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    Hearts and spades: Paradigms of household economics

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    Hearts and spades: Paradigms of household economics

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    73 views6 pages

    Folbre Hearts Spades

    Uploaded by

    JESUS DAVID GUTIERREZ SANCHEZ
    Hearts and spades: Paradigms of household economics

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    World Development, Vol. 4.No.2. pp. 245-285, 1986 mimes Great Baan (308-750X/86.3.00 + 0.00 © 1986 Pergamon Press Lid Hearts and Spades: Paradigms of Household Economics NANCY FOLBRE University of Massachusetts, Amherst, Massachusetts ‘Summary. — This paper explains why the feminist ertique of inequalities within the poses a serious challenge to conventional economic theories of the household. But it also ‘iecuses those aspects of both neoclass ind Marxian theory # re useful to/an analysis of conflict within the family, arguing thatthe barpaining power models being developed by some reoclasial theorist sre complementary 10 Marxist influenced structural accounts. 1, INTRODUCTION ‘Years ago, in a classic experiment in the psychology of perception, Gestalt psychologists terome Bruner and Leo Postman asked subjects to identify individual playing cards that were Iwiefly Mashed before them. The psychologists slipped a few anomalous cards, such as a black four of hearts into the deck. Until the exposure time was considerably lengthened. the subjects almost always confidently indentified these anomalous cards as normal (Bruner and Post ‘man, 1949). Thomas Kuhn (1970) uses. this example, among others, (0 argue that scientists, 4s well as experimental subjects, are prone to see ‘what they expect to see. Households. like decks of cards. have suits and hierarchies; their members are almost always ditferentiated by gender and by age. Although ‘most social scientists live in households, or pethaps because they do, scientific views of the household are based on little more than glimpses. of a deck that is constantly being shuffled. What ist, exactly, that we economists, in particula expect to see? What combination of hearts and spades? And how do we ascertain to what extent our respective expectations are fulfilled? Economists often perceive questions of methodology as unscientific, and consider ques- tions concerning the household somewhat non- ‘economic (Klamer, 1984; Koopmans, 1957). Yet the answers to such questions are relevant not ‘only to theories of the household, but also to a larger understanding of the economy as a whole. Both major pardigms of economics, neoclassical theory and Marxian theory, have diametrically opposed theories of the firm, but remarkably similar theories of the household. Economists of both persuasions tend to treat the household as though it were an almost wholly cooperative, altruistic unit. Today, however. they are confronted by certain “anomalies” — empirical evidence of economic conflict and inequality within the household. Most econo- mists choose to ignore these anomalies; many seek ways of reconciling them with conventional assumptions, But some economists in both the neoclassical and Marxian camps have begun 10 explore the possibility that economic sl ‘operates within the home as well as within the market. ‘This exploration could benefit from more systematic methodological self-reflection. In this paper, I explain why the feminist critique of intrafamily inequalities poses a serious challenge to conventional economic theories. But I insist that some elements of the neoclassical and Marxian theory are useful to an analysis of conflict within the family. Furthermore. 1 argue that the bargaining power models being devel- oped by some neoclassical theorists are complementary to, rather than competitive with Marxist influenced structural accounts. ‘The first section of this paper interprets the larities and the differences between neoclass- ical and Marxian economic theory from a femin- ist standpoint. The second section discusses ways ‘of accommodating an analysis of conflict within the family, arguing for a synthesis of microecono- ‘mic and structural approaches. The third section simply raises questions about self-interest, altru- ism and reciprocity that deserve far more serious us Pa consideration rom economists than they have as yet received 2. COMPARING ASSUMPTIONS. Contemporary philosophy of scence has had semarkably ite impact on the theory ox practice ‘of economics. A simplistic and outdated brand of, postvsm has insulated the basic assumptions of feoclasies! “economic theory from. ciel Scrutiny. Yer neocaesial theory. m0 Tes than ‘Marxian theory is lnrgely structured by Ws base assumptions Kuhn argues that distinct “par jams are characterized by distinct, vitally rommensable sets of assumptions. Whatever their other diferences, however, both neo ‘lasical and Marstan economie theory seem 10 be wedded toa rosy pieture ofthe household as home, sweet home.” "Ezopomists often pride themselves on pracis: the most temic ofthe soil seiencer. Yet a8 Thomas Kuhn and ‘Thomas Feyerabend, lamong thers, have argued, the borden {ween scence and other ifelecoal pursuits Is iil to draw (Kuhn, 1970; Feyerabend, 1975, 1978). Even the most “scientfe”of theories are based on untetable or circular assumptions They are seldom, if eve, verified oF {alifed in any conclusive way by empirical research. Even more important. normal scenic research agendas are often limited to questions that can be ansiered sesply by. meats. of technial ingenuity. As Kuhn ites, “normal tiene doce not sim at novelties of fat of ‘heory, and when succesful nds none” (Kun, 190. p52) ath neoclassical and Martian theory take somewhat dicular assumptions as their starting pelts. The principle of ulity maximization is impreprable= because uility can be defined at whatever is being maximized (Meck, 1962) The Principe serves primarily to generale very gem {rl predictions regarding the elfecs of changes {nirelaive price. and incomes on indivieal behavior. The Tabor theory of valve aso elds ttuety definition l merely asserts that value can be defined athe amount of socially ecerary labor time embod in a good. and that valve beara determinate mtbematieal lationship to pices (Steedman, 1977). Individal wits fone ons are unabservale, and because revealed Brelerence can be ranked only in ordinal terms, they cannot be aggregated or compared (Arrow. 1965). By the same token, soul) necesary labor time (which nclodesitite generations of Wet Tabor inputs) cannot be dieetly eae edn part because i requires the agpreption WORLD DEVELOPMENT of heterogeneous forms of Ibor (Bom Gina, 1977). aera "To ake another pac of examples, nod theorts sttume ht individ (shoo that behave a hough they were nian) ims re the primary setrs in an economy td {hey interact almost xcsively oop. cope {ve martin which nosing india or fan affect spply and emand. ‘They dng ‘methodologies bised on this ssompton ‘onieroble evidence tha few any mae fate competitive (Eiedman 196) Manse, {eonstt tend to os anes The uae nay defining clases interme of elon {o means of production and conte! ove Inbor proces They pure the mebodsep ef diss analysis despite the evidence of Pow ‘vers and complete forms of socal sa ton (Poulanteny, 1978: Wright 1979). “Suh assumptions, however ome, xem to be an indipensable meats of stacy fesench Acknowledging th uoletot fk Ponts gue that atumptons thems fren ie sroiny, that theodes shoal te Fadged soley by thee scces a generating sod Estulyig empirical predictions. Miton Foe fant casi statement ofthis view in The ethodoogy of Postive Economic conn {oe widely quod by economats who tendo respond to snes of thelr sumption singly ty resting their empral ret Tir ‘ponies not pariellaniy convincing hen. ‘Thomas Kahn and others have poled ov te fame empirical revue maybe con th tore than oe theoretical conaucton (be 10, p. 70). “The Tack of team inherent in most tere cal msumptions does na, however fede com fansons between, ther inconseqcnia.o Sinecessry. Among the exter that are ott red fo compare arnaive st of there sumption re ftera logic conseney. od ang of explanation, Maran economist ee irexclued fom the "dominant paradigm. ny reject poutvat or emp Wess bt ‘Letolly fen othe oppo exten. Hinges and Paul Hi (199). fucsion the relevance of Bison “te esate the role of deducine logic. Seve Resnick and Rochard Wolf (OAS) avg at Deter atumpions nor facts provide aleqate “tera for choosing Between tect Diet theories merely repreent diferent pit of try chosen for Netra or personal eS ‘cen hese two eters pion sa reat is more anpeating mle gon. Gnitieterssn, both theoreti! samo ad trina rents Jever creo scat ae PARADIGMS OF HOUSEHOLD ECONOMICS srs of speping yale era ine of ein yt ie peer eer! ee bee eee ia Saeeiss ate ee St al ta pert tele egos Roepe emp mead stistorians of economic thou ive noted. Smeets ese aay eet aes oe een oa et lcm ie, en serena at. trate rmieigptenr at, ee rece rau eg een a Te a toma scant ee Sr ay ae SA attach at as ae tomate er ht Sau rhet ore ce crcecey es ages ae Greasy ey hee mee Gag 7) ay Som pecans clan nf mul es a seiner agentes Srabesetaeunn ota trod od feria rote cm meh cre grein eat eerrne Doe aes eens 0 Cao wate tee me See oe ci cata ey So cote ora tee lpg a oe oars Seeder veces ge Si hovereerenrins cae chs seo ef ae ey commitments to aging patents (Parsons, 1983), © 7 ieee pet, oes pees eee Re ecmteetie : eestor ead aes Teac ty Shyer i (en Ora ea sere ites eet nba a bose ee sai eis So A ‘of pure altruism within the family resembles, 3 Si ae ae arn storey ecient presumably mot : Ket esoures and a perfect aus that pres Ahly motivates equitable allocation of family Lest Gary Becker unairly be assigned responsibilty or this paradox, it should be feted that ithasdisingubhed rots Inthe istry of economic thought, One of the most widely” (quoted pasages of Adam Srith’s Wealth and Rone Sbserves, “Its not rom the benevolence S ete butcher the reer othe aber tat ne? txpeat our dinner bot from thet eegard to theit feisintres (Smith, 1937, p- 14). But as Smith fade cleat in The Theory or Moral Sentiment, j (1966), he was not so skeptical ofthe Benevol 4 nce of fathers and husbands. "Becher (1976, 1961) seeks to provide a sien- fe bai for his moder explanation of "moral, fenliments,” drawing. from the socbiology 2 Weratce to axgue that shang in the faly epresents tre ata (rater han mere feepreci). But he heat ol selfahnes dos is frase In ying 0 explain why indvival faruly ‘members do. not“ceride™ onthe benevolence of ihes, Becker resorts to the ‘onceptof benevolent dictator. How che (0 eee endef owed oa th ‘tonomic power to ensue that every amy Svember ace inthe ioterests ofthe family 254 sthole? (Evenson, 1976). In Becker's words, “parentsimay use contingent transfer of eh {© provide cilren wih longum incentive omider the iterets of the whole fi)” (Becker, 1981, p88). This explanation of he Joint ity frelon asvmes that the ony Power Keir in he family ave sinus and the ony fotten family members are thre who wield no tffecive power: In ater words, Becker allows for owen tds but ot for vten parents, rten Iisband, or roten wives “Selthness inthe family kep set bounds “at france, Makin ory nigh cm ess suscep to such idealization. The Marsan radon has aloays emphasized the iportnce ‘St confih,ineqaliy, and exploitation. Yet ‘onfict is defined along the anes ofthe ast, poston of fame, ater than nddal (Fer Esson. 1979) Furihermore. much of Matsian theory is apeciie fo eapraism a3 dominant ‘node of reduction: Nowmarke naitton sch Sipte property the famys and he State are xpnined primary i terms of thee imnetions {ota sions ad diferences between mo, ‘omen, and chen th same econo cas Temain largely unexplored (Tannann, 98) “The Martian prececpation wth eis 8 a mode of prodscion has shaped the apstion eX" Martan theory tothe bourebo. Like cocina! economist, Manian economics SSsumes tat tims maximie profs, Uae eocaisl economics, Marxian economists {ois fo vector cept), make no ext sumption aboot the economic objeciner ination, bet sepegte tom sie cconoe tase (Roemer 19), Workers primary goa to sare to csubust "Yo stale fem the rode oftheir labor. Howtehsl production Ucenived a provection for axe motnted by ti needs. often countrpored to production {or exchange, motvated by an isaac dese for gain, As s result, production for We ho ‘Sahel soweconomic impstions ‘Convenional Marist conceptions of reatons within he Bowsehod aid the term Stuuian Imply however. they stu hat itis ple" parla wn te woking lass tary. Je Morphine 1977 e939 on he (WORLD DEVELOPMENT worinls Gy in Din, fo tan, Seat womey rege eee Independence that wage ate te Gey copie tn ba ee Eiffel eal Sny Deny et De Nw U9) oo on te caret ps Conte pean Sour ws Sal ype te ofporeny fo eno nee Iequaly mtn he pes hosed Mea Soa Ube) Marta ans of fey Seem aeied anise yeas Biveay fmd econ coke he ‘Xp wo a) ke tht tay a Sor oe ndpatons seas een Sven oh hold ta imefeing. many Masts empha de sl st dontsion td snaon We oe fol sve a they scow ny ls oe pore o scosoni slknot st he Poi of enpllaion =” ela Gos fd Gin, 198s ut excn Marat nay ine ald a esate a enone tne want hone (Hop ia ahr te coment eal at ara pio the ouebol eapa tel Temes sped by cen eget Rees ety alent age Wats an rene ih funn: Maat theory bay set ines toe and chee me ended Tatar taed "as hushed eerie Nevo pec he noha ie pons heey hen Foaston vie Mann ee ste Gibaof apn saci eme Erect me cient» onnen e creampies he Lepore ocala Inequnty within the family: They have a ihehag tort rowing Ira ase re ibe 3, ACCOMMODATING CONFLICT ‘To cal a spade a spade isto acknowlede a8 unpleasant fealty: feast ave emblematic of Toman affection, To return to the mtaphro the peehology experiment described abe fmcreers of the household tend 10 see heats instead of spades. A growing body of tesene Iogely informed by feminst concerns doce rents equals that eepwetentanomalis fh comentinat Marxian and. neeloi thewies ofthe Rowebold (Fath. 1988). OB tnugh, the eiflerences hetween those eco fst minty to renee these anomalies wih Conventanal awcumptions and thine mh FE PARADIGMS OF HOUSEHOLD ECONOMICS Po ‘tecomenionat sumptions are ar rete han eaaeenc between neocaasal"Yevsionisa™ Be Manin "revsonins” “Tencialpreconeepions have blocked both er percepion andthe acknowledgment of feral dimensions of Inequality win ose: {ati in bot the advanced and” developing toutes, However, evidene of inequality {enc emcreing fom numerous stoned a3 Stlascontmporayemptical studies, Research Seearope andthe United States eves bran taleoniet over the itrgsnettional gisnbo. tin‘el txome and weal (Berner, 3903, Flue, 1599). Although paren in any Aeeepng counties seem to wild more econo Sepower over thei cldten than inthe totlned counties (Wo 1972 Saal, Tei. suveys of parents in developing counties Show itr ty ave not always stad wih the fect economic asiance their cidren pre (Burak. 1978) Genierbutd ferences i the allocation of hae resorcet are manfestin the ont: ig eres fete and male acess 0 ‘hes (Wd Banks 183, p198). Some Ses ako show that ger has sgifieant ‘Syaton eas less Gs and women i fin tes ofthe decline werld aparently fete 2 smaller proportion thei Recon ‘ended Day Allowance of protcin snd ealores fondo men (Chenera SH: Horowite 1980). Sn es spss tat icreee im omens mone fave aft gure positive iipaet on tree ie chien’: notional level than 8 treme in me's incomes (Miler. KH). In Ind Samat iference i male and female ott levels sem spiicanlytelted 10 ‘eras in fod consumption (Miler 1981) “ine bgt sss revesk agian ier> {oesn oot of monk betacen men and women Ses as dvere asthe United Sister te Soviet Union, and Western Evrope (Hartmann, Uh: Lapis 1978; Sala. 1975). These fers {abo chnacteriie of many ates ofthe Seceopng mill ae pareulaly pronounced in teton where men's and. women’s howsehold re somewhat separate, ain the eae in rath of Aca Jane Guyer detailed hovsebold tnney of Ghanian howsholds shows. that emensincomcs average only one-fourth those keen Geyer 1980p. 19). Jeanne Henn 1982) erumess comparable equalities in” Came: ‘ron Monsed and Kongsiod's study (1979) of ote Reson hscols sows tat men lt tom womens and chlrcn® labor Yo ubicne” and sh crop ico con a sae ony» wl percentage Mesweeney (1979) reviews «numberof Afi can time allocation sods showing that women ‘ror longer hour ther bose: Wolds Romoudj (4983) report Similar resale from Botan. Unequal ime Bocaton bas also been extensively documented inthe ‘Aslan counties of Bangladesh (Cain ef ai. 1979}, Nepal (Acharya and Bennet. 1982) Snd the Philippines (Foor: 1984 King and Evenson, 198). Time badges have teecved felatvel le atenvon inthe Lata American fentett although inequaiy and onfiet tn fouehold"decsionmaing have received tome atenton (Roldan. 1D) tn developing "While these findings cast considerable su onthe jin uty sumption they ar by fo means ineconclable wilh Inequales of ny sort can be explained by 2 kris or volunary sce. At ft {hie explanation seems inonsitent thrust ofthe new home ecnomiss. As Becker ‘nse? complain, sine economic Merstre i fal of references 10 changes tates and feteencen, inyodsed, ad hoe, {0 explain via behsvior: Becker, 1978 p12) But the BL the neoclassical approachis not that tastes {nd pretences are unnportant, but that they dre chopsnovaly given and randomly tbat iti ine assumption that makes Ht posible to aluibute changes, In esononse behavior 10 anges io prce and incomes. Once some Segres of sts i token a5 astringent ad changes in tbe For instance, Wit decline in intergeneration tas Gin be eaplina by voluntary the feral expnairet on-ehden that fsa om a high income easy of demand for Soild” gual ‘Simiay.Roveneweg ‘Site (982) ange hat Inn ames vote trove resources to male chien than fo female ‘Siren Deane eflsent™ for them 0 0 for he higher wages mle chien ean rome tore tenet tote fay a 2 whole Boat’ pmo me, tat iiapeement and tage play 80a SSutbuton of fami fesouces, But the sae facto that intense “ehid qual” (primary {nected edveatn) and female wages abo incense the nntve bargaining power of youth ind women, Asis olten the ent wis comping odpm two Gn tore approach Eirini the sme emp eal posit Strout idenineaton problem for both theres 20 (Folbce, 1964, More detail envi stadies {Sul elp sole te protien. Bat the howse= fois underly objet uncon wil svaye Femain unobserrabie ‘his empircl indeterminacy amplifies the importance of catetalconideation ot aims tive asumption Thee aematves row nur allyoutof the eam of household oi ty SSeaned eae. Bath nena and Mar Tevislons ofthe conventional approach emphar 15 the importance of conte" and basi porer within the hoviehad They node! Confet na" bargaining on atic, but somewhat complementary eels analysis reflecting het ‘haetying meBodologal sounptions Most miroeconome approaches to bagsining closely resemble convention neocstl heory in the emphasis on indindval econ making ‘They fer from the conventional approah primary in the types of individual oXjete Ken ey se orn Maer an ron (98) and McElroy snd Homey 158) scum model In wich feds atte the product other gin oom marings and tei farners gale fom. mariage. ndiieals Fespectve Economie postions Guide martage serve as a “tet pont” in Nash brining fame, Parsons (198) provides several ferent foecifestion of og bres Sone-Geary uty {neon in wih both em wy and the aiity atthe youner or older generation ener 3 fipuments. He abo explores the way in ehich intial et maybe ued 6 thet pout In Nashargunng tame Some sues ints ent dey adress the {sue of aim. For stance, Parsons and Golan’ stad of the dapotion ofthe ern child wogeoorkers In the tele ioushy provides an empirical estimate ofthe degree of parental alvusm af well ar exdence of ner fenerational confer" (198). But shepichn bout the depee af lum within the omy not the stngishing festare ofthe revit Spprosch. Unequal trestmens of cetoinfomly members canbe tested simply an exogenous iy geen “tte or pefercnce Behrman nd Kenan 1980) for efampt te the term “yo tle is to eseriesecatonl nego ta tibted to éierntal Tetras Revionstneocasia! modes ofthe hows to der most dramatically from conventions] resi mode there a ajc farcion hat area less pavally endogenous Because’ Nataraig” mode Ineeperate “thestpoime™ tha ae largely determined by dua potential economic positon ouside tion of telative econo. bargaining ‘These modch redret stanton fom fetes microeconomic evel 10 the ecoromyide tors that determine relive bag ‘Not all proponents ofthis aphoack Se, tn cian ane 28 rot Instance, simply obiere tat momen hk cama ower ‘mathe wage tan meebo eetasieal revlon who tech tei historical change, tke Paton (1980) nd ot ‘lain the dm weeny ve aging power boc is RP ere ene & : SS utin eta Soe eran tests eee ee ae eect Dadearee Centre a eat Saetiga oes Cea dette arect ae Beatott ear iaere cs Ee aA "A weno ssn alsa et Eagan Skate a re Sie teense ert Se at a PARADIGMS OF HOUSEHOLD ECONOMICS aha om sraca factrs that place women Gi ten tm aieren soc and scooomic fnbet than mescly blogs) posone tan {ittmen: Gender and ape aifeences became Imsgour to, tough not iene foe cles ‘Essex Inmost Marat emit aay the {Sugy betwen clas and gender tony mt Sep tevards 3 conieration of thes romewhat ‘huadcony interaction Inmy own work, for ntnce, 1 have au Oy emerpence of eal eltion of floveion informa vate than" merly eden preening patch yates. Oppo te for wage Ibor eventual tedoce {Taal contal over the younger generation, “arabe economic incentives large numbers Cadden, and diminsh the incentives for ‘erin om of patel con! over women {Tare 98) Breer men are able fo contol teva in which women paripate in wage itor, lig their acest foal but the mest Ibepayng jobs. Employers, aswell as men, est fea lwcont female Tabor, and both ‘Scoytonalseicgtion and the sonual wage ‘icra tepredace traitonshptrarcal i quite win. ode cpl systems {irmann 199; Rabery 1978) ‘There ate other complementriis between patchy and citar hat may hep expin Shy womens selve barging power wthn ‘home does ot incense re inte oure of fomomie devcinpment For inance,” Site fon tvard etary may shi the Boden of Sidrearing expencsneesingy onto. ind Siva ten Spies mers (Pare T9858). Uni een relaively few Niort suds teced the infence of employers choices, tae tan actions or State poy upon women as # foun Bat the rowing erste onthe econo: Ie patton of women in both the advanced Sia eounties and the developing word fovea ich bars for more eel considera fen of‘srectralnfuenect on. ind ‘ining power win the howehold (Mee Gime 5 Achy and Dennett 1982). en when pond in purely deserve, ater than heart term, te evidence of srt inequities based "on gender and ape cals ‘@iierable doubt on approaches tha houhld ae» py ‘they were in 8 ‘share. Tels the [tapesiton of women's lack of economic power ‘ih the unequal allocation ‘of ousebold tee proponents of « bargaining power approach to the household accep the analogy with bargaining power within the capitalist fim, they have mething in common with and perhaps tome: methodology. Likewise, conventional Maras tho have yet 0 apply their new game-theorel Models to the household or family have tome: thing. 10 learn from revisionist” neoeasiel theorists, 4. PRODUCING HEARTS Ishome never aswee place after a? Could it bethat al the eards me thought were hears were just diferent colored spaces? This view seems 95 neal as ite ivere. But economists who eject the convention) neolisial view that iris esiesin the far andthe convention: AI Marsan view that can thrive anywhere xcept under expt ae let with he need for fr ateratve theory of alrusm. I here ate Triton the pari of econome sellanterst, artowiy defited, how and why Go these ints merged "The household remain one of the most inteteting rena for asking this question bes ‘hose als ie more vse there than ele- Sire: Patents may fespond to changes tn he ‘ons and benefits of cilren, but hey contin {ovate children even when the economic costs every high. Levis, children may often eit ty tornal conome sblgaton to hc parca, tok nonethlear remain tn important sours of Security and support: The paral alam thats foe of the defining characteristics of far He not be atribeted toa socabologia pera: fie to manimize gence finess It may be Parilly ‘explained as a complicated form of feaprotiy. Te economics of the fay igh gts the importance of theoreti understand ing of bow and’ why recprocy ccesonaly previ in economic he. ‘Alivia, denotes, ia Websters terms, sunstshconcem forth welare of ober ‘eocanieal terms denotes interdependent ‘iy functions the por that one ‘Adam Smith's butcher and baker could not be {lied upon to experience. This s the pleasure {hat, fom Wilion's sociobilogical pint of view, fepresents an evolutonsry dead end Individuals ‘who sacrifice a share of their resources for others ‘without reciprocity diminish their own chances of 2 WORLD DEVELOPMENT eliminated hough natural selection (Witon, ior. "The one exception, in Witon's views Kine bused ats. Idvidals who sacifice for the Sik ef eter wh shave he gees (othe, Stes, oF llpring) may diminish ther own ‘Gunes of srvaly but hey enbance the bir iyo thir genes, and thereby improve het ov “Teproduche fness" Beckers emphasis on ihism: hin the fay sods frequent fetrener to son imply tat he aces this Teoprduelve finest" argument, However, Becher diverges consierabiy rom Wilson's view drhen be anges that alist cam garner import Unt comonte beni in the form of repr ‘Where thre is conierable pysiesl and social intercon, be goer reciprocal alum ean Tenet everyone (Becker 1976, p, 298) “Ot couse, Becher never extls the merits of recprocal aroam outsige the fry. Ihe id 5S he would. come dangetousi close to. an Endorsement ofthe ponsble ment of collective Srncrihpand the pole virtues of democratic ronan planning. Neodasueal economisis fave radially ben hep of a coopera the tehaor bree, of iy stgcted "fee fuer” problems (Olsen, 1968). On the other Tas, Maran theorists hae en seamed hat {he elimination of elas diferences would Bea Sulfelent condition for -effecive economic Seen, however. hath schoo of toe have ego tocuamine the sues of recon tnd cooperation more sytematal On the focal, ns ond al (8) ae That appropiate rocaration er enforcement tmechanuns can anak cooperation an effective fongrun siategy for optimization. Andrew Sthoner, (981), among others. sugsess that fustoms and Habit may represent a more “lf ‘ent solution fo cerian coraination problems than the are On te Naan de, Roe Slzument that esptoation vn tke place win seBst economies lsrates the poi that here are no simple or obvious guraniesof economic “Te tamiy ao suscepbe ro eapotaton. 1 sone xn meee and Sharing takes place shin fois. than ese Sterley hu decree Terprciy is caecestu there? Becker see» {Cafden ar socal and phys posit are 2 Settclem asranice tht fanene wil eval {Gl Eeovety, bu thie agoment Ss @ ri enconvncing Pc cou ine a mich stronger cave fr the ceflees of tocination on eeprecy. Vitaly ‘Nery vc scence except for economics empha sis the ways faites and ter tcl atk tore convey ealture, te, ad pts Chien, it both concot and ering Stay Teas conveyances lp define du {atcpt of themscves and hel eine Stes behavior. Alri a ation may, dome sence "podoced othe we Est ‘hres by alin a. Stated ems of the theory of sing {dess ae one ofthe mechan of cos thathaipase tee dor roblems (Nor) ‘And he ideis of fame may ei en ‘thy tamlies enjoy at tem somenta ‘por Tectproly than oter groups. Sharing wine tery sewed ot oy by patents 398) ‘ronomit, ns fomehing reteming eres iy. Shaing owtde the fay pa Weve best ty chaige Perens on rdows the pit ofindldea sete frcans of achieving an optinal grorh uh Mie he home, Ecosomta, however, cf Tehnforce the very aetatreted beh tt {hey kets a het stating poi ein ing market forces. rethaps women’s poston in and conmimest to ames helps expan why women esa {es motvated by "economic comers thn then Recent feminitseholaahip empsses be Sri souazntion in family amd so ee Torts catng fender Taegu pa) frcovrsping morten to Be bette ale fren Whe and marten ste expecta ne Seas thon cer family members. 0 ethernet ere ther own oa, rome tepn i spend Tes tne SO ‘Sinin ihe Homes and more tie te capt Mratkeploce, wil ther ations! alovn Simin? ‘The Maraian theory of historical mae acces that shan nature sch 8 Shaped fy its material surroundings, Context Hence the micaion hatte et SX economi. selintrest applies ony 18 cpa context. However naive this nee fionitdoe seem that etal cule sn and encourages the part of enon Imecest more than mest previowt cite (Sanins, 1970. Ie ofem sid tht the fis and, wielding. the ideology of lines Seepi the medieval concept of amoral 209 tide (Polanyi. 1949. iTscers ed tht he ine had the aml economy fa the home, wee Imaginary world of perfect altruism co Coumtrtalance the imaginary word of eet Seimteret nthe market. The bulk of cooome theory eer takes strum 383 gven oF ESE tuto order, Neither of these aleratves 8. PARADIGMS OF HOUSEIIOLD ECONOMICS coving, nds eginatethe soca Seer hat areure cenome fe wi fol and without, ya seo) andicny Seidman of ay eer theory ok “Ceprnion and confit in the family, 9 for, rave questons that ext acrom the asi boudaes of ecoctesica and Mare tm tory, reveaing “not enly 4 common ietodlogical in, But ao & common agenda for esearch: Under what conditions can econo- imi reiproity prevail? In pursuing this agenda, tre should remember that our perceptions sil be {feted by what we hope forts wel a what we fxpec to se. Household economies teaches ws {ha Cs all oo exy to confuse the hearts and Spades. Butit alo eaches shat at east aome of the cards we play with are the ones we dal urslves Nore 1, The new neottialinstttion Werstre én sev ler fom am patent ignorance of teen Fert etiqus of erthodor Marian theory. Both ‘Shoes (9%) a Nor (981) expan how ba why “feet poems sre oretome, and how 0p Megane stope the emergence of sonmarhe et Ans bt eiter enterans problems of itergenrs Una or itetpender cof North (981) not only leat fem roger eily ove he scope of ‘ssl but epy wets popaltionpromth a ‘loc! conpltely genes to econ froth REFERENCES and Lynn Benet, “Women andthe Ecmomie.fartcpain and foal decison making i Nepal Word Bank Si Working Popen No 536 (Washington, D.C wa) Ate, Lures, “Relay migration andthe surviel of ‘cen Safe (E4), To. wr of Urbunzton in Td Wold oun, (Debt Oxlord Uawerhy Fes Ih pp 28. ‘ts Kee Soil Choice ond India Vlas en nen Yale Unineray re 16) eh Nl, Nomen Ops Today: Frob- Inn Merten Aaa (London Nee toh Rok 90, ee. ay. 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