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Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile

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DOI: 10.1525/elementa.353

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 Gayo, EM, et al. 2019. Geohistorical records of the
Anthropocene in Chile. Elem Sci Anth, 7: 15. DOI:
https://doi.org/10.1525/elementa.353

REVIEW

Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile

Eugenia M. Gayo*,†,‡, Virginia B. McRostie§, Roberto Campbell§, Carola Flores*,‖,**, Antonio
Maldonado‖,¶,**, Mauricio Uribe-Rodriguez††, Patricio I. Moreno*,‡‡, Calogero M. Santoro§§,
Duncan A. Christie*,‖‖, Ariel A. Muñoz*,¶¶ and Laura Gallardo*,***

The deep-time dynamics of coupled socio-ecological systems at different spatial scales is viewed as a
key framework to understand trends and mechanisms that have led to the Anthropocene. By integrating
archeological and paleoenvironmental records, we test the hypothesis that Chilean societies progressively
escalated their capacity to shape national biophysical systems as socio-cultural complexity and pressures
on natural resources increased over the last three millennia. We demonstrate that Pre-Columbian societies
intentionally transformed Chile’s northern and central regions by continuously adjusting socio-cultural
practices and/or incorporating technologies that guaranteed resource access and social wealth. The fact
that past human activities led to cumulative impacts on diverse biophysical processes, not only contradicts
the notion of pristine pre-Industrial Revolution landscapes, but suggests that the Anthropocene derives
from long-term processes that have operated uninterruptedly since Pre-Columbian times. Moreover, our
synthesis suggests that most of present-day symptoms that describe the Anthropocene are rooted in pre-
Columbian processes that scaled up in intensity over the last 3000 years, accelerating after the ­Spanish
colonization and, more intensely, in recent decades. The most striking trend is the observed coevolution
between the intensity of metallurgy and heavy-metal anthropogenic emissions. This entails that the
Anthropocene cannot be viewed as a universal imprint of human actions that has arisen as an exclusive
consequence of modern industrial societies. In the Chilean case, this phenomenon is intrinsically tied to
historically and geographically diverse configurations in society-environment feedback relationships. Taken
collectively with other case studies, the patterns revealed here could contribute to the discussion about
how the Anthropocene is defined globally, in terms of chronology, stratigraphic markers and attributes.
Furthermore, this deep-time narrative can potentially become a science-based instrument to shape bet-
ter-informed discourses about the socio-environmental history in Chile. More importantly, however, this
research provides crucial “baselines” to delineate safe operating spaces for future socio-ecological systems.

Keywords: Socio-ecological systems; Paleoenvironmental records; Archeological records; Niche

­construction; Anthropogenic landscapes; Historical ecology

1 Introduction 2007; Zalasiewicz et al., 2011). However, the formal and

The term Anthropocene is broadly used to describe the
chapter of the Earth’s history in which, atmospheric,
oceanographic, biogeochemical, hydrological and ecologi-
cal patterns have been driven by human activities on par
with, or even greater than, natural agents (Steffen et al.,
operational definitions for this contemporary state of
planetary societal-environmental systems are matters
of heated debate (Finney and Edwards, 2016; Lewis and
Maslin, 2015; Ruddiman et al., 2015). Since the original
proposal (Crutzen and Stoermer, 2000), numerous aca-

* Center for Climate and Resilience Research (CR2, FONDAP Norte, Coquimbo, CL
15110009), CL ††
Departamento de Antropología, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales,
†
Laboratory for Stable Isotope Biogeochemistry, ­Departamento Universidad de Chile, Santiago, CL
de Oceanografía, Universidad de Concepción, Concepción, CL ‡‡
Instituto de Ecología y Biodiversidad, Departamento de
‡
Center of Applied Ecology and Sustainability (CAPES), CL ­Ciencias Ecológicas, Universidad de Chile, Santiago, CL
Programa de Antropología, Instituto de Sociología, Pontificia
§ Instituto de Alta Investigación, Universidad de Tarapacá, Arica, CL
§§

Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, CL Instituto de Conservación Biodiversidad y Territorio,

‖‖

Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Zonas Áridas (CEAZA), La

‖ ­Universidad Austral de Chile, Valdivia, CL
Serena, CL ¶¶
Institute of Geography, Pontificia Universidad Católica de
¶
Instituto de Investigación Multidisciplinario en Ciencia y Valparaíso, Valparaiso, CL
­Tecnología, Universidad de La Serena, La Serena, CL ***
Departamento de Geofísica, Universidad de Chile, Santiago, CL
**
Departamento de Biología Marina, Universidad Católica del Corresponding author: Eugenia M. Gayo (emgayo@uc.cl)
Art. 15, page 2 of 31
demic articles have examined the stratigraphic criteria
required to recognize the Anthropocene as a new formal
chronostratigraphic unit characterized by unprecedented
human-induced transformations after the Industrial Revo-
lution and/or the “Great Acceleration” that followed World
War II (Steffen et al., 2016; Swindles et al., 2015; Waters et
al., 2016). Hence, there is growing interest in validating
unambiguous globally traceable time-stratigraphic mark-
ers of the human footprint on the Earth system, including
artificial radionuclides, atmospheric CO2 levels, patterns
in environmental isotopes, fly ash particles, plastic pollu-
tion and/or anthropogenic soils (Certini and Scalenghe,
2011; Dean et al., 2014; Swindles et al., 2015; Waters et al.,
2016; Zalasiewicz et al., 2017).
Currently there is overwhelming evidence for the
imprint, direction, magnitude and intensity of human
transformations of Earth’s ecosystems over the last 200
years. Nevertheless, the chronostratigraphic portrayal of
the Anthropocene has prompted sharp criticism. Autin
(2016), for example, argues that it obstructs the dialogue
among academic peers and between socio-political par-
ties. Others criticize its reductionism and determinism
as it underestimates the human-induced disturbances
on different biophysical processes that could have begun
diachronically in different parts of the Earth before the
1800s (Certini and Scalenghe, 2011; Glikson, 2013; Lewis
and Maslin, 2015; Lightfoot et al., 2013; McClure, 2013;
Ruddiman et al., 2015; Smith and Zeder, 2013). Similarly,
other authors point out that this approach emphasizes
“symptoms” (i.e., markers for anthropogenic effects)
instead of causal mechanisms rooted in social decisions
and behaviors that operate at different spatio-temporal
scales (Balter, 2013; Braje, 2016; Ellis, 2015; Ellis et al.,
2018; Malm and Hornborg, 2014; Sawyer, 2015).
Several authors have stressed that the conceptualization
of the Anthropocene must explicitly consider the long-
term capacity of humans to modify the Earth’s natural
systems to improve access to natural resources (Boivin et
al., 2016; Crumley, 2015; Ellis, 2015; Ellis et al., 2018, 2016;
Ruddiman et al., 2015; Smith and Zeder, 2013). The core
of this perspective is the cultural niche construction or
ecosystem engineering process. This refers to alterations
in biophysical conditions induced by humans through
culturally learned knowledge (cultural inheritance) to
enhance societal well-being (fitness). These alterations are
eventually inherited by succeeding generations, affecting,
in turn, positively or negatively their adaptive fitness (eco-
logical inheritance) (Ellis, 2015; Laland and O’Brien, 2011;
Odling-Smee and Laland, 2011). Within this perspective,
the Anthropocene results from the long-term interplay
between social upscaling (increasing trend in socio-cul-
tural complexity), cooperative ecosystem engineering
(environmental and cultural transformations brought by
cooperative social interactions), and energy substitution
(changes in energy sources) (Ellis, 2015; Ellis et al., 2018).
Such reasoning has led to proposing the Anthropocene
onset to at least 8000 years ago, when cooperative-pro-
duction economies (i.e. based on agriculture and livestock
rearing) emerged, amplifying the human capacity for engi-
neering environments, and started to release greenhouse
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile
gases (CO2, CH4) into the atmosphere due to farming (Ellis
et al., 2018; Gowdy and Krall, 2013; Ruddiman et al., 2015;
Smith and Zeder, 2013). This process of Neolithisation,
however, was not transversal and homogeneous in time
or space, having different starting points and modifying
mechanisms and even not occurring in some areas of the
world (Larson et al., 2014). Moreover, the emphasis on this
process dismisses the ability of hunter-gatherers to induce
radical landscape transformations (Lewis and Maslin,
2015; Sullivan et al., 2017).
Interest in unfolding the origin and nature of the
Anthropocene has trespassed geohistorical sciences, and
has also been approached by anthropologists, politicians,
artists, philosophers and educators who embrace mani-
fold connotations about the interaction between envi-
ronment, society and culture (see Autin, 2016; Descola,
2013; Lewis and Maslin, 2015; Matless, 2016; Toivanen
et al., 2017). As a consequence, there is a pressing need
to prioritize a cross-disciplinary agenda for answering
contingent questions such as: how did we get here?, are
there regional expressions of the Anthropocene?, how
do these regional manifestations add up to a global phe-
nomenon?, how have idiosyncratic behaviors contrib-
uted? Evolutionary studies on the dynamics of coupled
social-ecological systems offer meaningful tools to over-
come biased paradigms that hamper a common ground
framework. A longue durée approach could illuminate the
feedback mechanisms between social development and
environment and, in turn, on interactions that molded the
human-dominated Earth state through time and possibly
into the future (Braje, 2016; Crumley et al., 2015; Dearing
et al., 2015; Sawyer, 2015).
Starting from the premise that the Anthropocene rep-
resents a social-cultural-environmental process that “was
not made in a day, nor was it created uniformly” (Ellis et al.,
2016; p. 192), here we review the evolution in the deep
time of human-environment interactions to understand
patterns, trends and mechanisms that have led to the
manifestations of the human dominated epoch in Chile.
Particularly, through the integration of archeological and
paleoenvironmental records, we test the hypothesis that
Chilean societies progressively escalated their capacity
in shaping national and regional biophysical systems as
socio-cultural complexity and natural-resources pres-
sures increased over the past 3000 years. Therefore, we
predict that the current state of Chilean ecosystems (i.e.
Anthropocene) appears as a process rooted in the long-
term human-environment interactions. Chile offers a priv-
ileged context to develop an integrative and comparative
narrative from contrasting socio-ecological trajectories.
Firstly, during the last three millennia, most of the ter-
ritory was extensively occupied and subject to different
socio-economic systems that included hunter-gathering,
agriculture, silviculture and industrialization (Armesto et
al., 2010; Campbell and Quiroz, 2015; Gayo et al., 2015).
This opens up the opportunity to evaluate sequential
regime shifts in environmental patterns brought about by
different capacities in ecosystem engineering. Secondly,
its extraordinary ecophysiographic diversity provides an
avenue for comparing these dynamics among societies
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile
that have evolved under markedly distinct bioclimates
and, therefore, for exploring convergences and/or diver-
gences in the evolution of social and ecological systems
either at micro or macro regional scales.
2 Regional settings
Chile is a ribbon of land that extends from 17°30' to 56°30'S
across the western edge of South America, between the
eastern Pacific coast and the western Andean mountain
range (Figure 1). Stretching from the Neotropic to Cape
Horn, this territory of more than 756,096 km2 entails
contrasting bioclimates from the Atacama Desert, pass-
ing through the Mediterranean region of Central Chile,
to the cold temperate sub-Antarctic region in Patagonia.
Such environmental, climatic and topographic diversity
determines unique landscapes that have been inhabited
continuously at least for the last 14000 years (Dillehay,
2000; Jackson et al., 2007; Latorre et al., 2013; Nuñez et
al., 2016; Salazar et al., 2017).
The abundance of natural resources distributed in a
latitudinal gradient, contributes to regional differenti-
ated economic activities and modern social-environ-
mental interactions. Therefore, based on the strong
north-south ecophysiographic gradient and spatial varia-
tions in resource-based economies, Chile can be divided
into northern (18°–28°S), central (28°–42°S) and austral
(42°–56°–30'S) regions (Figure 1). Although there is
evidence for ancient human-induced transformations
(i.e. localized fires set by hunter-gatherers) over the past
3000 years (Holz et al., 2016; Méndez et al., 2016), Austral
Chile is considered as a near pristine region up to 1750
AD, when European settlers burned and opened vast areas
of densely vegetated Patagonia (Moreno et al., 2018; Simi
et al., 2017). Leaving aside the fact that humanized land-
scapes are a recent occurrence, this region is omitted from
our analyses because discriminating between natural and
anthropogenic agents causing such transformations is
challenging, as typically both factors are involved (Holz
et al., 2016; Méndez et al., 2016; Moreno et al., 2018).
Thus, this article reviews the evolution of human-environ-
ment interaction in northern and central Chile, area that
together contains nearly 98% of the national population
(INE, 2017).
The northern region drapes across the Atacama Desert
– the world’s driest desert- (Figure 1). This area hosts
unusual minerals (sodium nitrates, perchlorates) and
abundant deposits of valuable ores such as copper, gold,
silver, iron, borax and lithium (Clarke, 2006). This wealthy
mining-based economy region has ranked as a world’s top
mineral producer since the 19th century. Sustained by the
permanent upwelling of nutrient-rich cold waters of the
Humboldt Current System, this region was also positioned
as a leading anchovy and sardine exporter after 1950 AD,
but these fisheries rapidly collapsed due to over-exploita-
tion (Yáñez et al., 2017). Between 18° and 25°S precipita-
tion is practically nil at the coast and in the inland zone
below 2500 masl (Houston, 2006), and vast areas are
devoid of macroscopic life along the extreme hyperarid
core of the Atacama. At elevations above 2500 masl precip-
itation occurs during the austral summer fed by the South
Art. 15, page 3 of 31
American Summer Monsoon (Garreaud, 2009), promot-
ing less harsh conditions over the high-elevation desert
and the Altiplano that withstand montane grasslands and
farming-pastoral households up to 4000 masl (Arroyo et
al., 1988; Santoro and Núñez, 1987). South of 25°S, pre-
cipitation amounts increase progressively associated with
the frontal systems of the southern westerlies (Garreaud,
2009). Flowering Desert phenomena occur along the
coastal unvegetated landscape during episodes of usual
high rainfalls. Water availability depends heavily on high-
elevation rainfalls (>3500 masl) as these resources feed
ephemeral/perennial stream flows and groundwater that
discharges into exoreic and endorheic basins (Houston,
2006) (Figure 1). Main urban centers have emerged at
coastlines, where freshwater is piped long distances from
inland aquifers or supplied from seawater desalination.
Today, industrial mining activities relying on lixiviation
together with large-scale agriculture and urban uses, exert
strong pressure on fresh water availability causing a sig-
nificant hydrological deficit (Aitken et al., 2016; Houston,
2007). At the same time, massive mining operations (i.e
Chuquicamata -the biggest open pit mine on Earth) have
brought significant heavy metal and metalloid pollution
(Gidhagen et al., 2002; Huneeus et al., 2006; Schwanck et
al., 2016; Sträter et al., 2010).
A shift towards mesic conditions at 28°S due to a more
recurrent influence of the southern westerly winds marks
the transition to central Chile (28°–42°S, Figure 1). Over
this region, the progressive southward increase in the
frequency and intensity of winter precipitation leads to
a gradual change from semi-arid to mild-humid temper-
ate conditions (Aceituno, 1988). Therefore, the structure
and composition of ecosystems varies significantly across
this north-south moisture gradient, encompassing xero-
phytic-thorny shrubland in the northernmost portion,
sclerophyllous woodlands at ∼32°–35°S and winter-decid-
uous forests and evergreen forest by the south (Armesto
et al., 2007; Veblen, 2007). All of these ecosystems form
the “Chilean winter rainfall-Valdivian forests” biodiversity
hotspot, which harbors a richly endemic flora and fauna
(Arroyo et al., 2004). Population is densely concentrated
around rivers and lakes that dissect the Longitudinal
Valley –a narrow plain between the Andes and the Coastal
range- (Figure 1). Important cities have expanded in the
coastal zone thriving on service economy and industrial
fisheries that have dramatically reduced stocks of the
Chilean Jack-Mackerel among other pelagic taxa. Large-
scale metallic mining operations (i.e. El Teniente copper
mine) have been established particularly in the northern
area of central Chile (32°–35°S). Because of fertile fluvio-
glacial and volcanic soils together with abundant water
supplies derived from Andean snow reserves and winter
rainfalls (Huygens et al., 2011; Muñoz et al., 2007), the
Longitudinal Valley of Central Chile has become the
heart of agricultural, forestry and livestock production for
national and international markets. Indeed, this region is
particularly known for the production of world-renowned
wines as well as introduced crops (i.e. berries, cherries,
plums, kiwis, olives, apples, walnuts). These activities cou-
pled to fast urban expansion, industrial development and
Art. 15, page 4 of 31 Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile

72ºW 66ºW

_
_
Pe
ru Northern region
_ 18ºS
Arica. 1
.
Central Chile
Southern region
Major cities
Capital

Bo
.. A
.
Major perennial rivers

liv
Iquique
--------- Major lakes

ia
PdT Endorheic basins

Tocopilla. . 2
.

. .
Chuquicamata
SdA

_ 24ºS Antofagasta
Taltal
. . SdPN

.------B
--
Copiapo---

Huasco . 3

_ 30ºS La Serena . 4
5

..
7
West East
Pacific Ocean

Sn Felipe 5 Altiplano
Profile A
Elevation (km asl)

8
Valparaiso Santiago 4
---------9 The Andes
C Argentina 3

.
10
Longitudinal
Talca 2 Valley
Coastal

..
11
_ 36ºS 12 1
Range

Chillán
Concepcion

.
Temuco
13
14
6
5
Profile B The Andes

.
Elevation (km asl)

Valdivia
4
.
15
16

..
Osorno D
--------- 3
s
ey

17
ll

2 Coastal
Va

Pto. Montt
Coastal
se

Ancud
er

1 Plains Range
_42ºS
v
nsa
Tr

5
Profile C
Elevation (km asl)

4
The Andes
3

2 Coastal
Range Longitudinal
Coastal Valley
1 Plains

_48ºS 1 The Andes

ProfileDB
Profile
Elevation (km asl)

1.5

1 Llanquihue
Coastal Range lake

.
0.5 Longitudinal
Valley

_ 54ºS 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 200

0 200 400 Km Distance from the Pacific coast

Figure 1: Map showing the extent of the main bioclimatic regions of Chile. To the right, topographic cross-sections
along different West-East transects (dark dashed lines) labeled from A to D on the map. The main geomorphological
units are provided in these profiles. Yellow points denote main cities and white numbers indicate hydrological units:
1- Camarones river, 2- Loa, 3- Copiapo, 4- Huasco, 5- Elqui, 6- Limarí, 7- Choapa, 8-Aconcagua, 9- Maipo, 10- Cachapoal,
11- Maule, 12- Itata, 13- Bio-Bio, 14- Imperial, 15- Valdivia, 16- Bueno, 17- Llanquihue Lake. Endorheic basins from
northern Chile region are abbreviated as PdT: Pampa del Tamarugal, SdA: Salar de Atacama, SdPN: Salar de Punta
Negra. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/elementa.353.f1
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile
recurrent anthropogenic fires have seriously degraded
water quality and storage, marine/terrestrial biodiversity,
soils, biogeochemical cycles and air quality (Barra et al.,
2005; Barraza et al., 2017; Casanova et al., 2013; Donoso
et al., 1999; Gallardo et al., 2018; Lara et al., 2009; Molina
et al., 2017; Schulz et al., 2010).
3 Data and Methods
To reconstruct the long-term interaction between pre-
Columbian societal behavior and environmental altera-
tions, we delineated two case studies from northern and
central Chile regions. Each case describes dynamics at
meso and micro spatial scales, but, when taken together,
they define trends at a macro-regional scale –i.e. equiv-
alent to a “national” trajectory in what is nowadays the
Chilean territory.
We surveyed published paleoenvironmental records
spanning the last 3000 years for both micro-regions.
Additional data from adjacent territories (i.e. Peru, Bolivia,
Patagonia, Antarctica) were also considered to enrich the
discussion. Imprints of humanized landscapes in such
archives have been critically assessed to make sure that
they reflect disturbances/anomalies in any environmental
variable that cannot be explained by natural factors, and
which were explicitly differentiated from intrinsic varia-
tions in the Earth system by the original author. Hence,
we provide a synoptic overview of human-driven impacts
on regional ecological patterns by indistinctly considering
and combining information derived from available pol-
len, diatom, macrofossil, charcoal and/or tree-ring records
(Table S1, Supplemental Material 1). Also, geochemi-
cal data from lacustrine, ice and/or peat-bog cores were
examined to identify imprints on biophysical processes
(e.g. pollution, erosion, deforestation).
Archaeometric data and other archeological evidence
for pre-Columbian resource exploitation, settlement pat-
terns and technological production/innovations were
considered to grasp the engineering capacity and direction
of human-induced changes in ecological and biophysical
patterns (Table S1). Because demography is strongly linked
to socio-cultural complexity (Henrich, 2004; Powell et al.,
2009; Turchin et al., 2018) and energy consumption/
production (Freeman et al., 2018a, 2018b), representing
therefore one of the most important factors behind the
impacts of human activities on the landscape (Ellis et al.,
2013; Malm and Hornborg, 2014), we reconstructed pale-
odemographic history at micro-regional scales over the
last three millennia. Particularly, we estimated summed
probability distributions (SPDs) of radiocarbon and ther-
moluminescence dates from published archaeological
sites from the northern (Gayo et al., 2015; Troncoso and
Pavlovic, 2013) and central (Campbell and Quiroz, 2015;
Falabella et al., 2015, 2007; Sanchez, 2001, Sanhueza et
al., 2006, 2003; Troncoso and Pavlovic, 2013) regions
(see Text S1 in Supplemental Material 1, Datasets 1–2 in
Supplemental Data 1). This method uses “dates as data”
and assumes that changes in the accumulation of chrono-
logical determinations on archaeological remains reflect
variations in the intensity of human activities through
time as a proxy of population levels (Chaput and Gajewski,
Art. 15, page 5 of 31
2016; Rick, 1987). This approach has gained acceptance
over other estimates of past demographic change, because
it yields a proxy that is unaffected by subsistence strate-
gies, technologies, record of specific cultural artifacts (i.e.
lithic versus ceramic) and/or bioarchaeological remains.
Further details of this method are presented in the Text
S1, Supplemental Material 1.
The impact of past anthropogenic changes in the
structure of Chilean environments was evaluated statis-
tically by implementing the Rodionov (2004) method
for detecting regime shifts in long-term data (Text S2 in
Supplemental Material 1, Supplemental Data 1). For the
purpose of this paper, regime shifts are substantial and
persistent changes caused by human activities in the mean
state (e.g. trend) of any biophysical variable (Scheffer et
al., 2001). Thus, our regime shift detection analyses were
restricted to time-series derived from qualitative and tem-
porally-continuous proxy records that capture long-term
environmental modifications unequivocally caused by
anthropogenic activities. Few geohistorical records meet
these conditions. Such limitation implies that the regime
shifts reconstructed here represent a fraction of potential
human-induced changes in the dynamics of regional eco-
systems, and, in turn, these should be taken at face value
for available data at the moment.
In the case of northern Chile, we explored regime shifts
in air quality brought about by metallurgical activities
(Text S2). Specifically, we examined long-term variations
in the emissions of heavy metals in a time-series that con-
catenates crustal-normalized and background flux-ratios
of different metalloids accumulated in paleopollution
proxy records over the past 3150 cal yrs BP (Table S4 in
Supplemental Material 1, Dataset 3). Because wildfires
caused by natural agents are unusual in central Chile
(Aravena et al., 2003; Gonzalez et al., 2011), selected micro-
charcoal and tree-ring records (Table S4) allow to examine
the magnitude of human-induced changes in the regional
fire activity (Dataset 4). We also evaluated variations in the
emissions of black carbon (i.e. spheroidal carbonaceous
particles) from industrial activities in the Santiago basin
(33°S) throughout the period 1852 AD–2002 AD (Dataset
5). Spearman’s correlation coefficients were calculated
to evaluate the relationship between a given change in
the mean state of metalloids pollution/fire-regime and
reconstructed demographic levels (Text S2, Supplemental
Material 1).
4 The deep time human-environment
interaction on regional scale
4.1 Northern Chile
Since ∼3500 cal yrs BP population growth accelerated to
pre-Columbian unprecedented levels (Gayo et al., 2015;
Williams et al., 2008). Still, our paleodemographic recon-
struction reveals significant fluctuations in population lev-
els at centennial or millennial scale (Figure 2a). Around
3000 cal yrs BP, northern Chilean populations began to
expand, rising slowly but steadily up to 1700 cal yrs BP
(Figure 2a). This first paleodemographic phase occurred
during a period in which increased moisture availability
was interrupted by a centennial-scale dry pulse at ∼1950–
Art. 15, page 6 of 31
1700 cal yrs BP (Latorre et al., 2006; Pueyo et al., 2011;
Sáez et al., 2016). Trends in SPDs between 1700 and 600
cal yrs BP delineate a second population event. The inten-
sity of human activities increased gradually between 1700
and 1300 cal yrs BP, but an abrupt short-lived decline is
apparent at 1300–1100 cal yrs BP (Figure 2a). By 1050
cal yrs BP populations recovered rapidly, peaking between
800 and 600 cal yrs BP, corresponding to the widespread
positive hydroclimate anomaly detected throughout
the Medieval Climate Anomaly (MCA) (Gayo et al., 2012;
Latorre et al., 2006, 2002; Maldonado et al., 2005; Morales
et al., 2012; Mujica et al., 2014; Sáez et al., 2016). A third
population event is defined by the dramatic decrease in
demographic levels since 600 cal yrs BP, which is coeval
to the onset of drier conditions during the so-called Lit-
tle Ice Age (LIA) (Kuentz, 2012; Latorre et al., 2003). Brief
wetter interludes are evident during this phase (Christie et
al., 2009; Kuentz, 2012; Morales et al., 2012; Mujica et al.,
2014), but this population contraction did not reverse, and
extended beyond the European incursion into northern
Chile by 1533 AD (de Vivar, 1979). We suspect, however,
that this decreasing trend is partially related to research
biases in the accumulation of chronometric data (see Text
S1, Supplemental Material 1).
Historical demographic data (not shown in Figure 2)
indicate that the population decline reversed by the 17th
century. Actually, northern Chile populations experienced
positive growth rates by 1650 AD. Even so, rural native
populations steadily decreased since 1850 AD mainly
because of the long-term drying trend in the highlands
and the socio-economic pressures imposed by the nitrate
industry (Lima et al., 2016). As the saltpeter market col-
lapsed by 1940 AD, regional demographic levels markedly
fell. However, regional population growth accelerated
after the second-half of the 20th century (Table S5, CELADE,
2005; McCaa, 1972).
Neolithisation spread over northern Chile shortly after
positive but variable hydrological conditions persisted
from ∼3500 cal yrs BP (Núñez et al., 2010; Núñez and
Santoro, 2011; Sinclaire, 2004). Coastal populations from
Northern Chile remained practically immune to this pro-
cess, maintaining a marine foraging subsistence since the
late Pleistocene up to the Spaniard colonization at ~1533
AD (Andrade et al., 2014; Pestle et al., 2015; Roberts et
al., 2013; Santoro et al., 2015, 2017b). The one excep-
tion is the case of populations from the fertile coast of
northernmost Chile (18°S–19°S) that complemented
fishing, hunter-gathering activities with small-scale agri-
culture developed at the mouth of perennial rivers that
discharge into the Pacific Ocean (Diaz-Zorita et al., 2016;
Núñez and Santoro, 2011). Overall, maritime communi-
ties from the northern Chile concentrated around palus-
trine areas and/or sheltered bays, and discrete settlement
complexes with architecture were founded onto marine
terraces or coastal plains since 1950 cal yrs BP (Urbina
et al., 2011) (Figure 2b). Targeted intertidal and subtidal
resources such as gastropods (Concholepas concholepas),
mollusks (Mytellidae), echinoderms (Loxechinus albus),
fish (Genypterus sp, Trachurus symmetricus.) and marine
mammals (Otaria flavencens, Arctocephalus australis)
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile
were intensively exploited using a diverse array of tool-
kits and strategies that were continuously improved over
time (Flores et al., 2016; Olguín et al., 2015; Santoro et al.,
2017b). Prolonged and intense foraging of particular spe-
cies -i.e. keystone species such as C. concholepas- might
have affected the long-term structure of shore ecosystems
(Rivadeneira et al., 2010; Santoro et al., 2017b). The recur-
rent and continuous disposal of marine fauna remains
over the last 9000 cal yrs BP have resulted in the accumu-
lation of conspicuous archeological shell-middens along
1300 km of the northern Chile coastline. Extending over
several hectares and rising up to more than four meters
high (Santoro et al., 2005), these artificial landforms trans-
formed the coastal geomorphology through the creation
of new flat alkaline and nutrient-rich sedimentary fills
(i.e. anthropogenic soils) along the rugged and poorly
developed coastline (see profile A in Figure 1). Actually,
these anthropogenic surfaces have provided substrates
for successive littoral settlements even in the present-day
(Santoro et al., 2005; Urbina et al., 2011).
Gathering, farming, pastoralism and technological
innovations became important strategies that sustained
the demographic expansion of inland populations
since the first population event (3500–1700 cal yrs BP,
Figure 2a–c). This is particularly the case for popula-
tions from the northernmost sectors (20°–24°S) that set-
tled with domestic architecture along more productive
environments such as wetlands, ravines or high Andean
peat bogs since 3500 cal yrs (Figure 2b, Adán and Urbina,
2007; Adan et al., 2013; Agüero, 2005; Agüero and Uribe,
2011; Urbina et al., 2012). Aside from high-elevation incip-
ient agropastoral settlements (>2300 masl), population
aggregations also occurred in the hyperarid Longitudinal
Valley where amplified hydrological budgets created
fertile oases throughout an area now unpopulated and
perceived as hostile for human life due to the scarcity of
local resources (Figure 2b). Actually, some agrarian settle-
ments were founded 3500 cal yrs BP in former wetlands/
ravines that flourished along the Pampa del Tamarugal
basin (20°–22°S) (Figure 2b, Adan et al., 2013; Gayo et al.,
2012; Urbina et al., 2012).
Pottery and metallurgy were common in most of these
settlements leaving prominent traces in the environment
(Núñez et al., 2010; Núñez and Santoro, 2011; Troncoso
et al., 2016; Uribe and Vidal, 2012). Ceramic production
started from 3200 cal yrs BP onwards (Figure 2c), and
vast areas of northern Chile are still nowadays covered
by abundant pre-Columbian pottery fragments (Uribe,
2006b; Uribe, 2009; Uribe and Ayala, 2004). In practice,
this industry propelled a novel non-degradable mate-
rial that throughout chemical interchange with organic
domestic waste (i.e. CaCO3, fatty acids, proteins) is capa-
ble of producing anthropogenic soils in domestic arche-
ological sites from the Atacama Desert (Muñoz, 2004).
Meanwhile, there are considerable records of metallurgic
slags, copper artifacts, extraction tools and ore fragments
in archeological sites dated after 3125 cal yrs BP (Figueroa
et al., 2015; Nuñez et al., 2017). This implies that metal-
working has been a significant human activity in north-
ern Chile that began shortly after the Neolithisation.
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile
Although archeological evidence and impacts for smelt-
ing-based metallurgy prior to 3300 cal yrs BP in the Andes
are debated (see Eichler et al., 2017), a peat-bog record
from Patagonia (53°S) suggests increased copper emis-
sions from early metalworking in this region could have
been sporadically transmitted into southern Chile dur-
ing southward winds anomalies around ~3500 cal yrs BP
(Figure 2e, De Vleeschouwer et al., 2014).
From 2400 cal yrs BP, the first paleodemographic phase
event is characterized by a trend toward increased com-
plexity either in inland settlement patterns or produc-
tion system (Figure 2b–c). Sedentary settlements with
architecture increased in number, extension and com-
plexity. This applies especially to Pampa del Tamarugal
agricultural villages and some high Andean agropasto-
ral settlements (i.e Tulor, Tulan), in which architecture
involved delimitation of public, habitational and cultiva-
tion areas. Architecture became more sophisticated as
stones, massive trunks, adobe and perishable vegetable
materials were widely used to build residential and public
structures (Adán and Urbina, 2007; Núñez et al., 2010;
Núñez and Santoro, 2011; Uribe, 2006a). Such demand
for wood as a construction material and fuel, probably
exerted an important pressure on the few native woody
species available across this region (i.e. Prosopis tama-
rugo, Polylepis spp, Escallonia angustifolia, Schinus molle,
Myrica pavonis).
Exploitation of wild camelids and small-scale husbandry
of domestic breeds (llamas and alpacas) thrived in the
highlands (>3000 masl) after 2400 cal yrs BP (Figure 2c,
Núñez and Grosjean, 2003; Núñez et al., 2010; Núñez and
Santoro, 2011). The Laguna Seca peat-bog record (18°S,
4000 masl) indicates that such grazing activities resulted
in a marked change in the long-term structure of peat-
bogs as non-palatable species increased (i.e. Poaceae) to
the detriment of foraging herbaceous taxa (Baied and
Wheeler, 1993). At the same time, several Andean and
Mesoamerican crops were introduced into riparian/wet-
land ecosystems including maize, Chenopodium quinoa,
Cucurbita ssp, Lagenaria sp, Oxalis tuberosa, Canna edu-
lis, Capsicum spp, Phaseolus spp, Solanum spp, Manihot
spp, Amaranthus spp, Ipomoea spp, among others (García
et al., 2014; Núñez and Grosjean, 2003; Vidal-Elgueta et
al., 2019). The exploitation of wild plants, however, did
not cease, and the use of byproducts from native spe-
cies intensified systematically (Núñez and Santoro, 2011).
Exotic crops were cultivated in fields established on exten-
sively worked natural silty-flat terrains that were cleaned
up from clasts and artificially irrigated by complex irriga-
tion networks (Santoro et al., 1998). For these purposes,
deliberated interventions of river courses and spring
outcroppings became a recurrent practice involving the
construction of superficial irrigation channels and dams
(Núñez and Santoro, 2011). In the Pampa del Tamarugal,
this “Green Revolution”, which resembles the “Arab agri-
cultural revolution” defined by Watson (1974), implied
turning the hyperarid landscape into a productive arable
environment (Gayo et al., 2012; Rivera and Dodd, 2013).
Conservative estimates on the extension of irrigated crop
fields associated to Pircas-Caserones, and Guatacondo and
Art. 15, page 7 of 31
Ramaditas villages indicate these involved an area at least
of 580 ha (Vidal et al., 2012).
Certainly, cultivation systems that prospered over much
of northern Chile since 2400 cal yrs BP, attest to an unprec-
edented land-use change over vast desert areas covered by
hyper-saline and organic-poor soils. Crop production in
nutrient-deficient substrates was achieved by mesquite
tree agroforestry (Figure 2c) along furrowed cultivation
fields either to fertilize via nitrogen-fixation, facilitate
soil moisture or prevent salinity, erosion and evaporation
(Beresford-Jones et al., 2009; McRostie, 2014). A well-
documented case for human management of alien tree
species shows that agroforestry practices were accompa-
nied by the intended introduction of Prosopis-Algarrobia
species at least by 2000 cal yrs BP (Figure 2c) from the
eastern subtropical South America (McRostie et al., 2017).
Due to their invasive character and multi-purpose eco-
nomic value, these exotic trees (P. alba, P. flexuosa) rapidly
dispersed and naturalized during pre-Columbian times,
becoming an important element in a diverse array of mod-
ern ecosystems from northern Chile (Martínez, 1998).
Smelting furnaces preserved in the Ramaditas village
(21°S), indicate that sophisticated technology for native
copper processing was started to be developed over the
low-elevation Atacama Desert at ∼2000 cal yrs BP. Here,
copper-alloy production was achieved by combusting
charcoal at temperatures above 1100°C within ancestral
wind-sourced furnaces (Graffam et al., 1996). A prolonged
rise in copper pollutants recorded in the Illimani ice-core
(16°S, Eichler et al., 2017) and the Patagonia peat-bog
record (53°S, De Vleeschouwer et al., 2014), suggest that
metalworking in this region actively contributed to the
anthropogenic air pollution detected in South America
at 2650–1750 cal yrs BP (Figure 2d–e). Heavy metal pol-
lution levels remained low and relatively stable (Mean
= 0.03 ± 0.02) throughout much of the first popula-
tion event. However, slightly higher values are recorded
at 2425–2675 cal yrs BP and 2025–2075 cal yrs BP
(Figure 3a). Even so, we verify that pollution levels during
Pre-Columbian times (425–3500 cal yrs BP) correlate posi-
tively, but moderately, with population levels (Figure 3b,
Spearman’s rho = 0.55, p < 0.05).
During the second population event (1700–600 cal yrs
BP, Figure 2a) there was a staggering increase in food
demand imposed by the escalating growth in demo-
graphic levels concentrated along even more complex
settlements engaged in intensive agricultural produc-
tion (Figure 2a–c, Castro et al., 2016; Muñoz et al., 2016;
Núñez et al., 2010). Overall, wetland/riparian ecosystems
continued to be converted into farmlands. Agricultural
terracing began to be widely practiced in non-arable
steeper areas of the highlands (Núñez et al., 2010; Santoro
et al., 2004). These earthworks implied skillful landscape
engineering including soil clearing and deepening, slope
infilling, built up stoned-contention walls, manipulation
of fertile sediments, and control of natural fresh-water
resources by developing sophisticated hydraulic sys-
tems such as stoned-distribution and transfer channels
(Santoro et al., 1998, 2004; Uribe, 2006a). Nevertheless,
at the interval 1300–1100 cal yrs BP irrigated-agriculture
Art. 15, page 8 of 31 Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile

II LIA III MCA

1.0 a

SPD (x103)
Population Event 3 Population Event 2 Population Event 1

........................
........................
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2

Ghatchi
Ramaditas b
Tulan 54
Tarapaca
Chiu Chiu 200
Caserones M
Pircas Ma
Guatacondo
No scale
Tulor
Tasma
Calar
Punta Blanca
Caleta Huelen Alto
Turi
Pisagua N Coastal settlements
Los Verdes
Quebrada Ancha Pampa del Tamarugal settlements
Punta Chomache In High-Andean settlements
La Capilla
Topain
Paniri
PdP
c
High European crops / ruminants /Imported irrigation techonology
Hg-amalgamation

.
Regional agriculture Intensity

Natural fertilizers
Inca expansion
New biotic introductions
Vial networks
Pb-cupellation
HgS refening Terrace cultivation

.
Hydraulic societies
Huyaras & Medium-scale camelids husbradry
Perpendicular

.
Ternary bronze and silver metallurgy

. .
smelting furnaces

Agroforestry Small-scale camelids husbradry

. .
Algarrobo introduction Andean and Mesoamerican crops
Smelting furnaces Irrigated agriculture
Pottery

. .
Metal-working
Anthropogenic
soils

Low
4 d
Illimani ice-core
3
EF Cu

2 EF Cu background levels < 1

1

18
e
16 Karukinka peat-bog
Cu/La ratios

14
12
10
8
6
4 Cu / La ratio background levels < 2.5
2

35
300 f
Cu excess

25 [Pb] Laguna Lobato 250

200
[Pb] ppm
15

150
5
Anthropogenic Cu Laguna Pirhuacocha
100
[Pb] background levels 20-90 mg/m2/yr 50
20
0
Hg acummulation rate

700 g
15
600
(ug/m2/yr)

10 Hg flux Chungara lake 500

[Ag] ppb

400
5
300
Hg background levels
1.9 ug/m2/yr
0 200
[Ag] Laguna Lobato
100
[Ag]
g background
g levels <50 ug/m
g 2/yr
0

0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500

Cal yr BP
1950 1450 950 450 50
Year AD

Figure 2: Timeline of the socio-environmental dynamics of the Northern Chile region. a) Reconstructed palae-
odemography trends from summed probability densities (SPD) of archeological dates. Vertical dashed lines separate
population events detected during the past 3500 cal yrs BP. At the top major wet (light blue) and dry (orange) hydro-
climate phases are provided. MCA: Medieval Climate Anomaly, LIA: Little Ice Age. b) Chronology for major human
settlements with architecture located along the coast (blue bars), the hyperarid Pampa del Tamarugal basin (dark
bars) and Andean highlands (grey bars) between 20°S and 24°S. Dashed lines connect two separated occupation
events for a given complex. M: La Morula, Ma: Marilyn Mason, I: Incahuasi Aldea, PdP: Pabellón de Pica. c) Qualitative
scheme for the regional agricultural intensification over time, showing main milestones for cultural and environ-
mental transformations. d) 50-yr enrichment factors for copper from the Illimani ice-core (Eichler et al., 2017). e)
Crustal-normalized copper/lanthanum ratios in the Karukinka peat-bog record from Patagonia (De Vleeschouwer
et al., 2014). f) Anthropogenic copper (µg/g, blue dots) in the Laguna Pirhuacocha (11°S) (Cooke et al., 2007) and
lead concentrations (yellow dots) from Laguna Lobato (20°S) (Cooke et al., 2011). g) Silver concentrations (grey dots)
and mercury fluxes (green dots) from Lobato (Cooke et al., 2011) and Chungara (Guedron et al., 2019) lacustrine
records. Reconstructed background levels for each metal are indicated by horizontal grey-shaded lines. DOI: https://
doi.org/10.1525/elementa.353.f2
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile
ceased briefly in the low-elevation areas, and these popu-
lations migrated to higher-elevations (>2400 masl) to
establish new permanent settlements (Castro et al., 2016;
Santoro et al., 2017a; Zori and Brant, 2012). This hyperarid
landscape, however, was transformed even more intensely
as positive hydrological budgets returned again between
1050 and 680 cal yrs BP (Figure 2a). Indeed, the agricul-
tural land area over the Pampa del Tamarugal expanded
by implementing terraced and flat maize crops, several
kilometers of perched and stone-lined irrigation canals
were developed over the surface, Prosopis trees agrofor-
estry peaked and new exotic species were introduced
(Garcia and Uribe, 2012; Gayo et al., 2012; McRostie et
al., 2017). Morphological and genetic evidences indicate
that the crop yield of maize was increased through arti-
ficial selection of regional varieties to produce large cobs
and kernels (Vidal-Elgueta et al., 2019). Nitrogen isotope
ratios from local human remains suggest that this process
was apparently accompanied by the formation of anthro-
pogenic soils through incipient sediment fertilization
with camelid manure and/or seabird guano (Figure 2c,
Santana-Sagredo et al., 2015).
The production system during the second population
event was further enhanced by medium-scale herding of
domesticated camelids at elevations above 2400 masl,
which sustained the traffic of surplus production and
other precious goods (e.g. copper and silver ores) across
long-distance trans-Andean routes (Núñez et al., 2010).
A peak in the concentration of charcoal particles in the
Cosapilla peat-bog record (17°47'S, 4380 masl) by 1500 cal
yrs BP, suggests that camelid livestock production in the
highlands likely involved the management of grazing pas-
ture by setting localized burnings of the herbaceous cover
(Domic et al., 2018). However, the long-term reduction
in charcoal accumulation from 1400 cal yrs BP onwards
indicates that such practice was rapidly abandoned and
replaced by the artificial irrigation of peatlands (Domic et
al., 2018).
Starting at 1500 cal yrs BP, the intensity of metallurgic
activities experienced a progressive increase and improve-
ment (Figueroa et al., 2015) (Figure 2c). Metallurgy
mainly focused on copper and tin-bronze, yet silver and a
rare ternary bronze (Cu-As-Ni) started to be produced by
1300 cal yrs BP (Figueroa et al., 2015; Maldonado et al.,
2013). Complex wind-driven “huayras” or smelting “per-
pendicular” furnaces were adopted since 700 cal yrs BP
(Figueroa et al., 2018; Zori, 2018). Charcoal records from
the Sajama ice-core and the Cosapilla peat-bog indicate a
concurrent rise in charcoal accumulation since 1180 cal
yrs BP, resulting most likely from the intensive combus-
tion of wood-charcoal during the ore smelting process
(Domic et al., 2018; Reese et al., 2013).
Widespread mining industries in inland and coastal
areas of northernmost Chile during the interval 1500–
700 cal yrs BP led to increased metalloid emissions
recorded even in far Patagonian records (Figure 2e; De
Vleeschouwer et al., 2014). A moderate increase in the
mean pollution index since 1375 cal yrs BP (Mean = 0.11
± 0.04, Figure 3a) defines a significant regime shift (RSI
= –0.28, p-value < 0.05) in atmospheric pollution. In fact,
Art. 15, page 9 of 31
most existing paleopollution records concur in indicat-
ing that natural background metal concentrations no
longer returned since this period but fluctuated around
these anthropogenic levels (Figure 2d–g). Central Andean
lacustrine records (11°–19°30'°S) show peaks in copper-
excess as well as in [Pb], [Ag] and Hg fluxes from ~900
to 700 cal yrs BP (Figure 2f–g) as silver smelting thrived
regionally (Abbott and Wolfe, 2003; Cooke et al., 2008,
2007, 2011; Guedron et al., 2019). The metal record from
the Illimani cap ice-core displays increased enrichment
factors for lead and copper at the interval 1500–1000
cal yrs BP (Figure 2d, Eichler et al., 2017, 2015), whereas
modest increases in EFs of Cu and Ag are detected in the
Quelccaya ice-core 1150–500 cal yrs BP (Uglietti et al.,
2015).
The third population event coincides with a pluvial
multidecadal period (Morales et al., 2012) and corresponds
to intensified resource production through the Inca
Andean territorial expansion (1450–1520 AD) followed
by the Spanish colonization (1533 AD), and postcolonial
industrial growth (Figure 2c). Aside from reorganizing
the socio-political structure, the Inca regime intensified
the irrigated-agriculture over the region to produce crop
surplus either for paying tribute to the empire or for pro-
visioning armies and workforces involved in mining and
construction industries (Núñez et al., 2010; Salazar et al.,
2013; Santoro et al., 2010; Troncoso et al., 2016; Uribe and
Sanchez, 2016; Vidal-Elgueta et al., 2019; Zori et al., 2017).
Since 1450 AD, peoples from the low-elevation Atacama
Desert engaged in selecting highly productive maize vari-
eties (e.g. with large kernel sizes), which represent the
nearest predecessors of traditional landraces currently
cropped in the Atacama areas (Vidal-Elgueta et al., 2019).
This production system also supplied prized domestic
camelids used in the Inca Road, which represents the first
pan-South American vial network (~23000 km of roads,
bridges, waystations) that connected different subconti-
nental ecoregions including the Pacific coast, Altiplano,
Atacama Desert, central Chile and the upper Amazon
basin (Berenguer et al., 2007). Actually, such social-eco-
nomic trade network was maintained through large-scale
camelid herding in the highlands, as shown by the sharp
increase in the accumulation of organic matter (i.e. ani-
mal excretions) in Cosapilla sediments dated at ∼1400 AD
(Domic et al., 2018).
By 1533 AD, the Spanish colonization introduced
several Old World crops such as alfalfa, wheat, orchard
fruits, olives and grape varieties (Figure 2c, Marquet et
al., 1998). Hydraulic innovations (e.g. underground irriga-
tion systems, watermills) were also imported to increase
crop yields nearly fivefold (Núñez et al., 2010). Similarly,
domestic ruminants (cattle, goat, horses, donkeys, mules)
were spread and started to substitute native grazing her-
bivores (i.e. camelids) in certain activities (Marquet et al.,
1998). Data from Cosapilla records do not evidence inten-
sification in the land-use of peat-bogs during Colonial
times, but a partial change in the composition. This pollen
record shows that exotic taxa (Trifolium spp) successfully
established in the peatland since 1550 AD, apparently
facilitated by the passive dispersion and overgrazing
Art. 15, page 10 of 31
pressures exerted either by native or by introduced live-
stock (Domic et al., 2018).
Metallurgy boosted over the last 600 cal yrs BP, spurred
by the growing interest in exploiting regional silver, cop-
per and gold reserves as well as other non-metallic ores.
The Inca empire improved silver production through lead
cupellation, and by incorporating sophisticated furnaces
to process Cu and Au alloys (Cantarutti, 2013; Figueroa
et al., 2015; Salazar et al., 2013; Zori et al., 2013; Zori and
Tropper, 2010). Extraction and refining of highly toxic cin-
nabar ores (HgS) was apparently carried out in the region
under the Inca rule (Arriaza et al., 2018). Commercial
mining developed rapidly after the Spanish conquest by
adopting Andean wind-sourced furnaces; both Hg and
Pb amalgamations were routinely used to recover silver
since 1600 AD (Figure 2b). The impact of pre-industrial
mercury extraction is manifested in the bioarcheological
record, which evinces high Hg levels in colonial mum-
mies and increased incidence of pneumoconiosis in male
bodies (Munizaga et al., 1975). During the Colonial times
(1525 AD–1818 AD), ore extraction and processing were
optimized by the introduction of explosives, large-scale
mechanical equipment as well as advanced furnaces fed
by bellows (Gavira-Marquez, 2005; Núñez et al., 2010).
Industrialization of mining activities, however, did not
occur until 1880 AD, when sodium nitrate beds (saltpeter)
started to be exploited with heavy industrial machinery
imported from Great Britain. Entering the 20th century,
the saltpeter boom declined and industrialized mining
started to focus mainly on Cu-production in mine com-
plexes operated since pre-Columbian times (Núñez, 2012).
600-yr of mining activities exacerbated the degrada-
tion of regional ecosystems. The long-term demand for
biomass fuel endangered endemic plants with high com-
bustion properties such as the cushion-resinous Azorella
compacta and several woody species (e.g. P. tamarugo,
Polylepis tarapacana) (Briones, 1985; Núñez and Grosjean,
2003; Rundel and Palma, 2000). Although A. compacta
and P. tarapacana have experienced some recovery dur-
ing the last decades (Rundel and Palma, 2000), natural
forest of P. tamarugo were almost eradicated (Núñez and
Grosjean, 2003). Moreover, natural and forested Tamarugo
populations from Pampa del Tamarugal basin are still
threatened by the sustained decline in phreatic levels
imposed by intensive groundwater extraction (Chavez et
al., 2016; Decuyper et al., 2016). Mining operations, par-
ticularly the saltpeter industry, have left a legacy of pro-
found landscape modification along northernmost Chile
with several ghost towns, abandoned earthworks and
industrial machinery, massive tailings, and desiccation of
wetlands as well as extensive blasted/perforated surfaces
(Aldunate, 1985; Lorca, 2016).
Paleoepollution records indicate that the intensifi-
cation of metallurgy during the past 600 years led to a
progressive regional rise in the emission of heavy metals
since 1500 AD (Figure 2d–g) (Cooke et al., 2008, 2007;
De Vleeschouwer et al., 2014; Eichler et al., 2017, 2015;
Guedron et al., 2019; Hong et al., 2004; Schwanck et
al., 2016; Uglietti et al., 2015). By this period (1575 AD–
2005 AD) the correlation between paleodemographic
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile
and pollution levels increased considerably (Figure 3b;
Spearman’s rho = 0.67, p < 0.05) compared to Pre-Inca
times. Our sequential T-test analysis for regime shifts
reveals two long-term interludes of increased metalloid-
pollution throughout the period encompassing from the
Inca expansion to the early 21st century (Figure 3a). After
1375 AD the atmospheric trace metals composition expe-
rienced an important transition (mean = 0.28 ± 0.05, RSI
= –1.1, p-value < 0.05), characterized by high and variable
paleopollution index values (Figure 3a). Meanwhile, the
rapid increase in the emissions of most heavy metals from
1925 AD onwards (Figure 2d–g; Cooke et al., 2008, 2007;
De Vleeschouwer et al., 2014; Eichler et al., 2017, 2015;
Guedron et al., 2019; Hong et al., 2004; Schwanck et al.,
2016; Uglietti et al., 2015) defines a major regime shift
in air quality (mean = 0.57 ± 0.06; RSI = –3.5, p-value <
0.05; Figure 3a). Records from Antarctica and the Central
Andes show that even though several industrial activities
in northern Chile were responsible for significant arsenic
and lead pollution during much of the 20th century, this
was rapidly reversed as environmental regulations were
implemented (Cooke et al., 2011; Eichler et al., 2015;
Schwanck et al., 2016).
4.2 Central Chile
There is general consensus that the onset of the modern
climate in Central Chile started about 3200 cal yrs BP (Fru-
gone-Alvarez et al., 2017; Jenny et al., 2002b; 2003; Villa-
Martínez et al., 2003; Villagrán and Varela, 1990). Under
this paleoclimatic scenario, regional pre-Columbian socie-
ties experienced significant changes in subsistence strate-
gies, social organization, technologies and occupation pat-
terns. Indeed, these populations underwent continuous
demographic growth with a progressive incorporation of
agriculture (Figure 4a). The obtained plot for SPD reveals
four distinctive paleodemographic events that display the
intensity of human activities over the region (Figure 4a).
The first event (3500–2400 cal yrs BP) is characterized
by low population levels. Despite discrepancies in the
paleoclimate conditions throughout this region, exist-
ing reconstructions concur that during this population
phase cold but highly variable humid conditions pre-
vailed (de Jong et al., 2013; Jenny et al., 2002b; Jenny et
al., 2003; Maldonado and Villagrán, 2002; Maldonado and
Villagrán, 2006; Martel-Cea et al., 2016; Villa-Martínez
et al., 2003). Since 2350 cal yrs BP human activities
increased steadily, reaching a stationary phase between
1600 and 1250 cal yrs BP (Figure 4a). This second popula-
tion event is concurrent with a period of augmented, but
highly variable storminess (Abarzúa et al., 2010; Jenny et
al., 2002a; Maldonado and Villagrán, 2002, 2006; Martel-
Cea et al., 2016; Villa-Martínez and Villagrán, 1997;
Villagrán and Varela, 1990). Population levels rose rapidly
during the third paleodemographic phase (1250–500 cal
yrs BP), peaking at 1000–500 cal yrs BP during the MCA
(Figure 4a), a period characterized by slightly drier and
warmer conditions (de Jong et al., 2013; Garreaud et
al., 2017; Jenny et al., 2002a; Maldonado and Villagrán,
2002; Torres et al., 2008; von Gunten et al., 2009b). Soon
after colder and wetter conditions returned over much
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile Art. 15, page 11 of 31

a
Historical times Pre-Columbian times
Republic Colonia Inca

0.7 Industrialization
Industrializ
zation Smelting furnaces Metallurgy onset

. . .
0.6
Pollution Index

0.5

0.4

0.3

0.2 III
I
0.1
II
0

0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500

Cal yr BP
1950 1450 950 450 50
Year AD

b Pre-Columbian times Historical times

0.3

0.6
Pollution Index

Pollution Index
0.2 0.5

0.4

0.1
0.3

Spearman's rho = 0.55

p-value = 1.3 E-05 0.2 Spearman's rho = 0.67
p-value = 0.013
0.0
0.25 0.50 0.75 1.0 0.0 0.25 0.50 0.75 1.0

Index for demographic levels

Figure 3: Paleopollution trajectory in northern Chile over the past 3125 cal yrs BP. a) Time-series for the paleo-
pollution index (cyan dots). The red line describes regime shifts in the mean paleopollution index detected according
to the sequential t-test algorithm proposed by Rodionov (2004) at a cutoff length of 150 years. I: significant regime
shift at 1375 cal yrs BP, RSI = –0.28, p-value < 0.05. II: regime shift at 1375 AD, RSI = –1.1, p-value < 0.05. III: regime
shift at 1925 AD, RSI = –3.5, p-value < 0.05. b) Correlation between paleopulltion index and demographic levels dur-
ing Pre-Columbian (425–3500 cal yrs BP) and historical (1575 AD–2005 AD) times. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/
elementa.353.f3

of central Chile during the LIA (Carrevedo et al., 2015;
Christie et al., 2011; Garreaud et al., 2017; Jenny et al.,
2002b; Le Quesne et al., 2009; Villa-Martínez et al., 2004;
von Gunten et al., 2009b) population levels decreased
during the fourth paleodemographic event (Figure 4a).
This population crash coincides with the expansion of the
Inca Empire up to 35°S since 500 cal yrs BP, and the sub-
sequent European colonization of the region by the mid-
16th century (Figure 4b, Uribe and Sanchez, 2016). Again,
we believe that such pattern in the intensity of human
activities arises in part from research biases in the accu-
mulation of chronometric data (see Text S1, Supplemental
Material 1). Ethnohistorical evidence relates either the
Inca or Spaniard occupation to high population densities
across the region (Bengoa, 2003; Stehberg and Sotomayor,
2012). Still, historical census data indicate a slow popula-
tion growth since the 1800s, with a subsequent accelera-
tion by 1940 AD (Table S5, CELADE, 2005; McCaa, 1972).
Hunter-gatherer groups prevailed over the territory
during the first population event (3500–2400 cal yrs
BP, Figure 4b), displaying diverse mobility patterns, but
with an apparent tendency towards semi-sedentary settle-
ments around highly productive and predictable environ-
ments (e.g. coast, lakes, rivers) (Adan et al., 2016; Cornejo
et al., 2016). Even though paleodemographic estimates
indicate low values during this phase (Figure 4a), there
are signs for emerging human-induced alterations in
regional ecosystems. Archeobotanical data retrieved from
the upper Maipo river basin (∼2400 masl, Figure 1) reveal
evidence for domesticated C. quinoa by 3500–3000 cal
yrs BP (Figure 4b, Planella et al., 2005, 2011; Planella
and Tagle, 2004). At 3400 cal yrs BP the first colonization
pulse into small offshore islands occurred (Figure 4b)
such as Isla Mocha at 38°S, which resulted in unintended
introduction of freshwater and terrestrial invertebrates
from the mainland as well as medium-size mammals such
as Myocastor coypus and Puda pudu (Campbell, 2015b;
Jackson et al., 2013; Quiroz and Sánchez, 2004). Over the
Longitudinal Valley, charcoal records from Laguna Tagua
Tagua and L. Aculeo (34°S) show increased fire activity
Art. 15, page 12 of 31 Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile

LIA MCA
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII a
1.2

............................

............................

............................
Population Event 4 Population Event 3 Population Event 2 Population Event 1
1.0
SPD (x103)

0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2

High European
introductions Biotic introductions from Polynesia b
Agriculture Intensity

Silver Raised-cultivation fields, regional varieties of maize, anthropogenic soils, Anthropogenic soils
tradition low-scale camelids herding & public architecture complexes Human fire regimen

... . .
Inca Colonization
Copper manufacture offshore islands

.. . . ..
Domesticated
Sedentarism

.
Mesoamerican & Quinoa
Pottery
Andean crops

Low Foraging & Hunter-gatherer subsistence strategy

Horticulture
7000
6000
(particles/cm2/yr)

Laguna Aculeo micro-charcoal record c

5000
Influx

4000
3000
2000
1000

d
14
Pollen percentage

12
10 Laguna Chepical % arboreal pollen

Influx (particles/cm2/yr)
8 300
6 250
4 200
2 150
0 100
50
Laguna Chepical micro-charcoal influx 0

0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500

Cal yr BP

1950 1450 950 450 50

Year AD

Figure 4: Timeline of the socio-environmental dynamics for the Central Chile region. a) Palaeodemographic
patterns over the last 3500 cal yrs BP based on summed probability densities (SPD) of archeological dates. Vertical
dashed lines separate population events. At the top, a regional paleoclimate synthesis is provided, showing wet/cold
(light blue) and dry/warm (orange) conditions. MCA: Medieval Climate Anomaly, LIA: Little Ice Age. b) Qualitative
scheme for regional changes in subsistence strategies through time depicting the main milestones for cultural and
environmental transformations. c) Micro-charcoal influx (particles/cm2/year) from the Laguna Aculeo record (Villa-
Martínez et al., 2003). d) Co-variation in arboreal pollen taxa (%) and micro-charcoal influx (particles/cm3) in the
Laguna Chepical record (Martel-Cea et al., 2016). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/elementa.353.f4

between 3200–2500 cal yrs BP (Figure 4c, Heusser, 1990; Comparisons of reconstructed demographic and paleo-
Villa-Martínez et al., 2003). The same pattern is verified at fire indexes reveal a weak (Spearman’s rho 0.18–0.26) and
the coast at 32°S, represented by an increment in charcoal non-significant correlation over the last 3500 cal yrs, even
at 3200 cal yrs BP that is coeval with the establishment when this relationship is tested independently during
of locally permanent human settlements (Maldonado and either Pre-Columbian or historical times (Figure 5c).
Villagrán, 2002). In the L. Aculeo record, the amplitude A marked spatial-temporal occupational discontinu-
of augmented charcoal accumulation rates is exception- ity of the coast between 37° and 39°S is documented at
ally high, comparable to the peaks detected in historic 3000–2250 cal yrs BP (Campbell and Quiroz, 2015). North
times (1630 AD–1950 AD, Figure 4c). An upward trend and south of this latitudinal range, the coast remained
in the influx of micro-charcoal particles recorded in Tagua occupied by hunter-gatherers that settled along marine
Tagua since 2900 cal yrs BP points to a major regime terraces, capes and littoral areas up to 3 km from the
shift (RSI = –0.53, p-value < 0.05) in fire activity over the shore. These groups exploited coastal woodlands for
Mediterranean region during the past 7000 years (Figure raw materials and fuelwood, estuarine/riparian plant
5a; Heusser, 1990). This implies that, by this time, the resources, camelids (Lama guanacoe) and mostly marine
transition from a natural to a human-driven fire regime resources such as mollusks (Mesodesma donacium, C.
occurred, which was characterized by distinct troughs concholepas, Fisurrella spp, Tegula atra, Chiton spp), sea
and peaks in burning incidence (Figures 4c–d, 5b). urchins (Loxechinus albus), fish and cirripede crustaceans
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile Art. 15, page 13 of 31

.
a
1E+6

(mm2/cm2/yr)
8E+5

6E+5
I
Chacoal influx

4E+5

2E+5

0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 7000

Cal yr BP

b Historical Pre-Columbian times

.
ic
ubl olonia ca
Rep C In
0.9
Industrialization

0.8

0.7

0.6
Paleofire Index

0.5 II

0.4

0.3

0.2

0.1

0
0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500
Cal yr BP
1950 1450 950 450 50
Year AD

c
0.5 Pre-Columbian times
0.8 Whole time-series
0.4

0.3

0.6
0.2
Paleofire Index
Paleofire Index

0.1 Spearman's rho = 0.18

p-value = 0.33

0.4 0.0 0.25 0.50 0.75 1.0

1.2
Historical times

0.9
0.2
0.6
Spearman's rho = 0.20
p-value = 0.24
0.3
Spearman's rho = 0.26
p-value = 0.62
0.0 0.25 0.50 0.75 1.0
0.25 0.50 0.75 1.0
Index for demographic levels Index for demographic levels

Figure 5: Paleofire trajectory in central Chile. a) Raw (open dots) and long-term mean (red line) in micro-charcoal
influx for the Tagua Tagua lacustrine record over the past 7000 cal yrs BP. I: regime shift in fire activity at 2920 cal
yrs BP, RSI = –0.53, p-value < 0.05 (cutoff window of 1000 years). b) Paleofire time-series for Mediterranean-central
Chile (grey dots). The red line describes regime shifts in the past fire activity detected by the Rodionov (2004) method
at cutoff length of 500 years. II: regime shift at 1450 AD, RSI = –0.18, p-value > 0.05. c) Correlation between the
paleofire index and regional demographic levels over the last 3500 cal yrs BP (whole time-series) as well as dur-
ing Pre-Columbian (425–3500 cal yrs BP) and historical (1575 AD–2005 AD) times. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/
elementa.353.f5
Art. 15, page 14 of 31
(Austromegabalanus psittacus) (Cornejo et al., 2016;
Jerardino et al., 1992; Méndez, 2002; Mendez and Jackson,
2004). The recurrent occupation of distinct littoral areas
to harvest intensively intertidal resources since 3500
cal yrs BP onwards transformed the coast physiography
through the removal and alignment of massive stones
to prepare fireplaces, but more importantly by the accu-
mulation of several cultural shell-middens (Mendez and
Jackson, 2004). Because such anthropogenic soils were
typically formed near or onto forested areas, the contact
with nutrient-rich marine debris probably altered the
geochemistry of vegetated soils by increasing calcium
carbonate, phosphorous and nitrogen inputs as reported
in other coastal areas of the world (see Erlandson, 2013).
Unfortunately, the potential impact of such anthropo-
genic soils has never been evaluated in the region.
Although the hunting-gathering strategy or mixed
foraging-production economies persisted for another
millennium (Figure 4b), agricultural activities increased
in importance since 2150 cal yrs BP (Falabella et al.,
2016; Roa et al., 2015). For instance, the first pottery
activities appeared almost synchronically by 2200 cal
yrs BP along the entire region (Figure 4b, Campbell and
Quiroz, 2015; Marsh, 2017). Mesoamerican and Andean-
American edible cultigens such as maize, Cucurbitaceae
(squash) and Phaseolus spp complemented the C. quinoa
horticulture production since 1750 cal yrs BP (Falabella
et al., 2016; Falabella et al., 2007; Tykot et al., 2009).
Paleoenvironmental records attest for agricultural land-
use changes over the region. Charcoal peaks, high phos-
phorous concentrations and traces of maize pollen-type
in the El Valle peat-bog record (38°S) point towards slash-
and-burn practices, soil erosion and crop production since
2000 cal yrs BP (Abarzúa et al., 2014). In Mocha Island,
farming activities resulted in the introduction of cultivated
species and increased frequency of fires that compromised
the long-term regeneration of the native Aextoxiconetum-
temperate forest (LeQuesne et al., 1999). Actually, the
Huairavos lacustrine record shows a prominent peak in
charcoal accumulation, marked decrease in arboreal spe-
cies and increased representation of Amaranthus pollen
types starting at ~1600 cal yrs BP (LeQuesne et al., 1999).
Far north (33°S), the concomitant increase in charcoal
influx and reduction in arboreal taxa detected in Laguna
Chepical suggests that woodlands from the Longitudinal
Valley were deliberately burned between 1750 and 1550
cal yrs BP (Figure 4d, Martel-Cea et al., 2016). At the coast,
malacological data from archeological shell-middens
(33°S) show signs of intense harvesting of rocky-intertidal
and shallow subtidal resources and overexploitation of C.
concholepas and Fisurella limbata. Indeed, mean sizes of
both mollusks decreased noticeably between 2500 and
1300 cal yrs BP due to long-term pervasive gathering
(Jerardino et al., 1992).
By the second demographic event there is an overall heav-
ier reliance on the production subsistence strategy, and
in turn increased landscape transformations (Figure 4b).
Since 1200 cal yrs BP, almost all of the population was sed-
entary, settling around wetlands and riverine systems to
sustain farming activities -mostly maize- throughout the
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile
coast and the Longitudinal Valley (Alfonso-Durruty et al.,
2017; Dillehay and Saavedra, 2003; Falabella et al., 2016).
Several archeological sites exhibit evidence for low-scale
copper manufacture (Campbell and Latorre, 2003; Mera
et al., 2015), but data on the extent of mining and metal-
working processes are scarce. These agrarian populations
maintained small-scale herding of camelids which were
maintained along cultivated areas, foddering on mostly
maize and other agricultural byproducts (Falabella et al.,
2008; López et al., 2015). Meanwhile, the introduction of
domesticated chickens from Polynesia around 600–510
cal yrs BP led to an incipient poultry farming of the native-
domestic Araucana breed in the southern portion of cen-
tral Chile (Figure 4b; Storey et al., 2013, 2007).
Starting at 860 cal yrs BP, southern-central varieties
of maize and C. quinoa were extensively cultivated onto
raised-canalized fields set along floodplain wetlands
(Abarzúa et al., 2014; Dillehay et al., 2007). These raised-
cultivation fields were associated with permanent villages
and prominent public architecture complexes, whose
accumulation led to layered anthropogenic soils consist-
ing of local and extra-local sediments, pottery, charcoal
and faunal remains (Dillehay et al., 2007; Dillehay and
Saavedra, 2003). In Mocha Island, such cultural landforms
appear since 960 cal yrs, and were formed through delib-
erated transport and accumulation of large amounts of
sediments from nearby Miocene-Pliocene sedimentary
sequences (Campbell and Pfeiffer, 2017).
Intense farming activities by 1200–500 cal yrs BP signif-
icantly altered the soil properties coastal of the floodplain
wetlands that sustained raised-canalized fields, including
alkalization and high contents of nitrogen, phosphorous,
manganese and calcium (Dillehay et al., 2007). Sustained
increase in phosphorous concentration in the El Valle
record since 740 cal yrs BP suggest that the transforma-
tion of native forest into farmlands led to important soil
erosion (Abarzúa et al., 2014). In the Laguna Espejo record
(40°S), this process is marked by high deposition in both
Zr and Rb terrigenous elements at 900 cal yrs BP (Jana,
2014). Amplified forest degradation is evident in offshore
islands since 1150 cal yrs. Peat-bog sediments from Santa
María Island (38°S) reveal marked reductions in native
shrub/tree taxa due to either widespread forest burning
or introduction of crops (maize, Solanum sp, Chenopodium
sp) (Massone et al., 2012). These transformations were
accompanied by intended translocations of camelids (L.
guanacoide), small felids (Leopardus sp.) and carnivores
(Lycalopex sp, Galictis sp.) into both Mocha and Santa
Maria Islands (Campbell, 2015b).
The arrival of the Inca Empire by 1450 AD gave an
important impulse to the productivity of the subsistence
economy particularly in the northern area of central Chile.
Zooarcheological evidences from el Mauro Valley (32°S)
evidence medium-scale camelid livestock production
within farmlands including draught llamas and increased
exploitation of byproducts derived either from domesti-
cated or wild individuals (López et al., 2015). Because δ15N
and δ13C values in these domesticated camelids are com-
paratively higher than previous periods (López et al., 2015),
it seems likely that animal fertilizers (e.g. camelid manure)
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile
started to be incorporated to enhance crop production.
The introduction of innovative farming technology (i.e. ter-
race cultivation, irrigation networks), consolidation of the
southernmost branch of the Inca Road and the emergence
of small urban centers (Pavlovic et al., 2004; Sánchez, 2001)
could have exacerbated the pressure on watersheds and/or
woodlands. A tree-ring reconstruction of fire occurrences at
the Cachapoal basin (34°S) is consistent with this growing
pressure on inland ecosystems, evincing an upward trend
in human-induced fires from 1450 AD (Bustos-Schindler
et al., 2010). Actually, it was found that such increase in
anthropogenic burning by 1450 AD led to a distinct regime
shift detected over the Mediterranean region during the
past 3500 years (Figure 5b). Nevertheless, this transition,
which extended until the Industrialized era (1950 AD), is
not statistically significant (p-value > 0.05). In terms of ore
exploitation, metallurgy production became heterogene-
ous, focused mostly on copper and tin bronze as well as, to
a lesser extent, silver and gold (Campbell, 2015a; Latorre
and Lopez, 2011; Plaza and Martinón-Torres, 2015). Both
leach smelting and direct metal sculpting processes were
involved, but to what extent the associated impacts in
terms of anthropogenic trace metal emissions have not yet
been explored.
The Spanish colonial economy imposed a new pattern
of impacts through the introduction of Old World crops
(i.e. wheat), exotic plants (i.e Rumex sp) and livestock
­(cattle, horses) that rapidly caused the extinction of
endemic cereals (Bromus mango) or domesticated/wild
camelids (Torrejón and Cisternas, 2002; Vargas et al.,
2017). During the ensuing centuries, the expansion
of colonial and republican urban centers along the
coastline, navigable rivers, gold/silver/copper min-
ing reserves and/or fertile areas for livestock and crop
production led to substantial landscape transforma-
tions (Torrejón and Cisternas, 2002; Torrejón et al.,
2004). Unprecedented frequencies and intensity of
1.2
. .
1.0
Black carbon pollution Index
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2 II
0
-0.2
2000 1980
Figure 6: Evolution for black carbon emissions in the Santiago basin. Time-series for black carbon emissions (blue
dots) during the period 1852 AD–2002 AD. The red line describes the long-term mean in the influx of spheroidal
carbonaceous particles recorded in four lacustrine systems. Significant (p-value < 0.05) regime shifts in air-quality at
1962 AD (RSI = –1.2) and 1992 AD (RSI = –2.6) are indicated as I and II, respectively. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/
elementa.353.f6
Art. 15, page 15 of 31
fires are evident since 1650 AD onwards (Figure 4c–d;
Abarzúa et al., 2014; Aravena et al., 2003; Gonzalez,
2005; ­Martel-Cea et al., 2016; Massone et al., 2012; Villa-
Martínez et al., 2003). The paleofire time-series for the
Mediterranean region (33°–34°) suggests a declining
trend in anthropogenic fires between 1750 AD–1850
AD, which quickly reversed, however, to exceptional
incidence levels by 1950 AD (Figure 5b).
Manufacturing and transport innovations derived from
the European Industrial Revolution were rapidly intro-
duced in central Chile, and by 1840 AD a large-scale coal
mining industry boosted in the Arauco basin (37°S) to sat-
isfy the incipient national industrialization. Concurrently,
generalized deforestation, soil erosion and the presence
of exotic taxa (e.g Pinus radiate, Rumex acetosella) are
recorded after 1850 AD between 32° and 40°S (Carrevedo
et al., 2015; Frugone-Alvarez et al., 2017; Jana, 2014; Jenny
et al., 2002b; Martel-Cea et al., 2016; Moreno and Videla,
2016; Torres et al., 2008; Urrutia et al., 2010; Vargas et al.,
2017; Villa-Martínez, 2002). Although signs of eutrophica-
tion are present since 1890 AD in some lacustrine basins
(Jana, 2014; Martel-Cea et al., 2016; Urrutia et al., 2010,
2000), this phenomenon became important at a regional
scale during the late 20th century (Carrevedo et al., 2015;
Frugone-Alvarez et al., 2017; von Gunten et al., 2009a).
The same pattern is observed for the evolution of air pol-
lution derived from fossil fuel combustion and copper
extraction. Geochemistry data from lakes located around
El Teniente mining operation and Santiago city –Chile’s
capital and largest city- show increased deposition of sphe-
roidal carbonaceous particles and Cu-excess beginning at
1900 AD (Figure 6), shortly after industrial and mining
development required fossil fuel combustion and large-
scale smelting and refining processes (von Gunten et al.,
2009a). Nevertheless, significant transitions in the emis-
sions of black carbon are evident after the nationaliza-
tion of the Chilean copper industry (1962 AD, RSI = –1.2,
Cu nationalization El Teniente opening Vapour age
I
1960 1940 1920 1900 1880 1860 1840
Year AD
Art. 15, page 16 of 31
p-value < 0.05) and then by 1992 AD (RSI = –2.6, p-value
< 0.05) (Figure 6).
5 Discussion
Our synthesis of geohistorical data suggests that pre-
Columbian societies played an active role in shaping
natural environments in northern and central Chile
over the last three millennia. In support of our working
hypothesis, we found that past inhabitants progressively
escalated their capacity in transforming ecosystems as
socio-cultural complexity and energy consumption/pro-
duction increased throughout time (Figures 2–6). Evi-
dences distilled here show the cumulative impact of past
human activities on the evolution of national ecosystems,
and support the emerging notion that the Anthropocene
derives from long-term processes that have operated con-
tinuously since prehistoric times (Boivin et al., 2016; Braje
and Erlandson, 2013a; Catlin, 2016; Kennett and Beach,
2013; Piperno et al., 2015; Rick et al., 2013; Rosen et al.,
2015; Verstraeten, 2014). By this, we are not claiming that
the onset of the Anthropocene occurred at some point of
the Pre-Columbian era or that past societies were capable
of driving the dynamics of biophysical patterns. Archeo-
logical and paleoenvironmental records revised here,
however, suggest that anthropogenic landscapes have
been created continuously in Chile over the last 3000
years, although at a much slower rate than today.
We are aware that our review is subject to some limi-
tations that could certainly be overcome through future
research. An important amount of the available data is
qualitative, thus providing information about relative
rather than absolute changes. Several geohistorical records
are fragmented and disparate either at spatial or tempo-
ral scales and biased towards addressing natural environ-
mental variability or the vulnerability of ancient societies
to climate fluctuations. For instance, although biological
invasions/extirpations, and eutrophication have become
emblematic of human footprints on modern Chilean eco-
systems (Armesto et al., 2010; Casanova et al., 2013; Lara
et al., 2009), their deep-time trajectories have received lit-
tle attention. Therefore, we would encourage a national
interdisciplinary research agenda oriented at obtaining
broad spectrum and spatial-temporally resolved records
that portray the long-term coevolution between socio-
cultural and environmental agents. Researchers are then
challenged to improve pre-existing and novel reconstruc-
tions by considering new methodological approaches to
yield crucial data. We concur with Verstraeten (2014) that
in order to gain insights into the dynamics of human-envi-
ronmental interactions, strong efforts should be made to
generate quantitative data.
Paleodemographic estimates reveal an overall increase
in the intensity of human activities on the landscape and
in energy consumption/production during the last 3000
years, with a marked acceleration at ~1900–600 cal yrs
BP (Figures 2–6). This pattern occurred under relatively
adverse hydroclimate variations in central and northern
Chile. Pre-Columbian societies were able to buffer this
paleoclimate scenario by adjusting and/or incorporat-
ing adaptative strategies, technologies or cultural prac-
tices that guaranteed resource access and social wealth.
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile
Certainly, such progressive changes in socio-cultural com-
plexity over time enhanced and improved the capacity
for engineering different components of biophysical sys-
tems either at macro or meso regional scales. Exceptions
are the decoupling relationships between paleodemo-
graphic patterns and fire activity (Figure 5c) or the for-
mation of anthropogenic soil in coastal areas, which have
also been observed for hunter-gatherers from different
regions of the world (Erlandson, 2013; Glikson, 2013;
Lightfoot and Cuthrell, 2015; Pinter et al., 2011; Ramsey
et al., 2015; Rick et al., 2013; Williams et al., 2015). Even
though hunter-gatherer groups maintained low popula-
tion levels, these were able to set up an anthropogenic fire
regime by 2900 cal yrs BP in Mediterranean Chile (Figure
5a) and lead to disproportionate impacts on the littoral
morphology of northern and central regions (Figures 2a
and 4a). Conversely, the coupled feedback between the
progressive scaling up in socio-cultural complexity and
ecosystem engineering is best represented by the posi-
tive and significant correlation obtained between demo-
graphic and pollution levels during either Pre-Columbian
or historical times (Figure 3b). In fact, metalloid air-pol-
lution increased throughout time as the results of the
interplay between the intensity of metallurgical activities
and social complexity, which is expressed as technologi-
cal development, increased spatial aggregation and spe-
cialization, food-production capacities, and population
levels (Figures 2 and 3). Such relationship relies on the
fact that the prosperity of the metallurgy industry during
Pre-Columbian times involved sophisticated processes
(e.g. smelting, cupellation) in delimited production areas
that required highly specialized labor and food surpluses
(Lechtman, 2013). On the other hand, this process dur-
ing historical times is explained by socio-economic pres-
sures imposed by centralized (Colonial, Republican)
governments that imported technologies (i.e. explosives,
mechanical equipment) to optimize the extraction and
refining of metalloids.
Because pre-Columbian societies confronted differ-
ent bioclimate settings, challenges and socio-cultural
backgrounds among and between regions, there is not a
generalized expression of a unique human-environment
interaction in Chile. Besides some convergent processes
over the territory –i.e. the recurrent long-term pressure
on predictable and productive systems (littoral and fresh-
water)- regional idiosyncratic patterns may have also oper-
ated. The deliberate clearing and burning of native forests
either on offshore islands or on the mainland resulted
in an inherent key land-management practice in central
Chile during the past 3000 years. Except for the transitory
use of burning practices to manage livestock forage pro-
duction recorded in the high-Andean Cosapilla peatland
(Domic et al., 2018), human fire regimes or large-scale
land clearing were strategies that were absent from the
northern region, most likely due to the limited vegetation
cover. Meanwhile, Atacama Desert populations exploited
ecosystem services through the spatial management of
water availability from watersheds or aquifers, and the
implementation of agroforestry to green/fertilize this
inhospitable landscape. Intensive exploitation of target
shellfish and other marine resources was a key strategy
Gayo et al: Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile
for coastal populations, which resulted in overfishing, a
profound transformation of the littoral morphology that
probably altered the nutrient-cycling in nearshore habi-
tats. Northern and coastal Chile cases indicate that both
positive and negative effects emerging from the cultural-
environmental interaction are usually intertwined.
We posit that human behavior patterns modified eco-
systems over the past 3000 years in northern and central
Chile, precluding the existence of pristine environments
well before the Industrial Revolution. A logical corol-
lary of this is that cultural niche construction has been
a core process underpinning the Anthropocene, and that
trends after 1850 AD represent an unprecedented shift in
human-environment interaction resulting from the cou-
pled positive feedback loop between cultural and ecologi-
cal inheritances (Balter, 2013; Braje, 2016; Ellis, 2015; Ellis
et al., 2018; Sawyer, 2015; Smith and Zeder, 2013). Our
synthesis suggests that most of present-day symptoms
of the human-dominated state of Chilean environments
have roots in Pre-Columbian processes the intensity of
which scaled up over the last 3000 years, accelerating
after the Spanish colonization and, more intensely, in
recent decades. Such pattern is consistent with the recon-
struction previously conducted by Armesto et al (2010)
for long-term changes in land-use in central and southern
Chile. Perhaps the most striking trend is the observed co-
evolution between metallurgy intensity in northern Chile
and heavy metal anthropogenic emissions that is starting
to appear in different south American and even Antarctic
geochemical records. Two long-term by metalloids pollu-
tion events (i.e. regime shifts I and II in Figure 3a) are
detected ∼1000 years before the industrialization and
massive mining-smelting operations were established
in Chile. Nonetheless, pollution increased at a devastat-
ing pace at 1975 AD (regime shift III, Figure 3a), and
throughout the last two decades (1985 AD–2005 AD)
has maintained levels not seen in Pre-Industrial times.
Eutrophication of lacustrine systems and black carbon
emissions from the burning of fossil fuels appear to be
good candidates for modern impacts from the incipient
industrialization after the late 19Th century, but further
investigations on their particular historical trajectories are
required to confirm this pattern.
This study shows that the integration of geohistorical
records for past societal behavior and human-driven land-
scape transformations into this perspective, provides the
means to contextualize inherited, recurrent or exceptional
properties of the recent socio-environmental history of
Chile. We indeed verify that long-term dynamics of socio-
ecological systems have led to inexorable multidimen-
sional and idiosyncratic features for the Anthropocene
at national or regional scales. Different transitions in
the human-environment interaction brought about by
changes in cultural and ecological inheritances (i.e. regi-
men shift in the cultural niche construction, sensu Ellis
2015) are evinced on these spatial scales over the last
three millennia, including the Neolithisation, the Inca
expansion and the Spanish colonization. All of these were
conducive to enhance the human domination of Chilean
ecosystems. This entails that the Anthropocene cannot be
viewed as a universal imprint of human actions that has
Art. 15, page 17 of 31
arisen as an exclusive consequence of modern industrial
societies. In the case of Chile, this phenomenon is intrinsi-
cally tied to historically and geographically diverse config-
urations in society-environment feedback relationships.
That past human impacts on biodiversity, soil/air qual-
ity, hydrological patterns, nutrient cycling, and land-
cover were not negligible, and that these escalated in
intensity as production and economies increased in rel-
evance throughout time is hardly new. Although cultural
and ecological inheritances were heterogeneous in time
and space, this trend appears as a convergent evolution-
ary pattern in several regions around world (Aikens and
Lee, 2013; Braje and Erlandson, 2013a; Brewington et al.,
2015; Laparidou and Rosen, 2015; McClure, 2013; Rick et
al., 2013; Rosen et al., 2015; Streeter et al., 2015; Veena
et al., 2014; Wagreich and Draganits, 2018). In the rest of
the Americas, for instance, the acceleration of anthropo-
genic impacts on terrestrial and coastal ecosystems after
the European colonization by the 16th century is consist-
ently recognized in North America (Dotterweich et al.,
2014; Jones, 2015; Lightfoot et al., 2013; Stinchcomb et
al., 2014), Amazonia (Arroyo-Kalin, 2012; Piperno et al.,
2015; Roosevelt, 2013) and the Caribbean region (Rivera-
Collazo, 2015). Thus, the coupled socio-environmental
evolutionary approach adopted here complements previ-
ous efforts to visualize the Anthropocene in the deep-time
(Armesto et al., 2010; Braje and Erlandson, 2013b; Crumley
et al., 2015; Dearing et al., 2015; Verstraeten, 2014). Taken
collectively with these other case studies, our work could
contribute to the discussion about how the Anthropocene
is defined globally, in terms of chronology, stratigraphic
markers and attributes. We feel that this deep-time nar-
rative has the potential to become a science-based instru-
ment for shaping better-informed public and political
discourses about the long-term socio-environmental his-
tory in Chile. But more importantly, it offers crucial “base-
lines” to delineate safe operating spaces (sensu Rockstrom
et al., 2009; Steffen et al., 2015) for future generations as
well as principles for the conservation and sustainable
management of Chilean ecosystems.
Data Accessibility Statement
Data for paleodemographic reconstructions (Datasets
1–2), paleopollution (Dataset 3) and paleofire (Dataset 4)
indexes are presented as online downloadable file (Sup-
plemental Data 1).
Supplemental files
The supplemental files for this article can be found as fol-
lows:
• Supplemental Material 1. Details for paleode-
mographic reconstructions, data description and
treatment as well as statistical methods for detect-
ing regimen shifts. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/
elementa.353.s1
• Supplemental Data 1. Databases for archeological
chronometric data from northern (Dataset 1) and
central (Dataset 2) Chile. Calculated paleopollution
(Dataset 3) and paleofire (Dataset 4) indexes. DOI:
https://doi.org/10.1525/elementa.353.s2
Art. 15, page 18 of 31
Acknowledgements
We thank Andrés Troncoso for sharing archeological
radiocarbon database for central Chile, Colin Cooke for
geochemical data from Lagunas Lobato and Pirhuacocha,
Lucien Von Gunten for Black Carbon data and Anja Eichler
for providing Illimani Cu data. We very much appreciate
the dedicated assistance of Zoe Fleming and Marco A. Espi-
noza in editing the English grammar of this manuscript.
Funding information
This work has been developed within the framework of
FONDAP 15110009. This work was also supported by
projects CONICYT PIA/BASAL FB0002, Anillo SOC1405
(EMG, VBM, AM, CMS, MUR) and PEOPLE 3000 working
group of PAGES. Fondecyt projects #11150210, #1180121,
#1161381, #1181956, #1180413, #1170408, #1130279,
#1181829, #11150397, #3130515 and #3170913.
Competing interests
The authors have no competing interests to declare.
Author contributions
• Contributed to conception and design: EMG, VBM,
LG, PIM
• Contributed to acquisition of data: EMG, RC, VBM,
CF, AM, MUR
• Contributed to analysis and interpretation of data:
EMG, RC, VBM, CF, MUR
• Drafted and/or revised the article: all authors
• Approved the submitted version for publication:
EMG, VBM, CF, LG
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How to cite this article: Gayo, EM, McRostie, VB, Campbell, R, Flores, C, Maldonado, A, Uribe-Rodriguez, M, Moreno, PI, Santoro,
CM, Christie, DA, Muñoz, AA and Gallardo, L. 2019. Geohistorical records of the Anthropocene in Chile. Elem Sci Anth, 7: 15. DOI:
https://doi.org/10.1525/elementa.353

Domain Editor-in-Chief: Oliver Chadwick, Geography Department, University of California, Santa Barbara, US

Knowledge Domain: Earth and Environmental Science

Part of an Elementa Special Feature: Regional manifestations of the Anthropocene: The case of Chile

Submitted: 06 June 2018 Accepted: 26 April 2019 Published: 21 May 2019

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