Armeno (1960), and his article in HA (1961); for Armenian and Phry-
gian, Haas, HA (1939), and Bonfante, AQ (1946). See also Deeters,
"Armenisch und Siidkaukasisch" (1926-1927), Vogt, NT (1938),
and for Marr's highly controversial theory, Thomas, The Linguistic
Theories of N. Ja. Marr (1957). Finally, for a survey of the work
of the Institute of Linguistics of the Armenian SSR, see Kostanyan,
VIA (1958).
IV. Rome and Iran
For works relating to Armenia see below section V.

On the administrative system of the Later Roman Empire and its
eastern provinces, the main general works at present are Magie,
Roman Rule in Asia Minor (1950), Jones, The Cities of the Eastern
Roman Provinces (1937), and The Later Roman Empire (1964), although
Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire (1926),
Broughton, Roman Asia Minor (1938), Pigagnol, L'Empire chretien
(1947), and Palanque's edition of Stein's Histoire du Bas Empire
(1949, 1959), should also be consulted. For the post-Justinianic
period, as well as the earlier one, the most recent Byzantine histories,
such as Ostrogorsky's History of the Byzantine State (1957) and the
new edition of volume IV of the Cambridge Medieval History, are
the most convenient references.
For a more recent discussion of Diocletian's reforms and eastern
policy, and the pre-Justinianic administration of the Armenian terri-
tories, see Costa's article in the Dizionnario Epigrafico (1912), Seston,
Diodetien (1946) Cumont's " L'annexion ... de la Petite Armenie ",
in Anatolian Studies (1923), and Ensslin's " Zur Ostpolitik des Kaiser's
Diokletians ", SB A W (1952). On Diocletian's military system, see
Nischer's article in the JRS (1923), and van Berchem, L'armee de
Diodetien (1952); on the praetorian prefecture: Stein, Untersuchung
uber das Officium Prdtorianerprafektur (1922), Palanque, Essai sur
la prefecture du pretoire (1933), and de Laet, ARBEL (1946-1947);
and on the fiscal policy: Pigagnol, L'Impot de capitation sous le Bas-
Empire Romain (1916), Deleage, La Capitation du Bas-Empire (1945),
and Karayannopoulos, Das Finanzwesen des fruhbyzantinischen Staates
(1958).
On the period of Justinian, the latest major study is volume I of
Rubin's Das Zeitalter lustinians (1960), but Palanque's edition of
volume II of Stein's Histoire du Bas-Empire (1949) should also be
consulted, as well as Vasiliey's Justin I (1950), Pigulevskaia's Mesopo-
tamia na rubezhe V-VI vv. (1940), and Hannestad's articles on the
relations with Transcaucasia and Central Asia in B (1955-1957), for
the immediate background of the reign. On Justinian's legal activi-
ties, see Collinet, fitudes historiques sur le droit de Justinien I (1912).
For the partition of A.D. 591 and the relations of Maurice and
S II, see Goubert, Byzance et VOrient (1951) and his preliminary
article in B (1949), Higgins' The Persian Wars of the Emperor Maurice

(1939), with the clarification of the problem of chronology, and his
article in the CHR (1941) on " International Eelations at the close
of the Sixth Century", also Minorsky's article in BSOAS (1945),
Pigulevskaia's Vizantiia i Iran na rubezhe VI i VII vekov (1946),
and Iskanyan, PBH (1960, 1963).
On the still disputed problem of the Byzantine Themes and the date
of their appearance, see the article of Baynes, in the EHR (1952),
Ensslin, BZ (1953), Pertusi, Aevum (1954), Ostrogorsky, B (1954),
Dolger, Historia (1955), again Pertusi and Ostrogorsky in the Acts
of the XI International Congress of Byzantine Studies (1958), and
particularly the book of Karayannopoulos, Die Entstehung der byzan-
tinischen Themenordnung (1959) which contains a historiographical
survey. On the similarity of the Byzantine administrative re-orga-
nization and the Sasanian reforms of the sixth century, see Stein,
BNJ (1920) and his review of Christensen's first edition of L'Iran
sous les Sassanides, Le Museon (1940), as well as Christensen's own
acceptance of Stem's thesis in the second edition of his work (1944),
excursus II. This thesis has, however been rejected by most recent
Byzantinists among them Ostrogorsky, Pertusi, and Karayannopoulos.
On Early Iranian studies in general, see Henning's Bibliography
of Important Studies on Old Iranian Subjects (1950). Minorsky's
articles in AO (1932-1951), and Frye's The Heritage of Persia (1963),
which gives a good summary of recent interpretations together with
useful bibliographical notes, particularly for Russian publications.
For surveys of Iranian monuments and inscriptions see Henning,
Mitteliranisch (1959), and Vander Bergh, L'Archeologie de VIran
ancien (1959).
On the successive periods of Iranian history relevant to Adontz's
discussion, see, for the pre-Persian era, D'iakonov, Istoriia Medii
(1956) and Aliev, Midiia - drevneishee gosudarstvo na teritorii Azer-
baidzhana (1956), and for the Achaemenians: Echtecham's L'Iran sous
les Achemenides (1946), Olmstead's posthumously published, Persian
Empire (1948). and Leuze's Die Satrapien (1935). Much still remains
to be done on the Seleucid-Parthian periods despite Tarn's " Seleucid-
Parthian Studies ", in PBA (1930), Bikerman's, Les Institutions des
Seleucides (1938), the vast material accumulated in the notes to Eostov-
tzeff's Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World (1941),
the appearance of Debevoise's Political History of Parthia (1938),
and particularly of Wolski's articles in Eos (1946, 1954), the Bulletin

of the Polish Academy of Sciences (1947), and Ber. (1956-1957). Nu-
merous studies on the archaeological finds at Nisa and their evidence
as to the nature of early Parthian society have been published in the
Soviet Union: e.g. Masson, VDI (1950), D'iakonov and Livshits,
Dokumenty iz Nisy (1960), VDI (1960), Sbornik v Chest' Akad. I.A.
Orbeli (1960), and new material is constantly appearing. On the
contacts between the Parthian Arsacids and Kome, see Dobias' article
in Archiv Orientalni (1931), and the recent synthesis by Bokshanin,
Parfiani i Rim (1960).
For the Sasanians, the locus classicus is still the second edition of
Christensen's L'Iran sous les Sassanides (1944), although the various
studies on the inscriptions should also be consulted, especially Honig-
mann and Maricq, Recherches sur les Res Gestae Dim Saporis (1953),
and Sprengling's critique of earlier accounts of Sahpuhr I's campaigns
in his Iran in the Third Century (1953). On the early period see also
Taquizadeh, BSOAS, XI (1943-1946), Frye, in the Studi dedicated
to Levi della Vida (1956), and Lukonin, Iran v epokhu pervykh Sasa-
nidov (1961). On the wars against the Romans, see in addition to
the studies listed above in reference to the partition of 591, Olmstead,
CP (1942), Eostovtzeff, Ber. (1943), Caratelli, La Parola del Passato
(1947), and Ensslin, SBAW (1947), all on the activities of gahpuhr I,
together with their critique by Sprengling in Third Century Iran.
On the Sasanian north and west frontier, see also Eremyan, IAFAN
(1941) and Nyberg, in the Studia dedicated to Bernhard Karlgren
(1959). Finally on the administration of the empire, see, in addition
to Christensen, Stein's earlier article in BNJ (1920) and his review
of Christensen in Le Museon (1940).
Duchesne-Guillemin's La religion de Vlran ancien (1962) provides a
convenient introduction to the subject, but see also: Unvala, Obser-
vations on the Religion of the Parthians (1925), Jackson, Zoroastrian
Studies (1928), Bidez and Cumont, Les mages hellenises (1938), Spreng-
ling, " Kartir " AJSL (1940), Wikander, Feuerpriester in Kleinasiens
und Iran (1946), Widengren, Numen (1956) and Les religions de I'Iran
(1968), Chaumont, RHR (1960), Zaehner, The Dawn and Twilight of
Zoroastrianism (1961), Benveniste, JA (1964), and on Kartir's mission-
ary activity, de Menasce, AEHE (1956).
For the Iranian social structure and its bases, see Benveniste's
articles, JA (1932,1938), Le vocabulaire (1969) and Dumezil's controver-
sial thesis in Naissance d'archanges (1945), and L'ideologie tripartite des

Indo-Europeens (1958); on existing institutions, Mazaheri, La famille
iranienne(I$38), Henning, JRAS(I953), Wolski's article on the Arsacid
period, Eos (1954) and Widengren's " Recherches sur le feodalisme ira-
nien ", OS (1956). Finally, on the system of taxation and the lower clas-
ses of society, see Fateh, B80AS (1938), Solodukho, SV (1948), Perik-
hanian, VDI (1952), Pigulevskaia, VDI (1937), and Les miles de
I'etat iranien (1963), and Altheim and Stiehl's highly controversial
Ein asiatischer Stoat (1954).
V. Armenia
Despite the passage of more than half a century, no satisfactory

general history of Armenia has appeared in a western language since
the publication of Armenia in the Period of Justinian. De Morgan's
Histoire du peuple armenien (1919) and Grousset's Histoire de VArmenie
(1947) are on the whole disappointing, or too old to incorporate recent
discoveries. In spite of its great value for reference purposes, Touma-
noff's Studies in Christian Caucasian History, provides no systematic
historical treatment, as is evident from its title. The most useful
general history of ancient and medieval Armenia at present conse-
quently is Manandian's K'nnakan tesut'yun Hay zolovrdi patmut'yan
(1945-1952), and for the Roman period, Asdourian's Die politischen
Beziehungen zwischen Armenien und Rom (1911), although it too
requires rectification on a number of points. See also Sarkisian's
bibliographical survey, VDI (1967).
On the periodization of Armenian history presented by Adontz,
see the critique of Manandian, Feodalism hin Hayastanum (1934) and
The Trade and Cities of Armenia (1944), and Toumanoff, Studies,
as well as the suggestions of Eremyan in VI (1951).
Armenian chronology is still studded with problems and contra-
dictions even on such crucial points as the date of the Christianization
of the country, a point on which Adontz, himself proposed a revision
in his subsequent study " Les vestiges d'un ancien culte en Armenie ",
AIPHO (1936). A number of corrections in the chronology were
already made by Asdourian in his Beziehungen, and for the third
century A.D., the studies of Maricq, S (1955, 1957) and Kasuni,
Akos (1957) have helped bring a modicum of precision into a picture
which is still extremely confused. For the date of Diocletian's re-

establishment of Trdat III on the throne of Armenia, the evidence
of the Sasanian inscriptions must now be taken into consideration,
cf. Herzfeld, Paikuli, Sprengling, Third Century Iran, Honigmann-
Maricq, Recherehes, and Eremyan's relation of this material to Ar-
menia, PBH (1966). For the period of the Christian Arsacids, see
the major revision proposed by Baynes, EHR (1910), which has not,
however, been accepted by all scholars, and on particular events,
Peeters, " L'Intervention politique de Constance II ", ARBBL (1931),
" Le debut de la persecution de Sapor ", REA (1921). as well as the
notes and commentary in Garitte's Documents pour I'etude du livre
d'Agathange and the Narratio de rebus Armeniae. The most recent
discussion of Armenian fourth century chronology, hinging on the
date of the Christianization of Armenia, has been given by Ananian,
Le Museon (1961), who includes a resume of other theses, but holds
to the general chronological framework of Manandian and Garitte,
rejecting Baynes' revision.
The period of Armenian history which has benefitted from the most
attention of late, is the earliest pre-Christian era of which Adontz
regretted the almost total ignorance in Armenia in the Period of
Justinian, but to which he too devoted himself in his last major work,
Histoire d'Armenie (1946). The enormous quantity of material
uncovered by Urartian archaeology, complemented by the deciphering
of the Urartian inscription, cannot even be broached in a brief intro-
duction such as this. The most convenient summaries of the scholar-
ship and bibliography of the subject can be found in Piotrovskii,
Vanskoe Tsarstvo (1959), Melikishvili, Nairi-Urartu (1954), Manan-
dian, 0 nekotorykh spornykh problemakh (1956), Lap'ancean, Istoriko-
Lingvisticheskie raboty (1957), and van Loon, Urartian Art (1966),
but the constant publication of new excavation reports and articles
make all syntheses rapidly obsolete and the periodical literature must
invariably be consulted. For the ethnographic pattern of early
Armenia and the neighbouring lands, see below section VII.
On the Achaemenid and Hellenistic periods, our knowledge has
likewise been radically altered by Manandian's identification of the
native Erwandian-Orontid dynasty, cf. Manandian, The Trade and
Cities of Armenia (1944) and Trever's Ocherki po istorii kultury drevnei
Armenii (1953), which contains most of the relevant inscriptions.
For the development of Manandian's thesis, and the link between
the Orontids, the Zariadrids of Sophene, and the dynasts of Kommagene

commemorated in the Nimrud-dag inscriptions, see Toumanoff's
Studies in Christian Caucasian History, which incorporates the material
and conclusions of earlier articles, and Sargisyan, Hellenistakan darasr-
jani Hayastand (1966). See also Tiracyan in IAN A (1956), and his
report to the XXVth Congress of Orientalists (1960). The discovery
of the Aramaic inscriptions of the Artaxiads have also suggested
the need for a re-evaluation of the nature of both the Artaxiad and
the Zariadrid dynasties in relation to each other and to the contempor-
ary powers, cf. in addition to the works of Toumanoff and Trever
already mentioned, Perikhanian's article, RE A (1966) for the recent
bibliography.
For Armenia's history as a buffer state between the Romans and
the Persians, see the following studies in addition to Asdourian's
Beziehungen and the relevant works listed in section IV: on the reign
of Tigran II and the distorting image given by Roman sources- Manan-
dian, Tigran II i Rim (1943), as well as Bckhardt, K (1909-1910),
Giize, K (1926), Manandian, VDI (1939, 1940); on the wars of Nero
ending in the compromise peace of Rhandeia, Schur- K (1923, 1925),
Kudriavtsev, VDI (1948, 1949); and for Trajan's temporary annexa-
tion- Lepper, Trajan's Parthian War (1948). On the period of the
Christian Arsacids, see, in addition to the works already mentioned
under chronology, Akinian, HA (1935), Ensslin, K (1936), Stein,
Histoire du Bas-Empire, I (1959), and Doise, REAnc. (1945), for the
fourth century; Mecerian, BA (1953), Eremyan, VDI (1953), and
Iskanyan, PBH (1966), for the Persian war of 450-451; and Goubert,
Byzance et VOrient, on the period of Maurice.
VI. The Church
On the general history of the early Church and its institutions

touched upon in Adontz's discussion, the most convenient survey
is still Fliche and Martin, Histoire de I'figlise (1946), and on specific
points, the DTC and DHGE are useful as are Grumel's Regestes des
Actes du Patriarcat de Constantinople (1932). See also Stein, ZNW
(1935) and Dvornik, The Idea of Apostolicity in Byzantium (1958).
On the first oecumenical councils and their participants, Laurent's
" Les sources a consulter ", EO (1931), Honigmann's valuable articles
in B (1939, 1944), and his Patristic Studies (1953), must be consulted,

as well as Schwartz's study in ABAWM (1937) and the Prosopographia
and Topographia which he included in volume II-vi of the AGO.
On the Council of Chalcedon in particular, see the collection of articles
in Grillmeier and Bacht, Das Konzil von Chalkedon (1951-1954), Sellers,
The Council of Chalcedon (1961), and in its relation to Armenia, Sar-
kissian, The Council of Chalcedon and Armenia (1965).
On the geography of the eastern church, Schwartz's and Monig-
mann's above mentioned articles are indispensable, as are Honigmann's
notes to the Synekdemos of Hierokles, and his fiveques et eveches mono-
physites (1951), Le Convent de Barsauma (1954), and Trois memoires
posthumes (1961). Peeter's Recherches d'histoire et de philologie orien-
tales (1951), and his articles in AB, some of which are included in the
proceeding collection, as well as Garitte's notes to " Agathangelos "
and the Narratio are likewise essential.
For the Armenian Church, studies still begin with Ormanian's
Azgapatum (1914-1927). Tournebize's Histoire politique et religieuse
de I'Armenie (1910) can occasionally be useful despite its age and bias,
and Kogean's recent and controversial Hayoc Ekelecin, should also
be consulted, but Mecerian's Histoire et institutions de Vfiglise arme-
nienne (1965) has proved unexpectedly disappointing. All the works
of Honigmann, Peeters, and particularly Garitte, already cited, are
directly relevant for a study of early Armenian Christianity, as is
Markwart's posthumous Die Entstehung der armenischen Bistiimer
(1931). The most recent survey of the numerous points of controversy
is given by van Esbroeck in AB (1962). On the question of hereditary
ecclesiastical estates, Perikhanian's study on pagan temple-estates,
Khramovye Ob'edinenie (1959) is of considerable interest, albeit dealing
exclusively with the pre-christian period.
VII. The Na%arar System
As indicated at the beginning of this note, all future investigations

of the Armenian na-ârar system should begin with Toumanoff's
extensive Studies in Christian Caucasian History (1963), and the
studies of Iranian institutions and terminology mentioned above will
invariably prove relevant.
For the early social structure of Transcaucasia and the neigh-
bouring lands, and the complicated ethnographic pattern of the area,

the first section of Toumanoff's Studies may be complemented by
a number of additional works: Hiising's Die Volker Alikleinasiens
und am Pontus (1933), Anderson, Alexander's Gate (1932), Javaîsvili's
and Usakov's articles in VDI (1939), Manandian's Hin Hayastani mi
k'ani problemneri masin (1944), Eremyan, VI (1952), Fields' Contri-
bution to the Anthropology of the Caucasus (1953), Aliev's article in the
SbornVk v chest' Akad. I. A. Orbeli (1960), Melikishvili's report to the
XXVth Congress of Orientalists (1960), and the collection of archae-
ological articles under the editorship of M. Mellink, Dark Ages and
Nomads (1964). For recent studies of Armenia's northern border-
lands, see Trever, Ocherki po istorii i kultury kavkazskoi Albanii (1959),
the collection of articles on Albania published by the Academy of
Sciences of the Azerbajanian SSR (1962), Mnacakanyan's Alvanic
asxarhi ... surj (1966), and Hakobyan's Syuniki T'agavorut'yund
(1966). On early Armenian society see Manandian IZ (1945) for
the pre-Arsacid period and Eremyan I AN A (1948) for the Hellenistic
epoch.
The entire validity of Adontz's thesis of a similarity between the
Armenian na%arar system and western feudalism hinges on the premise
that the term " feudalism " may properly be applied to other than
medieval european institutions. In recent years, however, this
assumption has been both challenged and defended, and the definition
of " feudalism " as a rigorously circumscribed term, or as a general
stage of development has been hotly debated, especially between
western and Marxist scholars. Cf. Coulborn, Feudalism in History
(1956), and Kosminski, Problemy angliskogo feodalisma (1963). More-
over extensive new studies of western feudalism have altered the
interpretation of this institution, so that a number of Adontz's con-
clusions rest on concepts no longer acceptable to scholars. Conse-
quently, much of the argument in Adontz's last chapter must now
be revised in the light of such studies of feudalism as Bloch's epoch-
making La societe feodale (1939), as well as more recent works such as
Lot and Fawtier's Histoire des institutions francaises au Moyen-Age
(1957-1958), Boutruche's Seigneurie et feodalite (1959), and Duby's
L'economie rurale (1962). Although less directly related to Adontz's
argument, the studies on Iranian " feudalism" and the Byzantine
Themes, mentioned in section IV, as well as Ostrogorsky's Pour
Vhistoire de la feodalite byzantine (1954), and Lemerle's series of articles
on Byzantine agrarian history in RH (1958), provide valuable compa-

rative material.
Adontz developed his views on the Armenian social structure in his
later study " Aspect iranien du servage ", (1937), and his comparison
of the naârar system to western feudalism was continued and ela-
borated by Manandian, Feodalism Hin Hayastanum (1934). Armenian
medieval society has also been investigated by Kherumian, " Esquisse
d'une feodalite oubliee ", (1948-1949), more recently in Suki&syan's
Obshchestvenno-politicheskii stroi i pravo Armenii (1963) and M.L.
Chaumont JA (1966).
On Armenian medieval law, see the studies of the Codes of Mît'ar
Gos and Smbat Sparapet listed in section I, and works dealing with
the Church, as well as Samuelyan's Hin Hay iravunk'i patmut'yun,
I (1939), also the above mentioned studies of Manandian and Sukiasian,
both of which give considerable attention to the regulations found in
ecclesiastical canons.
The status of the lower classes of society has attracted a good deal
of attention in recent years, both in general works, and in such special-
ized studies as Manandian's Ditolat'yunner hin Hayastani sinakanneri
drut'yan masin (1925) and Nyut'er hin Hayastani tntesakan kyank'i
patmut'yan (1928), Samuelyan's article in the Journal of the University
of Erevan (1937), Hakobyan's in IAN A (1948), and Eremyan's VD1
(1950), all on slavery, Eremyan's study of city-life, VDI (1953), Zaci-
kyan's survey of popular movements, P'ok'r Hayk'i socialakan sar-
zumnere (1951), Hakobyan's major work on the Armenian peasantry,
Hay gyulaciut'yan patmut'yun (1957), and his articles PBH (1962,
1966).
Finally for the history of individual na-ârar houses, see also Muyl-
dermans, HA (1926), Scold, REA (1929) and Mlaker, WZKM (1932),
on the Mamikonean; Kogean, Kamsarakannerd (1926); Markwart,
Ca (1930) and Sahnazaryan, Bagratunyac na%ararakan tohmi cagumd
(1948), on the Bagratids; Oskean, HA (1952), on the Rstuni; and
Bakhudarian in the Sbornik v chest' Akad. I. A. Orbeli (1960), on the
Arcruni.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Note. All works have been listed according to the systems of

abbrejgations used in the notes. For the sake of convenience, titles
in Armenian and in Russian have been transliterated as well as trans-
lated.
All transliterations follow the systems indicated in the Preface to
this edition. Diacritical marks have been used where required, but
they have been disregarded insofar as English alphabetical order is
concerned. In Armenian, the letter L between two vowels has been
rendered as -w-, e.g. 7-m/rii = Dwin. The letter fu — ^, although
in Greek, the traditional transliteration, ^ = ch, has been preserved.
Familiar proper names have been given according to their traditional
spelling, e.g. Dashian, rather than Tasean, and only one form has
been used for each name irrespective of extant variants.
* This Bibliography incorporates both the works listed in the
original Russian edition and those which appeared subsequently.
Works marked with an asterisk are those which were listed in the
original edition.
I. SOURCES
Whenever available, the editions of the Loeb Classical Library [L]

have been used for the sake of the parallel English text.
For Armenian sources, the best obtainable edition has been used,
but in a number of cases, the edition cited is regrettably less an index
of its intrinsic value, than of its accessibility to the editor.
** Sources marked with a double asterisk are those listed by
Adontz in the original Bibliography without an indication of the
edition used.
Aa see " Agat'angelos ", Agat\g see " Aga
Agat'. see " Agat'angelos ", Agaf.

" Agat'angelos " *Agat'angelos, Patmufiwn [History], (Tiflis, 1883).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 265*
Ag [Greek Version] " Agathangelus ", P. de Lagarde ed., AKOWO, XXXV

(1889). Trans. : in CHAMA, I (1867), pp. 109-193.
Agaf. [Aa - Armenian Version] Agat'angelos, Patmut'iwn (History'], 3rd ed. (Venice, 1930).
Fa [Arabic Version] *" Martyrium sanctorum Gregorii et Rhipsimiae et
Gaianae ", in Marr, Christianization, pp. 66-148.
Latin trans. : in Garitte, Agathange, pp. 27-116.
Agat'angelosi arabakan nor ymbagrvJîwrns [A New Arabic
Version of Agat'angelos'}, A. Ter Lewondyan ed. (Erevan,
1968). „>
Vg [Life of St. Gregory] " IIpd£is Kai paprvptov TOV ayiov KO.I, evS6£ov lepoftdprvpos
rpTjyoptov TTJS MeydXrjs 'Appevias, " in Garitte, Agathan-
ge, pp. 23-116.
Vo " La Vie grecque inedite de saint Gr6goire d'Arm6nie ",
G. Garitte ed., AB, LXXXIII (1965), pp. 233-290.
AL * Aristakes Lastivertci, Patmufium Aristakeay vardapeti
Lastivertcwoy [History of the vardapet Aristakes Lasti-
vertci'], (Venice, 1844).
Aristakes Lastivertci, Patmut'iwn Aristakisi Lasti-
vertcwoy [History of Aristakes Lastivertci], K.E. Yuz-
basyan ed. (Erevan, 1963).
Trans. : Histoire d'Armenie ... par Arisdagues de Lasdi-
verd, traduite pour la premiere fois ... par M. Evariste
Prud'homme (Paris, 1864).
Amm. Marc. *Ammiani Marcellini Rerum gestarum libri qui super-
sunt, V. Gardthausen ed., 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1874-75).
Ammianus Marcellinus, The Surviving Books of the
History [L], J.C. Rolfe, ed. and trans., 3 vols. (Cambridge,
Mass.-London, 1950).
Anania Sirakaci *" Anania Sirakaci ", Miaban ed., Ararat (1906).
Anania Sirakaci, Yalags harcman ew lucman [On Ques-
tions and Answers'], I.A. Orbeli ed. (Petrograd, 1918).
Repr. in I.A. Orbeli, Izbrannye trudy [Selected Works'],
(Erevan, 1963).
Anastas Vardapet, List * Anastas Vardapet, " Vasn vanorenic Hayoc or Yeru-
salem [On the Armenian Monasteries in Jerusalem] ",
in Alishan, Hayapatum, pp. 227-229.
Anderson, J.G.C., " Recueil des inscriptions grecques et latines du Pont
Cumont, E., and Fr., et de I'Armenie, " Studia Pontica, III/l (1910).
Gre"goire, H.
Anonymous History see, Primary History.
Answers " Collectio Sangermanensis ", AGO, II/v (1936), pp. 71-75.
Appian *Appiani Historia Romana, L. Mendelssohn ed., 2 vols.
(Leipzig, 1879).
App. Mithr. Appian, " The Mithridatic Wars ", in Appian's Roman
History [L], H. White ed. and trans. (Cambridge, Mass.-
London, 1928-1955), II, pp. 239-477.
App. Syr. Appian, " The Syrian War ", in Appian's Roman History
266* BIBLIOGRAPHY
[L], H. White ed. and trans. (Cambridge, Mass.-London,

1928-1955), II, pp. 103-237.
Aristotle, Politics *Aristotelis Politico,, F. Susemihl ed., new ed. (Leipzig,
1894).
Aristotle, Politics [L], H. Rackham ed. and trans. (Cam-
bridge, Mass.-London, 1932).
Arm. Oeogr. I [Long Version] *Asyarhacoyc E daru [A Geography of the Vllth Century],
K.P. Patkanian ed. (St. Petersburg, 1877).
*Asxarhacoyc Movsesi Xorenacwoy [Geographie de Moise
de Corene], A. Soukry ed. and trans. (Venice, 1881).
[Adontz lists both editions without indicating the one
he used. The latter has been used in this edition].
Arm. Oeogr. II [Short version] *" Asârhacoyc stoy Movsisi Xorenacwoy [G6ographie
attribute a Moyse de Khoren] ", in Saint-Martin, Me-
moires, II, pp. 318-377.
" A§xarhacoyc [Geography] ", in MX, pp. 585-616.
Arrian, Anab. **Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander [L], E. Hiff ed. and
trans., 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.-London, 1958-1961).
Arrian Periplus *" Anonymi (Arriani ut fertur) Periplus Ponti Euxini ",
GOM, I, pp. 402-423.
Arriano, Periplo del Ponto Eusino, G. Marenghi ed. and
trans. (Naples, s.d. [1958]).
AS - ASSR Academy of Sciences of the Armenian SSR, Divan Hay
Vimagrufyan [Corpus Inscriptionum Armenicarum],
3 vols., in progress (Erevan, I960-).
Asolik *Asolik, Patmut'ium Tiezerakal [Universal History],
2nd ed. (St. Petersburg, 1885).
Trans. : Part I — Histoire universelle par Etienne Asogh'ig
de Daron, E. Dulaurier trans. (Paris, 1883).
Part II — Histoire universelle par Etienne Asolik de Tardn,
F. Maeler trans. (Paris, 1917).
Barhebraeus, Chron. Eccl. *Barhebraeus, Ghronicon Ecclesiasticum, J.B. Abbeloos
and T.J. Lamy edd. and trans., 3 vols. (Louvain, 1872-
1877).
Barhebraeus, Chron. Syr. *Barhebraeus, Chronicon Syriacum, P. Bedjan ed. (Paris,
1874).
Trans. : The Chronography of Gregory Abu'l Faraj ...
Bar Hebraeus, E.A.W. Budge trans. (London, 1932).
Basil, Notitia " Basilii notitia ", in Georg. Cypr., pp. 1-27.
Basil. Caes., Ep. * *St. Basil of Caesarea, Collected Letters of Saint Basil
[L], R.J. Deferrari ed., 4 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.-London,
1961).
BeneseviC, Syntagmata *Drevne-slavianskaia Kormcheia XIV titulov [Syntag-
mata XIV titulorum sine scholiis secondum versionem
pakteo-slovenicam], V.N. Benesevic ed., Vol. I, (St. Pe-
tersburg, 1906-1907).
BL *GirV TWoc [The Book of Letters], (Tiflis, 1901).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 267*
Cass. Dio *Dionis Cassii Cocceiani Historia Romana, L. Dindorf

ed., 5 vols. (Leipzig, 1863-1865).
Cassius Dio, Roman History [L], E. Cary ed. and trans.,
9 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.-London, 1954-1955).
Cedrenus *Cedrenus, " Synopsis Historiarum", I. Bekker ed.,
2 vols. CSHB (1838-1839).
Charmoy *Charmoy, F.B. trans., Cheref-Ndmeh ou Pastes de la
nation Kourde par Cheref-ou'ddine, Prince de Bidlis
dans riidlet d'Arzeroiime, 2 vols. in 4° (St. Petersburg,
1868-1875).
Chron. Pasch. *" Chronicon Paschale ", E.G. Niebuhr ed., CSHB (1832).
CJ * *" Codex Justinianus ", P. Kriiger ed., in CJC, II,
8th ed. (1906).
Cod. Th. **'Codex Theodosianus, T. Mommsen ed. (Berlin, 1905).
Trans. : The Theodosian Code, G. Pharr trans. (Princeton,
1952).
Const. Porph., DAI *Constantine Porphyrogenitus, " De Administrando
Imperio ", I. Bekker ed., CSHB (1829).
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Administrando Imperio,
G. Moravcsik, R.H. Jenkins, et al. edd. and trans.
(Budapest-London, 1949, 1962).
Const. Porph. de Themat. *Constantine Porphyrogenitus, " De Thematibus".
I. Bekker ed., CSHB (1840).
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Costantino Porfirogenito
de Thematibus, A. Pertusi ed. (Vatican City, 1952).
D'iakonov D'iakonov, I.M. ed. and trans. " Assyro-vavilonskie
istochniki po istorii Urartu [Assyro-Babylonian Docu-
ments on the History of Urartu] ", VDI (1951).
D'iakonov, I.M. ed. and trans. Urartskie Pis'ma i DoTcu-
menty [Urartian Letters and Documents'], (Moscow, 1963).
see Garitte, Narratio.
Diod. Sic. * *Diodorus Siculus, The Library of History [L], F.R. Wal-
ton ed. and trans., 12 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.-London,
1933-1967).
Dionysios, Perigesis *" Dionisii Orbis Descriptio ", GGM, II (1861), pp. 103-
176.
Disputation *" Srboc vardapetacn Hayoc Movsesi ew Dawt'i harc-
munk' and erkbanak parap'arsn [Disputation of the
Holy vardapets Movses and Dawit' with the Heretical
Dyophysites] ", G. Srwanjteanc ed., Hnoc Noroc (1874).
*" M. Jforenacwoy patmut'ean zamanaki masin [On
the Date of the History of ôrenaci] ", F.C. Conybeare
ed., HA, XVII (May, 1903), pp. 152-155.
[Adontz cites both editions, but does not indicate the
one he used. The latter has been used in this edition].
Dwin Canons *" Kanonk' Dunay S. 2olovoyn [Canons of the Holy
Council of Dwin] ", Ararat (1905).
268* BIBLIOGRAPHY
Elise *EHse, Vasn Vardanay ew Hayoc Paterazmin [On Vardan

and the Armenian War], (Venice, 1893).
Elise, Vasn Vardanay ew Hayoc Paterazmin [On Vardan
and the Armenian War], E. Ter Minasean ed. (Erevan,
1957).
Trans. : in GHANA, II (1869), pp. 183-251.
Ephr. Syr., Carm. Nisib. *Ephraem Syrus, Ephraemi Garmina Nisibena, G. Bickell
ed. (Leipzig, 1866).
Ephraem Syrus, " Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers
Carmina Nisibena", E. Beck ed. and trans., CSCO,
CCXLI (1963).
Euseb. HE **Eusebius of Caesarea, The Ecclesiastical History [L],
K. Lake and J. Oulton edd. and trans., 2 vols. (Cam-
bridge, Mass.-London, 1949-1953).
Eustathius of Thessalonike *" Eustatii Commentarii ", GGM, II (1861), pp. 201-407.
Evagr. *Evagrius, Ecclesiastical History, J. Bidez and L. Par-
mentier edd. (London, 1898).
FB *P'awstos Buzand [Faustus of Byzantium], P'awstosi
Buzandacwoy Patmufiwn Hayoc [P'awstos Buzand's
History of Armenia'], (Venice, 1889), 4th ed. (Venice, 1933).
Trans. : in CHAM A, I (1867), pp. 209-310.
Pestus, Breviarium *Festus, Breviarium, C. Wagener ed. (Leipzig, 1886).
Fronto, Princ. Hist. * *Fronto, Correspondence [L], C.B. Haines ed. and
Gahnamak Movses .Xbrenaci, Istoriia Armenia [History of Armenia],
N.O. Emin trans. (Moscow, 1858), Suppl.
Garitte, Agathange Garitte, G., Documents pour Vetude du lime d'Agathange
(Vatican City, 1946).
Garitte, Narratio Garitte, G., " La Narratio de rebus Armeniae ", CSCO,
CXXXII, Subsidia 4 (1952).
Gelas. Cyz. *Gelazius Cyzicenus, " Historia Concilii Nicaeni",
PG, LXXXV (1860), cols. 1191-1360.
Georg. Cypr. *Georgii Cyprii Descriptio orbis Romani, H. Gelzer ed.
(Leipzig, 1890).
Georgius Cyprius, Le Synekdemos d'Hierokles et Vopuscule
geographique de George de Chypre, E. Honigmann ed.
(Brussels, 1939).
Georgian Chronicles *Istochniki gruzinskikh letopiseL Tri khroniki [The
Sources of the Georgian Annals. Three Chronicles],
E. T'aqaiisvili ed. (Tiflis, 1900).
Girk' T'tt'oc see EL.
Greg. Naz., Oral. *Gregory Nazianzenus, " Oratio XLIII, In laudem
Basilii magni ", PG, XXXVI (1863), cols. 493-606.
Hddjtabad Inscription See Nyberg, Hdjfidbdd.
Hamzah al-lsfahanl Hamzae Ispahanensis Annalium libri X, J.N.E. Gott-
waldt ed. and trans., 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1848).
Eng. trans. : The Annals of Hamzah al-Isfahdni, U.M.
Daudpota trans. (Bombay, 1932).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 269*
Herod. *Herodoti Historiarum libri IX, H.R. Dietsch and
H. Kallenberd eds., 2nd ed. (Leipzig, 1899-1901).
Herodotus, Histories [L], A.G. Godley ed. and trans.,
4 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.-London, 1960).
Herzfeld, Paikuli Herzfeld, E., Paikuli. Monuments and Inscriptions of
the Early History of the Sasanian Empire, 2 vols. (Berlin,
1924).
Hierokles *Hieroclis Synecdemus et Notitiae Graecae Episcopatum
accedunt Nili Doxopatrii Notitia Patriarchatuum et
Locorum Nomina Immutata, G. Parthay ed. (Berlin,
1866).
Hierokles, Le Synekdemos d'Hierokles et Vopuscule geo-
graphique de Georges de Chypre, E. Honigmann ed.
(Brussels, 1939).
Homer, Iliad *Homeri Ilias, G. Dindorf ed. 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1899).
Homer, The Iliad [L], A.T. Murray ed. and trans.,
2 vols. (New York-London, 1925).
Ibn al-Fakih *Ibn al-Fakih, " Kitab al-buldan ", EGA, V (1885).
Ibn Khurdadhbih *Ibn Khurdadhbih, " Liber viarum et regnorum",
EGA, VI (1889).
Ibn Serapion *Ibn Serapion, " Description of Mesopotamia and
Baghdad written about the Year 900 A.D. by Ibn
Serapion ", G. le Strange, ed. and trans., JRAS, XLVII,
n.s. XXVII (1895), pp. 1-76, 255-316.
Isidore of Charax *" Isidori Characeni Mansiones Parthicae", GGM, I
(1855), pp. 244-256.
Isidore of Charax, The Parthian Stations, W.H. Schoff
ed. and trans. (Philadelphia, 1914).
Itin. Ant. *" Itinerarium provinciarum omnium Imper. Antonini
Augusti, " Mecueil des itineraires anciens, de Fortia
d'Urban ed. (Paris, 1845), pp. 1-148.
" Das Itinerarium Antonini", Itineraria Homana, K.
Miller ed. (Stuttgart, 1916), pp. liv-lxvii.
Jalabert, Commagene Jalabert, L. and Mouterde, R. edd. Inscriptions grecques
et latines de la Syrie I : Commagene et Cyrrhestique (Paris,
1929).
Jamblictms " Jamblichus ", as cited in Photius, Bibliotheque, R. Henri
ed. and trans. (Paris, 1959), II, pp. 34-48.
Joh. Ant. * Johannes Antiochenus, " Fragmenta ", FGH, IV.
Joh. Eph., de beatis *Johannes Ephesinus, Johannis Episcopi Ephesi Syri
Monophysitae Commentaria de Beatis Orientalibus et
Historiae Ecclesiasticae Fragmenta, W.J. van Douwen
and J.P.N. Land trans. (Amsterdam, 1889).
Eng. trans. : Joannes of Ephesus, " Lives of the Eastern
Saints ", E. W. Brooks trans., PO XVII, 1 (1923); XVIII,
4 (1924); XIX, 2(1925).
Joh. Eph., HE * Johannes Ephesinus, Die Kirchengeschichte des Johannes
270* BIBLIOGRAPHY
von Ephesus, aus dem Syrischen ubersetzt u.s.w. von

J.M. Schonfelder (Munich, 1862).
Johannes Ephesinus, " lohannis Ephesini Historiae
ecclesiasticae pars tertia ", E.W. Brooks ed. and trans.,
CSCO, CVI (1936, repr. 1964).
Eng. trans. : The Third Part of the Ecclesiastical History
of John Bishop of Ephesus. Now first translated from
the Original Syriac by R. Payne Smith (Oxford, 1860).
Joh. Erznk. *Yovhannes Erznkaci [John of Erznkay], Yovhannu
Erznkacwoy Nerboleank1 i Surb Grigori Lusawori$
[Yovhannes Erznkaci, Panegyric of St. Gregory the Illu-
minator], Sop'erk', V (Venice, 1853).
Joh. Kat\. Lyd., de mag. *Yovhannes Kat'olikos [John the Kat'olikos], Pat-
mut'iwn [History], (Moscow, 1853).
Yovhannes Kat'oh'kos, Patmufiwn [History], (Jerusalem,
1867).
Trans. : [notoriously inadequate] Histoire d?Armenie
par le patriarche Jean VI dit Jean Catholicos, par M.J.
Saint-Martin, ouvrage posthume (Paris, 1841).
Johannes Lydus, De magistratibus, 0. Seeck ed. (Berlin,
1876).
Johannes Lydus, De magistratibus, populi Romani,
R. Wiinsch ed. (Leipzig, 1903).
Joh. Mam. *Yovhannes Mamikonean [John Mamikonean] Yovhannu
Mamikoneni episkoposi Patmufiwn Taronoy [History
of Taron by Bishop Yovhannes Mamikonean], 2nd ed.
(Venice, 1889).
Josephus, Ant. * *F1. Josephus, Jewish Antiquities [L], R. Marcus and
L.H. Feldman edd. and trans. 9 vols. (Cambridge,
Mass-London, 1926-1965).
Josephus, Bell. Jud. **F1. Josephus, The Jewish War [L], H. St. John Thacke-
ray ed. and trans., 9 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.-London,
1926-1965).
Jos. Styl. *Josua Stylites, The Chronicle of Joshua the Stylite
Composed in Syriac A.D. 507, W. Wright ed. and trans.
(Cambridge, 1882).
Josua Stylites, La chronique de Josue le stylite, ecrite
vers Van 515, Paulin-Martin trans. (Leipzig, 1876).
Julian *Juliani epitome latina novellarum Justiniani, G. Haenel
ed. (Leipzig, 1873).
Justin *M. luniani lustini Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum
Pompei Trogi, F. Ruehl ed. (Leipzig, 1886).
Justin, Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum, ed. 2 vols.
(Paris, 1936).
Karst, Sempadscher Kodex *Karst, J. ed., Sempadscher Kodex aus dem 13. Jahr-
hundert oder mittelarmenisches Rechtsbuch, 2 vols. (Stras-
burg, 1905).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 271*
Kent, Old Persian Kent, R.G., Old Persian, grammar-texts-lexicon, 2nd

rev. ed. (New Haven, 1953).
Kir. Ganj. *Kirakos Ganjakeci, Hamafot Patmufiwn [Brief History},
(Venice, 1865).
Kirakos Ganjakeci, Patmufiwn Hayoc [History of Ar-
menia], K.A. Melik'-Ohanjanyan ed. (Erevan, 1961).
Trans. : " Histoire d'Armenie par le vartabied Kirakos
de Gantzac ", Deux historiens armeniens, M.F. Brosset
trans. (St. Petersburg, 1870).
Koriwn * *Koriwn, VarK* S. Mastoci [Biographie des HI. Mastoc],
N. Akinian ed. (Vienna, 1952).
Trans. : in CHAMA, II (1869), pp. 9-16.
Labbe. Concilia * Labbe, Ph. and Couart edd., Sacrosancta Concilia,
15 vols. (Paris, 1671-1672). .
Lact. de mart. * *Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum, J. Moreau
ed. and trans., 2 vols. (Paris, s.d. [1954]).
Laterculus Polemii Silvii * *" Laterculus Polemii Silui siue Schonhouianus",
Seeck, Not. dig., pp. 254-260.
Laterculus Veronensis **" Laterculus Ueronensis ", Seeck, Not. dig., pp. 247-
253.
Law of the XII Tables **"The Twelve Tables, or the Law of the Twelve
Tables ", Remains of Old Latin [L], E.H. Warmington
ed. and trans. (Cambridge, Mass.-London, 1961), III,
pp. 424-515.
Lewond *Lewond, Patmufiwn Lewondeay meci vardapeti Hayoc
[History of Lewond, the Great Vardapet of Armenia],
2nd ed. (St. Petersburg, 1887).
Trans. : Ghevond, Histoire des guerres et des conquetes
des Arabes en Armenie ..., G. Chahnazarian trans. (Paris,
1856).
Lex Salica * *Lex Salica, K. A. Eckhardt ed. (Weimar, 1953).
Life of St. Gregory see " Agat'angelos ", Vg.
Life of St. Mesrop see Koriwn.
Life of St. Nerses see Nerses
Life of St. Theodore *" Zhitie Sv. Theodora [Life of St. Theodore] ", Kh.
Loparev ed. ZKO, I (1904).
LP' *Lazar P'arpeci, Patmufiwn Hayoc [History of Armenia'],
(Tiflis, 1904).
Lazar P'arpeci, Patmufiwn Hayoc [History of Armenia],
4th ed. (Venice, 1933).
Trans. : in CHAMA, II (1869), pp. 259-369.
Malalas *Iohannis Malalae Chronographia, L. Dindorf ed., CSHB
(1831).
Mas'udi * *Mas'udI, Les Prairies d'or, Ch. Pellat ed. and trans.,
2 vols. in progress (Paris, 1962-).
Melikishvili, F.A. Urartskie klinoobraznye nadpisi [Urartian Cuneiform
Inscriptions (Moscow 1960).
272* BIBLIOGRAPHY
Men. Prot. *Menander Protector, " Ex historia Menandri Protec-

toris excerpta de legationibus barbarorum ad Romanos ",
I. Bekker and E.G. Niehbur edd., G8HJ3 (1829).
*Menander Protector, Excerpta de legationibus, C. de
Boor ed., 2 vols. (Berlin, 1905).
Mich. Syr. *Michael Syrus, Chronique de Michel le Syrien patriarche
Jacobite d'Antioche (1166-1199), J.B. Chabot ed. and
trans. (Paris 1899-1904).
Military List Storagrufivm kafulike Ejmiacni ew hing gawafacn
Araratay [Description of the Katfolikosate of Ejmiacin
and of the Five Provinces of Ararat], H. Sahâtunean ed.,
2 vols. (Ejfmiacin, 1842), II, pp. 59.
Mov. see Mov. Kalank.
Mov. Kalank. *Movses Kalankatwaci, Movsesi Kalankatwacwoy Pat-
mufiwn Alwanic asyarhi [History of Albania by Movses
Kalankatwaci'], J. Emin ed. (Moscow, 1860).
Trans. : Dowsett, Mov. Dasx-
MU *Matt'eos Ufhaeci [Matthew of Edessa], Matfeosi
Ufhayecwoy fiamanakagrufium [Chronicle of Matfeos
Ufhayeci], (Jerusalem, 1869).
Trans. : Bibliotheque Tiistorique armenienne, I, I.E. Du-
laurier trans. (Paris, 1858).
MX *Movses Zorenaci [Movses of Khoren], Patmutium
Hayoc [History of Armenia], (Tiflism 1881).
Movses Xorenaci, " Patmut'iwn Hayoc [History of
Armenia] ", Srboy horn meroy Movsesi Xorenacwoy
Matenagrut'iwnk' [Works of our Holy Father Movses
Xorenaci, 2nd ed. (Venice, 1865), pp. 1-277.
Trans. : *Istoriia Armenii [History of Armenia], N.O.
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EDITOE'S PEERAGE

Armenia — geographical, political, religious, administrative, social,

4 Garitte, Agttfhange, pp. 351-353.

presentation of any interpretation or theory as unchallengeably correct

The instinct of every translator running the ominous gauntlet

than direct quotations. In several instances where this method

recognize the eternal nightmare of inconsistency in transliteration,

coordinate the information on toponyms, giving where relevant and

AASS Ada Sanctorum Bollandiana (Brussels).

DTC Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique (Paris).

ARMENIA — THE MARZPANATE

Eastern or Pers-Armenia as the homeland of the nayaraars — The tiayarav system

The Eastern or Persian portion of Armenia differed markedly from

modified in some of its aspects, this system survived in Armenia

invasions. This institution, which was born under the Arsacids,

[.Xusro] conceived the plan of forming four great govern-

This opinion is not altogether correct. .Xusro I can hardly be

Before the accession of -Xusro the office of spahbadh that

The only thing attributed to -Xusro, therefore, is the placing of a

In the last chapter of the Chronicle of Zacharias of Mitylene, the

At first glance, it might seem as though there were five Christian

list of district in the province of Paytakaran, and obviously Balasakan

,,. a little before this rebellion the isxcm of Siwnik', named

... a powerful Persian detachment has reached the land of

the battle of J^al^al, the Armenian cavalry was conveyed across

... matters might be settled there, in Her and Zarewand,

Similarly, when, Vahan Mamikonean, received the news that the

the adjoining distincts, the province called Parska-hayk', that is to

Armenia 35. According to Syrian ecclesiastical divisions, Arz5n

... all of the Armenian land to Kapkoh and to the Albanian

Armenian accounts assert that the territories of Adiabene and Atro-

As a result, Armenia was reduced to the limits of the Marzpanate,

... he gave him all of Arwastan to Nisibis and the Armenian

is the Iranian equivalent of the Armenian term Tanuterakan. All

likewise bore the name of gund. Traces of the over-all administrative

A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE NAXARARDOMS

The na-^arar system existed in Armenia from antiquity until the

The History of Movses ^orenaci belongs to the period of the dis-

... whence originate the naxarar estates which exist here in

According to this passage, these were the conditions found in Armenia

Some scholars have supposed that there were up to 900 princely

such an interpretation of the historian's words, the hypothesis of the

they were altogether 400 in number ... they were re-esta-

Stephen Orbelean, a relatively late writer of the thirteenth century,

He ordered to Trdat the Great that he should put his realm

A curious remark is found in the History of Tovma Arcruni. Tovma

the title of marzban according to the regulation of the ranks

It would seem likely, therefore, that we are dealing here with an

This indication of Yaqubi is very close to the truth. We are

I. The participants in the Council of 450 summoned to

1. The prince [lord] of Siwnik5 Vasak

Prince Kstuni Artak

From the third list we obtain:

20. Prince Bagratuni Tiroc

From the fourth list:

Prince Gnduni Tacat"

From the last list:18

The prince of Tasir Vren

From the independent lists of EHse:19

The prince of Ake

Prince Erwanduni Nerses

The following apparently also belong among the wc^cwws:31

Prince Arsakan Atrormizd