A Maya Carved Shell Plaque From Tula, Hidalgo, Mexico. Comparative Study

A MAYA CARVED SHELL PLAQUE FROM TULA, HIDALGO, MEXICO: Comparative study
Author(s): Donald McVicker and Joel W. Palka

Source: Ancient Mesoamerica , Fall 2001, Vol. 12, No. 2 (Fall 2001), pp. 175-197
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/26308002
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Ancient Mesoameñca, 12 (2001), 175-197
Copyright © 2001 Cambridge University Press. Printed in the U.S.A.
A MAYA CARVED SHELL PLAQUE FROM TULA,

HIDALGO, MEXICO
Comparative study
Donald McVickera,c and Joel W. Palkab,c

department of Sociology and Anthropology, North Central College, Naperville, IL 60566, USA
bDepartment of Anthropology/Latin American and Latino Studies, University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, IL 60607, USA
department of Anthropology, The Field Museum, Chicago, IL 60605, USA
Abstract
In the early 1880s, a finely carved Maya shell picture plaque was found at the Toltec capital of Tula, central Mexico, and was
subsequently acquired by The Field Museum in Chicago. The shell was probably re-carved in the Terminal Classic period and
depicts a seated lord with associated Maya hieroglyphs on the front and back. Here the iconography and glyphic text of this unique
artifact are examined, the species and habitat of the shell are described, and its archaeological and social context are interpreted.
The Tula plaque is then compared with Maya carved jade picture plaques of similar size and design that were widely distributed
throughout Mesoamerica, but were later concentrated in the sacred cenote at Chichen Itza. It is concluded that during the Late
Classic period, these plaques played an important role in establishing contact between Maya lords and their counterparts
representing peripheral and non-Maya domains. The picture plaques may have been elite Maya gifts establishing royal alliances
with non-local polities and may have become prestige objects used in caches and termination rituals.
One of the more significant pieces in the Field Museum of Natural 950-1250. These dates fall within generally accepted Mesoamer
History's Mesoamerican collection is a small carved shell plaque ican chronological parameters (cf. Wren and Schmidt 1991).
(9.5 X 5.8 X 0.8 cm) from Tula, Hidalgo, Mexico (no. 95075).1
The low-relief image depicts a seated Maya lord looking to the HISTORY
viewer's left and wearing an elaborate, long-snouted reptilian head
The first published notice of the carved shell plaque appeared in
dress lacking a lower jaw. A band of hieroglyphs is incised on the
Charnay's 1885 publication Les anciennes villes du Nouveau
reverse side (Figures 2, 3, 6, and 7). Its closest analogues are the
Monde. On page 74, Charnay illustrates the carved shell (in a
well-known Late Classic Maya jade "picture plaques" depicting
reversed drawing), labels it, and makes the following comments:
seated lords. This plaque is significant not only because of its
aesthetic qualities, but also because it is the only known indisput
Parmi les autres antiquités que j"ai recueillies á Tula, figure une
ably Classic Maya-style piece found at Toltec Tula. How its dis
large coquille de nacre sculptée, qui représente un chef toltéque
covery at Tula may effect our understanding of the interaction
avec tous ses attributs et qui ressemable aux sculptures de la
between Maya and Toltec is discussed later. pierre de Tizoc a Mexico, mais mieux encore á certains bas
The image on the Tula plaque can be compared with other reliefs de Palenque et d'Ocosingo, dans l'État du Chiapas.
Mesoamerican depictions of seated lordly figures dating from the
Classic to Early Postclassic periods (for the sites discussed in this Among the other antiquities that I collected at Tula was [fig
paper, see Figure 1). For the purposes of this article, the Maya ures] a large sculpted shell of nacre [mother-of-pearl], which
Late Classic period will be dated ca. a.d. 600-800. In the descrip represents a Toltec chief with all his attributes and which re
tions that follow, a Terminal Classic period will be dated ca. a.d. sembles the sculptures of the Tizoc stone in Mexico, but better
800-950, and the Early Postclassic period will be dated ca. a.d. still certain bas-reliefs of Palenque and Ocosingo in the state of
Chiapas.
In the English translation (Charnay 1887:97), the piece is again

1 Before he retired as a curator of anthropology at The Field Museum, illustrated and labeled "warrior's profile, found at Tula," but his
Donald Collier discussed this plaque with Donald McVicker. Collier sug comments are abbreviated:
gested that an invertebrate biologist should be consulted for identification
of the shell itself; that a history of the piece should be written; that the
remaining Maya hieroglyphic inscription should be translated; and that its Among the objects which we found at Tula is a large curiously
provenance from Tula should be evaluated. The publication of this paper carved shell of mother-of-pearl; the carving recalls Tizoc's stone
fulfills a long-standing obligation and is dedicated to Collier. and notably the bas-reliefs at Palenque and Ocosingo in Chiapas.
175

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
176 McVicker and Palka
Yucatan
Huasteca
El Tajin
Misantla
. Teotihuacan
Tenochtitlan .Veracruz
• Cacaxtla
Xochicalco
Mexico
Michoacan * ! Peten .*
Piedras Negras, Tikal
. Monte Albdn Tonina . ~^.La Pasadita •'
Simojovel"* Bonampak Yaxchilan j
Chiapas Dos^^^^Machaquild
■'""1 fl "KJ
Nebaj T3
* San Augustin^z .
^
r<?
<//Y
^
0 160 km
u i
Figure I. Map of Mesoamerica, with s
ularly
In neither publication is theshaped fragmen
hieroglyphic in
referred to (Figure 2a).
notes that "[t] he work
The object next appears in Peñafiel's
Zapotecan" m
and that "th
Monumentos del arte Mexicana
with antiguo on
the inscription (
plates on page 169, the shell
nized theand its inscript
significance o
plate and is simply the
described as "Relieve
feature most dese in
del Sr. D. E. Macotela [Relief in Mother-of-
[mispaginated 10]). He
Mr. D. E. Macotela]. In
had 1899, Peñafiel
published, then (19
"p
lustrates the shell, but not the inscription,
fortunately, despite the
were published upside
Starr
Relieve Grabado en Nacar, Dereached two
Fotografía "st
Direc
escritura parecida a la Maya,
form encontrado
characters en las
were
Tula, estado de Hidalgo.
far outside of the reco
ment of the city—or (
Carved relief in mother-of-pearl
nected Tula,directly
at thefrom
time
The reverse has writing similar to
presumably that of the
to the Ea
the planted fields of Tula, state of Hidalgo.
conclusion deserves co
tween Chichen Itza and Tula is still a matter of considerable debate.
This is the only text Inknown that
1905 Starr sold his Mexican collectionsgives
to the Field Mu any
the shell being found
seum. Oninthe backthe cultivated
of accession fie
card no. 95075 for the Tula plaque,
Sometime after the publication
the following comments were typed: of Monum
tained the plaque, for in 1898, Frederick S
thropology at the University of Chicago,
This is one of the finest and most beautiful specimens of shell
from Peñafiel (Frederick Starr Field Noteboo
carving ever found in Mexico. It is engraved on a haliotis [sic]
cago Libraries, Special Collections 17:53),
shell (abalone). The figure is of very characteristic Mayan tech
the first Southern Baptist missionary in Tol
nique and art and probably represents a warrior with a great
his agent. Starr published his
plumed headdress. . . . The prized
object was new
evidently originally quad
ceedings of the Davenport Academy
rilateral and rectangular and was subsequently trimmed ofsmaller, Sci
110 [mispaginated 10]). For
parts of the figure unknown
being cut rea
away in the process. The shell has
identification of the shell
also flaked awayfrom mother-of-
in places. It was perforated in several places

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Maya carved shell plaque from Tula 177
Figure
Figure
2. Nineteenth-century
2. Nineteenth-century
renderings of the Tula plaque, (a) Charnay re
(1887:97
(1887:97
[image reversed]];
[image
[b] Penafiel [1890:1:169,
reversed]];
Plate 80 [inscription [b] Pe
upside
upside
down]]. down]].
warrior's profile, found at tula.

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Figure 3. Frederic
plaque. (Courtesy
ence,Davenport, IA
photo inscription (
(
[mispaginated 10)),
10]],
so that it could be worn

Baja as an
Californiaorna
w
a band of hieroglyphic
the symbols
authors wh
ques
dric, but which are
been difficult
re-carvedof i
o
inscription has ever,
also been cut
discuss away
the
Most recently.
The fact that the specimen,
trate the while
shell in
in the old Toltec city of Tula raise
fortunately, it is
known that from about 1200 to 13
the "Leaning Lor
course between the Toltec cities
ural jades as "som
cities of Yucatan and it is probabl
from Yucatan to
to the
Tula at
cult
this
of Q
perio
between the car
Donald Collier,
plaques
curator
(1998:20
at The
ments were by J. Eric S. Thom
parallel those written
ANALYSIS by Starr.
Contemporary interest in th
Scheie Although the Miller
Mary and facts surrounding the discovery
when of the Tula plaque in th
then a sementera
displayed in will probably
the never be known,
museum four avenues are avail
hibition "The able
Bloodto further our knowledge
of of the shell, its chronologicaj posi
Kings."
(Scheie and Miller 1986)
tion, and its place of manufacture the
and function: (1) a reconsiderationpie
ornament") under the
of the species and habitat section
of the shell; (2) a reading of the glyphs; o
fied (3) stylistic
(following Theanalysis and iconographic
Field interpretation; Muse
and (4) com
the authors goparison
on with jade to
picture plaques and distributional analysis.
speculate t

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Engraved bas-relief Like mother-of-pearl

or carved the Tula plaque, shell
somep
human figures are mention the
extraordinarily kind
rare of object
in the archaeoa
of Mesoamerica. Only a (cf.
few Houston
specimenset have
al. 1989).
been Fo
id
appear to be comparable to The Field
illustrated Museum
in Figure she
5b, the
most of these appear to seated
be figure
incised refers
rather thanto thron
carved.
shell is illustrated by Covarrubias
A third class (1957:Plate LII
of carved/inc
nience is given, nor is its
by current location
"Huastec" gorgetsspecifie
(Beyer
The second incised shell is illustrated
northern by Hellmut
Gulf Coast Late Po
Figure 547). Again, no widespread
location or atprovenience is
the time of th
third, less comparable incised
and theirexample, described
iconography is notas
Finally, from
pearl shell plaque from Simojovel, Panaba in
is illustrated onthp
Second Palenque Round TablePeninsula, near the
(Robertson coastal co
1976:61, 6
The full figure in profile with
bearsa miniature
little resemblance
palace scene
to
et al. 1998:590-591,
sented on the plaques mentioned earlier. Number
approximates
A second category of carved shell thatthe may style of t
be relate
lord's facial produced
ferred to as a conch-shell "silhouette," featuresusing
are m a
ing and incising technique Late/Teminal
(Figure 5b). Classic repre
Two remarka
carved
are from the Bliss Collection on an alabaster
(Lothrop (tecal
et al. 1957:25
[cat. no. 104]), and one is illustrated
plaque from in Schmidt
a cache et
at Uxm
91, Number 289). The Two
latter published
example worked
is said to be shell
from
in Mexico Museo represent
Nacional de at
the the
Antropología.
Classic Maya sh T
Pomona,
lection examples at Dumbarton OaksBelize (Digby
also are 1972
said to ha
in the state of Campeche depicts two
with six kneeling
Jaina figure
figurines in a
ered with an inverted Late
flares.
Classic
Thenubbin
Early Classic
tripod imag
poly
A final example of this twins
secondatcategory is inof
the portals the Mu
Xibal
American Indian (MAI) collections (Fagan
Kerr 1998:112, 1977:351).
Plate 38) is d
accession records it is mountain cave."
described simply as "shell carvin
Maya man with elaborate feather who headdress and a
spool . . . [Once] entirely inlaid with precious stones
Shell Identification and Current Condition
uted to Palenque, undoubtedly on stylistic grounds.
cept for the posture andRiidiger
gesture,Bieler (Chair of it displays
Zoology, few
Field Museum) and Linda Nicho of th
attributes of either the las
Tula plaque or the jade
(Adjunct Curator, Anthropology) have looked at the Tula shellpictur
cussed later. Clemency and Coggins (personal
believe that it is most likely a pearl mussel communi
(Pinctada). Be
proposes that, except for causethe obvious
of its size, curvature, surface nose
morphology,bridge,
and iridescent its
suggests Xochicalco rather than
coloration, Bieler isPalenque, and
convinced that the specimen that
derives from a it m
carved in the states of Campeche or Yucatan.
large-shelled species of the bivalve genus Pinctada, not a member
These shell silhouettes belong to Haliotis.
of the gastropod genus a different traditio
Because the Atlantic-Caribbean
Tula plaque and related jade
species do picture plaques,
not reach this size and thickness, the likely and their
origin of the
appears to be limited to Campeche and adjacent
shell is in the Indo-Pacific region. There, three nominal Pinctada are
the posture of the figures is the
species reach similar, much
size exhibited by this fragment (P.of maxima,theP. ico
not. The profiles are often non-Classic
margaritifera, Maya,
and P. mazatlanica). Bieler suspects that theandshell the
resemble typical
plaque wasthose
ceramic of
Jaina-style
made from the Pinctada mazatlanica (Hanley 1856), afigu
1997). Furthermore,
they relatively
are commoncarved from conch
bivalve ranging in the eastern rather
Pacific from
of-pearl and once were lowerinlayed
California through thewith "precious"
Gulf of California and south to Peru. s
1986:156, Figure 129). This
(The othertradition may
two Pinctada species mentioned be associa
are Indo-western Pa
Chontal ("Putún") Mayacificinhabiting
forms.) Such a wide-rangingwestern coastal
species offers little data for a
the Terminal Classic period.3
pattern of procurement. In fact, Feinman and Nicholas (2000:127,
Figure 6) found that Pinctada was the most commonly worked
shell in Ejutla, accounting for more than 65 percent of the marine
2 Etching lines on the surface of a shell is the most frequent style of
shell assemblage.4 It is clear that the shell is not Haliotis (abalo
incising. On nacreous shells, exterior lines may cut through to the mother
of-pearl underneath. Carved shells are done in bas-relief, with portionsne);
of why Starr came to that conclusion is unknown.
the material removed. The Tula plaque is unusual in that the inside of the Apparently the shell was re-carved, perhaps more than once.
shell has been carved directly into the mother-of-pearl.
A remarkable carved and incised silhouette shell is on loan to the Proskouriakoff's (1974:x) analysis of comparable jade plaques
indicated that this was a common occurrence. When the seated
Brooklyn Museum of Art (TL 1991.109.2a,b). The detailed image of the
person
leaning lord is etched with an extraordinary fine line; his appearance is is viewed and the shell is turned around, the text is upside
"classic," and he leans against a bar resting on his knee carved with seven
glyphs. Several edges of this plaque appear smoke-smudged, and drilled
depressions probably held inlays. The lord once wore a detachable head4 Despite years of extensive work on shell from the Valley of Oaxaca,
Feinman and Nicholas (1993, 2000) have not reported a single carved
dress (now missing). The shell has not been identified but is flat and pale
ivory in color. It may be conch. The back of the shell shows clear vertical
shell comparable to the Tula plaque. However, jade picture plaques dis
ribbing. This piece has not been published. Photographs are not available,
cussed in the text have been found in the Valley and at Monte Alban (Caso
and no additional information is to be had at this time. 1965).

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Figure 4. Term
(a) Xochicalco-st
cf. Batres 1902
Serpents, detail
Great Britain an

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Figure 5. Maya incised shell-plaques, (a] Incised-shell "gorge

Dumbarton Oaks silhouette-carved conch-shell plaque (cour
DC).
down. This is not the usual Maya or Mesoamerican presentation was it reshaped without regard to the inscription? However, be
of image and text on jades, shell, or other portable ornaments. The cause it is likely that the plaque was never intended to be worn as
texts are usually matched with the orientation of the image. How a pendant, the orientation of the text may not have been essential.
ever, the pendant holes on the shell do not allow for the hanging of If it was a talisman possessed by foreigners who were unfamiliar
either the text or the image right side up. It is conceivable that the with Maya texts, the inscription itself may have been of little
unfinished perforation near the headdress of the image indicates significance.
that the final carvers tried to have it suspended with the image
right side up but then did not complete the work. However, many
Hieroglyphs
of these perforations may not have been intended for suspension
at all, but for inlays. The band of hieroglyphs on the back of the Tula plaque is largely
Clearly, the Tula shell was larger originally; sections have been phonetic and difficult to decipher. This may be due to the shell's
broken or sliced off on at least three sides. Part of the figure's relatively late chronological placement and the possibility that the
feathered headdress and neck pendant have exfoliated since Char hieroglyphs represent a regional Mayan dialect (perhaps Chontal
nay's drawings and Starr's drawings and photographs. The glyphs or Yucatec) that is not commonly found in the Classic Period
on the back have also been damaged, especially the "smoke/fire" inscriptions of the southern lowlands. Perhaps further compari
glyph (third from the left), which is almost completely erased sons with hieroglyphs from Classic to Postclassic times will help
now. How much damage to the original piece may have been the provide a decipherment of the Tula plaque's text and knowledge
result of 800 to 900 years in a field, and how much to deliberate of its temporal and spatial provenience. What is also interesting
reshaping, may never be known. When the piece was re-carved, about the hieroglyphs of the shell's reverse side is that they have

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
raised glyphs "type of shell" or

features "name of carved shell";
and feweru huuch (his
that shell); "person's/owner's
shell the
was name." ground o
from the Although rare, glyphs do appear on the back of various jade
background. In
glyphs on objects, including
the plaques from the Cenote of Sacrifice
reverse (Prosk
of t
of the shell ouriakoff
is1974:207-210)
turned (Figure 13c). They also appear on the
arou
the text. picture plaque from the El Castillo cache (Carnegie Institution
An initial 1937:113), naming a ruler from Calakmul.
reading and cata
text on the back of the pla
1) eroded; 2) T692(854):19(or 24?):30/ pumu(wa) or puli STYLE AND ICONOGRAPHY

(wa); 3) T122 [smoke scrolls]:T669:102(or 103?) K'AK'(ki?
or ta'?); 4)T74(or 184?): 114:62(?):606 (or669?):607(?)/maxa The Tula shell plaque most likely dates to the Late Classic or
? ta or ho (or perhaps a version of K'INICH [mahkina]) Terminal Classic period and was perhaps re-carved as late as the
Early Postclassic period. The seated male lord on the front of the
This text may list the names and titles of a Maya noble (nobles Tula shell is depicted in low relief (1-3 mm.) (Figures 6a and 7a).
often used "fire" in their epithets) or it may refer to a sacred He wears a "jawless zoomorph" headdress (cf. Scheie and Miller
1986:78, 89, Plate 6) with feathered fans on its reptilian forehead
burning or ceremonial fire. The second glyph from the left may
read pum or pumuuw; if the affix is mu and not li, which Moran and muzzle. Long, beaded headdress feathers reach the noble's
(1935 [ 1625]:61) lists as pum 'sign/exhale, pursing the lips.' Can waist, and he wears wristlets and anklets of beads; earplugs with
this be taken as a description of someone smoking or blowing a tubular beads; and a beaded, mirror-shaped necklace pendant with
flame? Because very few Mayan dictionaries have entries for pum, three dangling bead tassels. These types of round beaded pen
and the structure of these hieroglyphs do not follow other glyphic
dants, and particularly the one worn by the figure on the Tula
examples of verbs meaing "burn" in Classic Maya texts (Stephen shell, may actually be mirrors (following Taube 1992b. 1999).5
The headdress feathers and pendant tassels are damaged and barely
Houston, personal communication 2000), the meaning is unclear.
discernible.
However, it may be possible that this sign is derived from the verb
root pul, which can be glossed as "fire, or to be fired," especially The lord wears an elaborate hip- and loincloth, which is also
because the next glyph is composed of K'AK' 'fire' and possibly eroded. He may be seated on a pillow, and he gestures with his
ta 'torch.' The Diccionario Ch'ol (Aulie and Aulie 1978) gives right hand (which is now missing). Unlike the characteristic Clas
pul 'to burn' and mach mi lac pul jini cholel 'it doesn't work to sic Maya profile with receding forehead and chin, prominent nose,
burn the field.' Sometimes burning in Maya texts refers to censing and elliptical eye, the Tula plaque figure's facial features are an
something, warfare, conquest, and the destruction of a town's tem
gular, his bangs are straight cut, and a tubular nose ornament
ples; it may also refer to fires lit in agricultural fields and rituals passes through his septum. As a symbol of his royal status, he may
(research by David Stuart and Nikolai Grube, as cited in Scheie display a jester god or god K (k'awil) on his headband.
and Mathews 1998:148-149, 272, 379-380). Interestingly, the hi Many of these features also appear on Terminal Classic carved
and painted images in the Maya area (Scheie and Freidel 1990:385
eroglyph for fire on the Tula shell is similar to examples com
monly found in the Late/Terminal Classic inscriptions at Chichen 386, Figure 10.4b [Machaquilá Stela 5]; 391, Figure 10.8a [Jimba
Itza, where smoke scrolls (K'AK' 'fire') are suffixed with the Stela 1]). A similar profile appears on Seibal stela 10 (Graham
phonetic complement k'a (see Krochock 1988). The final hiero 1996: Figure 7:32 [Figure 12b]). These images are comparable to
those found on bas-relief columns at Chichen Itza (Morris et al.
glyph may be a version of the K'INICH 'sun-eyed/faced one'
1931; Tozzer 1957:153, 166. 172 ["an anomalous Toltec" (Fig
title, or it may represent the syllables ma sha ? ta ho(?).
In addition, there appears to be a formerly unreported bejew
ure 512) and an "anomalous Maya" (Figure 652)]) (Figure 12c);
on other stelae at Seibal (Graham 1996); and at other related Late/
eled hand touching the final hieroglyph on the reverse side. Prior
to breakage and re-carving, there probably was a scene carved
Terminal Classic eclectic sites. The profile and nose bar of the
above the glyphs that more than likely describe this lost tableaux.
Halal (Campeche) doorjamb figure is particularly close, and he
wears a headband and a stylized long-snouted reptilian headdress
It may have been another seated noble or a fire-starting scene
(Pollock 1980:Figure 925) (Figure 12a).
(possibly with a fire drill like that on a looted panel from the
Close resemblances can also be noted between the Tula plaque
Usumacinta region [Stuart and Houston 1994:76]). It is also pos
and items of adornment worn by the battle-scene figures in the
sible that the now eroded image may have been a smoking lord
like the one on the incised shell illustrated by Scheie and Miller
Cacaxtla murals (Foncerrada de Molina 1982; Diehl and Berlo
(1986:155, Plate 59). 1989: Volume Figures 1-2). Many of the "feathered warriors" and
the central image on the east talud wear tubular nose plugs similar
On the front of the plaque, there are hieroglyphics above the
to the one worn by the Tula plaque lord (cf. McVicker 1985:90
figure's headdress, but they are now broken off or eroded and
difficult to discern. Phonetic hu (?) and chi signs can be picked 92, Figures 7-9). The mirrorlike pendants worn by figures 15, 24.
and 47 are also comparable to that on the Tula plaque. These
out. It appears to be the second part of T1:181:671 /u huuch or
yuuch, meaning "his/her shell," which is so common on Maya
shell artifacts. These signs are analogous to the glyph on the in 5 The Dumbarton Oaks plaque (Figure 9c) is badly stained by what
cised shell shown by Hellmuth (1987:251) and the halved carved has been identified as "iron rust," attributed to burial with an iron pyrite
conch shell illustrated by Dorie Reents-Budet (1994:43, Fig mirror. Although pyrite decays and leaves residues of various colors, fur
ure 2.8), which she reads as hach. However, the ha sign often ther testing is needed to determine the exact source of the "iron rust" and
distinguish it from burning. At Nebaj, pyrite mirrors were frequently en
works as hu when it is a prefix, as in huul, or the arrival glyph. It countered in Classic high-status burials, but they do not appear to be
is likely that the owner's name or title appeared at the end of the associated with caches containing jade picture plaques (Smith and Kidder
text, which is now broken off. The front text may have had the 1951:46,50).

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
5 cm
Figure 6. Photos of the Tula Plaque [by J. W. Palka
likeness all reaffirm theings and photographs of thisof

placement smallerthe
plaque and its present
Tula loca
plaque
minal Classic period, whention remain
styles unknown.6
shifted through encou
populations expanding In general,
into both the Tula the
plaque resembles the well-known carved
highlands and t
from the Mexican Gulf coast. jade plaque from Nebaj (Smith and Kidder 1951:Figure 59b),
The noble images most closely related to the Tula Plaque figurewhich is usually considered the type specimen (Figure 8a). Spe
cific similarities can be found in the carving of the left arm and
were carved on jade "picture plaques" (Proskouriakoff 1974:175—
hand and general similarities in the headdress and ear plug. Nine
192). To investigate the role played by the shell plaque in the
or more of these "Nebaj-type profile picture plaques" were re
dynamics of Classic Maya society, it will be assumed that the
carved shell from Tula, unlike other carved and incised shells, is covered from the Sacred Cenote at Chichen Itza7 (Proskouria
koff 1974:178-185, Plates 72-75). They were all broken, some
analogous to these objects, and perhaps served similar functions.
This analogy is supported by the size and portability of these
objects, their chronological placement from the Late to Terminal
Classic period, the posture and gesture of the seated figure and its 6 Morley (1938) gives a brief history of the Gann plaque and affirms
adornments, and the restricted range of headdresses, nearly all
that it was found by a workman near San Juan Teotihuacan at "the time of
falling into the general category of long-snouted reptilians. Leopoldo Batres." He relates that Batres gave it to Finance Minister Liman
tour, who took it to Paris. Later, Limantour's heirs sold it to Weston, a
Discussing jade plaques comparable in style to the Tula shell,
curio dealer in Mexico City, who then sold it to Gann in 1923 for $250.
Tozzer (1957:183) speculates that "[t] he wide distribution of these
For the story of how Gann took the plaque from Mexico, and the sub
jades seem to point to their center at Ocosingo [Tonina], Chiapas,
sequent scandal, see Givens (1992:142-143).
and possibly at Palenque and neighboring sites on the Usumacinta 7 In his letters from the field (to his mother), A. M. Tozzer (Peabody
extending to Piedras Negras." Unfortunately, with the exception Museum, Harvard University Archives, letter 20, April 20, 1905) de
scribes the wealth being taken from the Sacred Centote and the secrecy
of Tonina, not a single jade or shell plaque bearing the lordly
surrounding the finds. After recounting the magnitude of gold recovered,
image is documented from the entire Classic Maya southern low he goes on to state, 'And as for the jade, there is no end to it. There is
land heartland. However, Gann (1936:38) claims that the famous probably more of this precious stone taken from the Cenote than all. the
plaque from Teotihuacan that bears his name (Figure 8c), was museums in the country have in their united collections. The carving beg
"almost certainly manufactured in the great Maya art centre gars
of description and there are hundreds of pieces." He also says that the
utmost secrecy is being maintained for fear that the Mexican Government
Palenque, as in that city was found a smaller plaque upon which
may try to regain it. Finally, in the last decades, many pieces have been
was sculpted an almost identical design; moreover, the two were
returned to Mexico to form a collection comparable to that maintained by
Harvard's Peabody Museum (Table 1 Jades 3, 5).
probably made from the same slab of jade." Unfortunately, draw

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Figure 7. Drawings of the Tula Plaque

image and inscription [by J. W. Palka).
[a] Tula plaque image; [b] Tula plaque
inscription.
0 15 cm
shattered, and their surfaces suggest that they were burned as deposition in the cenote" (Moholy-Nagy and Ladd 1992:142). In
part of a ritual.8 fact, Tozzer (Peabody Museum, Harvard University Archives,
All the Cenote jade profile picture plaques have Classic Maya Tozzer to Putnam, December 3, 1904) finds it strange that "the
profiles and eyes and wear a variation of the same reptilian head shell ornaments and in fact every [sic] thing made of shell seems
dress. Proskouriakoff suspects that the one exception represents a to show the effects of their long burial beneath the water full as
"prototype" of the later carvings (Proskouriakoff 1974:184-85, much as those made of other materials." It is not surprising, if
Plate 75a [Figure 9b; Table l:Jade 9]). Stylistically Coggins (Cog shell plaques were present and they were destined for a sacrificial
gins and Shane 1984:27-28) places the others in the first part of pyre, that none of them survived.
the Early Phase which is dated 800-900 B.C. She speculates that
"[t] he jades, which represented the personal wealth of Maya rul
ers to the southwest, may have been tribute sent or taken to the COMPARISON AND DISTRIBUTION
new, foreign-dominated capital." The question of the concentra
tion of jade plaques at Chichen Itza and their distribution through In addition to the nine jade plaques from the Sacred Cenote, 11
out Mesoamerica will be taken up later. jade plaques have been identified for comparison that closely re
The one jade picture plaque excavated at Chichen Itza, a front semble the shell plaque from Tula (Figures 8a-d; 9a-d; Table 1).
facing seated lord, had been placed with other highly valued ob There are certainly a number of others (Rands 1965).9 One com
jects and jade plaques in a stone box cached in front of an earlier parable plaque is from Uxmal (Ruz 1955:62-63, Lámina XXV),
staircase inside the Castillo (Erosa Peniche 1939:241). It resem and the others with known locations range from Central Mexico
bles numerous frontal plaques recovered from the Cenote (Prosk (Digby 1972:30, frontispiece), through Oaxaca (Caso 1965), to
ouriakoff 1974:164-171, Plates 67-70) (Table 1:Jades 10-11; the uplands of Chiapas (Easby 1964) and Guatemala (Smith and
Figure 13c). However, Coggins (personal communication 2000) Kidder 1951). The aberrant Berlin plaque (Schmidt etal. 1998:588,
Number
feels that these frontal images wear ill-defined headdresses, some 279) is recorded as coming from Colipa near Misantla in
of which may be birds rather than reptiles, and are not strictly
comparable to the reptilian headdress worn on the Tula plaque.
It should be noted that no carved shell plaques were recovered
9 For example, in the Guennol collection volumes, two jade plaques
from the Sacred Cenote. Many of the other shell artifacts thatare illustrated (Rubin 1975:332, 1982:133). The former is on loan to the
were recovered were "intentionally broken, burned or both, before
Brooklyn Museum, and the latter to the Metropolitan Museum of Art in
New York. They fall solidly within the range of standard posture.-seated
lords. They are both small (7.2 cm and 9.75 cm, respectively), and one
faces left and the other right. The Metropolitan example has a clear long
8 Many Maya jade and shell artifacts were often burned as offerings
(Escobedo et al. 1990; Fash 1988:158; Freidel et al. 1993:242). When jade
snouted reptilian headdress; the Brooklyn Museum plaque's headdress is
problematic. Provenience is unknown, although it is possible that A. B.
reaches a certain temperature, it "explodes" and produces jade "popcorn."
This shattering is particularly intense when hot jade is thrown Martin
into cold
purchased at least the Brooklyn plaque from the "Michoacan cache"
water. referred to in note 10.

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Figure 8. Examples of Maya jade picture plaques: standa

and Kidder 1951:Figure 59b; courtesy Michael Coe]; (b] C
right President and Fellows of Harvard College); (c) Teo
British Museum); (d) Unknown (Table l:Jade 18), Univ
Pennsylvania Museum).
central Veracruz, and As noted plaque

the Princeton earlier, despite a c
(Reents-Bude
17) is said to come from Classic "Michoacan."10lowland Maya art, n
been recovered from Piedras
1951:47; Stephen Houston, p
lenque
10 The provenience of the Princeton plaque (Table l:Jade 20) is an (Ruz 1973) or other U
example of the difficulties encountered in researching they
plaque provefound at Seibal or Río
nience. Mathew Robb, assistant curator of pre-Columbian highland
art at Princ Guatemalan jades e
eton's Art Museum has provided the following information. "The Merrin
the Nebaj plaques, not a sin
Gallery purchased a group of jades in 1968 or 1969, said to be from
Classic
Michoacan. There are indications that these jades were cached as heir southern lowland Ma
ten
looms. The lot included three plaques and some beads. Gillett based on style, as would
[Griffin]
recalls a conversation about the group around the timeican Indian
of the conch shell silhouette described earlier and the
'Before
Cortes' show, and [szc] included Ed Merrin, Ignacio Bernal, Gordon Ekholm,
"prototype" Cenote Jade 9, both attributed to Palenque (Figur
and Jose Luis Franco. Their theory was that the Maya jades had been
Obviously, the manner in which the plaques were recov
looted in antiquity and had made their way to Michoacan through ex
and
change and trade." It is unfortunate that today jades are still recorded
being looted can not provide an adequate sample. Neverthe
someand
and making their way into various collections through exchange common
trade. dimensions and iconographic attributes pr

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Figure 9. Examp
dimensions], [a)
73:2; copyright
Cenote [Table
(Table l:J
l:J
and Fellows of H
et al. l957:Plate
Collections, Was
(after Ruz L. l95
suggestive comparisons.
in thickness. Th
to 14.1 cm in height
depth and
(Table f
1
Because they Nearly
are all
irregular pl
i
a rough surface
flares area
andwasusu
They fall on
into the
three pictur
catego
are mediumseats
(80-100
may cm2)
be f
Cenote jades variation
are in p
distribute
plaque, at 55.1 restingcm2, falls
acrossin
There is less is variation
paid to in
the de
(0.3-0.7 cm) incisions.
Cenote Jade 9 (

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Source
(Figure 8a) (Figure 9a) (Figure 9b) (Figure 13c) (Figure 8c) (Figure 9c) (Figure 9d) (Figure 8d)
Star (189 :109) SmithandKid er(1951.-Figure59b) Proskuriakof (1974:Plate72:1,c/6 9) Proskuriakof (1974:Plate72: ,c/6 1) Proskuriakof (1974:Plate73:1,c/6 8) (Figure 8b) Proskuriakof (1974:Plate73:2,colrPatel, c/670) Proskuriakof (1974:Plate73:4,c/6 3) Proskuriakof (1974:Plate73:5,c/6 73) Proskuriakof (1974:Plate74:1,c/6 72) Proskuriakof (1974:Plate75:a,c/6 7) Proskuriakof (1974:Plate67:b2,C/6I03A) Morley (I946:Plate 93:c) Schei andMiler(1986:PIate34) Schei andMiler(1986:Plate6) Lothropetal.,(1957:PlateLXVI ) Easby (1964:Figure 2c) Ruz L. (195 :Lamina X V) Schmidte al.(19 8:Number279) Mason (1927:59, Figure 5) Joyce (l938:Plate Lie) Re nts-Budet(19 4:32 ;Number17)
Adornments0
nose barc col ar (heads) pendant beads face pendant bar beads bar pendant beads collar wrist mask, bar bar bar bar bar collar
A/C pendant. A/C, A/C, A/C, A/C, bar A/C, A/C, A/C, A/C, A/C, Sandals/C ?/C. A/C, A/C A/C, A/C, A/C, A/C c, ?/C, A/C,
Headdres LSR LSR LSR LSR LSR LSR LSR? LSR? LSR not LSR LSR LSR? LSR LSR LSR not LSR ?? not LSR LSR LSR? LSR
Profileb
non-Maya Maya Maya Maya Maya Maya Maya Maya Maya Maya Maya eye Maya eye Maya Maya Maya Maya Maya non-Maya Maya Maya Maya
Posture/Gesture8 Gesture left Standard left Standard left Standard left Standard left Gesture right Standard left Standard right Standard left Gesture left Full face Full face Standard left Standard right Gesture right Standard left Gesture left Standard right Standard right Gesture left Standard left
Sit ing Position unknown

on cushion? on thre heads on two heads on two heads on picture frame on picture frame on picture frame on picture frame on picture frame on solar cartouche standing seated on carved bench on throne or pil ow in niche on monster head on picture frame on picture frame on picture frame? broken, on picture frame?
Location
The Field Museum Museo Nacional Peabody Museum Museo Regional Peabody Museum Museo Regional Peabody Museum Peabody Museum Peabody Museum Peabody Museum Peabody Museum Museo Regional British Museum Museum American Indian Dumbarton Oaks of Natural History Museo Regional Museum fur Volkerkunde University Museum British Museum Princeton Art Museum
Chicago, Guatemala, Cambridge, MA, Merida, Cambridge, MA, Merida, Cambridge, MA, Cambridge, MA, Cambridge, MA, Cambridge, MA, Cambridge, MA, Merida, London, Washington, DC, Washington, DC, NewYork,AmericanMuseum Merida, Berlin, Philadelphia, London, New Jersey,
Provenience
Tula planted field Nebaj excavated ca he Chichen Itza Cenote Chichen Itza Cenote Chichen Itza Cenote Chichen Itza Cenote Chichen Itza Cenote Chichen Itza Cenote Chichen Itza Cenote Chichen Itza Cenote Chichen Itza Cenote ChichenItzaElCastiloca he Teotihuac n planted field "Oax ca"unk own"colected" Unknown Tonina burial cache UxmalGovernor'sPal ce ache "Central Veracruz" Unknown Unknown Michoacan?
Dimensions
9.5 X 5.8 cm 10.6 X 14.6 cm 17.8 x 10.6 cm 14.2 X 1 cm 1 .5 X 14 cm 7.5 X 9.5 cm 6.1 X 5.5 cm broken 9 X 10.2 cm 12.0 X 13.5 cm 7.5 X 1 .5 cm unknown 14 X 14 cm 8 X 6 cm 14.1 X 8.6 cm 1 .4 X 5.5 cm 7.5 X 13 cm 7.2 X 9.2 cm 6.7 X 5.8 cm 5.8 X 7.5 cm 8.2 X 6 cm
Jade I Jade 2 Jade 3 Jade 4 Jade 5 Jade 6 Jade 7 Jade 8 Jade 9 Jade 10 Jade 12 Jade 15
TableI.ComparisonfeatursoftheTulasheplaquewith20Mayjdepictureplaqus Plaque Tula Shell Nebaj Cenote Cenote Cenote Cenote Cenote Cenote Cenote Cenote Cenote Jade 11 Gann Jade 13 Jade 14 Squicr Jade 16 Jade 17 Jade 18 Jade 19 Jade 20 LSR,long-s utedrpilan(setxfordesciptonadiscu on);A/C,anklets dcufs. aProfilegstu romheviw'sprcte:andposuritngwhoeluckdnr;oeha knripadoemcrsht;wenadrlokigeft,harmcoset;whnadrlokig right,lefamcroshet;figursoenvthaperncoflaig.Whensturig,oeamsxtnde.Ja9holdsnvabject;Jd19saer"bd-likojects. bMayprofilesatur smothlinefrom sethairlnedaliptcey.Non-Mayprofilesaturnoblerwidgesanroudeys. cMostfigureswarnkletsandcufs;bead,pctoralbs,orpendatsrecom n.

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Despite strong resemblan

ments, rarely these figures
figure, lack nose bars, and
eye. This may indicate tha
plaques were carved in a d
what earlier time than the
the Tula plaque was re-car
Except for their restricte
plaque figures are remark
on Classic Maya polychro
even bone. This also sugge
dates the Tula plaque imag
Cream polychrome vase ill
322) (Figure 10) is almost i
an exception, even sports a
"Princeton" plaque (Table
ble image. Other painted
figures are also illustrate
ures 4-5), Gallenkamp
Figure II. A Late Classic carved-stone image of a seated lord. Bonampak an
(1989:460, File
Sculptured Panel No. I No. 4113)).
[Scheie and Miller 1986:116, Figure 11.8; drawing by
chaeological Lindacontext Scheie]. and ca
Several of the stone carv
palace scene with a seated
Tablet and the Palace Tablet (Scheie and Miller 1986:114-115,
Figures 11.5, 11.7). Bonampak Sculptural Panel 1 (Scheie and 1990:302, Figure 7:19c). As is generally the case with the poly
Miller 1986:116, Figure 11.8) (Figure 11) repeats the scene, as chrome vessels, none of these seated monumental bas-relief fig
does a relief carved on La Pasadita Lintel 3 (Scheie and Freidel ures wears a headdress that falls within the range of those commonly
worn by jade plaque figures.
A related set of carvings of seated lords from the northern Yu
catan peninsula, although reminiscent of southern lowland panels
and pots, are later than the Late Classic-style jades and in style
closer to the Tula plaque. Examples are the seated "elite male" on
the tablet thought to be from Oxkintoc (Gallenkamp and Johnson
1985:139, Figure 68) and the seated lordly figure on the carved
Ak'ab Tz'ib lintel from Chichen Itza (Maudslay 1889-1902:Vol
ume III, Plate 19).
Images from Xochicalco—most notably, the sculptures sur
rounding the base of the Temple of the Plumed Serpents (Hirth
2000:33, Photo 3.1; 36-37, Figures 3.5-3.6) (Figure 4b)—share a
number of features with the Tula plaque. These seated bas-relief
figures enclosed by serpent coils wear beaded necklaces (without
pendants) and both wrist and ankle bracelets; their right arms are
across their chests; and they wear saurian headdresses lacking
lower jaws.
Another example is the tablet labeled by Covarrubias (1957: Plate
LVI) "in the style of Xochicalco" (Figure 4a). This relief carving
was excavated by Batres (1902) in his explorations in the Calle
Escalarillas in Mexico City. Unless it was looted by the Mexica
from Xochicalco, it is a prime example of Aztec archaizing
(cf. Pasztory 1983:141).
Although there is little variation in posture, gesture, and cos
tume of Maya seated lords regardless of media, the headdresses
worn are an exception: Rarely do plaque figures wear anything
other than a variation of a long-snouted zoomorphic headdress
(Table 1). Scheie and Miller (1986:78) note that the reptilian fig
ure in the headdress worn by the figure on the Tula Plaque is
marked by feathered fans on its forehead and muzzle and identify
it as a vision serpent. Taube (1992a) argues that these headdresses
are derived from the Teotihuacan war serpent (in Maya texts: wax
Figure 10. Late Classic Zacatal Cream Polychrome vessel image of a seated aklahun ubah chan) and are ancestral to the Aztec fire serpent.
lord [Reents-Budet 1994:9; courtesy Justin Kerr). Andrea Stone (1989) also discusses the elite use of this Teotihua

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
:Cvl
Figure
Rgure 12. 12.
MayaMaya
Terminal
Terminal
Classic column,
Classic
stela, and
column,
doorjamb stela,
images, (a)
and doorjamb ima
Halal
Halal Acropolis,
Acropolis,
sculpturedsculptured
doorjamb figure
doorjamb
[after Pollock
figure
1980:Fig[after Pollock 19
ure
ure925); (b) Seibal,
925); detail, Stela
(b) Seibal, 10 (after
detail, Graham
Stela 10 l996:Figure 7:32); (c) 1996:Figure 7:3
(after Graham
Chichen
Chichen Itza, Itza,
TempleTemple
of the Warriors,
of the column
Warriors,
I0W (Morriscolumn
et al. l931:Plate
I0W (Morris et al. l93
50).
&
i i§gn
III UBlTtSrr

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
can headdress shell was too fragileas a

to attempt perforations"forei
for either purpose and
particular was intended to be held"frontal
the in the hand. m
three stelae Thereat Piedras
is little agreement N
about the identification of the plaque
Regardlessfigures. of They are usually
their referred to as lords, although
spec whether
cation as vision serpent,
they are portraits of individuals or stylized types remains undeter
blance betweenmined. Coggins (personal the communication 2000)May suggests that if
those of thethe plaque images were self-portraits, they would not be worn.
processional
itla at Teotihuacan (Mil
This would help explain why figures in Late Classic-period mon
ure 14) is umental and minor arts never wear or display them.
significant becaIndividuals
foreigners, appearing
enemies, on plaques have also been consideredor cult representa
an
In the remarkable
tions of warriors, priests, and gods.12 series
Jaina illustrated Additional comments on the bycondition of the jade plaques may
Schei
ing serpentclarify the current state of the Tula
heads shell. Plaques are frequently
withou
(Scheie referred to as broken and/or re-carved. This assessment is
1997:91-92, based
Figu
the sectionon the observation that many of the headdresses
titled "Warri are incomplete
numerous and often appear sliced in half by a picture frame;
examples of the framesth
ures (Scheiethemselves1997:95-119)
sometime appear to have been re-carved. One Cenote
convention jadeis (Proskouriakoff
to 1974:172,
havePlate 71 :c3) is neatly the
sawed in
both feet half just below
on the the figure's waist. Other images seem to be inter
ground
typical rupted by the irregular shapelord"
"leaning of the stone. Some reshapingpo of
Practically plaques
all could have plaques
been deliberate, pieces being removed for other
hav
Some are ritual purposes—much like potlatch
drilled coppers on the Northwest
through
These Pacific coast being
various drill"broken" during ceremonial
marks feasts. It appears
suspension, thatleading
the missing arm on the Tula plaque wasto the result of purpose
the
as pectorals,ful mutilation rather than natural breakage.13
pendants, go
for this assumption. Alth
presented on ceramics and
this figureCONCLUSIONS
wearing one
In fact, the larger plaqu
comfortable to wear around the neck. Distribution
It is likely that many of the holes were not for suspension but
for the attachment of additional adornments or the inlaying of Jade and shell figural plaques have been described as objects of
semiprecious stones. This appears to be the case in other types trade,
of pilgrimage offerings, and tribute. Their most remarkable
distributional characteristic is their absence from Classic Maya
pendants worn by lords on painted pottery and stone reliefs (cf. Ma
son 1927:64; Proskouriakoff 1974:175). These perforations may
also have been used to attach the plaque to a cloth or other
12 Ringle et al. (1998:207) classify the figural jades as Quetzalcoatl
material. The Squier plaque from Tonina (Easby 1964:Figure cult
2c objects. Their proposed association of plaques with Quetzalcoatl is
[Table l:Jade 15]) is a case in point. Although it is drilled through
rather tenuous, based largely on the relationship at Xochicalco between
horizontally above the shoulders and could easily have been susthe feathered serpent and the lords enfolded in his coils. Because the
Xochicalco carvings are later than most of the jades, and because these
pended, eleven additional holes were drilled at right angles from
Xochicalco figures were probably modeled on the earlier jades, it seems
the edges to the back, an ideal arrangement for sewing the jademore likely that the Terminal Classic Quetzalcoatl association was a later
to a backing. Coggins (Coggins and Shane 1984:142) suggestaddition to the leaning-lord iconography. Miller and Samayoa (1998) have
that it is possible that they were hung within palaces as emblems
recently proposed that at least some of the earlier Chichen Itza jades were
connected with the worship of the maize god.
of rulership and wealth. Again, not a single depiction of a plaque
13 The deliberate mutilation of jade objects is well documented for the
being displayed is known, even in palace scenes.
Olmec. For example, in the Guennol Collection ( Rubin 1975:311) an Olmec
Remarking on a spondylus shell disc carved with a kneeling jade plaque is described as having been "killed" by carefully sawing off an
figure. Smith and Kidder (1951:54, Figure 88b) state, "The fact arm. It is possible that the missing arm on the Tula plaque was deliberately
removed rather than broken.
that none of the three perforations is so placed as to allow the
Other factors that may explain the condition of the plaques under
object to hang right side up, as a pendant, suggests that it was
consideration are the hardness and preciousness of jade. It is possible that
designed for attachment to clothing." The Tula plaque is puzzling
the irregularity of the green stone may have guided the completeness of
because, despite the numerous surviving drill marks, none appears
the image. Jade is a remarkably hard mineral, and in many cases it may
have been more practical to follow the irregularities and save the effort of
suitable for attaching to a backing or for suspension. Perhaps the
completing the recognizable iconography. Rubin (1975:309) suggests that
"the original [Maya] artisans often modified the original shape of the
stone [jade] as little as possible, taking advantage of the natural forms to
" Although a full discussion of frontal figurines on jade express their purpose." Jade is a remarkable precious commodity, and in
plaques
is beyond the scope of this paper, it is worth noting that Proskouria many cases irregularities may have been preferable to losing any of the
koff (1974:160-161, Plates 67b-70) illustrates a series of Late material. Easby (1968:15) remarks on how the surface imperfection of
Classic Maya "stela" plaques from the Sacred Cenote, which are "dressed Maya jades, and "attempts of the lapidary to adapt the form to the original
in the full regalia of a warrior figure that one might encounter at Piedras shape." offer evidence for the scarcity and high value placed on the raw
Negras, with the lower jaw of a monster headdress hanging on the chest, material. How the fragility of shell, its relative availability, and bivalve
and the upper jaw sharply upturned with a double scroll above"form may have affected the carving of images on the Tula plaque is diffi
(Figure 13b). cult to assess.

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Figure 13. Full frontal figure

rior" headdresses,
headdresses, (a)
(a) Pied
Pie
Stela 26 (drawing
[drawing by John
ery); (b)
ery); (b) Jade
)ade picture
picture plaq
pla
of Sacrifice, Chichen Itza
koff 1974:164, Plate 67:b2
(c) Jaina figurine [after
(after Sch
Figure 34; drawing by J. W

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Figure 1
from Teo
sional Fi
FigureVI.
ma).
sites in the central Peten and in the Usumacinta region (cf. Coe cached jades are all in nearly perfect condition and show no signs
1959). As portable objects, they are known to have been recov of burning. The fragile Tula plaque, with the exception of the
ered from the central Mexican highlands (Tula, Teotihuacan), "Mi broken or deliberately removed left side, was also in excellent
choacan," Gulf Coast, southern highlands (Monte Alban), the condition. Apparently, two or more distinctive rituals of disposal
northern Maya lowlands (Chichen Itza, Uxmal), and highland Maya were involved, reflecting chronological and cultural differences.
areas from Chiapas (Tonina) to Guatemala (Nebaj). Where they It is significant that not a single comparable picture plaque,
were manufactured and how they were obtained before they were regardless of time or region, is known from a tomb and associated
distributed are basic questions. Currently, there is no evidence to with a particular individual. Even the Tonina jades appear to be
support Tozzer's (1957:183) speculation that they were produced associated with secondary burials in cremation urns and had been
in the central Usumacinta region or at Tonina. If they were man placed in a separate jar (Easby 1964:60). Because the shift to
ufactured in the style of Palenque and Piedras Negras, why are cremation burials is a hallmark of the Early Postclassic period in
they absent from these excavated sites? the Maya highlands (Ruz 1968; Woodbury and Trik 1955), it would
Proskouriakoff (1974:14) has suggested that jade plaques were appear that these Classic jades, like the Tula plaque, also were
items looted from graves and caches following the collapse of the heirloomed and cached at a time that Central Mexican ideologies
southern lowland Maya cities in the ninth and tenth centuries. She had penetrated into Late Classic domains.14
bases her speculation in part on Aztec jade looters implied in Given the remarkable preservation of the Tula shell plaque, and
Chapter 8 of Sahagún's book 11 (1963:221). Yet, a sufficient num the lack of known elite burials at Tula, it seems likely that what
ber of richly stocked, unlooted Late Classic Maya tombs have was found in the cultivated field was a cache containing the pre
been excavated, and none has yielded a seated-lord picture plaque. cious shell and other "treasures." It is unfortunate that we do not
If, with the disruption of trade routes in the ninth century, jade have more precise information on its provenience. Another remark
became such a rare commodity, it is more likely that some plaque able ofrenda from Tula also contained mother-of-pearl, in this
carvers may have turned their attention to shell as a precious raw case the famous shell mosaic anthropomorphic censer lid in Toltec
material. style excavated at El Corral (Acosta 1974).
How, why, and where plaques were deposited is unclear. Un Most authors assume that the plaques were direct trade or trib
fortunately, most are looted and unprovenienced. The few from
ute items but do not address the exchange system that might have
excavated contexts are all from caches, and were frequently placed
in jars or stone boxes (Chichen Itza [el Castillo], Nebaj, Monte
Alban [votive deposits in the Temple of the Jaguar. Rands 14 The Tonina jades, discovered (but not excavated) by Squier in 1852
(Squier 1870), form the largest collection of jades recovered in situ. The
1965:906], Tonina). Ruz (1955:62) interprets the deposit in which
three largest are a profile lord, a stela style, and a face plaque. Several
the Uxmal plaque was discovered as the scattered remains of smaller
a pieces were in the cache, including what appears to be a fragment
cache that had once been placed in the small platform supporting of a second leaning lord. The large, seated profile figure (Table l:Jade 15)
the double jaguar-headed throne in front of the Governor's Place.is unusual in that he wears an elaborate headdress without the features of
The most striking difference between cached jades and thosethe long-snouted reptilian and is seated on a cauac earth-monster head. As
discussed in the text, this jade had been perforated on all side's to be
from the Cenote of Sacrifice is the condition of the plaques them
attached to a backing. Unfortunately, several of the smaller jades from the
selves. As discussed earlier, all comparable Cenote jade plaques
cache have disappeared. The remainder are in the collection of the Amer
show evidence of burning and are in a fragmentary condition. The
ican Museum of Natural History.

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
been The Tula figure, like itsLothrop

in operation. For example, jade counterparts, is portrayed
writes, in the "T
jades passed in trade or formal
as posture
tribute of Maya rulersovergiving an audience
great (Scheie distan
and
positive evidence that some
Miller 1986:78).were inherited
If a high-ranking for
foreign dignitary was granted ma
before they were buriedan audience orwith
received a royal their
visit, what better owners"
gift than a pre (
1957:253). Referring to a or
cious jade "Nebaj-style"
shell representing kingly authority and plaque
possessing fr
shared symbolic
Cenote, Coggins comments that value? "the plaque may h
or carried as spoils or as an
The giving offering
and accepting to
of highly valued gifts has Chichen
long been
southwestern Maya regions. However
recognized as the most fundamental symbol of it traveled,
alliance. Describ
probably tied the Oaxacan
ing Germanic center of
societies, Mauss (1990:60) Monte
summarizes the signifi Albá
cinta region of its origin"
cance of the gift (Coggins and
in essentially feudal and peasant Shane 1
societies:
et al. (1998:207) propose that pilgrims may have car
as tokens of religious veneration.
The clans within the tribes, the large undivided families within
Diehl (1983:114) explores the
the clans, the tribesanalogy with
one with another, the chiefs among them Aztec
traders (pochteca) to explain extraregional
selves, and even the kings among themselves—all lived to a item
fairly large extent morally
Tula. Unfortunately, pottery and and economically
a few outside themiscellan
closed
confines of the family
marily Papagayo Polychrome group. Thus,Plumbate
and it was by the form of the from
gift and alliance, by pledges and in
ica, were all that he encountered hostages, his
by feasts and presents
excavation
that were as generous as possible, that they communicated,
of Huastec trade pottery from the northern Gulf
helped, and allied themselves to one another.
toys (presumably from the Huasteca), and some j
rine shell from the Pacific were also collected. Notable in their
absence were other exotic goods from the central and southern Although marriage and lineage alliances were often sealed with
Gulf Coast (e.g.. Fine Orange) or any artifacts from the feasts
Maya and gifts, the underlying function of the giving and exchang
marches or heartland. Although he had hoped to "uncover ingevi
of elite objects was often political and economic. The classic
dence of Huastec or other foreign residents in [his] Corral Localwould be Malinowski's analysis of the Kula Ring (1978
case
[1922]).15 As Malinowski points out, the seemingly "irrational"
ity excavations, nothing [he] found indicates the ethnic affiliation
of the occupants" (Diehl 1983:143). It remains one of the exchange
Meso of shell armbands for necklaces was a chiefly activity
american archaeological puzzles that architectural ideas and that set the scene for active trade on the beach. Even today among
sculp
many peoples of Mesoamerica the establishment of ritual com
tural forms could have passed so freely between Tula and Chichen
padrazgo kinlike relations accompanied by gift-giving is thought
Itza, and that, with the exception of the Tula plaque, all portable
objects were filtered out (cf. Wren and Schmidt 1991). to be essential to the establishment of alliances and trading part
nerships (Nutini 1984:23-28, "the mediating entity"; cf. Vogt
Of course, the presence of a single portable object at Tula,
which may have originated in the northern Maya lowlands, 1969:236-238).
need Even though the present form of these exchanges
say nothing about any direct connection between the Toltecs is post-Conquest, their functions are ancient.
and
the Maya. However, the fact that the object was carved or Gift-giving
re among and to members of the elite was common in
Mesoamerica. Kepecs et al. (1994:141) discuss the significance of
carved in "Mexicanized Maya" style and considered of sufficient
this pattern of gift giving and the "power that preciosities confer
value to be cached at the Toltec capital does suggest a conceptual
connection between the two peoples. on elites who control them." They note that "the calculated distri
bution of these goods to secondary elites and middle-level groups
It is obvious that the initial carving of the plaques considered
establishes nets of obligations that contribute in many ways to the
here predated the establishment of Tula as a metropolitan power.
mobilization
In the Late Classic period, it is likely that the plaques were pre of energy."
Landa (Tozzer 1941:95-97) describes gift-giving among Yuca
sented to high-status visitors or travelers to Maya domains and
became symbols of alliance. It is even possible that the tan Maya nobles at the time of the Conquest. Sahagún (1959,
Maya
Book 9:8, 47, 55) records the tradition of gift-giving among the
lords carried carved plaques with them on their royal visits (Scheie
elite
and Mathews 1998). As high-status items, they would have bepochteca. Brumfiel (1987) reviews the evidence for both
come heirlooms and been handed down through the generations. tribute and special-occasion gifts being received by Aztec elites
Later, they might have reached their final destination through from
a foreign nobles and rulers. When these foreign nobles at
tended the great dedication ceremonies at Tenochtitlan, they in
new network of indirect exchange, redistribution, or tribute among
Terminal Classic eclectic centers such as Xochicalco, Cacaxtla, turn were presented with high-status items as gifts (Lambertino
and El Tajin, and ultimately Tula and Chichen Itza. Urquizo et al. 1999). In his analysis of the role of interelite soli
darity in achieving the aims of empire, Smith (1986:75) emphasizes
the role of sumptuous feasting, gift-giving, and royal redistribu
Functions tion in promoting social solidarity. The dispersal of high-value
items through the political economy of gift-giving may better ex
If picture plaques produced as Late Classic presentation objects plain the distribution of plaques than trade, tribute, or Postclassic
were carried to foreign realms as objects of veneration or insignia looting (cf. Dietler 1999 ["commensal feasts" and "diacritical
of political alliance rather than as personal possessions, they would insignia"]).
not be entombed but would eventually be cached at the appropri
ate ritual moment. If carved picture plaques were intended to be
15 Mauss uses Malinowski's description of the Kula Ring and Franz
given to establish external and peripheral alliances, then their ab Boas's description of the Kwakiutl potlatch as his basic examples of the
sence from the southern Maya heartland would be explained. socioeconomic importance of the gift.

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
Luxury itemsthe history of from

contact with Teotihuacan, andforeig
the presence of the
ural aura. AsGann plaque Kepecs
at that great metropolis, they may et al.
have reached as far
geographic as Central Mexico. By Terminal Classic times,
distance as "merchant war
often
The ability riors, called the
of the Putún, meddled ruler
in the affairs of Maya kingdoms
to
critical to and eventually established new hybrid dynasties that prospered
maintaining his at
laden exotics"the expense as of the traditional
gifts,Maya governments" (Scheiecor and
similar to Freidel 1990:380;compadre
the cf. Thompson 1970:3-5), the southern cities n
change of were eclipsed, and heirloomed plaques moved
"cultural on to the growing
diacrit
alliances maritime centers oflong
over the southern Gulf coast. From distan
these distribu
tures (Kepecs
tion points theyet were dispersed al. 1994:
as trade networks and elite inter
Hirth (2000:264-266)
action expanded north to El Taj in and up into the central rein
Mexican
of cultural highlands.
diversity, The desire for prestige goods symbolizing fore
contact with
Xochicalco. the
Hedistant Maya increased
claims among the Epiclassic "Mayanized
tha Mex
political alliances import
ican" populations of Xochicalco and Cacaxtla and, ultimately, Tula.
dence At this time of dynamic
that these eclecticism the flow
and reversed, and the
comm
ing dynast now-Mexicanized
with Maya style spread
accesswidely up the Usumacintat
symbolic and into the northern Maya lowlands
systems. At(cf. ThompsonXoc 1970:43:
the Temple "Theof
. . . hybrid Maya-Nahuat").
the WhenPlume
Chichen Itza became the
elaborately carved
dominant Terminal Classic/Early Post Classicstelae
center, its lords con
striving to tributed to the "Mayanization of Mesoamerica"their
reinforce (Scheie and Fre
forms and idel 1990:396; cf. McVicker 1985).
symbols to show
foreign As plaques were passed downThis
societies. generation to generation, and as
inte
in rulers and realms ebbed and
monumental flowed, they would naturally be re
sculpture
ported portable
carved—whether to be appropriate objects
to a new lord or to retain ref
2000:200-201, Table
erences to a hallowed 9.9).
past. This would explain the unusual features
"Mayoid" of the Tula shell pendants
jade plaque, such as its disregarded inscriptions, "non d
pent headdresses"
Maya" features, nose bar. and straight-cut(Hirth
hair. The plaque's re
The carving probably reflects the shifting
iconography of fortunes of the Itza and the
these
headdressesnew of style of Tula and "Toltec Chichen." Like the carvings and
leaning-lor
members of muralsa at Xochicalco
foreign and Cacaxtla, the Tula carved shell may
elite
identified as a
signal further signifier
interaction between the poorly documented "Putún o
connected with
Maya" of Tabasco or later Teotihuac
Maya of Campeche and the Terminal
reptilian Classic/Early Postclassic cultures of central Mexico. migh
headdresses This is yet
ographic significance
another example of the power of Chichen Itza as a center of "May (St
(Miller anization" as its transactions stretched
1973:101, Figure along the Gulf Coast-Tula 1
are probably axis, leavingassociated
"preciosities" in its wake. w
display images With the ascendancy
of of Chichen Itza, a large number of plaques
war, dea
Figure 193).carved with the leaning-lord headdress
The image were concentrated at that site.
to those This is in marked contrast
worn by to their scarcity
the at other Mesoamerican
ma
ings now known to
sites. These objects may by this time have have
been incorporated into
1988b) rituals used to proclaim
(Figure 14).new forms of political
This alliance. Scheie c
which were andrecovered
Freidel (1990:393) propose that the confederate lordsan
of Chi a
headdress. chen Itza "[transformedMillón
Rene kingship into an abstraction, vested
intin
residence ofobjects, images, and places." These lords then "terminated
kinsmen with the
Ion office of king and the
1988:107). He principle of dynasty that had generated it"
suggest
paxco were (Scheie and Freidel 1990:375). To acknowledge this disjunction
residences wit
painted publicly, carved plaques
images as emblems of ancient kingship may have
represent t
critical role of external relations that characterized seventh been ritually killed and thrown into the Cenote of Sacrifice to
century Teotihuacan. signify the death of the older order.
Toward the end of the Late Classic period, when most of the Coggins and Ladd (1992:341) recognized that "most of the
objects found in the Cenote were deposited in destructive cyclic
jade plaques were carved, they signified external relations with
Maya centers on the periphery of the southern lowlands. Given completion or 'termination' ceremonies." Ball (1992:193) went
even further and suggested a single massive act of ritual destruc
tion that terminated Chichen Itza's religious and political domina
tion of the northern lowlands. If such acts took place, vassal lords
16 Helms (1993:4) elegantly sums up the significance of the circula
tion of prestige goods and their transformation: "By obtaining such goodsand allies throughout Chichen Itza's sphere of influence might
[valuable resources] from afar, persons of influence, or elites, are involved have brought jades and other objects to be added to the most
in symbolically charged acts of both acquisition and transformation bycolossal cache of all. However, rather than terminating Chichen
which resources originating from locales outside society are obtained and
Itza's domination, these rituals would have symbolized the break
brought inside society where they may be materially altered and/or sym
bolically reinterpreted or transformed to meet particular politicaling of established elite alliances and the formation of a new world
ideological requirements." order.

132.174.252.114 on Sat, 23 Apr 2022 17:34:09 UTC
RESUMEN
En este artículo reportamos sobre una concha tallada de estilo maya del exponemos algunas teorías sobre el uso de las placas talladas de concha y
período clásico tardío al clásico terminal que según Désiré Charnay (1885) jade, su contexto arqueológico y cultural y las implicaciones para los
fue hallada en Tula, Hidalgo, y que hoy se encuentra en las colecciones del rituales de los mayas y tocamos temas sobre la interacción y el intercam
Field Museum en Chicago. La concha muestra un maya noble-guerrerobio entre los mayas y otros grupos. Esta pieza es única ya que es de concha
sentado y la inscripción jeroglífica probablemente contiene signos como madreperla (nacár) pero es semejante en tamaño y diseño a las placas de
"concha" y "fuego." Aquí discutimos la historia de la procedencia de lajade con nobles sentador. La concha tallada de Tula fue grabada varias
concha, su iconografía e inscripciones jeroglíficas, y su semejanza a lasveces y fue deposito en el asentamiento de Tula. Entonces sugerimos que
esta concha y las placas de jade eran adornos que fueron presentados o
placas de jade grabado, a otras conchas talladas y algunas figuras del área
maya y México del periodo clásico tardío al clásico terminal. El arte, losregalados a nobles de entidades políticas de afuera y que eventualmente
fueron
jeroglíficos, el material, y las implicaciones de la procedencia de esta usados en escondites o ceremonias de teminación.
concha no han sido examinados extensivamente hasta la fecha. También
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
An early draft of this paper was presented by the authors at the 1999
ology at the American Museum of Natural History; Julie Jones, curator of
Midwest Mesoamericanist Meetings at the University of Illinois arts
in Chi
of Africa, Oceania, and the Americas at the Metropolitan Museum of
Art;and
cago. We thank the curators and staff of the Anthropology Department and Georgia DeHavenon, special researcher in the Department of Art
of Africa, the Pacific, and the Americas at the Brooklyn Museum all made
Collections of The Field Museum for their support, and Dr. Rudiger Bieler,
chair of zoology, for his expertise. Loa P. Traxler, assistant curator of shell plaques in their collections available for study. Stephen D.
jade and
pre-Columbian studies at Dumbarton Oaks; Melissa S. E. Wagner,Houston,
assis professor. Department of Anthropology, Brigham Young Univer
tant keeper of the American section at the University of Pennsylvania
sity; Clemency C. Coggins, professor, Departments of Archaeology and
Museum; and Colin McEwan. curator, Department of Ethnography, Artand
History, Boston University; Virginia Miller, professor, Art History,
James Hamill, keeper. Department of Ethnography Students' Room, University
of the of Illinois at Chicago; and Jeff Kowalski, professor. Art His
British Museum shared their knowledge of carved jade plaques with us.Northern Illinois University provided useful and critical comments.
tory,
Gloria Polizzote Greis, manager of Archaeology and Osteology Permission
Collec to quote from archival sources granted by The Field Museum,
tions at Harvard's Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, University
gra of Chicago Special Collections, Harvard University's Peabody
Museum,
ciously provided the opportunity to observe and study the Cenote jades. In and the Museum of Mankind is gratefully acknowledged.
New York, Christina Elson, scientific assistant for Mesoamerican archae
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A Maya Carved Shell Plaque From Tula, Hidalgo, Mexico. Comparative Study

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A MAYA CARVED SHELL PLAQUE FROM TULA, HIDALGO, MEXICO: Comparative study

Author(s): Donald McVicker and Joel W. Palka

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