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    Oe | Fim mg by basa Copyendc © 1992 by Pncetn Univery Pres Fused by Prac Unset res A Willa te, esc, New Je 4540 Inthe Unt King Princeton Univers Pes, Chichestor, West Ste Lana of Cones Cag Pan ‘Thecamphor Mame ppl Hindu and ect nia Includes bere ers and inden BBN 0 4691.074046 a. paper) — ISBN 0691020841 fob all pape) 1. Hindui—tnda. 2p ead noms tnt—Socl ie and cnt, 4 Reps and dog ALISDASS 1992 2945 09FK-2n SLANE CP This ook has ee compo i note Sabon Presses eee Pre eter fen a0 ee pape a et the pes or erranece andra fhe Comte on radon Gels or Rok Loney the Counal oa Lieiry Reurs rt the Unie tate of Ament For Penny and Alexis Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2019 with funding from Kahle/Austin Foundation CONTENTS List or Mars ano Tantes ix Preece xi Nove ow Traystirexarion xii Nore ow Documtwrarion xv Harmer 1 Popular Hinduism and Indian Society 3 HAPTER 2 Gods and Goddesses. 29 couarrer 5 Worship $7 Sacrifice 83 CHAPTERS Rinuals of Kingship 106 cunrtene Rituals of the Village 128 Devotionalist Movements 155 unre Devottonalism, Goddesses, and Women 182 Pilgrimage 204 Mistortune 224 cuarreR a1 Conclusion 253 The Hindu Calendar 263 Grossany 2 BurasocRarnicat Guioe 273 Biausocearny 283 Ixpex 301 MAPS AND TABLES Mars ‘Maor Hindu Religious Stes in India and Nepal _xvit Regional Distnbution of Collesve Village Festivals in India 130 Tantes 1 The Sixteen Offerings and Services of Puna 67 2 Select List of Festivals in Madurai in Margull and Other Months 184 Dates of Festivals in Margali, 1988-1989 185 Lunar Months 264 Zodliacal Houses and Solar Months 265, PREFACE IE MODERN social and cultural antheopology of Indi, based ‘on intensive fieldwork, began in the late 1940s, but during the neat twenty-five yeas, most anthropologists paid eclatively litle aitention «o popular Hinduism, the ving religion ofthe vast majority ot the population, Since the mid-1970s, however, antheopologscal research popular religion has developed significantly, in both quantity and quality, and there has also een a marked improvement in scholarly coop: eration between anthropologists and Indologists working om the textual traditions of Hinduism. By 1985, when [began co plan this study Lhad become convinced that the rapidly growing iterature could be synthensed into an up-to-date account of popular fligio, which would also counterbalance the philo- Sophical bias apparent in other general hooks abou Hinduism. I waned to respond as well othe reasonable complain, repeatedly heard from my colleagues and students, tha the anthropology of Hinduism has become so abstruse that only experts can be expected to make sense oft. pring pal objective of this book is ro place the mare important specialist liters ture ina broader anthropological framework, whichis also ineligible 10 44 wider readership interested it Hinduism and Indi, My texts unlikely to delade anyone into thinking that popular Hinduism sa simple matter, burl hope that [can show that itis not incomprehensible My own experience of popular Hinduism has mostly been gained in the south Indian eity of Madura, especially an the Shei MinakshSundaresh wara temple, and 4 right that I should star my acknowledgments by thanking the priests and other officiants who work there, besause they taught me so much of what I know about thee eligi. Given the nature ‘ot this hook, the second debt to he acknovsledged tsa general one to the ‘community of scholars whose work farms the indispensable bass for my ‘own. Faso thank the many’ fiends, colleagues, and students who have discussed the book with me, commented on sections of st delivered a5 Seminat and conference paper, provided vsctl information fom theie ‘own research, and encouraged me to keep writing owe particularly deep debts to Johnny Parry, for giving me sown advice and detailed comments on numerous draft chapters; 0 Nick Dirks (who also fead the penultimate version), Tooy Good, David Shulman, and Sylvia Vatuk, for closely srtinzing an earlier, unsavisfacory ver” sion of the manuscript and then persuading me to continue; and to Alt Hiltebeie, for carefully reading the penultimate version of the many script. [also thank Penny Logan, Adrian Mayer, Glonia Rabe and Jon athan Spencer for commenting on individual chapters, At various critical points, the encouragement of André Betile, Maurice Bloch, David Brent, Margaret Case, Jean and John Comaroff, Wendy Doniges, Jock Sutra and Peter van der Veer was invaluable, and I owe spesial thanks to the late Sir Edmund Leach, whose loyal support was etal a am early stage ‘Much of this hook was written during my tenure of a Social Science Research Fellowship from the Nuffield Foundations [thank the founda tion's trastecs and is deputy director, Patsicia Thomas, as well as the London School of Economics and my colleagues in the Department of Anthropology for allowing me leave to take up the fellowship. The re- Sear st Madurai on which part af the book are based was supported by {rants trom the Socal Science Research Council naw Economic and So- ‘tal Research Council, the Batish Academy, and the London Schoo! of Economies, “The verses from Love Song ofthe Dark Lord: Jayadeva’s Gitagovinda, csdited and translated by Barbara toler Mille, copyright 1977 by Cokin bia University Pres, ate reproduced by petmision of Columbia Univer sity Press Pats of chapter 4 have appeared. in diferent form, in articles In Mam, and they are reprinted by permission ofthe Royal Anthropokog cal fsttute of Great Britain and Irland, ‘Last bur not least, Powe an immense debt of gratitude ro my wife, Penny Logan, and my son, Alexis, which cannot he repaid NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION Hinduism, names and tems are wansbterated trom Sanskrit forms, sunless the form in a modcen, vernacular language is plainly required. Diacrtial marks are omitted, and the normal adjstments tothe transit: ‘eration system are therefore employed: rforr, ch fr c,2 or for v, and ‘sh tor Sands. In transiterating Tamil ems, mote extensive adjustments are employed to compensate tor the pecularinies of the Tamil alphabet i particular, che consonantal sounds ed. sh, and ae all ndicated. ‘When correct orthography is unclear, the spelling of some local words reproduces the cited sources, Proper names of peuple, places, and castes appear in their usual English forms. Since this a book about popular teligion, | mus stress that my Sanskrit rather than vernacular forms is designed only to-enkance it sibility. It does not imply any acceptance of the religious [erat as Sumption that Sanskrit—the “perfected” speech of the deities them selves—ts the only proper language for Hindus, I ACCORDANCE wih convetinal practi among writers on Nee as “a 3 ‘De Sor- BOLD nares we erent Aegean yom # Mayor Hind Relygous Sites in la and Nepal Se cunrree 2 and their form. These celationships, which define the structure of the ‘whole—the pantheon of deities in the widest sense—are built on ditter ence, but dilerence emergent irom polytheistic loge of uid continuity. In this logic, one deity can always become many and many become one, Ike Shiva ata Gujarati temple who is ako the 330 milion forms of him selt and every other god and goddess. Chapter 3 WORSHIP UIA, “warship,” isthe core ritual of popular theistic Hinduism. very day, in temples and homes throughout India, pa s bene performed before the deiues images by both priests and laypeople Pagan large temple, especially in the blackness enveloping the inner rmost shrines, has a powerful sensual impact, ten amplied bythe pres ‘ofa lage crowd of devorees ma hot, confined space. Frequenty, theres a deafening and even discordant sound asthe music of pipes and drums combines with ringing bells and the chanung of sacred texts, Svented Smoke poss from the burning incense and camphor, and the heavy per fume of sandalwood, jasmine, and roses hangs i the at. The height silks and gokd, silver and jewels covering the images scinallate ay priests wave oil lamps through the darkness, And when the ritual reaches a climax, devotees itt their hands inthe namaskara gestute to show thet eespect 0 the dees whose names they loudly praise. {ina small comple or house, where puis performed with fewer people present, the eitual ts usually more restained, so that its personal and al ‘most homely aspect is more apparent than i a large temple. In ui, the deity in its form as an image is typualy welcomed with» drink of water, itis undressed and bathed, and then cloched again, decked in jewelry and farlanded with lowers, A mircor may be provaled so thatthe deity ean zc upon its own beauty. The deity is offered a meal, cally of sump ‘ous splendor, and entertained by music, singing, and dancing: incense ‘watted over it and decorated lamps ate waved before it Atte end, the deity i bade farewell with the standard gesture of respect. in a temple in the early morning, a deity may he gently woken and at night put to bed, perhaps alone witha lullaby, perhaps with ts consort tothe accompani ment of erotic hyrnns, Puja, at ts heat, the worshipers’ reception and entertainment of a distinguished and adored gues. Ics a ntual to honor powerful gods and goddesses, and often to express personal affection for them as well, can also create a unity hetween deity snd worshiper that dissolves the dilference berween them. THe NATURE OF DIVINE IMAGES Like other rituals addeessed to the deities of popular Hinduism, pis is normally conducted with images (muoti xpraha}, and T must began w 58 cnarrew them. All larger temples, as well as many domestic shrines and other places of worship, contatnsculptred images. Mest readers, even if they fave never visite a Hindu temple, will have sen images in muscums or [Photographs of them in books. Sculpeured images are anthropomorphic for sometimes theniomorphic) representations of detes, carved in stone, cast in bronze, oF made out of wood, terracotta, or other material, are made out of paunted clay 0 that chey disintegrate tothe rivet or sea a the end of a festival In almost all the majority of mages are tone oe bronze, and they are Sy hearitul. In a temple, the immovable image (mada ‘rut, “root image”) ofthe preshing deity, generally made of stone housed in the main shrine: around t stand images of subsidiary dettes, sometines placed inside shrines and sometimes not. Movable images Iudsaoa mrs, “estival image”) of the presiding (and subsidiary) deities, which are woully cast n bronze, ae used in festival processions and other rieuals pertormed away trom the immovable images. Although most sculptured images are antheopomoephic or theriomorphic, the aniconve ding of Shiva 8 mentioned i chap. 2) 4 a amore exception, uly, since many amages represent gods and goddesses with several beads, eyes, or arms anda host of other fantastic feature, they are not designed to be exact likenesses of ordinary people or animals. The deities have powers and attributes transcending those of earthly beings, hich their mages are mended to display. However, the design 0 sculpeared mages including vga) is steely governed by traditional womographic tules, whieh in principle deine proiely their proportion and shape, 36 well as che features particular to the deity whose image its. This the number of arms, or the weapons and aramals held tn their hands, are speed tmigucly for each deity or form of a deity, who can easily be ‘entified once the rules of Hinda iconageaphy are knowo, Images are normally man-made arsitacts: They ate not usally consid ered to be sacred objects unl they have been consecrated by installing divine power within them. However, some aniconic images are actually tuncarved rocks. The fgas in many of Shiva’s grandest temples are be Tieved to have emerged naturally from the ground, *scltexstent™ and already full of divine power. A comparable example isthe special type of {osil known as shalagrams considered sasred to Vishna, Ait is imbued th Vishnu’s powers, it can he revered just ke any other image of the fod. The same applies to the dried berry of a shrub (Elacocarpuet gani- {sg know as rudrsha, which s sacred wo Shiva, Varios other "natie ly® sacred mineral and vegetable objects are treated inlay To the category of anicomic smages, we can also place the unhewn or pethaps roughly etched stones, sometimes painted red tha serve a ile village deities” mages throughour India they are either housed in crude worsmir 59) shrines or left standing under a tee oF ithe open air, These stones serve exactly the same function asthe sculptured images and Imgas found in larger temples, even though they donot Bt the classical iconographic rules. The same applies to othce represertatins, such as the metal tn ddents oF pots that stand at small shrines sn some areas of India. Pos in particular, when filled with water in which a dety’s power has been in stalled, ae often used as the funcuonal equivalents of sculptured mobile images a litle deities’ temples, Frequently a picture of a deity substitates for a image, Pictures have probably always heen used, bur the advent of cheap color printing has ‘made an enormous selection available contemporary India. Carved im ages ae relanvely expensive and ip mullions of poorer homies the house hold! shrine contains only pictures of the famnly’s favorite deities, which are consecrated and worshiped ust ike images. ‘Completeness requires us to stretch the category of images wll aster to embrace, for instance, natural phenomena such a6 very 23 well a5 animate beings. For example, although any deity may be installed in a water-por, che consecration sual generals said to tur the water into the water ofthe river Ganges (Ganga the phenomenal ont ofthe go dss Ganga. The Ganges and indeed all vers) are both “images of ‘Ganga and Ganga herself. In some contexts, mach the sameholds true for the sil in relation to the goxkless othe cart, Bhaxess. comparable but ddisunct example isthe burning oil Lamp, commonly wennitied withthe goddess Lakshmi. Among living beings, various animals can be unde Stood in a similar way, The cow is probably the best known example; it is frequently, although not invariably or exclusively, wentifed 48 30 image” of Lakshman Lakshms bersell. And sos nipontan, the Last analysis the same can apply toa human being. For example, when a prcst ibecomes form of Vishnu of Shiva ducing temple worship, his body is really an animate image, a literally anthropomorphic frm of the god and, as such, the priest worships himself ust ashe worships the deity 9 itsimage. The eae of the human “image” 5 smporiant for understanding the relationship between a deity and ss image, but tus frst go back to ry sculptured images. Tite RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN DEITY AND IMAGE ‘When Hindus vist temple, just gazing on the images for a “sight” ot “vision® (darshan) of the deities sone ofthe most unportant things that they do. Darshana brangs good fortune, well-being, grace, and spt merit othe seeing devotees, especially they go to the temple early nthe forming just after the deities have woken up. But darshana snot merely 4 passive sight ofthe deity in its image foro; the deity sls gazing on the ddevoree with eyes that never blink, unike those of uma beings. Hence in darshana there is the “exchange of vision” (Eck 198a: 6) that is $0 central to Hind worship before smages. In Hind iconography, the eyes have a special place, and painting on or “opening” an image's eyes 1 frequently sid to wviy tt ae essential preliminary to consecration and worship, Shiva in particular i often represented with 2 tied eve in the Center of his forehead, rom which his fiery power flows out, but om alld Sine images [3s wells on men and women the mark above the bridge of the nose symbolizes the tied ese, the point from which power emanates. Ths when devotees look at images, they ae also sanding inthe field of the deities’ power and absorbing i like lighe through their own eves, ‘Sorin the at of darehans, what exactly isa Hind looking ae? It the dey, iconic representation ina image, or something in between? The fswer isnot easy, but its crucial for understanding popular Hindus, ‘We can begin by saying that a deity is» an image. It may be there because it has been installed by a consecration situa, a8 with a manufac: tured image, ori may be “naturally” these, as with 2 self-existent image ‘or linga. The deity may be permancrly preseat in che image, a5 gence ally sad to be ere in temples, of may be there only temporarily, as with Images made for a festival and discarded afterwards. A distinction be: tween a deity and its image is plainly presupposed in many eantexts. For ‘example, the consecration tal setts premised on the nation thatthe Image is “empty” before the deity is installed. By some mare theologically sophisticated Hindus, such as the priests of the Minaksbs temple in Madarai with whom I wotked, the relationship berscen 2 deity and its image is commonly explained in terms ofthe power, shud, possessed by alldeites, even thovgh shake isl s personified as feminine. According to this explanation the image actually contains some or all ofthe ditys power, wo that the purpose af consecration isto install that poaser im 2 parucular locauon, the smage. There io hint wo the number of separate Images within which the dets’s power can be installed and the dey 5 never shackled by locating its power in images. Hence am image sel ‘cannot be equated with its cortesponeling deity; the object of worship i not the mae, but the deaty whose power ts inside Devotees who pare upon an image do not diesty see the deity, although they are vouched by the power towing out of the image. Certainly, much Hind ral is most «consistently and ecanomycally explained by treating the image asa tepow- itary of divine power and, therefore, by distinguishing clearly between the image and its corresponding deity Yer this distinction berween container and contained must not be over: played, es rue thatthe identffeanon of an image ean be dsputed. so that diferent peuple disagree aout which dety’s powers aren an image, wonstir 61 sometimes, too, the accepted identification of an image changes oer time, Nonetheless, an object—seulptuted or otherwise—is 2 divine image, st mast in principle be the image ofa particular deity (or occasion- ally deines). Hence an image, unlike an ordinary container, defined precisely by wharit contains—the power a a particule dety-—so that the final analysis there cam be no absolute dissintion between an image and sts corresponding deity. Thus peaple commonly pom ro an image and observe that i s, say, Vishnu of Shiva, of whom they have had ddarshay; this not a metaphorical hut a matter ot tact statement that Idenuies the image aya spect, named det. Stat dhe trea mart is widely employed to denote a deity’ form (especially Shiva ay Dakshina rmurt, Nataraja, etc) a6 well asa deity's image. Consegacntly, we must tunderstand the relasionship hetwoen 3 deity and sts stage in a dole sense, forthe deity can ether be distinguished fromm the image or alent fied with it, so thatthe image itself i then a "bodily" form of the deity, ‘made concrete and visible in mundane time and epace. Thus worship ts addressed to a deity whose power sm an image and also toa deity as an image. The double relationship between deity and image is particularly stk ing in the case of the human "image." Take for example the priest who, in south Indian Shiva temple, should install Shava’s posters im himself before he worships the god; according wo the Shaiva tual exts kaown as the Agamas, “only Shiva can worship Shiva.” Planly the foe implies thatthe only perfect worships the one performed by the god for himself, Tnut here on earth its commonly taken to mean thatthe prew must be ‘come, atone level, Shiva bimself. As a form ofthe god, the priest then ‘worships himself as part of Shiva's worship tn the temple. AC another level though, che priest isa man who can be distinguished from the god Shiva, like a container from the contained. Hence in these temple etwas Shira astmes form as the priest, but he is ako the god whose powers in the priest, his animate image. In general terms, the same applics to anyone identified as divine, wheter ity someone possessed by goddess, ora bride and groom exeared as dries om their welding day, 5 holy man widely revered as a ving god. In all these cases, to ents a person 25a form of a det also implies that that person 13 the deity, fr every image i also a divine Ferm Finally, let me note that because no deity 1s consteained by its embod ment in images, a deity can be—and sometimes 1s—adored un imageless form; specifically, che divine “without qualities” (nirguna) i worshiped instead of the divine “with qualities” (gana) made visible iconcally Some religious virtosi, as well as Hindus opposed to so-called idolacry, have persistently argued that material images are neces oaly bythe sim ple-minded and spintually smmatute, who canaot tuen the minds tothe ge" of 62 cuarrans sgodhead without v ible ceprescntations on which tp focus. Muslims in Inka have long décned the Hindus’ reverence for images, but in the last ‘avo hundred years or 30, partly in eaxtion to Chesstian censure during the colonial period, image worship has been increasingly criticized by reformist Hindu meelectuals asa superstitious deviavion from the true, Cnginal eligion of the Vedas, which only marginally refer othe atual tse of images. But apat from some adherents of movements lke the Arya Samay in northern India, which has vigorously opposed image worship ‘ance its foundation in 1875, the vast majonty of ordinary Hindus have teen untroubled hy criticism of thie “idolatry.” They know, as any sya pathetic observer must also recognize, that in popular Hinduism devotion land respect forthe deities are aot diminished, but most completely ex: pressed, through the use of images in worship. Tite Contexts oF Pua Hindus perform pupa ta wide range of settings. In temples, where priests are usualy respansibe for perfonmng t before the deities” smaes, pa Should be earned out regularly, Typically inthe great deities’ major tem- Hes, iis done at least once 3 day, but in sery grand and wel endowed ‘ones, the daily cycle of Worship includes 2 number of separate acts of worship, beld at differen wns of day, tn small and poorly funded tr ‘rast, worship may be dane po more than once a week ore ind atthe sire shrines of itl deste, i rend tobe sporadic: Warship at public temples i classically san! to be “for the beneht of the world,” because iis addressed on behalf of all wo the deities who prosect the sehole population and preserve the entire saciocosimc onder. At f ‘ate temples belonging to particular families, kin groups, cases, of othe Social amt, worship 1s mainly mended to benent thone who own the temple. When worship is peciormed by pests, especially n public tem: ples, ordinary devotees have no active role and the value of the ntual i tunafected by the presence or absence of an audience, In all public tem ples, however, worship can also be pertorme! for the deities either by Individual devotees themselves or by priests acting on their behalf, al: though most ordiaary people are usually content simply to salute the de ties with the gesture of tespext arid to have darshan of them. Tn addition 1 the worship condacted regulary, a empl’ ritual eye rormally clades a eange of periodic festivals (atsaia) a6 well. (Con fusing, che cer pu can also refer wo such festivals, suchas the anal Bengali goddesses’ festivals of Durga Paja and Kal Puja, In this chap: ter, hostever, only pia asa single act of worship is under discussion.) In ery large temples, many different festivals oscar weekly, fortightl woasiur 63) monty and analy whereas in smile tmp there maybe at wot tly one anal fal Dung feral, various Kinds ls ake Tiree ef pees fies ptreeen ecy Uy Minty psc id at oe temples anal atic, stake says Iai etc petal eek ee ret erry wae oie feels docs won fer rom werchip permed om ther ecco, A Pulte feral theuate—andudng te pate aa iets ofa whereas te beeicnie of ptt mle tl oe ear groupe Tiss plese pvfimed is my cher ss ac as monastrics a wel atin Hinds hones oral athe hosed shine there ages rps ofthe dees ep ely, worship at home Fe done replay, daly or pvhape wert though men do pat Pare spel dng the mre mpomsan fev domestic worship Teel ony ke sereiieay eer: ee eer red oe Sypris Maral Brahman wes sry this as eal tx conc seg wy til power prey lrg 0 female! “Ereyoae fate shat bur wemcsbave ote ft bem hey do more als 2nd tas (Slocum 1988: 208 cme he, higeane hosel oy Brahman Somes pit o condos ct pe a at aoe Fecha bathe fe sepr oof Smee woekip bv ye feiy Tnochokios. The principal purpose of dome py of cone, 10 rove te homie anion ey peor pers pera fori at home, often adress i bie Gr fore Gey (an Aver aan in ach and eer coment, fi is fen one component of lnger roe lee Seoereee ont by ogee fap oleae roca cna eatin on wr ok ater toi Pu cx she yar ei 1 la test a expending nthe ics of tne and ene spent on feewween he fecacay worship condaed daring major xa at 2 great ere and the mma eel in spe sre o 4 pe AazS arwide nd vin dene, bot Erie iy and de ‘erctigsitsite venation he wre of woniep among fire pipe indore pon tI, ens of pa have he are faedamenal srecre, ach shall wv bepn wo tesoga Wonstip 1N Tr Miwaxsitt Terie {er us begin with one parsicular example of puja, which comes from the Minaksh: temple ia Madurai. Rituals of worshop in the Minakshi temple vary considerably. The one to he described is neither as elaborate as some, not as simple and alos perfunctory many otber. I shoald fae asl st dase me pice eea Erol thesaine way on similar oceaons many during major estas for Minish and Sundarshwars (Shiva the presiding Jes of the tele TA sucha ital, movable, ftv images are the objets of worship. Minaksh's movable mone which abot to fet Bighy represent her Standing alone, Hk er per mmovabl imag, Sundaeshwaras mova HHeimage ofsiiar ize, tot a imps, bat an anthropomorphic image of Somaskands, wha tprscot the od ating bende female consort {Vinay witha small ge of theron Ska between them Belo a fesval procession, the two tages ate normaly placed ide bse ina all innde ic temple comple They ave dosed inaksbi ina sar and Somaskanda ina white hb tee parent ae ately teat nthe lew garlands doped on the images have bein Been thes for some hous, Prot an ober temple ofc ining Glam, wat neat she images an wal crowd of devotes its r stands trot of the alt eh ar of hepa, x urtain draw front thetinages tsk then nthe ane oneckens, bir a ual sy twee found the cain and o oe eal objec Percoll should note hat pot he Kindo be decribed is rarely peorded by preparatory eal of prcaton, The ter ence ay omit inthe Minskah empl hough tw tesogsiaed thats say ugh be pertonne, as ts Belore can ery emportant al The peparaoy ual sade up of sequen of several separate te The ps stats hs cats intention (amkapa) to pert he mia rita that wl iow and he worships Cane, lord of ging nd ‘etc, wo ensure wacese Inthe couse of hens that compete the sequence the pret, the sit an she imnruments of worship he lamps, in addon oan spec bye co be se athe ma nual) are sacevly moe hl pied: Charged wth the power of the dies tht has Ben sata in ther, the pret and the fsruments of worship ae ten worship s wel Pajabepns when the musician st to play and a chante Brahman Sasi The mania ere rom the Agama and most all suas pe fered in the Minka temple clude ther setaton, The pest pred ing oer the itl sited by obs ist cmaves then ad a lands rom the mages of Mitlsh and Somskad mn prepatation or ‘hebathmgrtva, known as abhicheks, He pours tubs over dhe imagen 2 snes of tony Iga aubeances sich a (tis ode) sesame seed cami curds,a sweet confeion Kann s pancho, pen cont wonsiir 65 water, and finally consccrated water into which divine power has been invoked beforehand by the chanting of mantras, Wher this water poured, the musical accompaniment reaches climax, signaled by lod and rapid drumming. ‘The next stage the decoration situal, alawkars, when the images are dressed in new clothes, given new sacred threads, sprinkled with petuine, sand adorned with jewelry and tres garlands of lowers, ;ARhough Mint akshi isa goddess, she lke her hushand—wears over her shoulder the Sacred thread that isthe prerogative of adult male Brahmans | A dot ot red powder (kumkuma), symbolizing the goddess, placed above the bridge of the nose on the images, and thece stripes of white ash eibint are drawn horizontally on thr foreheads, so thatthe images themselves bear the Shaivas’disincuve mark. The decoration daring 3 major festival is often highly elaborate: an expensive, colored silk san for Minakshi and a white silk cloth for Somaskanda, immensely valuable ornaments of {gold and precions stones for both images, and several heavy garlands of flowers After decoration comes the food-offering ritual, maivedva. A covered plate of food, normally plain boiled rice although there are sltematiees, Is held before each image in urn by a Brahman assistant to the priests The presiling priest continuously rings a bell while sprinkling water around the plate, whose lid is slightly raised by the assseant. fn this way, the priest offers the food to the gos! and goddess. The foo to be con sumed later by priests or other temple ofctams) s then taken away, and the curtain that has screened the whole ofthe worship thus fr is drawn hack, ls purpose w partly to protect the detis, especially Minaksh, from prving eyes while they are bathed and dressed, and partly to hide ‘them trom evl spits, who ae partici jal ofthe devs splendd fare and always try to sch i during the food offering ‘Removing the screen les all the devotees see the final stage, the display coflamps, diparadbare. In ths ritual, she priest waves seis of ol lamps, and finally a candelabra burning camphor, in front ofthe images. On ‘anus occasions, different lamps ate used, but atypical series comprises five cil amps, each with its own design and aumber of wieks. The closing candelabra has seven camphor flames (one on each of its six branches ad ‘one in the center): although not striedy part ofthe diparafhama, we can inchide the candelabra here. Akhough there are eatations in ste amon priests i generally ageced in the temple that the lamps should be waved separately before the head, body, and feet ofan image, each time desi Ing in the ac the almost airlaethape (as veiten in Far) of the ancient imystic syllable ont, which tepresents the totaly of the universe. The ppnest, facing the images, waves the oil lamps with his tighe hand and Continaously rings a bell with his lett; he does lay down the bel to take 66 CHARTERS the camphor candelabra in both hands. Usually, the candelabra ts waved swith special care, high inthe ait, so that everyone can see is atthe same Time, the musicians drum very loudly and rapidly to signal the cullminat- ing climax of the worship. At this point, many watching devotees raise their hands to gesture in salutation and esl out the praises ofthe god and tediess. Many of them crowd round the priest, who will bring them the Sill burning candelabra, sa that they can cup dheit hands over the flames hefore touching their eyes with the fingertips. From the priest devotees alo accept ted powder or, more usually, white ash (© put on their ‘own foreheads, They then stact co walle away, and the priests and their Ssistants begin to move the images in readiness far the next event in the festival ‘Weal juss every pra should be preveded by a preparatory eitual of purification, 30 i should also be completed with a sacrificial fie ritual. Briefly, this involves kindling 2 fre, invoking the deity—in this case ‘Shiva-in the fire, and worshiping him chere, pouring ebladions of clan fied butter and other oodstuts into the fame (the rite known as hom), and then making offerings tothe remple’s guardian deities aound the fie, Including an extra offering tothe guardian dety ofthe northeast quad. ‘ant, who is himself a fort of Shiva. Like the preparatory tal, the fire sacrifice carried out in conjunction with ats of worship during certain ‘ery important rituals, but otherwise is ormitted. Fr pus ofthe kind describe, the diseripubion of powder and ash to devotees normally com pletes the ruual. THE STRUCTURE AND MEANING OF PUA In theory, we might uncover the gencrl structure of pis and elucidate ts meaning by comparing a series of ethnographic accounts, for which my escription of the Minakshi temple pga would be one staring point Hosseve, there isa better and simpler approach. The Agamas, which in principle gern the tual im Shiva’s south Indian temple, belong to a body of Sanskri texts that are treated as authoritative because they com tain the dete’ own directions for ther proper worship. But these texts since they are the products of an indigenous intellectual desire to abstract and systematize, ako provide us with paradigmatic descriptions of pupa (Only for the worship of the great detiee—notably Vishny Shiva, and Devi in major temples served by Brahman priests—ate tents like the Agi- ‘mas taken as authortauve. Ekewhere, especially for lite village dctes ‘worshiped by non-Bralman press, even putative reterenice to rial texts fs rare. Nevertheless, che evklence shows that all pana rituals share the same fundamental stracture and that structure is most clearly land out i the paradigmatic desptions contained in the Sanskrit texts worsiur 67 According to the txts, ps comin of an ordered sequence of ote: ings ad series, each of which s Enon asa npchare Deen texts Contain vane as offerings and servic but the oe een always mach the ame and he mont como to ure sean Gonda (1970: 186,n.196) pros appeal ln tesxeennpchorn inorder, which Lrproduce with some added caneatons in tale 1 The seen tem ia this sequence canbe prouped mo pay dsinc phases the dey voor met er the age! and hen Iraalled there nono), cond, wate fr washing wold ro. Third—the heat ofthe itil—the mage bathed drone, adorned shown ncere sn mp. and feed fo no 3) Foy aa ter of geen o expe the deny bide areal ps, 16 “The Minako vmple pus dsc ane comps oor sl shat are scaraey serie: Rating, decors, food inn. sed wang tflumpe, Thee four stale homally cone vo consti the fall puja foe Minako and Sundarshwara both ding nals ann dil ‘ership. when pas performed bere ter merle enage, Exch Salt laste an wpachar and theycorepon—compang bem sith hint nable Ito bathing no.) Ursing paring he are thread, sprinkling wih pefome, aed adoring wth owes (os, 7-10; olleing ood (na 13) ad waving ao lamp (no. 12); Que oe he lamp sree i immediately prceied by waving + comer of cen 3 wellfoa 1) Inte Minka templet rx ol he orn end series thos, 125, M16) are usally ted, to lave only the coma thd Bhise (om 6-13) Taste | The Steen Offerings and Services of Papa Tr Invocation ofthe det {Gite 3 sxe or nstllton othe dey Otlering water for waning he feet ‘Otter ater for wars the head ad boa (Offering wate for ring the cath ‘Bashing Dresing o offering a garmen Patting om the sacred thread Spamkling wh petame ‘Adoring wth fowers Burning incense Waving ano arp fern foot Paying homage by prostaton,t (Grcomambanen Dismal or ekimg leave ofthe dasy ot cusprer Des this mean thatthe Minakshi temple puja is incomplete and chee: fore impertec? The answer iscertainly nt, In Hindus, ntual abbreviay tion and simplifeation are ubiquitous procedures that are allowed by the texts themselves, and the practice in the Minakshi temple ts entirely com> ventional. Admitedly temple offciants—if directly questioned—some- times concede thatthe missing offerings and services shoald be included, although they often plead as well that because che images are permar ‘ently installed! inthe temple, they always contain the power of the dei ties whose vocation and dismissal ate therefore redundant. Arguments ‘of this som, though, ate largely beside the point. A fll series of sixteen ‘offerings ancl services i best, bit 2 shorter sequence allt less good, sal ‘constitutes 4 propetly performed ritual of worship. Moreover, although the “tll” worship in the Minakshi temple comprises only four rites, which leaves out atleast eight of the sixteen textual upacharas, iis com ron practice merely co olfer food and wave the lamps, This is doae for Manakshi and Sundareshwara oo many occasions and for the subsidiary

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