Vienna Berlin The Art of Two Cities From Schiele To Grosz

Vienna – Berlin
Edited by Agnes Husslein-Arco, Thomas Köhler,

Ralf Burmeister, Alexander Klee, and Annelie Lütgens
Vienna – Berlin
T h e A r t o f Tw o C i t i e s
P re s tel
Munich ⁄ London ⁄ New York
This exhibition enjoys the patronage of
Dr. Michael Häupl, Mayor of the City of Vienna,
and Klaus Wowereit, Governing Mayor of Berlin
The exhibition in the Berlinische Galerie has been sponsored by the

Deutsche Klassenlotterie Berlin, and the Kulturstiftung der Länder
(Cultural Foundation of the German Federal States)
Contents
8 Pre fa c e Agnes Husslein-Arco, Thomas Köhler
11 In t ro d uctio n Ralf Burmeister, Alexander Klee, Annelie Lütgens
19 The Old Imperial City and the Newcomer Hermann Schlösser
25 T h e S e ce s s i o n s I
81 Distinctive Features of Art in Vienna and Berlin Alexander Klee
86 The Wiener Werkstätte in Berlin Rainald Franz
92 Berlin Naturalism and Impressionism in Vienna Markus Fellinger
98 Pictures of the “Other” Vienna Isabelle Lindermann
103 Julius Gustav Licht: Traces of a Collector‘s Life between Vienna and Berlin Wolfgang Schöddert
108 The Art Trade in Vienna and Berlin Katinka Gratzer-Baumgärtner
113 Ex pres s i o ni s m II
169 Expressionism in Berlin and Vienna Frank Whitford
175 The Visualization of World War I in Vienna and Berlin Clemens Klöckner
181 Murders of Women in the Works of Kokoschka and Dix Stephanie Auer
186 The Early Expressionist Magazines and their Protagonists from Vienna and Berlin Johannes Waßmer
191 On the Dedication of Hans Tietze and his Wife, Erica Tietze-Conrat Almut Krapf-Weiler
196 Music and Art in Vienna and Berlin Hartmut Krones
2 01 Da d a / K i n e t i ci s m III
241 Dada Berlin and perhaps Austria’s “Greatest Experimenter” Ralf Burmeister
247 Modern Women Artists between the Metropolises Annelie Lütgens
255 Friedrich Kiesler’s Connections to Berlin Harald Krejci
260 The Significance of Magazines in Austria Maximilian Kaiser
265 Ne w O b j e ct i v i t y IV
337 The Painting of New Objectivity, as Seen from Berlin Janina Nentwig
343 “Magical” Objectivity in Vienna and Austria Cornelia Cabuk
349 Theater in Caricature in Viennese and Berlin Modernism Christina Korzen
355 Vienna in the Feuilletons of Weimar Republic Berlin Christian Jäger
361 A pp e n d i x
362 Artists and Works in the Exhibition
385 Author Biographies
387 Index
8
Preface
Ag nes Husslein-A rco, Thomas Köhler
Berlin and Vienna: Two metropolises connected by more than a common

language. In the period just before the turn of the century until roughly
1930, a particularly lively artistic exchange appeared between the two cities.
During these years the lines of connection created a tightly woven network,
and artistic positions formed that were strikingly significant for both cultural
areas’ emergence into the twentieth century. Especially during the years of
so-called classical modernism, from the Jugendstil movement via expres-
sionism and up to New Objectivity, a vital and fruitful dialogue took place
between Vienna and Berlin that embraced all aspects of cultural life. These
relationships between the two cities—which have since been thoroughly
investigated in the fields of literary studies, theater studies, and musicology—
have been the subject of art historical attention only in the form of individ-
ual biographical studies. This exhibition, in contrast, offers a thorough over-
view of the artistic and pictorial realm and the connections that can be
encountered there. A particular concern is making the commonalities and
the interactions, as well as the different artistic approaches, discernible in
the survey. The art of the two cities not only offers a picture of cultural diver-
sity, but today is also considered symbolic of their different specific characters.
Against this background, the Österreichische Galerie Belvedere in Vienna
and the Berlinische Galerie decided to pursue a collaboration that resulted
in conceiving and developing an exhibition based on their permanent col-
lections. This also revisits a thought that was one of the original motivations
for the founding of the “Moderne Galerie,” which preceded the Belvedere:
The documentation of Austrian art along with and in the context of its in-
ternational connections. Once again taking up these ideas of the secession-
ists, in 2007 the Belvedere mounted the exhibition Vienna—Paris: Van
Gogh, Cézanne, and Austria’s Modernists, which explored the connection
between Austrian and French art. The Berlinische Galerie in turn had al-
ready taken up a similar theme in its 1995 exhibition Berlin—Moscow 1900–
1950 and elucidated the reciprocal influences and interactions between
Russian and German artists. Interdisciplinary in design, the exhibition illu-
minated the cultural movements in both cities and thus the historical frame-
work in which both art and people’s relationship to it changed.
The present cooperative project addresses the reception of the cultural
transfer from Vienna to Berlin and vice versa and, most importantly, illumi-
9
nates it critically. Both museums want the exhibition not only to expand the
picture of the artistic connections between the two cities but also to define
them more precisely. For example, the classification of Emil Orlik, who was
born in Prague, as a Berlin academy professor or a Vienna secessionist, or
the characterization of Oskar Kokoschka as a German or an Austrian ex-
pressionist, demands closer scrutiny.
The meeting place, base, and breeding ground for the exchange—also in
Berlin—was the coffeehouse, of which the most important to mention are
the Café des Westens and later the Romanisches Café. It should come as
no surprise that the Viennese artists were particularly drawn to the Café
des Westens, for there Berlin had assimilated a specifically Viennese char-
acteristic. The Café des Westens was known for its good Viennese cake
and original Pilsner Urquell beer. That Bohemian society felt at home there
and that the artist crowd—naturally the Viennese artists as well—also liked
to turn up there is understandable. Equally understandable is the attribute
it shared with its Viennese counterpart. The characterization coined for Vi-
enna’s Café Griensteidl and its patrons—“Café Größenwahn” [Café Mega-
lomania]1—found further application and became the second name of the
Café des Westens in Berlin.2 It is an absolutely trivial cultural transfer, which
is nonetheless representative of that phenomenon of exchange that en-
compassed all artistic areas, and which today is seen as particularly character-
istic of Viennese modernism—a transfer that finds its continuation in this ex-
hibition, a joint project between two important institutions in the two cities.
Our sincere thanks are owed to the exhibition’s curators, Ralf Burmeister
and Annelie Lütgens of the Berlinische Galerie, and Alexander Klee of the
Belvedere, for so thoroughly and knowledgeably working out the original
concept and for realizing and preparing the scholarly catalog. They were
assisted in this work by the special dedication and great creativity of Steph-
anie Auer and Markus Fellinger (Belvedere) and Christina Korzen and
Isabelle Lindermann (Berlinische Galerie)—all of whom are owed our grat-
itude as well. In addition, we would also like to thank all the lenders to both
exhibitions, who, by generously making the works available, have helped
to cast light on the artistic parallels and mutual influences between the Vi-
enna and Berlin of the early twentieth century.
1 Karl Kraus, “Eine ‘Freie Bühne’,” in: Die Fackel, year I, no. 23, mid-November 1899, p. 21.
2 Ernst Pauly (ed.), 20 Jahre Café des Westens, Erinnerungen vom Kurfürstendamm (Vergessene Autoren der
Moderne, vol. XIII, edited by Franz-Josef Weber/Karl Riha), Siegen 1987, pp. 12–13.
10
fig. 1/2 Postcard from Gustav Klimt

to Emilie Flöge (11.11.1907)
front: Weinhaus “Rheingold”. Berlin
Motif I from the Steinsaal, 1907
11 In trod uction
Hope and Promise: Vienna-Berlin

and Vice Versa. An Introduction
Ra l f Bu r m e i ste r, Ale xa n d e r Kle e, Annelie Lütgens
The Swabian Romantic poet Justinus Kerner gave expression to the “wide-
spread sense that Vienna differed from Berlin” as follows: “For its head, God
gave the German body Berlin /As its heart, he then set Vienna twixt its limbs.”1
During the nineteenth century, and especially after Berlin’s rise to the
German imperial capital in 1871, the question of what was typically “German”
about Berlin and typically “Austrian” about Vienna intensively preoccupied
both German-speaking capitals. Observers in each city followed cultural
life in its pendant with great attention, vacillating between admiration and
skepticism, and frequently getting caught up in the above-cited clichéd op-
position between the two. In 1898, Berta Zuckerkandl, an influential critic
and a supporter of the Vienna Secession, issued a harsh verdict on Vienna—
and at the same time a grudging recognition of Berlin:
“… Despite all of its natural tendencies, despite its inherent capacities and
talents, Vienna has lost its feeling for beauty. Who would have imagined
that Berlin could have surpassed us even in this regard! Living there is a
people devoid of artistic instincts. A people with an analytical, utilitarian
attitude, remote from the blithe pull of fantasy. They must literally be com-
pelled toward beauty, must be penetrated by an iron determination in or-
der to acquire those capacities for feeling that the Viennese possess quite
naturally, toward which they are predisposed. But these people have made
an effort. With great force, they have hauled everything foreign toward
themselves in order to see and to learn. This mental effort has had better
results than talent.”2
The closeness of the connections, as well as the magnitude of the differ-
ences and divergences between modernity as found in Vienna and Berlin:
This is the focus of this exhibition. The years during which the Secessionists,
Expressionism, and the New Objectivity experienced their florescence, these
were the years when both countries experienced radical change—not only
in the realm of pictorial forms, but in social and political character as well.
That images of a joyously sensuous, cozy Vienna and of a Berlin that em-
bodies modernity are clichés had already been demonstrated by the series
of sociological studies entitled “Großstadt Dokumente” [ Documents of the
Metropolis], which appeared in ten volumes between 1904 and 1908 and
which examined contemporary life in Berlin before addressing the same set
12
of questions to Vienna in a comparative analysis.3 This not only suggests

an early interest in the competitive relationship between the two cities and
in their comparison, but also in their analogous overall social situations.
Congregating in the late nineteenth century, both in the imperial city of
the Danube Monarchy and in the emergent German capital, were artists
who dared to spark the upheaval of modernism. The Vienna Secession was
founded in 1897, and its counterpart the Berlin Secession a year later. Both
groups turned away from the historicism that was still taught at the art
academies, a style exemplified by Hans Makart in Vienna and Anton von
Werner in Berlin. In Vienna, Gustav Klimt occupied a singular artistic posi-
tion, one that encountered a certain degree of incomprehension in Ger-
many, but at the same time, stylistic commonalities between painters such
as Carl Moll and Ferdinand Andri in Vienna and Walter Leistikow and Hans
Baluschek in Berlin remain conspicuous.
The exchange of exhibitions by the two Secessionist groups during the
teens of the twentieth century, along with the contacts between the two
groups of artists that were maintained through reviews such as Ver Sacrum
and Pan, ensured that each group and its protagonists would receive atten-
tion in the counterpart city.
This mutual interest was documented during the Secessionist period by
the changes of address between the two cities made by several critics, in-
cluding Hermann Bahr and Franz Servaes. The most striking instances of
such exchanges are those that took place in Berlin’s art reviews, most promi
nently Der Sturm and Die Aktion. Published there were drawings and writ-
ings by Albert Paris Gütersloh, Egon Schiele, and Oskar Kokoschka. Emerg-
ing as early as 1909 was a successful alliance between the Viennese and
Berlin avant-gardes: The artistic impresario Herwarth Walden, who founded
an art review, traveled to Vienna, where he met the architect Adolf Loos and
Karl Kraus, the editor of the Viennese publication Die Fackel. In 1910, Kraus
organized his first literary evening in Berlin; in his review Der Sturm, Walden
passionately promoted both Kraus and other members of the Viennese
avant-garde. On the Berlin side, Max Oppenheimer—who had supplied
illustrations for Die Aktion since 1912—established contacts with Viennese
authors. Both reviews offered a platform for Berlin and Viennese Expres-
sionism, whereby the divisions between the camps were more sharply drawn
between the artists and writers of Der Sturm and Die Aktion respectively
than between Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In 1911, the
early period of Expressionism, an anonymous “special rapporteur” provided
an account of the atmosphere that prevailed in Berlin’s Café des Westens,
also known as “Café Größenwahn” [Café Megalomania]. Remarkably, nearly
all of those present seem to be Viennese.
13 In trod uction
“There, where Joachimsthalerstraße intersects with Kurfürstendamm, they

opened up the main office of Hell. … Cassirer has hung the walls with satan-
ic works of a Klimtian stamp. … Tables, chairs, and all of the tableware and
appliances represent the very latest thing from the Wiener Werkstätten. …
Men with long hair, serpentine, curling locks, wildly fluttering neckties, Se-
cessionist socks and alcohol-free underwear enjoy life to the full. … And
through their nefariously decadent coffee-drinking, they bring German art
to the edge of the abyss. … Unfortunately, Altenberg cannot endure the
journey, but Hermann Bahr comes over twice a week, and Alfred Kerr re-
mains in uninterrupted telephone contact with the modernist crowd, while
Karl Kraus dispatches diplomatic cables from Die Fackel in Vienna. … So
passes the day until the evening, when the grand orgy of daily modernist
night begins: The marrow-devouring work of subversion of the café literati
commences. … And while food and drink menus, daily newspapers, weekly
and monthly publications, the walls, and even the marble tabletops are filled
with shamelessly amorous contortions, Secessionist painters huddle on the
stairs, registering anatomically established data. Lovis Corinth groans, sum-
moning distasteful reproaches, Oskar Kokoschka has brought along some
dust from the street, which he requires for his colossal paintings, Max Pech-
stein regards human bodies as palettes. … And then the madness of moder
nism stretches out its tentacles: Elongated arms, far longer than is anato
mically conceivable … with bathands that no more exist than the word itself,
and neotalons. … And the most admired geniuses, roused from their re-
spective asylums, their most traditional feelings impeded, take wing in
search of the land where the decaffeinated coffee and cohol-containing
cohol flows.”4
This “special rapporteur” was none other than Herwarth Walden himself.
Drawing upon his idol Karl Kraus, he delightedly attacks the scandalized
press reports about the Bohemian habitués of the Café des Westens.
To observe the artists of Vienna and Berlin in coffeehouses is not the worst
point of departure if the aim is to register the—to date still for the most part
uninvestigated—artistic relationships involving mutual interest that joined
Viennese and Berlin modernism. While Klimt visited Berlin’s Weinhaus
Rheingold—codesigned by his countryman Franz Metzner—in 1907, and
sent greetings to Vienna from there by postcard (fig. 1/2), it was the Cafè des
Westens that served as a hot spot for younger artists and for the literati. As
a place of communication, self-presentation, and not least of all of artistic
production, whether of drawings, articles, or poems, the coffeehouse func-
tioned as a studio of modernism from the late nineteenth century and well
into the 1920s. It was here that the new emerged, namely the “small form:”5
an art that was rapid-fire, critical, and (with the exception of the breadwin-
14
ning journalistic production of writers like Benedikt Fred Dolbin or Egon

Erwin Kisch) generally unsalable—if not, that is, for enthusiastic art pro-
moters and dealers such as Herwarth Walden and Paul Cassirer, who sup-
ported impoverished artists, including the poet Else Lasker-Schüler.
If World War I brought about the stagnation of artistic development in
both cities, then the interwar period saw the resumption of artistic exchange.
Vienna, however, more gravely weakened economically, had lost much of
its attractiveness in relation to Berlin.
A special position was occupied by Vienna’s Kineticism on the Austrian
side, and by Berlin’s Dada movement on the German side. For the first time,
this exhibition juxtaposes the artists of these two highly specific forms of
Viennese and Berlin modernism respectively. In Berlin, the Dadaists used
the city—shaken now by war and revolution—as a stage for their farewell to
the old society, along with its art. The laughter of Dada was liberating, anti-
authoritarian, and anarchistic. With caustic verbal satire, pointed pens, and
razor-sharp scissors, Raoul Hausmann, Hannah Höch, George Grosz, and
John Heartfield combated the militaristic, upper-class, and monarchical forces
of the Weimar Republic.
While the Dadaists vehemently attacked the “spiritual” aspect of art, in
particular Expressionism and Futurism, it was precisely these modernist
tendencies which the younger Viennese artists adopted around 1922. As
the legendary head of the Department of Ornamental Design at Vienna’s
School of Arts and Crafts, Franz Cizek shaped a specifically Viennese ver-
sion of the avant-garde before World War I, one indebted to the ideas of a
reform pedagogy that drew upon Cubism, Futurism, and Constructivism.
With “Kineticism,” movement and ornamentation occupied the center of at-
tention in an effort to portray the reality of the modern metropolis—and
even more, to reshape it actively through poster and stage design.
The Viennese architect and designer Friedrich Kiesler was an important
linking figure who connected the Viennese and Berlin avant-gardes. In
1923, he created a sensation in Berlin with his stage design for Karel Čapek’s
theater piece R.U.R. In 1924, he designed the International Exhibition of
New Theater Techniques in Vienna’s Konzerthaus. Kiesler’s design for a spiral-
shaped, ascending space stage, exhibited there for the first time, sought to
abolish the boundaries between actors and audience, while his new Con-
structivist exhibition design, which he referred to as his “Träger- und Leger
system” [L +T-system] ( plate 186 ), removed the art from the walls of the mu-
seum and repositioned them in three dimensions.
After World War I, Vienna—which had been the leading artistic and cultur-
al metropolis around 1900, the sanctuary for all yearnings and the epitome
of fleeting beauty—was transformed in the eyes of its inhabitants into a
15 In trod uction
dead state, the “merry grave on the Danube, the coziest catacombs in Eu-
rope,” as Alfred Polgar wrote in 1922. Berlin, on the other hand, was the striv-
ing city of modernism that “gasped from existential desire and rapaciousness,
the will to life,”6 and enticed artists and intellectuals from everywhere, who
arrived in the hope of enjoying the artistic freedom and economic prosper-
ity they had not found at home. In the course of the 1920s, Berlin advanced
to become the “industrial park of the intelligentsia,” as Erich Mühsam wrote
in retrospect in 1927 about the Café des Westens.7 Forming itself now in
the German imperial capital was a community of Viennese intellectuals and
artists, with certain protagonists from the art market and publishing fields,
including Herwarth Walden, Karl Nierendorf, Paul Cassirer, and Alfred
Flechtheim, playing important roles as intermediaries. Here, Austrian art-
ists such as Herbert Ploberger and Carry Hauser met the most important
representatives of German Expressionism and New Objectivity, and stylistic
affinities between artists like George Grosz and Carry Hauser, or between
Karl Hofer and Franz Lerch, are unmistakable.
The coffeehouse culture of the 1920s underwent a shift of tone and of
metaphorical style, namely from Erich Mühsam’s “industrial park of the in-
telligentsia” to Walter Benjamin’s “thought surgery” at the café table in
“Polyclinic”:
“The author lays the idea on the marble table of the café. Lengthy obser-
vation, for he makes use of the time before the arrival of his glass, the lens
through which he examines the patient. Then, deliberately, he unpacks his
instruments: fountain pens, pencil, and pipe. The numerous clientele, ar-
ranged as in an amphitheater, make up his clinical audience. Coffee, care-
fully poured and consumed, puts the idea under chloroform. This idea may
have no more connection with the matter at hand than the dream of an
anesthetized patient has with the surgical intervention. With the cautious
lineaments of handwriting, the operator makes decisions, displaces internal
accents, cauterizes proliferations of words, inserts a foreign term as a silver
rib. At last, the whole is finely stitched together with punctuation, and he
pays the waiter, his assistant, in cash.”8
Benjamin’s characterization of this cool, dissecting manner of caffeine-
influenced writing as an operation before an audience plays with the meta-
phorical coolness that is associated with New Objectivity, and which is en-
countered in the fine arts both in George Grosz’s drawings and in the
“medical” paintings of Herbert Ploberger and Christian Schad. The culture
industry of the late 1920s, with its cinemas, revues, and pleasure palaces,
including Resi and Haus Vaterland9 in Berlin, featured their own kind of
objectivity; here, the hardworking office workers and shop personnel were
offered an escape from everyday existence. Siegfried Kracauer, who took
16
excursions to Berlin from Frankfurt in the summer of 1929 to study the cul-
ture of the white-collar workers,10 noted the following in Haus Vaterland:
“Opening up behind the New Objectivity is Grinzing [a district of Vienna
near the Vienna Woods, symbolizing the good old days] (!).”11 And so it was:
Berlin’s entertainment industry cultivated a bucolic and blissful image of
Vienna, the critical highpoint of which can be seen in the Ufa film Der
Kongress tanzt [The Congress Dances] of 1931.
Lurking beyond the hectic pace of these big city amusements was the
fatigue that is recognizable in the gestures and expressions of the sitters
and many portraits in this exhibition, from Hans Baluschek’s trio of bleary-
eyed “ladies” in Montagmorgen [Monday Morning] (plate 26 ), painted in 1898,
to Ernst Neuschul’s Zwei müde Frauen [Two Weary Women] of 1925 (plate 256 )
and Lotte Laserstein’s almost lugubrious Abend über Potsdam [ Evening
Over Potsdam] of 1930 (plate 282 ). Melancholy emanates from Rudolf Wacker’s
still lifes, as well. Here, and at the conclusion of the exhibition, we encoun-
ter the end of an era—of the battle for modern art, for diversity of opinion, for
the promise of a culture of participation, for hope for the future.
Of course, even clichés harbor a kernel of truth: Vienna, city of promise,
“where the mouth is full of tradition”; Berlin, city of hope, where the motto is:
“If it’s so, then why can’t it be otherwise?”12 But the commonalities and in-
terrelationships between these two cultures are quite evident, and, to some
extent, they obscure two mutually antagonistic worldviews. This project
was conceptualized as a contribution to the study of metropolitan culture—
although the actual relationships of exchange encompass a far broader
field than this catalog is capable of illustrating.
The contrasting temperaments of these two cities, their inhabitants, their
preferences and disinclinations, and their idiosyncrasies, along with their
awareness of their own historicity, were and remain strikingly evident, and
they were also experienced by all of the participants in this exhibition with
the heart, the sense of humor, and the intellect. Through this exhibition, we
seek to supplement the cartography of these German-speaking capitals in
a significant way so that not only hope and promise, but also correspond-
ences and divergences in and with art become vividly perceptible.
P.S. Attentive readers would notice that different typefaces have been
used in the captions of the artist’s works and author’s essays. These differ-
ent styles originate from Rudolf von Larisch, calligrapher from Vienna, and
Emil Rudolf Weiss, painter and designer from Berlin. The differences are
subtle, yet observable.
17 In trod uction
1 “Dem deutschen Körper gab zum Kopfe Gott Berlin / Als Herz doch legt er Wien, das herzliche in ihn.”
Cf. Julius Bab, “Berlin und Wien,” in: Herbert Günther (ed.), Hier schreibt Berlin. Reprint of the first edition
of 1929, Berlin 1989, pp. 248–61, here p. 249.
2 Berta Zuckerkandl, “Wiener Geschmacklosigkeiten,” in: Ver Sacrum, 1898, vol. 2, p. 4.
3 Ralf Thies, Wiener Großstadt-Dokumente: Erkundungen in der Metropole der k. u. k. Monarchie, publication
series of the research group “Metropolenforschung” of the Research Focus on Technology–Labor–Environ-
ment at the Berlin Social Research Center, WZB discussion paper FS II 01-503, Berlin 2001.
4 Unknown author (“xw-special rapporteur”), “Café Größenwahn,” in: Der Sturm, vol. 82, October 1911, p. 652.
The author is Herwarth Walden; see Freya Mülhaupt (ed.): Herwarth Walden, Berlin 1991, pp. 45–47.
5 F
undamental here is: Eckhardt Köhn, Straßenrausch. Flanerie und kleine Form. Versuch zur Literatur-
geschichte des Flaneurs von 1830–1933, Berlin 1989. See also the essay by Christian Jäger in the present
publication, pp. 355–59.
6 Alfred Polgar, “Ein paar Tage in Berlin,” in: Berliner Tagebuch (ed. by Stefan Grossmann), vol. 1, 1920,
pp. 21–25, here p. 22.
7 Erich Mühsam, “Boheme,” in: same author, Ausgewählte Werke, vol. 2: Publizistik. Unpolitische Erinnerun-
gen, Berlin 1978, pp. 489–97, here p. 491.
8 W
alter Benjamin, “Polyclinic,” in: “One-Way Street,” Walter Benjamin: Selected Writings, vol. 1, 1913–1926, eds.
Marcus Bullock and Michael W. Jennings, Harvard University Press, Cambridge Massachusetts 1996,
pp. 475–76.
9 On Haus Vaterland and its various themed restaurants, see www.haus-vaterland-berlin.de.
10 Burkhart Lauterbach (ed.), Großstadtmenschen. Die Welt der Angestellten, Frankfurt am Main 1995,
pp. 51–58.
11 Q
uoted from Lauterbach (see note 10), p. 54. One of the themed restaurants in the Haus Vaterland was nam-
ed after Grinzing, a quarter of Vienna which is famous for wine and “Heurigen [wine tavern] Gemütlichkeit.”
12 Oskar Kokoschka, Briefe I, 1905–1919, edited by Olda Kokoschka and Hans Spielmann, Düsseldorf 1984,
p. 109.
19 In trod uction
Her mann S c hlö s s e r remain virulent well into the 1930 s. Even
back then, it occurred to contemporary ob-
The Old Imperial City and the servers that this journalistic interest was at-
tributable primarily to Berlin’s rapid rise. In
Newcomer: Vienna and Berlin 1918, in their wide-ranging book on this top-
ic, the Berlin journalist Julius Bab and his
—Two Metropolises and their colleague Willi Handl stated: “Only for the
last three generations has it been the practice
Respective Breakthroughs to
to compare Berlin and Vienna. Previously,
Modernism the bleak and sober but up-and-coming Ho-
henzollern capital was utterly incapable of
presenting competition of any kind to the
“We don’t require a judge to determine venerable, splendid imperial city.”5 In Vien-
whether Vienna is more beautiful than Berlin. na, one read such lines with pleasure, but
Which is precisely the misfortune.“1 they could hardly have effaced the reality
that Berlin was indeed on its way up. Which
Let us begin with a joke transmitted by the is precisely why the Viennese media applied
actor and director Fritz Kortner: A man from itself with such zeal to the task of verifying
Vienna is visiting Berlin, where he orders a the cultural gap between Berlin and Vienna.
“Mehlspeise” (pastry) in a restaurant. Since And there were certainly Berliners who were
only “Süßspeisen” (dessert) is served in the prepared to pay homage to Viennese unique-
town on the Spree River, he is served a so- ness.
called “Wackelpudding” ( jello). He gazes
down at the spawn of the Berlin kitchen and
A Berliner in Vienna:
says comfortingly: “Don’t tremble, I’m not
Julius Rodenberg
going to eat you!”2
During the decades that followed the foun- In 1875, Julius Rodenberg, the long-time
dation of the German Empire, jokes of this editor of the Berlin magazine the Deutsche
kind were extremely popular in Vienna. The Rundschau, published his Wiener Sommertage
reason for this was fear of Berlin. The new [Vienna Summer Days]. This wide-ranging
German capital was modernizing at an ex- travel book had been written in 1873, when
tremely rapid tempo: In 1871, it had around the author spent several months in Vienna
800,000 residents, but it had passed the mil- reporting on the Universal Exhibition. This
lion mark by 1877, and was home to more international fair was to have certified the
than two million people by 1912.3 Industry cosmopolitan status of the imperial city. Un-
expanded, accompanied by urban infrastruc- fortunately, the event was not as triumphant
ture; department stores sprang up, and the- as the organizer had hoped: Just one week
aters and cinemas flourished, along with the after the exhibition opened, the overheated
music and art scenes. Faced with this new Viennese stock market collapsed, wiping out fig. 1 Waldemar Titzenthaler
Leipziger Straße / Friedrichstraße,
competition, the old imperial city assured major banking and personal fortunes. The Berlin, c. 1901
itself — always accompanied by laughter — same year, Vienna was stricken by a cholera Landesarchiv Berlin
of its cultural superiority. The Viennese hu- epidemic, which claimed 2,983 victims.6
morous magazines of the 1880 s and 1890 s Rodenberg neither omits these catastrophes
were filled with caricatures, sketches, and from his Vienna book nor devotes much space
anecdotes that featured know-it-all Berlin- to them, because his depiction is tuned to a
ers being put in their places in the most far more cheerful key.
charmingly underhanded manner by the os- The printed version of the book contains a
tensibly outpaced Viennese.4 lecture entitled “Berlin and Vienna,” in which
But the comparisons between Vienna and Rodenberg plays the two German-speaking
Berlin were presented not only in humorous capital cities against one another. For him
publications, but in essays, commentary, and (and many others), Vienna is the center of joie
travel pictures as well. And the topic would de vivre, of extravagantly beautiful nature, of
He rma n n S ch lö s s e r 20
history-laden architectural monuments. Ber- nothing essential need change in Vienna — as

lin, in contrast, stands for penuriousness and long as citizens refused to surrender their
privation, but also for discipline and indus- city to so-called “greedy, disrespectful Jews.”
triousness. He sums up this contrast with the Dissembled by such “Vienna must remain
poetic words: “In Vienna, you always have the Vienna” rhetoric, all of these changes took
feeling that there is some kind of holiday in place, so to speak, covertly: No matter how
the air, as though the sun is shining through much reality altered, the old image of Vien-
stained-glass church windows. In Berlin, na remained intact. At the same time, key
everything is clear and sober and sensible, representatives of the new artistic tendencies
like a workday.” 7 Considering this view, it — figures such as Hugo von Hofmannsthal,
becomes comprehensible why Rodenberg and Gustav Mahler, and Gustav Klimt — cultivat-
many other Berliners were happy to travel to ed elitist, upper-class traits that contrasted
Vienna in order to recover in its holiday at- sharply with Lueger’s populism, and which
mosphere from the stresses of their hectic seemed closer to the city’s glorious past than
metropolis. to the impending era, heralded in Vienna by
cinema, sporting events, and other forms of
Stunted Progress in Vienna; mass culture.10
By the turn of the century, Berlin was al-
Tempo in Berlin
ready being perceived as the “key to modern-
While Vienna and the Viennese liked to ism.” 11 In 1909, the columnist Arthur Eloes-
give an impression of coziness to visitors, ser summed up the situation: “Berlin is the
the city was experiencing a push toward youngest European metropolis and its devel-
modernization as well. Through the incor- opment has assumed a truly American tempo;
poration of localities in the vicinity, the what other cities have accomplished over a
fig. 2 View from Universitätsstraße population grew from 1,341,897 in 1890 to period of centuries, we have been compelled
towards Alserstraße, Vienna, 2,059,000 by 1914. Among these immigrants to achieve in just decades.” 12 Even before
c. 1900
were Czechs, Hungarians, Galician Jews, and World War I, and in the spirit of this “Amer-
other citizens of the multinational Habs- ican” (which is to say overheated) tempo,
burg state: Vienna was becoming a truly modernist artistic tendencies — and Expres-
multicultural, multilingual city.8 In order to sionism in particular — were able to articu-
cope with these new challenges, municipal late the shocks and temptations of the me-
rail transit was expanded, as it was in Berlin, tropolis quite effectively. While in Vienna,
and industrialization proceeded apace.9 one strove to maintain traditional notions of
To a large extent, this period of renewal beauty and elegance (albeit in a modernized
coincided with the tenure of the Christian form); art in Berlin was of one mind with the
Social Party politician Karl Lueger, who ran dynamism of the new era. This distinction
the city between 1897 and 1910. This popular was the topic of frequent commentary. And
and populist mayor combined progressive it forms the background to the quotation at
and sensible building and transit policies the start of this chapter by Karl Kraus that
with reactionary social and cultural policies stands as the motto of these current reflec-
that were characterized by pronounced anti- tions.
Semitic tendencies. In Berlin, as well, the
socioeconomic ascendancy of the assimilat- Breakthrough to a New Era
ed Jewish community was accompanied by
the anti-Jewish speeches of the court chap- In 1918, the political situations in both Ger-
lain Adolf Stoecker and his Christian Social many and Austria shifted fundamentally.
Party. In Vienna, however, Dr. Lueger suc- Together, the two “brothers in arms” had
ceeded in making anti-Semitism respectable experienced defeat in World War I; like the
government policy. With this power base Habsburgs, the Hohenzollern dynasty was
located primarily in the middle classes, he compelled to abdicate. In Berlin, as in Vien-
was quite adept at conveying to his clientele na, the centrist Social Democrats marshaled
the message that despite the novel situation, their forces against the radical workers’ and
21 In trod uction
soldiers’ councils of the respective publics: grated to Great Britain, where she spent her
On November 9, 1918, in Berlin, and three professional life. In 1933, she worked with
days later in Vienna. a team under Paul Lazarsfeld’s direction to
The history of the first Austrian Republic produce the study The Unemployed of Marien-
was determined in fateful ways by the sharp thal — still regarded today as a pioneering
opposition between the Catholic-dominated work of empirical social research.
Christian Social Party, which controlled the These (and many other) innovative per-
government in the rural districts, and the sonalities lived and worked in Vienna — many
Austro-Marxist Social Democratic Workers’ of them even after 1934 — under the condi-
Party of Austria, which was dominant in the tions of the authoritarian Ständestaat. Only
capital of Vienna. The mutual hatred be- the Austrian Anschluss (Annexation) by Hit-
tween these two forces became virulent in ler’s racist Germany in 1938 drove the criti-
1927: In Schattendorf, Burgenland, two mem- cal spirits — most of them with Jewish her-
bers of the Social Democratic paramilitary itage — into exile. In view of these observa-
organization known as the Schutzbund were tions, it is high time that the notion of Vienna fig. 3 View from Stock-im-Eisen-
shot by opposition members during a demon- as a “dying” city with nothing better to do Platz towards Graben; in the
stration. At the conclusion of the ensuing than mourn Emperor Franz Joseph be sub- foreground a horse-drawn tram,
Vienna, c. 1900
criminal trial, the accused were set free, which jected to revision. Despite all of the prob-
triggered demonstrations in Vienna during lems and crises facing the First Republic, so
which a fire was set at the Palace of Justice, strongly influenced by social democracy, Vi-
costing 89 lives. Historians have interpreted enna remained a creative milieu. This must
this traumatic event as the trigger for a calam- be noted because at the same time Berlin was
itous intensification of conflict that would indisputably more turbulent and further ad-
ultimately culminate in 1934 in a civil war vanced in the development of its culture in-
between the two parties and the establish- dustry, and it was, therefore, a more attrac-
ment of a Ständestaat (corporative state) un- tive city for many creative personalities.
der the dictatorial leadership of Engelbert
Dollfuß.13 Berlin’s Success Story
The Weimar Republic was similarly charac-

Vienna’s Creative Potential
terized by political and ideological brutality.
As recent literary studies have emphasiz A consistent thread of ideologically-charged
ed,14 this crisis-ridden interwar period hatred ran through the political history of
produced far more in the way of innovative the Weimar Republic: All the way from the
literary, scientific, and artistic achievements murder of the leftist politicians Rosa Lux
fig. 4 View into the Herrengasse
than received opinion has supposed. Not emburg and Karl Liebknecht in 1919, to the with the Looshaus and Palais
just Robert Musil’s The Man without Quali- assassination of the foreign minister Walther Herberstein, Vienna, c. 1900
ties and Hermann Broch’s novelistic essays Rathenau in 1922, to various right-wing and Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna
are products of Vienna, but also, for exam- left-wing putsches, to the riots staged by
ple, Rudolf Brunngraber’s objectivist novel Joseph Goebbels in 1930 in order to drive
of unemployment, Karl und das XX. Jahrhun- the so-called anti-war film All Quiet on the
dert [Karl and the Twentieth Century], with Western Front from the city’s cinemas.
its statistical underpinning. Sigmund Freud In these difficult times, and despite all of
—
who is generally associated with the fin de the above, Berlin succeeded in ascending to
siècle — wrote some of his most important the status of an international cultural me-
treatises in the period of “red Vienna,” and tropolis. In 1920, the city had 3.8 million
the philosophers of the Vienna Circle devel- inhabitants, which was primarily the result
oped a wholly independent school of thought. of administrative fiat: That year, seven area
The formative years of the philosopher Karl towns, 59 rural communities, and 27 estates
Popper were spent in the milieu of Viennese were incorporated, converting Berlin into
workers’ education, and the same is true of “metropolitan Berlin,” the third largest city
the social scientist Marie Jahoda, who emi- in the world, after London and New York.
He rma n n S ch lö s s e r 22
(In contrast, Vienna lost around 500,000 res- the homeland, who loathed metropolitan cul-
idents after 1918. This was due primarily to ture as decadent, socialistic, and — in con-
the emigration of people from the former formity with widespread prejudice — “Jew-
Crown lands, which no longer belonged to ish,” and who proclaimed healthy, whole-
Austria, and instead led separate existences some country life as a counter-ideal. It was
as Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Ukraine.) precisely this ideology Kuh found unbear-
More important than the number of residents, able, and he aimed his polemical barbs at it,
however, was the quality of cultural offerings: claiming that “the spirit of [rural localities
No central European city had such a potent such as] Schladming, Unterhollersbach, and
film industry, more or better theaters and St. Kathrein” 17 was corrupting the former
cabarets, more daily newspapers, or such a metropolis.
broad spectrum of entertainment and leisure As it happened, one could not escape from
activities than Berlin. And the illusion-free, such sentiments simply by moving to Berlin.
strikingly cool texts and pictures of the Neue The same arguments that were directed at
Sachlichkeit [the so-called “New Objectivity”] Vienna from the Austrian provinces were in-
provided an appropriate artistic image of voked against Berlin in Germany’s small
the city’s attitude toward life. towns. There, what Kuh had caricatured in
Another factor of Berlin’s success that can- Austria as the “spirit of Unterhollersbach”
not be underestimated was the emergence of was referred to as the “insurgency of the land-
a positive image of the city. In particular the scape.”18
fig. 5 Max Missmann newspapers and illustrated magazines of the Nevertheless, Anton Kuh had settled in
Untitled (Potsdamer Platz), Scherl, Mosse, and Ullstein firms generated Berlin, and like many Viennese there, he
Berlin, 1930 a metropolitan aura through daily reports regularly composed articles about both cit-
Berlinische Galerie
from the glittering, never-resting city.15 All ies. In 1929, for example, he wrote a small
of this contributed to the widely held view Guide to Berlin Idioms, in which among oth-
that in order to achieve genuine success in er things he writes about a Hungarian diva
any cultural occupation, you had to go to the who presents an “enticing scene of seduc-
capital. During the 1920s, many qualified in- tion” on Berlin’s stages. Kuh describes the
dividuals representing the entire spectrum high points of her performance with the
of the arts came to Berlin, including from words: “Now, she hops up onto the table,
Vienna Fritz Lang, Billy Wilder, Elisabeth leans toward her beau, takes a rose from her
Bergner, Lotte Lenya, Helene Weigel, and bosom, and uses the stem, her eyes shimmer-
Joseph Roth, to mention just a few. And far ing, to stir the champagne in a glass.” This
from forming a Viennese colony in Berlin, is not the sort of thing that wins points with
they integrated effortlessly into the city’s the no-nonsense Berlin public, and “precise-
turbulent goings-on.16 ly at the moment when the stem of the rose
is submerged in the glass, a voice resounds:
fig. 6 Haus Vaterland at night,
‘So jenau wolln wirs jarnich wissen! ’ [That’s
Berlin, 1928 A Viennese in Berlin: Anton Kuh
Berlinische Galerie more than we wanna know!]” 19
Among the Viennese intellectuals who relo- Here, the critic exposes the true charac-
cated to Berlin was the columnist, lecturer, ter of “the Berliner”: “Found in his collo-
and polemicist Anton Kuh. Born in Vienna quialisms is a feel for reality, a distaste for
in 1890, he left his hometown in 1926 when antiquated sentimentality; a liking for rapid
he perceived it as threatened by creeping forward momentum, an aversion against cir-
provincialism. This was hardly a figment of cumlocution.”20 In this super-cooled spiri-
his imagination, as Vienna, reviled by many tual climate, small wonder that such erotic-
of its detractors as a Wasserkopf [“bloated” emotional extravagance summoned only rid-
or “blown out of all proportion”], was after icule. Nor is it any wonder that the very same
all (and despite all of its urban culture) the unnamed artist found a sympathetic public
capital of a small agrarian and rural state. in Vienna. Kuh reports that “blubbering”
Such abusive rhetoric originated from the ar- breaks out when she submerges her rose in
senal of conservative would-be protectors of the champagne glass.
23 In trod uction
Resonating in this column are the same struct the inevitable modernization, but rath-
leitmotifs that were encountered already in er elegantly protracted and modified it. Of
Julius Rodenberg’s commentary. A summary course, this is not “the whole truth” about
of all these observations could be that while either city, but it nonetheless represents a
sober, fast-moving Berlin always kept pace possible and not implausible interpretation
with modern times, Vienna, in its own con- of a complex web of events.
servative yet playful way, did not exactly ob-
1 Karl Kraus, Aphorismen. Sprüche der Städte. Kulturelle Verflechtungen 14 See among others: Primus-Heinz
und Widersprüche. Pro domo et mundo. – Wien und die urbanen Milieus in Kucher/Julia Bertschik (eds.), “bau-
Nachts, ed. by Christian Wagenknecht, Zentraleuropa, Vienna/Cologne/ stelle kultur”. Diskurslagen in der
Frankfurt 1986, p. 147. Weimar 2010. österreichischen Literatur 1918 – 1933/
38, Bielefeld 2011. – Evelyne Polt-
2 See Fritz Kortner, Aller Tage 9 See Gerhard Meißl, “Hierarchische Heinzl, Österreichische Literatur
Abend, Munich 1970, p. 45. oder heterarchische Stadt? Metro- zwischen den Kriegen. Plädoyer für
polen-Diskurs und Metropolen- eine Kanonrevision, Vienna 2012.
3 These figures are found in the Produktion im Wien des Fin de Siècle,”
chronicle at http://www.berlin.de/ in: Roman Horak et al. (eds.), Metro- 15 See Peter Fritzsche, Als Berlin zur
berlin-im-ueberblick/geschichte/ pole Wien. Texturen der Moderne, Weltstadt wurde. Presse, Leser und
index.de.html (5. 24. 2013). vol. 1, Vienna 2000, pp. 284 – 375. die Inszenierung des Lebens, Berlin
4 See Juliane Mikoletzky, “Die 2008.
10 For the history of Vienna’s urban
Wiener Sicht auf Berlin, 1870 – 1934,” development see Wolfgang Mader- 16 See Hermann Schlösser, Die
in: Gerhard Brunn/Jürgen Reulecke thaner “Von der Zeit um 1860 bis Wiener in Berlin. Ein Künstlermilieu
(eds.), Metropolis Berlin. Berlin als zum Jahr 1945,” in: Peter Csendes/ der 20er Jahre, Vienna 2011.
deutsche Hauptstadt im Vergleich Ferdinand Opll (eds.), Wien.
europäischer Hauptstädte 1871 – 1939, Geschichte einer Stadt. Von 1790 bis 17 Anton Kuh, “Wien am Gebirge,”
Bonn 1992, pp. 471 – 528. zur Gegenwart, vol. 3, Vienna/ in: Jetzt können wir schlafen gehen!
Cologne/Weimar 2006, pp. 175 – 544. Zwischen Wien und Berlin, Walter
5 Julius Bab/Willi Handl, Wien und Schübler (ed.), Vienna 2012,
Berlin. Vergleichendes zur Kultur- 11 See the chapter “Berlin als Chiffre pp. 71 – 73, here p. 72.
geschichte der beiden Hauptstädte der Moderne,” in the standard study
Mitteleuropas, Berlin 1918, p. 13. by Peter Sprengel/Gregor Streim, 18 See Jochen Meyer (ed.), “Berlin
Berliner und Wiener Moderne. Vermitt- Provinz. Literarische Kontroversen
6 See Peter Payer, “Wiens Aufbruch um 1930,” Marbacher Magazin, vol. 35,
zur Weltstadt,” afterword in: Julius lungen und Abgrenzungen in Lite-
ratur, Theater, Publizistik, Vienna/ 1985. – Ulrike Haß: “Vom ‘Aufstand
Rodenberg, Wiener Sommertage, ed. der Landschaft gegen Berlin,’” in:
by Peter Payer, Vienna 2009, Cologne/Weimar 1998, pp. 301 – 28.
Bernhard Weyergraf (ed.), Literatur
pp. 327 – 83. 12 Arthur Eloesser, “Großstadt und der Weimarer Republik 1918 – 1933,
7 Julius Rodenberg, “Berlin und Wien,” Großstädter,” in: Die Straße meiner Munich/Vienna 1995, pp. 340 – 70.
in: Rodenberg 2009 (see note 6), Jugend. Berliner Skizzen, Berlin 1987,
pp. 31 – 38, here p. 31. 19 Anton Kuh, “Wat will er?” in:
pp. 264–323, here p. 293. Kuh 2012 (see note 17), pp. 138 – 43,
8 On the importance of Vienna as 13 See Ernst Hanisch, Der lange here p. 140.
a center for eastern and southern Schatten des Staates. Österreichische
Gesellschaftsgeschichte im 20. Jahr- 20 Kuh 2012 (see note 17), p. 139.
Europe, one that radiated diversity,
see: Moritz Csáky, Das Gedächtnis hundert, Vienna 1994.
25
Signs of Awakening.
The Secessions
I
26
The founding of the Vienna Secession in 1897 was preceded by a dispute

over principles within the artist’ s society of the Vienna Künstlerhaus and
concerned the direction and the relationship to newer international art
movements. Something comparable can also be seen in the founding of
the Berlin Secession almost exactly a year later.1
For both Secessions it was important to open up the art scenes, which were
strongly shaped by national sensitivities. Whereas in Berlin this strict na-
tional orientation was emphatically embodied by Anton von Werner and
the art propagated by Germany’ s Emperor Wilhelm II, the influence exerted
on art by the imperial house of the Danube Monarchy was largely charac-
terized by tolerance.
Personal contacts already existed between members of the two Seces-
sions even before their founding. Eugen Jettel, for example, a member of
the Vienna Secession, was already well acquainted with the Berlin artists
Franz Skarbina and Max Liebermann during his time in Paris.2 Berlin seces-
sionists such as Liebermann and Skarbina exhibited works at the first exhi-
bition of the Vienna Secession in March 1898 and others such as Walter
Leistikow and Karl Hofer could be seen the following year.3 It thus comes
as no surprise that Jettel, Gustav Klimt, Carl Moll, Josef Engelhart, Arthur
Strasser, and Emil Orlik were corresponding members of the Berlin Seces-
sion from 1901 and exhibited works in 1902 and 1905. The cousins Bruno
and Paul Cassirer exerted a special influence on the exhibitions of the two
Secessions as dealers and simultaneously members of the Berlin Seces-
sion. They were extensively involved as intermediaries in presenting the
works of Impressionist artists, especially those from France. Not only the
works of the French Impressionists, but also those by Giovanni Segantini,
Ferdinand Hodler, Constantin Meunier, George Minne, and Théo van Rys-
selberghe could be seen in the Secessions.
Both were characterized by the fact that they united very heterogene-
ous artistic approaches and placed artistic quality above all else in their
liberal exhibition policies. Oskar Bie describes this in a critique of the Ber-
lin Secession, “ If this is modern art, then it is more than a nice melody, it is
a wonderful ensemble of independence, an El Dorado of much-lauded
individualism.”4
Correspondingly the Vienna Secession announced: “We want an art with-
out servility to what is foreign, but also without fear or hatred of the foreign.
Art from abroad should inspire us to reflect upon ourselves; we want to rec-
ognize it, admire it when it is deserving; but we do not want to replicate it.
We want to bring foreign art to Vienna, not merely to educate artists, schol-
ars, and collectors, but also the great mass of people receptive to art ...”5 But
a difference is nevertheless clear when the passage continues: “ We recog-
27
nize no distinction between ‘ high art’ and ‘the minor arts,’ between art for
the wealthy and art for the poor. Art is common property.”6
This approach of striving for the unity and equality of the arts had a dif-
ferent emphasis than seen in the Berlin Secession.7 The equal treatment of
painting, sculpture, architecture, and the arts and crafts distinguishes the
Vienna Secession. This valuing of all artistic genres was already expressed in
Joseph Maria Olbrich’ s Secession building, which has become an unparal-
leled symbol of Vienna’s basic secessionist approach. Especially the group
of form artists (“Formkünstler”) within the Secession—which included Josef
Hoffmann, Gustav Klimt, Koloman Moser, and Carl Moll—grappled with
the idea of an all-embracing and harmonious way of life through art.
The Berlin Secession, in contrast, appeared more combative, for it had to
assert itself against the art valued by the imperial house. The appointment
of Max Liebermann, a representative of Impressionism, an art movement
which had little official appreciation, to the position of president of the Berlin
Secession was a strategic move. The Berlin Secession courted additional im-
portant artistic figures in order to strengthen the faction of innovators in Ber-
lin and to assert modern positions on the basis of these figures’ importance.
To the annoyance of the Munich Secession, Lovis Corinth and Max Slevogt
were enticed away and ultimately settled in Berlin.8 Here, the differing in-
tentions and methods of the two associations can be seen, but also the
different positions of art in Berlin and Vienna around the turn of the century.
Whereas the Vienna Secession aimed at the reconciliation of culture and
modern life, the Berlin Secession was still fighting for the official recogni-
tion of progressive art. Ale xande r Kle e
1 N
icolaas Teeuwisse, Vom Salon zur Secession. Berliner Kunstleben zwischen Tradition und Aufbruch zur Moderne
1871–1900, Berlin 1986, pp. 253–54.
2 Heinrich Fuchs, Eugen Jettel, Vienna 1975, p. 15. Among Max Liebermann’ s possessions could be found a “fine
earthy landscape” by Eugen Jettel. – See Karl-Heinz Janda, Annegret Janda, “Max Liebermann als Kunst-
sammler. Die Entstehung seiner Sammlung und ihre zeitgenössische Wirkung,” in: Forschungen und Berichte,
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Berlin 1973, pp. 105–149, here p. 129.
3 Kolja Kramer, “Eine Dreiecksbeziehung für den französischen Impressionismus. Die Impressionisten-Ausstellung
1903 in der Wiener Secession,” in: Belvedere, Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst, issue 2, 2001, pp. 56–57. – Christi-
an M. Nebehay, Ver Sacrum 1898–1903, Munich 1979.
4 Teeuwisse 1986 (see note 1), p. 254.
5 Anonymous, “Weshalb wir eine Zeitschrift herausgeben,” in: Ver Sacrum, year 1, issue 1, January 1898, p. 6.
6 Ibid.
7 James Shedel, “Kunst und Identität. Die Wiener Secession 1897–1938,” in: Secession. Vom Kunsttempel zum
Ausstellungshaus (exh. cat. Vereinigung Bildender Künstler, Wiener Secession, Vienna), Ostfildern-Ruit
1997, p. 18.
8 Teeuwisse 1986 (see note 1), p. 257.
9 Quotation on the following page: Hermann Muthesius, “Die Architektur auf den Ausstellungen in Darmstadt,
München und Wien” (The Architecture at Exhibitions in Darmstadt, Munich, and Vienna) in: Kunst und
Künstler, year 6, issue 12, 1908, pp. 491–95, here p. 495.
28
“The spirit of the Wiener Werkstätte is repeated on

a grand scale in the Vienna ‘Kunstschau.’ There, we
are confronted with the same form language, the
same coloristic sensibility, the same elegance. …This
Viennese modernist art is perhaps the most uni-
fied, the most consummate, to have been produced
in our time: cheerful, elegant, graceful, carefree,
filled with joie de vivre, discreet and unaggressive,
like Viennese life itself. …” 9 Hermann Muthesius 1908
29 Th e Seces s ion s I
GUSTAV KLIMT
01
Johanna Staude, 1917/18
Oil on canvas (unfinished), 70 × 50 cm
( see plate 41 )
Belvedere, Vienna
30
Otto Friedrich Otto Friedrich

02 03
Elsa Galafrés, 1908 Gabrielle Gallia, undated
Oil on canvas, 100 × 100 cm Oil on paper, 121 × 39 cm
Belvedere, Vienna Belvedere, Vienna

E u g en Spir o
04
The Dancer Baladine Klossowska
(Merline), 1901
Oil on canvas, 181.5 × 121 cm
Berlinische Galerie
32

E mi l Or l i k
05
Portrait of Hermann Bahr, 1908
Oil on canvas, 97 × 52 cm
Private collection, Berlin

M ax Li ebe r man n
06
Self-Portrait, 1912
Berlinische Galerie
34
M a x Lieberman n Josef Engelhart

07 08
Hospital Garden in Edam, 1904 At the Garden Restaurant, 1893
Oil on canvas, 70.5 × 88.5 cm Oil on wood, 28 × 26 cm
Phi l i pp FRANC K
09
After the Funeral. Gravediggers
Drinking Weissbier, 1902
Berlinische Galerie
36

Wa lter Leisti kow
10
From the Mark Brandenburg, 1898
Berlinische Galerie
Carl Moll
11
Birch Wood in the Evening Light, c. 1902
Belvedere, Vienna
38

M a x Lieberman n
F r a n z Sk a r b in a
12 13
On Schleswiger Ufer, 1894 Behind Nollendorfplatz, 1885
Oil on canvas on wooden panel, 26 × 45.5 cm Watercolor on cardboard, 23 × 30.3 cm
Private collection Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin
Hugo Baar
14
Mountain Path in the Beskids, 1902
Tempera on cardboard, 60 × 60 cm
Belvedere, Vienna
40
Ferdinand Andri Johann Nepomuk Geller

15 16
Butter Makers, 1902 Croatian Market on the Haide in Vienna, before 1898
Tempera on canvas, 115 × 121 cm Oil on hardboard, 44.5 × 52.5 cm
Eugen Jettel
17
Cattle Drinking at the Morava River, before 1894
Oil on wood, 39 × 76 cm
Belvedere, Vienna
42
Lesser Ury Carl K arger

18 19
( At the) Friedrichstraße Station, 1888 Arrival of a Train at Vienna
Opaque color (grisaille) on Northwestern Station, 1875
paper and cardboard, 65.5 × 46.8 cm Oil on canvas, 91 × 171 cm
Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin Belvedere, Vienna
44

Lesse r Ury
20
Berlin Street Scene (Leipziger Straße), 1889
Berlinische Galerie
Fr anz Jaschke

21
The Donaulände in Summer, 1903
Belvedere, Vienna
46
Ha ns Ba luschek
M a x Beckm a n n
22 23
Idyll with Weißbier, c. 1902 People on the Street, 1914
Watercolor, gouache, and pastel on Part of a monumental composition
watercolor board, 97.1 × 65.5 cm cut into pieces by Beckmann in 1928,
Berlinische Galerie Oil on canvas, 51 × 52 cm
Berlinische Galerie

M ax Beckm a n n
24
The Street, 1914
Part of a monumental composition
cut into pieces by Beckmann in 1928,
Berlinische Galerie
48
Gustav Klimt
25
Young Lady in Armchair, 1896
Charcoal and crayon on
dark brown paper, 24.8 × 38.2 cm
Stiftung Museum Kunstpalast, Düsseldorf

H an s Bal u schek
26
Monday Morning, 1898
Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin
50
Broncia Koller- Pinell

27
The Artist ’ s Mother, 1907
Oil on canvas, 91 × 77.5 cm
Property of the Artothek des Bundes, on permanent loan
to the Belvedere, Vienna
Koloman Moser
28
Mountain Peak under Snow, 1913
Oil on canvas, mounted on cardboard,
38 × 40.5 cm
Belvedere, Vienna
52
Koloman Moser Koloman Moser

29 30
Woman’s Portrait in Profile, c. 1910 Young Man Standing, c. 1915
Oil on canvas, 50 × 50 cm Oil on canvas, 50.5 × 37.5 cm

F i du s
31
The Soul Dances in the Temple, c. 1910
Series of five paintings, oil on canvas,
100 × 70 cm each
Berlinische Galerie
54
Erich Mallina
32
Procession of Angels, 1904
Belvedere, Vienna, on permanent loan from the
Universität für angewandte Kunst, Kunstsammlung
und Archiv
56
Fr anz Metzner

33
The Dance, 1908
Marble, 87 × 124 × 14 cm
Belvedere, Vienna

E rnst Ba rlach Anton Hanak
34 35
Tilla Durieux IV, 1912 Bust of Margarethe
Porcelain, 45 × 39 × 26 cm Stonborough-Wittgenstein, 1925
Belvedere, Vienna Marble, 44.5 × 34 × 23 cm
Belvedere, Vienna
58

T homa s Theodo r H ei n e
36
Berlin Secession Poster, 1906
Color lithograph on paper, 35.5 × 47.5 cm
Julius Klinger
37
Vienna Exhibition at the Berlin Secession, 1916
Color lithograph, 68.7 × 94.5 cm
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek and Stiftung Deutsches Historisches Museum, Berlin
60
Josef Hoffmann
38
Berlin, Shop for the Wiener Werkstätte, 1928
hotographer: Otto Kurt Vogelsang
P
Silver gelatin paper, 22.3 × 16.7 cm
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek
Josef Hoffmann
39
Berlin, Business Premises for Jacob and Josef
Kohn, Front Elevation Leipziger Straße, c. 1905
Unknown photographer
Albumen paper, 34.8 × 24.7 cm
62
Josef Hoffmann Wiener Werkstätte

40 41
Collapsible Library Ladder, 1905 Blouse of Johanna Staude, c. 1910
Execution: Wiener Werkstätte Based on a design by Martha Alber
Stained and whitewashed oak, brass, 50 × 42 × 42 cm Silk ( see plate 01 )
Private collection Belvedere, Vienna
Josef Hoffmann
42
Overdoor Relief, 1902
(reconstruction 2011)
Softwood painted white, 100 × 96 × 16 cm
Belvedere, Vienna
64
Josef Engelhart
43
The Crook, 1888
Tempera on paper, 121 × 70 cm
Belvedere, Vienna, on permanent loan from the Verein der Museumsfreunde Wien

J en s Bi r kh o l m
44
Warming Hall in Berlin, 1908
Berlinische Galerie
66
Hermann Dr awe
Through Vienna’s Impoverished and
Criminal Neighborhoods, Vienna 1904
Slide show with partly hand-colored
glass slides, 8.5 × 8.5 cm each
Österreichisches Volkshochschularchiv, Vienna
A Warm Place on Burghardtgasse

46
B 60
Sleeping Corner under a Spiral Staircase

To the “Stronghold”

45 47
B 47 B 41
Vienna Canal near the Chain Bridge

A Block from the Inside

48 50
B 39 B 90
Camping in the Shaft

Mass Accommodations

49 51
B 13 B 105
68

T homas T he odo r H ei n e
52
Poster for an Exhibition in Berlin by the
Deutscher Künstlerbund, 1905
Printer’s ink, paper, color lithograph, 135 × 91.6 cm
Stiftung Deutsches Historisches Museum, Berlin

E mil Or l i k
53
The Weavers, 1897
Poster for the Deutsches Theater Berlin touring
in Prague and at the Deutsches Schaupielhaus, 1897
Albertina, Vienna
70

K ä the Kollwi tz
E r n st Ba r la ch
54 55
Crushed – Poor Family, 1901 Beggar with Bowl, 1906
Left section of an original triptych Bronze (recast)
Etching, drypoint and aquatint on 30 × 30 × 22.5 cm
cardboard, 23.8 × 20.3 cm Berlinische Galerie
Sammlung und Stiftung Rolf Horn in der Stiftung Schleswig-

Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf, Schleswig

K äthe Ko l lw itZ
56
Knocked Over, 1910
Line and softground etching on laid and
transfer paper, 24.8 × 31.9 cm
Sammlung und Stiftung Rolf Horn in der Stiftung Schleswig-
Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf, Schleswig
72
Kä the Kollwi tz

57
End, 1897
From the Weavers Cycle based on Gerhart Hauptmann
Etching, aquatint, emery, 24.6 × 30.5 cm
Albertina, Vienna
Kä the Kollwi tz K ä the K ollw it z

58 59
March of the Weavers, 1897 Revolt,1899
From the Weavers Cycle based on Gerhart Hauptmann Etching, stipple engraving, roulette,
Etching, stipple engraving, 21.6 × 29.5 cm emery, 29.8 x 31.8 cm
Albertina, Vienna Albertina, Vienna
74
Kä the Kollwi tz

60
In Memory of Karl Liebknecht, 1919
Woodcut, 35 × 50.2 cm
Albertina, Vienna
Kä the Kollwi tz K ä the K ollw it z

61 62
The Volunteers, 1922 / 23 The Mothers, 1922 / 23
From the Cycle The War From the Cycle The War
Woodcut, 35 × 49 cm Woodcut, 34 × 40 cm
76
Carl - Leopold Hollitzer Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

63 64
Erich Mühsam with Bird, undated Writer Joachim Ringelnatz, undated
Pencil on paper, 28.7 × 19.7 cm Charcoal on paper, 22.5 × 18 cm
Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

65
Professor Kolo Moser, Professor C. O. Czeschka,
Stollberg, Dr. Eckstein, Professor Josef Hoffmann,
and Other Persons, undated
Pencil, watercolor on paper, 24.2 × 18.2 cm
Albertina, Vienna
78
Carl - Leopold Hollitzer Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

66 67
Group Portrait with Ferdinand Hodler, Portrait of Adolf Loos, undated
Koloman Moser, and Wilhelm List, undated Pencil on lined paper, 13.5 × 10.5 cm
Pencil on paper, 24 × 18.8 cm Kunsthaus Zug, Stiftung Sammlung Kamm
Kunsthaus Zug, Stiftung Sammlung Kamm


68
Group Portrait with Richard Gerstl,
Josef Hoffmann, Pocsdorff, Carl Otto
Czeschka, and Other Caricatures, undated
Indian ink on paper, 21 × 33.8 cm
80

69
Karl Kraus and Egon Friedell, undated
Pencil and watercolor on paper, 24 × 24 cm
Albertina, Vienna
A l exand e r K le e as advantageous during the Metternich era,

which is why the philosophical teachings of
Coincidence or Tradition? Johann Friedrich Herbart were afforded spe-
cial prestige.1 The ascendancy of Herbart in
Distinctive Features of Art in Austria prior to and after 1848 rendered his
philosophy dominant in the Austro-Hungar-
Vienna and Berlin ian Empire to such a degree that he was often
referred to as the official philosopher of the
Danube Monarchy — even though he never
Berlin and Vienna are both German-speak- actually taught there.2 Emerging as a strong-
ing metropolises. The fact of their shared hold of Herbartianism was Prague, where the
language and the common cultural and intel- ground had been prepared by the teaching
lectual foundations often associated with activities of Bernard Bolzano.3 As a member
them might tempt us into the error of search- of the Ministry of Culture and Education,
ing for evidence of rivalry, for example reestablished after the revolution of 1848/49,
garding cultural superiority, or at least for Franz Exner, a professor of philosophy in
analogous developments. But a closer exam- Prague, was finally able to pave the way for
ination inevitably leads toward a recognition school and educational reforms under the
of their widely divergent historical paths. On direction of Minister Leo von Thun-Hohen-
the one hand, Berlin is a young metropolis stein.4 At the same time, it was Exner who
that arose on the strength of political reali- promoted the acceptance of Herbart’s philos-
ties. It seized upon nationalism in order to ophy and pedagogy throughout the Empire.
escape from the condition of scattered re- Herbart’s psychological approach, however,
gionalism, of microstates within a common was also advocated by many other professors
linguistic community. Vienna, on the other in Prague, and their support led to the estab-
hand, was the center of a territorial state that lishment of pedagogy in Herbart’s sense — by
had been united to form a great power, one then regarded as a scholarly discipline — as a fig. 1 Eugen d’Albert /
Josef Hoffmann
that had evolved from medieval and feudal new subject in university seminars in Aus- Small-Town Idyll, 1901
structures of authority, and which formed a tria.5 The consequences of the dominance of Ver Sacrum, year V, no. 24, 1901, p. 411
unified cultural realm despite — or even by Herbart’s doctrine became clearly evident in
virtue of — its multilingual character. The the teaching of drawing, which was to be facil-
following essay sketches out some of the re- itated by geometric trigonometry, by the ele-
sultant foundations of Berlin and Vienna’s mentary capacities of vision, and by a recog-
commonalities and differences, and it offers nition of the ordered character of the world. 6
an overview that focuses on particularly strik- The task of the fine artist was to display the
ing traits and interconnections. form and individual characteristics of the
The respective political orientations of the object in such a way that the beholder could
Austro-Hungarian Empire on the one hand grasp it and retain it in memory.7 Herbart’s
and of the German Reich on the other led to segmentation of surfaces in the form of com-
divergent developments, whose outcomes are plex triangles was an attempt to present the
also reflected in their forms of artistic expres- depicted object in relation to characteristic
sion. While in the German-speaking terri- formal relationships. Artistic activity was to
tory of Prussia, the philosophical approach- have been regulated by geometrical concep-
es of Kant and Hegel became well established tions, and the creative process never surren- fig. 2 Josef Matthias Hauer /
and commanded a large following during the dered to the emotions.8 The dominance of Emilie Voglmayr
Melos Interpretation, 1921
first half of the nineteenth century, the pro- the creative urge by the emotions, meaning Sammlung Dieter und Gertraud Bogner im
scription of Kantian and Hegelian teachings among expressionists and Fauvists, was sup- mumok museum moderner kunst stiftung ludwig
in the Habsburg Monarchy led toward a gen- pressed. Herbart did not, however, provide
uinely Austrian development, and one not instruction in perspectival construction, but
restricted to the realm of philosophy alone. instead remained bound to the surface, which
A philosophy that avoided calling the mo- was developed from triangular forms.9 He-
narchical system into question was regarded lene Skladny describes the purpose of this:
Al e xan de r K le e 82
“Herbart’s aesthetic consisted purely of the Freud, for example, during his final year at
determination of structural forms and rela- gymnasium.16 The incorporation of this
tionships. Here too, mathematics was an im- special component, so even Lindner’s text-
portant element for the basis of the invariant books closely follow Herbart’s system, sheds
beauty of the forms.”10 light on a further characteristic of Austrian
From this perspective, the works of many painting, namely psychologization as a dis-
Austrian artists appear in a new light. The tinctive trait of Austrian expressionism. The
planarity that is reflected in Viennese Jugend- hard contours of Schiele’s portrait of Edu-
stil, and its highly characteristic forms and ard Kosmack (plate 90 ), along with the planar-
its frequently encountered geometrization, ity of the background, are still suggestive of
may have been catalyzed — if not exclusively the art of the Vienna Secession. At the same
—
by Herbartian theory. The “form art” of the time, the marked psychologization of the
fig. 3 Beethoven exhibition, view Secession, then, must be set against the back- sitter emerges as typical of Austrian expres-
into the corridor from the right-hand ground of the philosophy of Herbart and of sionism. In this context, it hardly seems sur-
side hall of the Secession, 1902 the Herbartian philosopher Robert von Zim- prising that it was Hugo Heller, a follower
Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna
mermann.11 A native of Prague, Robert von of Freudian psychoanalysis, who was the first
Zimmermann promoted Herbart’s philoso- to offer Arnold Schönberg an opportunity to
phy as an influential instructor, first in Ol- exhibit his paintings (the show was held in
mütz from 1849 to 1852, then in Prague from Heller’s bookshop in 1910) (fig. 4).17 Heller
1852, and finally at Vienna University from was not only the publisher of the Zeitschrift
1861, where he exercised considerable influ- für die Anwendung der Psychoanalyse auf die
ence on scholarship in Vienna and in the Geisteswissenschaften, but he also organized
Austro-Hungarian Empire as a whole until lectures and readings with Sigmund Freud,
1896.12 For decades, his Philosophische Pro- Rainer Maria Rilke, and Hugo von Hofmanns
pädeutik für Obergymnasien, published in thal at his bookshop (fig. 5).18
Vienna in 1852/53, remained the canonical In contrast, German expressionism saw it-
foundation for instruction in the upper gym- self as an art of expression, and was hence
nasium (high school) classes.13 For Zimmer- dedicated to entirely different intentions. For
mann, art required no concrete attachments. the artists of the Brücke group in particular,
Musical tones can be beautiful without ex- the emotions were to have led back to the
pressing emotion, just as lines, forms, and origins of artistic activity, and to have been
colors can be beautiful without depicting an aroused by the artist’s style, by the impasto
fig. 4 Arnold Schönberg
The Red Look, May 1910 object (figs. 1 and 2).14 For Zimmermann, as application of the paint, and by the emotion-
Arnold Schönberg Center, Vienna for Herbart, the pleasure or displeasure occa- al effect of one’s handwriting. Like the Fau-
sioned by a work of art was a physical reality, vists they pursued a reversion to an archaic
and was not conditioned by content. sensibility of beauty that would reconcile na-
Josef Hoffmann’s Supraporte [ O verdoor ture and humanity, an intention that is evi-
Relief ] (fig. 3, plate 42 ) represents a logical de- dent in the paintings of the Brücke artists
velopment of the same presuppositions. from the Dresden period. Another factor, dis-
Decisive here — to the exclusion of other con cussed by Donald E. Gordon in his Kirchner
cerns — is the interconnection of abstract monograph, and particularly evident in the
forms into a new totality. works of Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, is the con-
Gustav Adolf Lindner was also among the nection between art and life. Art was said to
personalities that contributed to the diffusion spring directly from life, “not in the form of
of Herbartianism and its singular traits in purely visual observations, but instead in the
Austria. The introduction of the subject of form of experiences of various types and from
“philosophical propadeutics” into the gym- various periods (fig. 6).”19 Disturbing, yet at
nasium curriculum in 1849 was accompanied the same time alluring, are his street scenes
by the appearance of, among other publica- with their cocottes and jagged, seemingly
tions, Lindner’s Lehrbuch der empirischen Psy- Gothic architectural forms. As documented by
fig. 5 Max Oppenheimer
Portrait of Sigmund Freud, 1909 chologie,15 which appeared in twelve editions the sheer number and spontaneous character
New York Psychoanalytic Society and Institute Archive between 1858 and 1912, and was studied by of his sketches, Kirchner allowed himself to
be guided by intuition.20 Extroverted and all of which are distorted, exaggerated.”22

vital in their intense colors, Kirchner’s paint- Conversely, both Paul Cassirer and Paul West-
ings are a mirror of the metropolis. heim rejected the works of the Viennese artist
As Berlin’s importance grew during the Carry Hauser, referring to them as “too Vien-
teens of the twentieth century, it also evolved nese.”23 But the Hungarian exile artist Lász-
into an artistic center, to some extent through ló Moholy-Nagy, who had just arrived from
the engagement of galleries such as Paul Cas- Vienna, issued this verdict on the Berlin art
sirer’s and Herwarth Walden’s. Exhibitions scene around the same time: “Aside from fig. 6 Erna and Ernst Ludwig
such as the one devoted to the Futurists at Kokoschka, who is already idolized, the Ger- Kirchner in the Wilmersdorf studio
the Sturm gallery resonated with artists like mans don’t have a single decent painter.”23 at 14 Durlacherstraße, Berlin,
c. 1912 / 1914
Oskar Kokoschka and Max Oppenheimer, These contrary positions were characterized Kirchner Museum Davos
an influence that is recognizable in the fac- as follows from a Viennese perspective by
eted structures found in paintings by both Carry Hauser in a letter to the art critic Ar-
artists beginning in 1912. The impact of illus- thur Roessler: “In Berlin, if you don’t paint
trations by Oskar Kokoschka that appeared with a broom instead of a paintbrush, and if
in the journal Der Sturm (fig. 7), and those by you do not allow all of the forms to stand
Max Oppenheimer, Egon Schiele, and Felix there, carelessly brutal and angular, you are
Albrecht Harta (fig. 8) that appeared in the called cloyingly Viennese. That which is re-
journal Die Aktion, on other artists, especial- ferred to as art in Berlin is currently Viennese
ly in Berlin, however, remains to be exam- artsy crafty style anno 1910, only far more
ined. Although Kokoschka’s first exhibition tasteless, superficial, and at the same time
at the Cassirer Gallery, in 1910, met with as overlaid with a wordy intellectual program.
little response as did the publication of Al- At least, back then, we referred to it openly
bert Paris Gütersloh’s Die Tanzende Törin as ornamental, while in Berlin, they call it
[ Foolish Dancing Woman], the key novel of mystical and expressionistic.”25
expressionism, which appeared in Berlin in Quite early, the negative value in Austria
1911, circumstances would change in the en- of the concept of Expressionism led to the
suing years. The increasing numbers of arti- formulation of an Austrian and baroque Ex-
fig. 7 Oskar Kokoschka
cles and illustrations by Austrian artists, and pressionism that was held to be distinct from Sphinx and Strawman, 1910
reports about their work that appeared in the German and Gothic version. In the 1920 s, Cover of Der Sturm, year II, no. 54, 3.11.1911
Die Aktion and Der Sturm, led to noticeable this divergence, to which Hauser too was
public familiarity, and in the case of Oppen- committed, was felt with greater force.26
heimer’s illustrations, even popularity. Not just Hauser, however, but Herbert Boeckl,
With the outbreak of World War I, this Anton Faistauer, Felix Albrecht Harta, Os-
process of exchange retreated into the back- kar Kokoschka, and others regarded their
ground. Only after the war did such activi- own painting as being close to the baroque.27
ties recommence. The artist’s group Freie Be- The use of the term Baroque Expressionism
wegung in Vienna sought to establish fresh in contradistinction to Gothic and German
connections by organizing exhibitions devot- Expressionism made it possible for Austrian
ed to younger artists or to established figures art critics to use the term Expressionism —
such as Johannes Itten and Erich Heckel. hitherto tainted with negative associations —
The Heckel exhibition of 1920, nonetheless, in a new and affirmative way.28 Conspicuous
was for the most part ignored by the press.21 by then in formal terms, however, is a height-
Among the few reviews is one by Hermann ened turn toward artistic forms of expres-
Menkes, who wrote in the Neues Journal in sion that emphasized painterly style. Already
Vienna: “Heckel, of the Expressionist stamp, in the nineteenth century, this approach had
who certainly does not exemplify the worst led to references to the work of the painter
degeneration, has found many imitators of Hans Makart as being “baroque.” Makart’s
his style among the younger generation. manner of paint application, along with his
His gestures, therefore, no longer seem as- allusions to baroque art, were appraised neg- fig. 8 Felix Albrecht Harta
tonishing. His preference is for the ugly, atively by the Berlin physiologist Ernst Wil- Portrait of Albert Paris Gütersloh, 1913
the angular aspects of human appearance, helm Brücke, who taught in Vienna.29 One Cover of Die Aktion, year IV, no. 26, 1914
Al e xan de r K le e 84
might ask whether this manifestation of pre- Kineticism was unable to establish itself in
judice was coincidental, or instead traditio- Vienna in the long term. This makes it clear
nal and deliberately cultivated, since the that after the disintegration of “old Austria”
Berlin-based philosopher Georg Wilhelm and its cultural region into small nation states,
Friedrich Hegel had regarded the Gothic a cosmopolitan artistic orientation was op-
cathedral as the consummation of Occiden- posed by the formation of a national identity:
tal architecture,30 while at the same time A phenomenon that applies as well to the Ber-
rejecting and condemning the Baroque.31 lin Dadaists, albeit under different precon-
Unlike the concept of the Baroque, which ditions.
became a mirror of the new Austrian self- The disintegration of the Austrian cultur-
fig. 9 Koloman Moser understanding during the interwar period, al sphere accelerated Berlin’s attractiveness,
Untitled the concept of Kineticism, with its more cos- complemented meanwhile by improved eco-
Cover of Ver Sacrum, year IV, no. 2, 1901
mopolitan orientation, was unable to assume nomic conditions. Many artists of the incip-
a similar function — its contribution was in- ient veristic tendency exchanged views or ex-
stead to the artistic avant-garde. This became perienced the breakthrough to the new style
evident at the International Exhibition of New there. This is true, for example, of Christian
Theater Techniques that took place in 1924 Schad, who produced key works in Vienna,
in Vienna.32 While Viennese Kineticism dis- but enjoyed success instead in Berlin. In par-
played the influences of Futurism and Cub- ticular among the Verists, such exchanges,
ism, its stringent conception of form could along with the frequent changes of address
hardly disavow affinities with a specifically necessitated by war or economic difficulties,
Austrian “form art” (figs. 9 and 10). Planarity led to characteristic personal styles, but not
and the decomposition of forms were also to the formation of a homogenous group or
employed in an overarching way in sculpture artistic collective. Artistic styles that could
and the applied arts, which revealed affinities be associated specifically with Vienna or with
with the “form art” practiced by the Seces- Berlin were no longer recognizable.
fig. 10 Erika Giovanna Klien
Type composition “Cizek School,” sion and the Wiener Werkstätte. Nevertheless,
c. 1924
Wien Museum
1 Barbara Otto, “Der Secessionierte Literatur. Ihr Profil im 19. Jahrhundert 9 Ibid., p. 120.
Herbart – Wissenschaftsrezeption im (1830 – 1880), Graz 1982, p. 198.
Staatsinteresse zur Zeit Metternichs,” 10 Ibid., p. 124.
in: Michael Benedikt/Reinhold Knoll/ 3 Feichtinger 2010 (see note 1),
p. 151. – Helene Skladny, Ästhetische 11 “Concerning this question, Georg
Josef Rupitz (eds.), Verdrängter Hu- Jäger in his essay ‘Die Herbartiani-
manismus – verzögerte Aufklärung. Bildung und Erziehung in der Schule.
Eine ideengeschichtliche Untersuch- sche Ästhetik ein österreichischer Weg
Bildung und Einbildung. Vom verfehlten in die Moderne’ concludes with justi-
Bürgerlichen zum Liberalismus; Philo- ung von Pestalozzi bis zur Kunsterzie-
hungsbewegung, Munich 2009, p. 123. fication that among contemporary
sophie in Österreich 1820 – 1880, schools of philosophical aesthetics,
Vienna 1995, p. 143. – Johannes Feich- 4 Werner Sauer, “Die verhinderte none is as well-suited to provide
tinger, Wissenschaft als reflexives Kanttradition. Über eine Eigenheit criteria for modern non-objective art
Projekt– Von Bolzano über Freud zu der österreichischen Philosophie,” in: than Zimmerman’s.” Cited in Wolf-
Kelsen: Österreichische Wissen- Benedikt/Knoll/Rupitz 1995 (see gang Cernoch, “Der Auszug aus dem
schaftsgeschichte 1848 – 1938, note 1), p. 312. – Wolfgang Cernoch, Akademismus,” in: Benedikt/Knoll/
Bielefeld 2010, pp. 147–48. “Zimmermanns Grundlegung der Rupitz 1995 (see note 1), p. 91.
2 Eduard Winter (ed.), Robert Zim- Herbartschen Ästhetik: Eine Brücke
zwischen Bolzano und Brentano,” 12 Cernoch 1995 (see note 4), p. 681.
mermanns Philosophische Propädeutik
und die Vorlagen aus der Wissen- in: Benedikt/Knoll/Rupitz 1995 (see 13 Feichtinger 2010 (see note 1), p. 151.
schaftslehre Bernard Bolzanos. Eine note 1), p. 683.
Dokumentation zur Geschichte des 14 Jäger 1982 (see note 2), p. 204.
5 Ferdinand Maria Wendt, Repeti-
Denkens und der Erziehung in der torium zur Pädagogik, mit besonderer 15 Gerald Grimm, “Gustav Adolf
Donaumonarchie, Österreichische Berücksichtigung Oesterreich- Lindner als Wegbereiter der Pädago-
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philo- Ungarns, Vienna 1879, p. 146. gik des Herbartianismus in der Habs-
sophisch Historische Klasse, Sitzungs- burgermonarchie. Eine Studie zu
berichte, vol. 299, 5th treatise, Vienna 6 Skladny 2009 (see note 3), Leben, Werk und Wirken Lindners
1975, p. 12. – Georg Jäger, “Die Her- pp. 112–13. mit spezieller Fokussierung auf sein
bartianische Ästhetik – ein österreichi- ‘Encyklopädisches Handbuch der
scher Weg in die Moderne,” in: Herbert 7 Ibid., pp. 117 – 121.
Erziehungskunde,’” in: Erik Adam/
Zeman (ed.), Die österreichische 8 Ibid., p. 119. Gerald Grimm (eds.), Die Pädagogik
des Herbartianismus in der Österrei- 21 Ewald Schneider, Die Künstler- Arco/Georg Lechner/Alexander Klee
chisch-Ungarischen Monarchie, gruppe “Freie Bewegung” 1918–1922, (eds.), Barock since 1630 (exh. cat.
Vienna/Berlin/Münster 2009, pp. 21 – Vienna 1999, p. 100. Belvedere, Vienna 2013), Vienna 2013.
36. Lindner’s widely diffused Lehrbuch
der empirischen Psychologie was trans- 22 Cited in Schneider 1999 28 Rainer Fuchs, Apologie und Dif-
lated into Italian, English, Hungarian, (see note 21), p. 100. famierung des “österreichischen
and Polish. Expressionismus.” Begriffs-und Rezep-
23 Cornelia Cabuk (ed.), Carry tionsgeschichte der österreichischen
16 William M. Johnston, Österreichi- Hauser. Monografie und Werkver- Malerei 1908 bis 1938, Vienna/
sche Kultur- und Geistesgeschichte, zeichnis, Vienna 2012, p. 69. Cologne 1991, pp. 243–44.
Gesellschaft und Ideen im Donauraum 24 Ibid., p. 72.
1848 bis 1938, Vienna/Cologne/Graz 29 Alexander Klee, “Genius or Up-
1972, p. 288. 25 Ibid., p. 72. start: Ernst von Brücke’s Criticism and
the Consequences for the Reception
17 Patrik Werkner, Physis und Psyche. 26 Cornelia Cabuk, Carry Hauser. of Makart’s Works,” in: Agnes Husslein-
Der österreichische Frühexpressionis- Das malerische und graphische Werk Arco/Alexander Klee (eds.), Makart.
mus, Vienna/Munich 1986, pp. 29–30. bis zum Jahr 1927. Seine Entwick- Painter oft he Senses (exh. cat. Belve-
lung im Umfeld der deutschen und dere, Vienna 2011), Munich/London/
18 Ibid., p. 30. österreichischen Kunst dieser Zeit, New York 2011, pp. 125 – 133.
19 Donald E. Gordon, Ernst Ludwig dissertation, Vienna 1990, p. 54.
30 Beat Wyss, Trauer der Vollendung
Kirchner, Munich 1968, p. 19. 27 Eva Michel, Inventing Tradition. – Zur Geburt der Kulturkritik, Cologne
20 Magdalena M. Moeller, “Die Stra- Die Rezeption der Alten Meister und 1997, p. 83.
ßenszenen,” in: Magdalena M. Moel- das “Barocke” in der österreichischen
Malerei des 20. Jahrhunderts – Topos 31 Ibid., pp. 104–05.
ler (ed.), Ernst Ludwig Kirchner in Ber-
lin (exh. cat. Brücke Museum, Berlin und künstlerische Strategie, disserta- 32 On this question, see Harald Krej-
2008/2009), Munich 2008, p. 313. tion, Vienna 2009, pp. 69 – 77. – Cf. ci’s contribution in the present
on the theme of the reception of the publication (pp. 255–59).
baroque in Austria: Agnes Husslein-
86
Ra in a ld Franz Vienna Handelsgericht (Commercial Court)

on May 19, 1903. Already well-known as
“Allüberall die Formen des founding members of the Secession in 1897
and as professors at Vienna’s Kunstgewer-
Quadrats und die parallelen beschule since 1899, the two artists, togeth-
er with textile manufacturer and art patron
Linien” 1 (“Everywhere the Waerndorfer, clearly formulated the coop-
erative’s business goals: “Promoting the eco-
Forms of the Square and
nomic interests of its members through their
Parallel Lines”). The Wiener education and training in the applied arts,
through the manufacture of all kinds of hand-
Werkstätte in Berlin icrafts according to artistic designs produced
by the cooperative’s members, through the
building of workshops, and through the sale
of the wares produced,” as can be read in the
The infinite calamity caused in the decora- Vienna commercial registry.3 The artistic ori-
tive arts by bad mass production on the entation of the Wiener Werkstätte can be apt-
one hand and the thoughtless imitation of ly characterized as a “corporate philosophy
old styles on the other runs like a great of the Gesamtkunstwerk.” 4
current through the entire world. We have Next to photographs of the Wiener Werk-
lost all connection to the culture of our stätte’s workshop and business spaces, the
forebears and are tossed to and fro by a brochure in which the work program of the
thousand wishes and deliberations. The Wiener Werkstätte was published — in aus-
hand has generally been displaced by the tere typography and with a decoration re-
machine and the craftsman by the busi- duced to geometric forms — featured illus-
nessman. It would be madness to swim trations of the first exhibition by the new
against this current. And yet we have none- “productive cooperative,” which had taken
fig. 1 Wiener Werkstätte theless founded our Workshop. It is meant place not in Vienna but in Berlin (fig. 1, fig. 2).
work program, 1905 to create for us an oasis of peace upon The Berlin exhibition was considered so
our home soil and amidst the joyous sound important to the founders of the Wiener
of handicrafts and be welcome to those de- Werkstätte and so successful in its presenta-
voted to Ruskin and Morris. We call upon tion that it would become an aesthetic testi-
all those to whom this idea of culture monial in the promotional brochure.
seems meaningful and hope that even un-
avoidable mistakes will not deter our
The Exhibition in the Hohenzollern
friends from promoting our objectives. We
Kunstgewerbehaus, Berlin:
want to establish a close contact between
H. Hirschwald, Josef Hoffmann,
public, designer, and craftsman and create
and the Wiener Werkstätte
good and simple household items. 2
A year and a half after its founding, the
These are the lines that open the work pro- Wiener Werkstätte received an invitation to
gram of the Wiener Werkstätte, published present itself as a collective project for the
by its governing body in 1905. Koloman Mo- first time at an exhibition on the occasion of
ser (1868 – 1918) and Josef Hoffmann (1870 – the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding
1956), both managing directors, together of the Hohenzollern Kunstgewerbehaus (Ho-
with the financier and first treasurer Fritz henzollern House of Applied Arts) in Berlin
fig. 2 Wiener Werkstätte exhibition Waerndorfer (1868 – 1939), were the found- (fig. 3). The exhibition took place from Oc-
at the Hohenzollern House of ers of the “Productiv-Genossenschaft von tober 1, 1904, to January 1, 1905. Hermann
Applied Arts, Berlin, 1904
Kunsthandwerkern in Wien,” (Productive Hirschwald (1845 – 1906), industrialist and
Cooperative of Craftsmen in Vienna) as the founder of the Hohenzollern Kunstgewerbe-
Wiener Werkstätte (WW) was titled in its haus, had probably come into contact with
listing in the Registry of Cooperatives of the Josef Hoffmann and Koloman Moser through
the Vienna Secession. In Ver Sacrum, the lead- ments of contemporary artistic diligence.”8
ing organ of the “Vereinigung bildender Hirschwald sought to make the warehouse
Künstler Österreichs — Secession“ (Union of into the “central locale of Berlin’s minor ap-
Austrian Artists —Vienna Secession) notices plied arts,” which he intended to support
can be found for the “largest permanent ex- through “the introduction of designs and
hibition and sales hall for art and decora- models of exemplary products of foreign
tive arts” (fig. 4). The “Hohenzollern Kunst- industry, through active assistance in at-
gewerbehaus H. Hirschwald (G.M.B.H.) tempts to perfect individual branches of ap-
Berlin W. Leipzigerstrasse 13” appeared plied arts techniques, and/or in the produc-
under the name of the “Königlich preuszis- tion of costly individual pieces.”9 On Octo-
cher, kaiserlich österreichischer, groszher- ber 18, 1879, the birthday of the Prussian
zoglich badischer Hoflieferant, gegründet crown prince, the warehouse opened in the
1879 ” (Royal Prussian, Imperial Austrian, ground floor of the corner house on Unter
grand ducal court supplier from Baden, den Linden. Through good relations with
founded in 1879) and offered “home furnish- the House of Hohenzollern and the support
ings, applied arts, interior decoration, and of prominent figures associated with the
regularly changing exhibitions.”5 The re- Berlin Kunstgewerbemuseum such as Julius
duced book decoration used for the notice Lessing, Hirschwald was able to establish
in Ver Sacrum, designed by Koloman Moser his business idea. Hirschwald brought Ger-
fig. 3 Hermann Hirschwald’s
in the form of black squares, would reap- man and international products of the ap- Hohenzollern House of Applied Arts,
pear three years later in the work program plied arts to Berlin. In the 1880 s, the field Berlin, 1910
of the Wiener Werkstätte. was dominated by the applied arts of Mu- Architekturmuseum der Technischen Universität Berlin
The history of the Hohenzollern Kunst- nich, in a neo-Renaissance style, whereby

gewerbehaus in Berlin exhibits many paral- Hirschwald soon began to produce in his
lels to the efforts to promote the applied arts own workshops. Among other things he sup-
that began in the second half of the nine- plied the furnishings of the royal train car
teenth century in Vienna. Hermann Hirsch- of Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria-Hun-
wald had come to Berlin at the age of twen- gary and the leather wall coverings for the
ty as a commercial apprentice and had ministerial office of the Prussian house of
become familiar with the movement to pro- representatives. Hirschwald’s house of ap-
mote the applied arts in theory and practice plied arts became the model for new foun-
—
prompted in Germany by the Paris World dations in other German cities, and the busi-
Exposition in 1867 — both through exem- ness grew. The owner himself became an
plary works and through Berlin’s Kunstge- authority in matters of the applied arts and
werbemuseum.6 The Vienna World Exposi- the Prussian government’s “imperial com-
tion of 1873 and the attendant reports on missioner” for commercial exhibitions, in
the applied arts penned by Julius Lessing which he also participated as exhibitor with
would become formative experiences: After his own products. After the World’s Columbi-
the Berlin commercial exhibition of 1879, an Exposition in Chicago in 1893, Hirsch-
Hirschwald resolved “ … to found a ware- wald also began importing and exhibiting
house in Berlin, in which the public will be American products such as glass by Louis
presented with the most exquisite products Comfort Tiffany. In 1897, Hirschwald relo-
of Germany’s and especially Berlin’s con- cated to the newly built branch store in
temporary applied arts and be able to ac- Leipziger Straße 123, where he offered inter-
quire them.” 7 Following the commercial ex- national applied arts on three floors. The
hibition, Hirschwald opened his warehouse business was now called “Hohenzollern-
at Unter den Linden 54/55 and invited Ber- Kaufhaus H. Hirschwald” and combined
lin’s applied artists and exhibitors to show business spaces and workshops. Hirschwald
their products there, in order “ … to lastingly was also among the first on the continent
capture the interest of the educated public to exhibit the new English furniture of
for local industry by means of a dignified the Arts and Crafts movement. Hirschwald
exhibition of the stylish and tasteful achieve- enthusiastically participated in the displace-
Rainald Fra n z 88
ment of historicism by the new movements fices in the Neustiftgasse together with Kolo-
of European Jugendstil; his house of ap- man Moser, and at the same time had also
plied arts introduced new products from been given the first large commission with
Belgium, France, England, and America in the Wiener Werkstätte: the building of the
special exhibitions, and produced them as Sanatorium Purkersdorf for Victor Zucker-
well. Great names of German Jugendstil such kandl, which would become an early im-
as Otto Eckmann (1865 – 1902) made designs portant work of Hoffmann and the Wiener
for Hirschwald, and Hirschwald entrusted Werkstätte.13 In 1904 Hoffmann was also
Henry van de Velde (1863 – 1957 ), who had occupied with designing the rooms for the
moved to Berlin from Belgium in 1899, to presentation of Vienna’s Kunstgewerbeschu-
direct his atelier and workshops. Van de Vel- le [school of applied arts] at the world expo-
de also furnished the new business offices sition in St. Louis.14 The invitation must
in Leipziger Straße, which opened in 1901 have been a true stroke of luck for the Werk-
and appeared in a new and larger form: stätte, for together with Hermann Hirsch-
“Modern taste demanded greater simplicity wald’s Hohenzollern Kunstgewerbehaus, it
and less ornament for the exhibition halls offered a space to present their works that
of modern products.”10 Hirschwald invited had prestige far beyond the German-speak-
various artists to design the individual de- ing areas. Hirschwald’s business idea was
partments. In Deutsche Kunst und Dekoration in many ways consistent with the intentions
in 1903, Hermann Hirschwald initiated a of the Wiener Werkstätte. Hoffmann alone,
public survey on the theme of “Which object with his design of the ceramics department,
is an example of the applied arts?”11 The as well as Hoffmann together with Kolo-
works of René Lalique were shown in a man Moser in the Wiener Werkstätte, took
special exhibition and the anniversary year advantage of the chances to present them-
of the founding in 1904 was accompanied selves and familiarized Berlin with the
by several special exhibitions at the “Hohen- “Vienna style” in the applied arts and the
zollern-Kunstgewerbehaus, H. Hirschwald, design of exhibitions.15 From the fourteenth
Berlin.” Besides Henry van de Velde, who to the twentieth Secession exhibitions (1902
had been responsible for the graphics depart- – 1904
), Josef Hoffmann and Koloman Mo-
ment among many other things, Josef Hoff- ser had arrived together at a purist-geomet-
mann also appeared as a designer: Hirsch- ric style, which must have looked radically
wald invited Hoffmann to design the ceram- different than the curvilinear designs of an
ics department of the Kunstgewerbehaus. In artist like Henry van de Velde. Whereas van
addition, in the fall of 1904 the exhibition de Velde had made the beautiful linearity
Wiener Plastik [Viennese Sculpture] opened, of the curve into a trademark in his rooms
so that one could now speak of a veritable for the Hohenzollern Kunstgewerbehaus,
focus on Vienna. By this time Josef Hoff- Hoffmann and Moser developed a design
mann had already made an international concept of reductionism to basic geometric
name for himself as a designer of exhibi- forms. The publication of these spaces in
tions, especially in the Vienna Secession, and Alexander Koch’s Deutsche Kunst und Deko-
in Germany as well had made his mark as ration shows interiors that must have made
fig. 4 Advertisement for the the architect of the Secession spaces in the a spectacular impression, along with a com-
Hohenzollern House of Applied national art exhibition in Düsseldorf in prehensively illustrated article entitled “Jo-
Arts, Berlin, 1902
Ver Sacrum, year V, no. 5, 1902 1902.12 After Hoffmann’s earlier commission sef Hoffmann. Koloman Moser.”16
to design the ceramics department, he was In the uppermost story of the Hohenzol-
invited to participate in a special exhibition lern Kunstgewerbehaus, three rooms were
by the Wiener Werkstätte. built in accordance with the ideas of the
For Hoffmann both events occurred dur- Wiener Werkstätte: Aiming to gradually in-
ing a period of the highest creative produc- tensify the impression as the visitor moved
tivity. In 1903 he was well-known in Vien- through the space, the professors of the Vi-
na as part of the Wiener Werkstätte, had enna Kunstgewerbeschule staged a sequence
furnished the new sales and production of- of rooms from the foyer via an octagonal
hall with built-in vitrines to a barrel-vault- rel. In the rhomboid pattern of the plaster
ed gallery room glassed along a narrow ceiling, small glittering elements of colored
side.17 A square-patterned flooring that glass have been regularly embedded in the
united all the rooms set the tone that, in a centers of the rhombuses. Along the lower
certain sense, was to be varied upon in the edge of the barrel vaults runs a horizontal
design of the exhibitions and the objects vitrine inserted into the rough plaster of
presented. In the design of the octagonal the wall surface and interrupted only by the
room, with rough scratch coat plaster, Hoff- entranceway and a niche on the opposite wall.
mann and Moser once again returned to Additional vitrines are arranged symmetri-
the idea of self-lit niches and decorative cally and reach to the floor. All the elements
nailing, which had already been found in are separated by rounded dark moldings —
the seventeenth and eighteenth Secession presumably of wood — in some cases forming
exhibitions. The framing of the wall sec- frames within frames. The vertical vitrines fig. 5 Entrance to the Wiener Werk-
tions by moldings and the strict black-and- are flanked by abstract pastework squares stätte exhibition in the Hohenzollern
white contrast had already been used in in the school of Moser; in the horizontal House of Applied Arts, Berlin, 1904
Deutsche Kunst und Dekoration, year XV, 1904/05,
Secession exhibitions and more recently in vitrines are similarly black-and-white an- p. 203
St. Louis and at the Purkersdorf Sanatori- thropomorphic compositions by Koloman

um, as well as in the exhibition rooms of Moser, so abstracted as to be almost unrecog-
the Wiener Werkstätte. The entryway to the nizable. The range of Wiener Werkstätte
special exhibition (fig. 5) was emphasized products shown takes up the geometric ac-
by means of two potted plants upon stele- cord: From small latticework baskets and
like pedestals. These were placed against book bindings to works in silver, fauteuils
shallow wall projections that flanked the and armchairs upholstered with fabrics from
“bent” lintel, formed so that on each side of the firm of Joh. Backhausen, and the box by
the entranceway a short element ascended Koloman Moser veneered with jagged forms.
toward the central piece, which was hori- The Berlin press took a keen interest in
zontal: a motif that would be repeated sev- the presentation of the “young professors
eral times in the architecture of the exhi- from Vienna,” but was extremely divided in
bition rooms. The wall projections were its opinion. “Everywhere the forms of the
crowned by a flat cornice and bordered along square and parallel lines” stated Dr. Egbert
the sides by two darkly framed thin strips, Delpy in Der Tag.18 He conceded to the ex-
each terminating with a decorative knob. hibition a “character that has never been be-
Above the entrance to the next room, the held in such things here.” According to Delpy,
fig. 6 Octagon at the Wiener
logo of the Wiener Werkstätte — WW — is Moser’s and Hoffmann’s designs were among Werkstätte exhibition in the
visible. From the vestibule, a view is offered “the most idiosyncratic, surprising, and rich Hohenzollern House of Applied
through to the adjacent octagon and the in character that have been presented to us Arts, Berlin, 1904
MAK — Österreichisches Museum für angewandte
transversely laid-out, barrel-vaulted exhibi- in this field in the last three years.”19 Delpy Kunst / Gegenwartskunst, Vienna
tion hall. In the octagonal room (fig. 6) with noted the “bliss of designing” with which
built-in niches and pedestals on the sides, Hoffmann and Moser approached the work
metalwork pieces, the famous latticework and the audacious innovations that the “pro-
pieces, and lighting fixtures are presented; fessors from Vienna had produced from the
above the lintel to the next room, a picture depths of their imagination and translated
designed by Koloman Moser appears em- faithfully into reality” in the house of ap-
bedded in the wall. Once again, the walls are plied arts.20 Delpy named the anteroom and
framed by painted black strips; the linear octagon an “ingeniously thought-out confes-
features are massed along the embrasure of sion of faith to an architectonic style,” against
the passage to the next room. This passage which the actual exhibition hall with its
leads to the main room of the presentation barrel vault seem to him “distressingly like a
fig. 7 Barrel-vaulted hall at the
(fig. 7), the climax of the room composition freshly whitewashed tunnel passage,” and he Wiener Werkstätte exhibition in the
— a long gallery with integrated niches and questioned its spatial quality during the day- Hohenzollern House of Applied
vitrines, glassed-in along the short side, light: “The most intimate and harmonious Arts, Berlin, 1904
Deutsche Kunst und Dekoration, year XV, 1904 /05,
vaulted with a decoratively structured bar- effect is thus generated in subdued light, pp. 204–05
Rainald Fra n z 90
when as little as possible of the entire build- stadt is half illusion, half industry, Munich
ing complex remains visible.”21 He also crit- and Dresden are bourgeois art for living
icized the illumination: The countless color- rooms; here is a striking passion, a balance
ful square glass plates embedded into the of architectonic feeling between furniture
ceiling flickered and twinkled like “toys for and utensils, in which the architecture los-
adults” beneath the light effect of the “glow- es just as much unnecessary relief as the
ing pendulum” made of oxidized alpaca; utensils acquire a delicate constructivity.”24
but it would be a good deed if “the servient For the reviewer, who had also seen Josef
spirits of the Hohenzollern Kunstgewerbe- Hoffmann’s new buildings on the Hohe
haus would extinguish the flickering spook.” Warte in Vienna, Hoffmann succeeded in
“Here, the Viennese have completely backed “creating a concentration that has fulfilled
the wrong horse,” opined the author. Delpy the ideal of an exhibition: of structuring the
also saw the contrast between the design’s masses and making them lucid by means of
playfulness and austerity as prevailing in pleasing rhythms.” For the Börsen-Courier
the products of the Wiener Werkstätte, “the author, “good Viennese style” was “a modern-
headstrong quadrangular and straight lin- ization of Empire style, a grace of construc-
earity, which issues from all of their designs, tion, and the life of a strict organism. A phil-
half pedantically, half capriciously, is the ba- hellenist quadrangularity and sophisticated
sic element of a serious, almost archaically simplicity, which is all the rage in Viennese
severe style, which makes the comfortable literature, is also all the rage in its minor
activities of daily living almost into the acts arts.”
of a mystical cult of high priestly earnest- In the Magdeburger Zeitung of October 20,
ness.22 For Delpy, the “gimmickry and dal- 1904, the reviewer of the exhibition in the
liances” scattered within the “austerity of Hohenzollern Kunstgewerbehaus worked
the formal language” lead to a mélange of out the opposition he sensed between the
styles to which the aesthetic sense reacts works displayed and the works of Richard
as to “a mixture of salt and sugar on the Mutz’s (1872 – 1931) ceramics workshops in
tongue.” He was not enthralled by the Vien- Wilmersdorf. The refined luxury art of the
nese artists’ glass, eating utensils, bowls, Viennese is a manifestly artistic idea and
and pitchers, but in contrast praised the the idea is too expensive to afford: “I ask
women’s decoration and jewelry: only there, myself what could be the goal of a work-
in his opinion, had the Viennese found a shop like this? Bringing art to the people
festive and beautiful union of the contrast is the aim of the entire modern applied arts
fig. 8 Josef Hoffmann/
Koloman Moser between austerity and playfulness, in every- movement. But is this an art for the people,
The Stonborough-Wittgenstein thing else this had not yet been achieved. even if one supposes that its products could
apartment, Berlin, 1905 In the Berliner Börsen-Courier, in contrast, find a market outside of the circle of million-
MAK — Österreichisches Museum für angewandte
Kunst / Gegenwartskunst, Vienna the exhibition is spoken of as a great triumph aires? Does it not seem much too addicted to
of the Hohenzollern Kunstgewerbehaus: “It originality and far too heedless of the style
is no longer a secret that the modern deco- of functionality?”25 Although he concedes
rative arts, which began in London almost that the things are attractively displayed,
privately, have produced numerous ‘work- he questions the functional value of many of
shops’ in Germany, occupied talented artists the objects. “Apparently, the Wiener Werk-
everywhere, and have just achieved a flow- stätte is presently experiencing its ‘Sturm
ering in Vienna that is able, far from all pe- und Drang’ period, as the Darmstadt Col-
dantism and theory, to wonderfully coalesce ony once did as well. But it will overcome
wise artistic insights with practical needs.”23 this and then perhaps begin to work for
For the reviewer the judgment is clear: “This larger circles without degenerating into the
is the interesting group’s first exhibition banal and impersonal.”26
and whatever the judgment about the details For Josef Hoffmann, Koloman Moser,
may turn out to be, the impression of stand- and the Wiener Werkstätte, the exhibition
ing here before an enormous artistic intelli- in Hermann Hirschwald’s Hohenzollern
gence will not fade from the mind. Darm Kunstgewerbehaus proved to be a success in
several respects: The presence would be used after their relocation to Berlin (fig. 8).27 Kolo-
for their own promotional purposes; photo- man Moser and Josef Hoffmann furnished
graphs were not only published in Deutsche the six-room apartment in the style of the
Kunst und Dekoration, but also used as bench- early Wiener Werkstätte, thus producing
mark images for the work program of the their first masterpiece in Berlin. And the
Wiener Werkstätte in the brochure published Wiener Werkstätte would make one more
the following year. The exhibition of the guest appearance in the German capital:
Wiener Werkstätte also had a direct com- In 1929 a sales office designed by Josef Hoff-
mercial success within the “circle of million- mann opened at Friedrich-Ebert-Strasse 2 – 3
aires” in Berlin mentioned by the reviewer (fig. 9). The Wiener Werkstätte had previ-
in the Magdeburger Zeitung: The steel mag- ously owned a business in Berlin that was a
nate Karl Wittgenstein, a patron of the Vi- distribution center for all of Germany, but
enna Secession, commissioned the Wiener had not engaged in buying and selling (plate fig. 9 Josef Hoffmann
Werkstätte in 1905 to decorate the grand 3 8 ).28 But the “Viennese style” was not able Berlin branch of the Wiener
Werkstätte, Berlin, 1929
apartment near the Tiergarten at In den Zel- to prevail; the office was closed as early as Deutsche Kunst und Dekoration, year LXV, 1929/30,
ten 21a, rented by his daughter Margarethe 1932, in the wake of the bankruptcy of the p. 327
and her new husband Jerome Stonborough Wiener Werkstätte.29
1 Egbert Delpy, “Wiener Kunst- 12 Ver Sacrum, 1902, issue 21, pp. 302ff. 24 Ibid.
gewerbe in Berlin,” in: Der Tag, Berlin, – Katalog der Deutsch-Nationalen
11.19.1904. Kunstausstellung Düsseldorf, 1902. 25 Magdeburger Zeitung, 10. 20. 1904.
– Eduard Sekler, Josef Hoffmann. Das 26 Ibid., and Neiß 2004 (see note 4),
2 Work program of the Wiener architektonische Werk, Vienna / Salz-
Werkstätte, 1905. pp. 70 – 71.
burg 1982, catalogue raisonné 65, p. 276.
3 Ernst Ploil, “Dichtung und Wahr- 27 Today John-Foster-Dulles-Allee.
13 Karin Thun-Hohenstein, Josef The illustrations of the furnishings can
heit, Die Gründung der Wiener Hoffmann – Sanatorium Purkersdorf,
Werkstätte,” in: Parnass, 1998, issue 2, be found in Deutsche Kunst und Deko-
diploma thesis, Vienna 2012. – Sekler ration, 1905/1906, vol. 17, pp. 149–64;
pp. 62 – 68. 1982 (see note 12), catalogue Sekler 1982 (see note 12), catalogue
4 Herta Neiß, 100 Jahre Wiener raisonné 84, pp. 286ff. raisonné 97, as well as online in the
Werkstätte. Mythos und ökonomische 14 Dekorative Kunst. Zeitschrift für digital photographic archive of the
Realität, Vienna 2004, pp. 29ff. angewandte Kunst, 1905, issue VIII, Wiener Werkstätte: WWF 101, 102,
pp. 125 – 28. http://sammlungen.mak.at/sdb/do/
5 See, for example, Ver Sacrum, detail.state?obj_id=109479&obj_in-
Mitteilungen der Vereinigung bilden- 15 Elisabeth Frottier, Moderne Raum- dex=54. The apartment was publi-
den Künstler Österreichs, 1902, kunst. Wiener Ausstellungsbauten cized in detail by Christian Witt-
issues 5 to 24, inside cover. von 1898 bis 1914, Vienna 1991. – Dörring, Josef Hoffmann Interiors
6 Ludwig Pietsch, “Das Hohenzollern- Sekler 1982 (see note 12), catalogue 1902 – 1913, (exh. cat. Neue Galerie
Kunstgewerbehaus-Berlin. Aus An- raisonné 87, pp. 289 – 90. New York) New York / Munich 2006,
lass seines 25 jährigen Bestehens,” in: pp. 186 – 209. Alexander Waugh
16 “Josef Hoffmann. Koloman Moser,” described the style of the apartment
Deutsche Kunst und Dekoration, in: Deutsche Kunst und Dekoration,
1904/1905, vol. XV, pp. 169 – 76. – in his family history in less than
1904/1905, vol. XV, pp. 1 – 14. flattering language as a “Mischung
A fundamental work is also Bianca
Berding, “Das Hohenzollern-Kunstge- 17 Ernst Schur, “Individuum und Ge- aus kahlem Modernismus und
werbehaus,” in: Kunsthandel in Berlin samtheit,” in: Deutsche Kunst und Deko- Kindergartenkitsch” (a mixture of
für moderne angewandte Kunst von ration, 1904 /1905, vol. XV, pp. 202 – 06; stark modernism and kindergarten
1897 bis 1914, Munich 2012, pp. 23–45. illustrations can also be found online kitsch): Alexander Waugh, Das Haus
in the WW photographic archive at Wittgenstein. Geschichte einer
7 Pietsch 1905 (see note 6), p. 170. http://sammlungen.mak.at/sdb/do/ ungewöhnlichen Familie, Frankfurt
detail.state?obj_id=106442&obj_in- 2009, p. 77.
8 Ibid.
dex=13, WWF 101-16–WWF 101-180 28 Peter Noever (ed.), Der Preis
9 Pietsch 1905 (see note 6), p. 171. der Schönheit. 100 Jahre Wiener
18 Delpy 1904 (see note 1).
10 Pietsch 1905 (see note 6), p. 174. Werkstätte, (exh. cat. MAK Wien)
19 Ibid. Ostfildern-Ruit 2003, pp. 384–86.
11 Hermann Hirschwald, “Welcher
Gegenstand ist kunstgewerblich?”, in: 20 Ibid. 29 Sekler 1982 (see note 12), p. 419.
Deutsche Kunst und Dekoration: – Wolfgang Born, “Die Wiener
21 Ibid. Werkstätte in Berlin,” in: Deutsche
illustrierte Monatshefte für moderne
Malerei, Plastik, Architektur, Wohnungs- 22 Ibid. Kunst und Dekoration, 1929/1930,
kunst u. künstlerisches Frauen-Arbeiten, vol. LXV, pp. 326 – 30.
1903/1904, vol. 13, pp. 242 – 43. 23 Berliner Börsen-Courier,
10. 02. 1904.
92
Ma rku s Fellinger Naturalism and Impressionism
A Proletarian in the Temple To begin with, it is useful to circumscribe

the at times problematical term Naturalism,
of Art? Berlin Naturalism whose definition was complex and ambigu-
ous even at the highpoint of the movement
and Impressionism in Vienna around 1890.2 Naturalism developed in Ger
many as early as the 1870s with Max Lieber
around 1900
mann as its principal exponent, and it had
its heyday in the 1880s. The term refers to a
style that stands for objectivity and for total
arbitrariness in the selection of subjects, that
Perhaps the most acute description of Vien- is to say, for anti-idealism. For Naturalism,
nese art and culture around 1900 comes from every subject is worthy of artistic attention
the pen of Robert Musil: “There were those to the extent that it is derived directly from
who loved the overman and those who loved perceptual reality. At least initially, a maxi-
the underman; there were health cults and mal (photo-)realistic style was cultivated in
sun cults and cults of consumptive maidens; an attempt to depict reality as precisely and
there was enthusiasm for the hero worshipers objectively as possible. At the latest around
and for the believers in the Common Man; 1890, many naturalists evolved rapidly in
people who were devout and skeptical, natu- the direction of an impressionistic approach
ralistic and mannered, robust and morbid; to painting that allowed an immediate regis-
they dreamed of old tree-lined avenues in pal- tration of perceptions of nature and led to-
ace parks, autumnal gardens, glossy ponds, ward so-called “German Impressionism,”
gems, hashish, disease, and demonism, but with Max Liebermann, Gotthardt Kuehl, Leo-
fig. 1 Rudolf von Alt also of prairies, immense horizons, forges and pold von Kalckreuth, Max Slevogt, and Lovis
The Iron Foundry on Skodagasse, rolling mills, naked wrestlers, slave upris- Corinth as its main proponents.3 This nat-
Vienna, 1903
Albertina, Vienna ings, early man, and the smashing of society. uralistic version of Impressionism was dis-
These were certainly opposing and widely tinct from French Impressionism: Among
varied battle cries, but uttered in the same the Germans, varicolored patches of paint
breath. An analysis of that epoch might pro- were not primarily conceived as equivalent to
duce some such nonsense as a square circle the light that was reflected from the object,
trying to consist of wooden iron, but in re- an approach that — especially with Monet —
ality, it all blended into shimmering sense.“1 allowed the paint to become fully insubstan-
Musil’s characterization of these strikingly tial and immaterial; instead, the brush strokes
heterogeneous artistic and cultural currents were deployed in order to suggest material-
is reflected in the exhibitions of the Vienna ity in a kind of painterly shorthand, hence
Secession. Listed in the catalogs are works remaining indebted to the object. This is ev-
exemplifying Jugendstil, Naturalism, Aes- ident in particular in the often extremely
theticism, Impressionism, Symbolism, and thick paint application seen in German Im-
other styles, to some extent in variegated pressionist paintings, which suggests a cer-
mixtures. In the present context, the custom- tain emphasis on materiality.
fig. 2 Käthe Kollwitz ary equation of “Vienna around 1900 ” with As Richard Hamann and Jost Hermand
March of the Weavers, 1897 the names Gustav Klimt, Josef Hoffmann, have argued, Naturalism substantially avoids
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett
Koloman Moser, Otto Wagner, and Adolf the formal and aesthetic point of view, since
Loos is inadequate. The exhibitions of the Naturalism is “solely a resource for a far-reach-
Vienna Secession, in particular those of the ing social and political upheaval.”4 If we ac-
early years, represented a melting pot of the cept this definition, then many impression-
most contemporary European artistic ten- istic works too could be regarded as natural-
dencies, and brought together works by artistic. Impressionism was often regarded as a
ists as different as Fernand Khnopff, Arnold logical consequence of Naturalism which had
Böcklin, and Max Liebermann. abandoned detailed realism in favor of the
unmediated impression made by the object, was Emil Orlik. His 1897 poster (plate 53 )
but was otherwise equally committed to “op- for Gerhart Hauptmann’s Die Weber [The
tical truth.” In the words of Hermann Bahr: Weavers] recalls Käthe Kollwitz’s Weberzy
“The demand for the naked truth without klus [Weavers Cycle] from the same year (fig. 2),
this shell — which the understanding weaves which may nonetheless have been produced
around it as soon as it enters consciousness — independently of it. Orlik’s poster is regarded
for a truth whose impact is immediate and as the “foundation stone of the German so-
that goes to the object of the senses, a truth cially conscious poster.” 9 At the same time,
avant la lettre, is only the final and unavoid- Orlik also produced a series of naturalistic
able consequence of the formula of Natural- prints depicting agricultural and craft work-
ism.”5 The way in which the impact of Natu- ers, as well as — during a trip to Great Britain
ralism continued in German Impressionism in 1898 — representations of industrial facil-
is clarified by a citation from a talk given at the ities and day laborers.
Slevogt exhibition in Vienna in 1897: “Becom- During the years around the foundation of
ing manifest in the way in which reproaches the Secession, Carl Moll (who as a student
are formulated currently is — alongside unu- of Emil Jakob Schindler continued to paint in
sual coloristic capacities — a striving toward a the style of atmospheric realism until around
brutal natural reality.6 This striving toward 1894) produced naturalistic paintings that can
fig. 3 Gotthardt Kuehl
a “brutal natural reality” can be regarded as be traced back primarily to his acquaintance- Orphans in Lübeck, 1884
the trademark of Naturalism — even where the ship with Gotthardt Kuehl (fig. 3).10 He got Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden,
Galerie Neue Meister
subject matter is remote from the working- to know Kuehl during a series of trips to
class or peasant themes so often associated northern Germany undertaken between 1893
with the movement. Developing toward the and 1896, where he worked in the style of
turn of the century in this spirit was an im- Kuehl to render everyday scenes from an ob-
pressionistic-oriented “Salon Naturalism” that jective point of view, for example in his Brau-
discovered the bourgeois sphere, the boule- erei in Lübeck [Brewery in Lübeck], 1894.11
vards, the theater, and dance performances.7 Moll did not hesitate to show these paintings
In Vienna, naturalistic painting could look at the Secession. Found in volume 5/6 of Ver
back on a long tradition via the Biedermeier Sacrum, the official magazine of the Secession,
Realism of Ferdinand Georg Waldmüller. is a reproduction of the now lost painting
This artist was among the pioneers of a Re- Sonntagsmorgen [ Sunday Morning ] (fig. 4),
alism that did not exclude the negative side which shows an old fisherman cleaning a weir
of society, such as the poverty of the working in his home.12 This work was on view at the
and peasant classes. The marked hostility first Secession exhibition together with the
he had experienced from colleagues at the pictures Schlosserdiele [Locksmith’s Hallway]
Academy of Fine Arts made him a figure- and Aus Schönbrunn [At Schönbrunn].13 Al-
head for the Secessionists, along with Rudolf though he moved away stylistically from Ger-
von Alt, who joined the Secession in old age man Impressionism with the founding of
in 1897, and became its honorary president.8 the Secession and toward a more graphic, for-
Also in his old age, Alt — who was known malistic version of Impressionism, as late as
for his picturesque vedute and landscapes 1906/07 he continued to paint the occasio-
— had produced modern depictions of in- nal work such as Am Stadtrand [At the Edge
dustry, such as his celebrated watercolors of of Town], whose smoking chimneys in the
the iron foundry on Skodagasse (1903) (fig. 1). background and dreary wooden shacks are
But young artists such as Josef Engelhart remote from his suburban scenes of the bet-
too were at least initially dependent upon ter districts of Vienna.14
naturalistic models, in particular those fa- fig. 4 Carl Moll
miliar from France. Engelhart’s Der Pülcher Sunday Morning, 1896
Berlin Naturalism in Vienna
[The Crook] (plate 43 ) is a central example of Whereabouts unknown
Ver Sacrum, year I, no. 5/6, 1898, p. 44
the Viennese Naturalism that revived around To begin with, it should be pointed out
1890. Another Secessionist who was preoc- that in Vienna before 1900, art from Berlin
cupied with Naturalism in his early years found itself in a difficult position. In contrast
Marku s Fe lli n ge r 94
to artists in Munich, Düsseldorf, Karlsruhe, Schnee [Street in The Snow].22 At the sixteenth
and other traditional art centers, very few exhibition of 1903, the large Impressionist ex-
works by Berlin artists turned up at the exhibition, Liebermann and Max Slevogt were
hibitions of the Wiener Künstlerhaus. Prior the only Germans represented. Liebermann’s
to the foundation of the Secession , Max contribution consisted of three works: Papa-
Liebermann — the central figure in Berlin’s geienallee [Parrot Avenue], Die große Bleiche
art scene — was represented only in the III. [The Large Bleaching Yard] (fig. 6), and the
International Art Exhibition of 1894. He Porträt des Lovis Corinth [Portrait of Lovis
showed the painting Alte Frau mit Ziegen Corinth].23 Max Slevogt exhibited: Sommer-
[Old Woman with Goats ], 1890 (fig. 5), for morgen, Landschaft mit weißer Dame [Summer
which he received a gold medal.15 In 1898, Morning, Landscape with White Lady], and
Liebermann exhibited again at the Künstler- Am Chiemsee [At lake Chiemsee].24 With the
haus: On view at the great jubilee Art Exhi- exception of Liebermann’s Die große Bleiche
bition was his early masterpiece Arbeiter im [ The Large Bleaching Yard ], all of the works
Rübenfelde [Workers in the Beet Field ], 1876.16 seem to have been selected for corresponding
Already at the first Secession exhibition, fairly closely to French Impressionism in
Liebermann was represented by three works.17 subject and coloration.
That Liebermann’s drawings were greeted Although Liebermann was a corresponding
with interest in Vienna is shown by the fact member of the Secession, he also exhibited
that six of his studies were illustrated in the in autumn of 1904 at the thirteenth exhibi-
fourth volume of Ver Sacrum.18 In the fifth tion of the Hagenbund, where he was repre-
fig. 5 Max Liebermann
Old Woman with Goats, 1890 exhibition of 1899 (consisting purely of graph- sented by altogether eighty works, including
Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, ic works), Liebermann showed a series of masterpieces such as Kartoffelacker [Potato
Neue Pinakothek, Munich
drawings and sketches.19 A review by Rich- Field ], Simson und Delila [Samson and Deli-
ard Muther indicates the direction of this in- lah], and Flachsscheuer in Laren [The Flax
terest: “At the opposite pole, standing with Barn at Laren].25 From this exhibition, the
legs outspread and both feet on the Earth, is Ministry of Culture and Education acquired
Max Liebermann. The mundane world is his the painting Spitalgarten in Edam [ Hospital
kingdom. Here, he finds his Purgatorio and Garden in Edam] (plate 07 ) for the Moderne
his Inferno. And despite this, the longer one Galerie in the Belvedere.
examines his drawings, the more one becomes Max Slevogt was known to the Viennese
aware of something here as well that goes be- even before the founding of the Secession. In
yond reality. But that striving for expansive- autumn of 1897, the art dealer Eugen Artin
ness, for the epic stateliness of the line that organized a solo exhibition for the artist,
shapes the style of Meunier, Segantini, and then living in Munich, at the building of the
Gandara, emerges in Liebermann as well. He Gartenbaugesellschaft [ Horticultural Associ-
sets his figures in space, massive and large.”20 ation ], where only a few month later the first
fig. 6 Max Liebermann The comparison with Meunier and Seganti- exhibition of the Vienna Secession was held.
The Large Bleaching Yard, 1883 ni is characteristic. With their point of de- The exhibition brought together a series of
Wallraf-Richartz-Museum and Fondation Corboud
parture in Naturalism, these artists devel- early masterworks, including Frau Aventiure,
oped a strongly expressive pictorial language Danae (fig. 7), Ecce homo, Homo Sapiens, and
that betrays tendencies toward the monumen- Die Ringer [The Wrestlers], and it was given a
tal. In some sheets, Muther attributed to Lieb- surprisingly positive reception by the Viennese
ermann “a peculiar suggestion of spacious- press: “Unlike the others, recklessly veridical,
ness, the influence of a striving toward ‘great avoiding all forms of embellishment, rigor-
art.’”21 This impression was entirely consist- ously renouncing any philistine clarity of
ent with the intentions of the Vienna Seces- form, effective nonetheless through tonal
sion, which already favored formal expres- charm, even if the pigments are essentially
siveness in distinction from the well-known impure, even dirty.”26
concepts of impressionistic arbitrariness. At the Secession, Slevogt was already rep-
In the eighth exhibition, Liebermann was resented in the second exhibition of 1898
represented only by the picture Strasse im with two pictures, Flieder [Lilac] and the Por-
trät des Dr. Carl Voll [Portrait of Dr. Carl Voll ], Kollwitz, based on Hauptmann’s The Weav-
1898.27 Shown in the seventh exhibition, fi- ers. They look as masculine as possible. She
nally, was the Triptychon des verlorenen Soh- is in command of the characterization of
nes [Triptych of the Prodigal Son] (fig. 8), which the figures and the energy of the lighting
now attracted notice in Vienna after having scheme to a high degree.”34
enjoyed success at the first exhibition of the Seen more often at the Secession were
Berlin Secession.28 Richard Muther, for ex- works by Franz Skarbina, who was already
ample, writes: “Many can only perceive Sle- represented at the Künstlerhaus in 1895 with
vogt’s vehement power as barbaric brutality. four works, among them the “Hadernsamm-
Whoever resolves to view these pictures ler” [Ragpicker], which may be the picture
through the artist’s own eyes will nonethe- known as Père Jean Baptiste. Der Lumpen-
less regard him as a born painter-genius. On- sammler [Père Jean Baptiste. The Ragpicker], fig. 7 Max Slevogt
ly a few in Germany have such a sensuous di- 1886 (fig. 10).35 At the Secession, Skarbina Danae, 1895
Städtische Galerie im Lenbachhaus, Munich
rectness of coloristic sensitivity and such a was represented at the first, second, fourth,
large, powerful stroke.”29 and seventh exhibitions. In a special issue of
In contrast to Liebermann and Slevogt, Ver Sacrum published to coincide with the se
Lovis Corinth seems never to have exhibit- cond exhibition of 1898, we find a strongly
ed in Vienna before 1905. At the Secession, he expressive study of a worker that is named
was represented only after the withdrawal of in the catalog as Der Schnitter [The Reaper].36
the Klimt Group, at the twenty-fourth exhi- Interestingly, and despite good connec-
bition of 1905, which was devoted to religious tions with the Galerie Cassirer, artists from
art. He showed a work, the Grablegung [En- Berlin played no significant role at the Gale-
tombment], 1904 (fig. 9), which is now lost.30 rie Miethke. Only Lesser Ury was represent-
Ludwig Hevesi devoted several lines to this ed at its tenth exhibition, held in December
picture in his exhibition report: “How many of 1899, and this artist was — surprisingly
different motives are signified by the names — never exhibited at the Vienna Secession
in this exhibition, and they all arrive as ‘re- before 1905. 37 Only in 1911 did the Galerie
ligious.’ This includes Louis [!] Corinth, the Miethke organize an exhibition of the Ber-
fig. 8 Max Slevogt
paint-kneader from Berlin, whose worldli- lin Secession, at which Liebermann, Slevogt, Triptych of the Prodigal Son, 1899
ness will be doubted by no one, even when and Corinth, among others, were represent- Staatsgalerie Stuttgart
he paints an entombment. For him, the sub- ed.38 In 1914, the same three artists were
ject represents little more than a nude to be represented at the 138th exhibition of the
modeled with great skill in light and shad- Galerie Miethke.39
ow, a bravura piece of deliberate delicacy in An exhibition of works by Max Liebermann
the play of forms, accompanied by the play was also presented in 1900 in the Kunstsalon
of tones. Presumably, he wanted to do some- Pisko. In April and May 1902 Pisko showed
thing like Liebermann in the Delilah picture. a collective exhibition with works of Lieber
Religiosity as a technical problem.”31 mann, Leistikow, and Paul Schad-Rossa
Another Berlin artist who attracted notice from Graz.40
at the Secession was Käthe Kollwitz. She was To summarize: The Naturalists and Im-
represented, apparently, at the fourth exhibi- pressionists from Berlin were underrepre-
tion by the entire Weberzyklus [Weavers Cycle] sented in comparison with artists from south-
(plates 57, 58 , fig. 2 ).32 At the fifth exhibition, ern Germany such as Fritz von Uhde and
she was represented by two sheets, which Leopold von Kalckreuth, and with French
are named in the catalog as Aufruhr [Commot and Belgian artists such as Constantin Me-
ion] and Feierabend [Quitting Time].33 Al- unier, Jean-François Raffaëlli, and Léon fig. 9 Lovis Corinth
though still relatively unknown at this point, Lhermitte. In Vienna, the works of Lieber- Entombment,1904
Burned in 1945 (formerly Tapiau City Hall)
she seems to have made quite an impres- mann, Slevogt, and Corinth were of course
sion. At the end of his review, Ludwig He- recognized as masterful artistic achievements,
vesi devotes a few lines of emphatic praise to but given the artistic tendencies of most Se-
her work: “Worth singling out, finally, are cessionists, they can hardly have had a stimu-
the etchings of a highly gifted lady, Käthe lating effect on most Viennese artists. The in-
Marku s Fe lli n ge r 96
terests of the two groups respectively diverged to an end, did a number of Viennese artists,
too sharply, especially after 1900, when the including Oskar Kokoschka, Egon Schiele,
expressive brushwork of the Berliners stood Max Oppenheimer, and Anton Kolig, reorient
in sharp contrast to the stylized art of the their interest toward the achievements of
Viennese. Only around 1910, when the more Liebermann, Slevogt, and Corinth.
stylized phase of Secession art finally came
1 Robert Musil, The Man Without vedere, Vienna), Salzburg 1998, identified with certainty as a work
Qualities Vol. 1: A Sort of Introduction p. 28. – Kuehl was also a frequent from the oeuvre catalog.
and Pseudo Reality Prevails, trans. guest at the Vienna Secession. His
Sophie Wilkins, Vintage Books 1996, works were shown at the first, fourth, 23 Eberle 1995 (see note 15), no.
p. 54. seventh, and eighth exhibitions. Pre- 1902/27, no. 1883/1 and no. 1899/28. –
viously, Kuehl had been represented Entwicklung des Impressionismus in
2 On Naturalism in painting, see by two works at the 23rd annual exhi- Malerei und Plastik. Katalog der
Gabriel P. Weinberg, Illusions of bition at the Künstlerhaus in 1895, XVI. Ausstellung der Vereinigung
Reality. Naturalist Painting, Photo- including the triptych In the Lübeck bildender Künstler Österreichs
graphy, Theatre, and Cinema, 1875 – Orphanage. Secession Wien, Vienna 1903,
fig. 10 Franz Skarbina 1918 (exh. cat. Van Gogh Museum, nos. 110 – 12.
Père Jean Baptiste. Amsterdam/Ateneum Art Museum, 11 Natter/Frodl 1998 (see note 10),
The Ragpicker, 1886 Helsinki), Brussels 2010. – Boris Röhrl, no. 18. 24 Ibid. nos. 113 – 15. The painting
Private collection, courtesy Galerie Gerda Bassenge Kunsttheorie des Naturalismus und Summer Morning is found today in
Realismus, Hildesheim, Zurich/ 12 Ver Sacrum, year I, issue 5/6, the Landesmuseum in Mainz. The
New York 2003. – Boris Röhrl, May/June 1898, p. 44. painting Chiemsee is illustrated in:
Realismus in der bildenden Kunst. Emil Heilbut, “Die Impressionisten-
13 Katalog der I. Kunst-Ausstellung ausstellung der Wiener Secession,” in:
Europa und Nordamerika 1830 bis der Vereinigung bildender Künstler
2000, Berlin 2013. Kunst und Künstler, vol. 1, 1902/1903,
Österreichs, Vienna 1898, no. 28 – 30. p. 200. The picture referred to as
3 Hermann Bahr, “Die Kunst auf der 14 Natter/Frodl 1998 (see note 10), “ Landschaft mit weißer Dame” cannot
Pariser Weltausstellung 1889,” in: no. 50. be identified with certainty. It may
Hermann Bahr, Zur Kritik der Moderne, be the study entitled Elegante Dame
Zurich 1890, p. 228. – On German 15 Katalog der III. Internationalen beim Blumenpflücken [Elegant Lady
Impressionism see: Jutta Hülsewig- Kunst-Ausstellung im Künstlerhause, Picking Flowers], which was auctioned
Johnen/Thomas Kellein, Der Deut- Vienna 1894, p. 31, no. 2. – Matthias on May 31, 2004, by Van Ham in
sche Impressionismus (exh. cat. Kunst- Eberle, Max Liebermann. 1847 – 1935, Cologne, which was however dated
halle Bielefeld), Cologne 2009. – Werkverzeichnis der Gemälde there as around 1920/25.
Karl Römpler, Der deutsche und Ölstudien, vol. 1, Munich 1995,
Impressionismus, Dresden 1958. pp. 352 – 54, no. 1890/1. 25 Künstlerbund Hagen, Catalog der
Herbst-Ausstellung, Vienna 1903. –
4 Richard Hamann/Jost Hermand, 16 Katalog der Jubiläums-Kunstaus- Ludwig Hevesi, “Wiener Brief,”
Naturalismus, Berlin 1959, p. 7. stellung 1898, Vienna 1898, no. 368. – in: Kunstchronik, new series, vol. 16,
Eberle 1995 (see note 15), no. 1876/1. issue 10, 1905, col. 150 – 51.
5 Bahr 1890 (see note 3), p. 228.
17 Katalog der I. Kunst-Ausstellung 26 Anonymous, Neue Freie Presse,
6 Anonymous, Neue Freie Presse, der Vereinigung bildender Künstler 10. 21. 1897, p. 7 (see also citation
no. 11913, 10. 21. 1897, p. 7. Österreichs, Vienna 1898, no. 502: from note 6). Another review of this
7 Standing behind this is the argu- “Feine Familie”; no. 503 “Der Schäfer”; exhibition can be found in Max
ment that a consequential Naturalism no. 504: “Allee”; no. 505: “Tuch- Schölermann, untitled, in: Kunst-
should encompass all aspects of macherei.” It is no longer possible to chronik, new series, vol. 9, issue 3,
reality. See: Hermann Bahr, “Der positively identify these paintings. 10. 28. 1897, col. 44. While the review
Naturalismus im Frack,” in: Hermann They may have been drawings. by Schölermann tends to be negative,
Bahr, Die Überwindung des Natura- the reviewer in the Neue Freie
18 Ver Sacrum, year I, issue 4, Presse offers an affirmative view of
lismus, Dresden/Leipzig 1891, March 1898, pp. 4 – 9.
pp. 57 – 64. the coloristic virtuosity.
19 Katalog der V. Kunst-Ausstellung 27 Katalog der II. Kunst-Ausstellung
8 See review by Ludwig Hevesi on the der Vereinigung bildender Künstler
occasion of the exhibition 50 Jahre der Vereinigung bildender Künstler
Österreichs, Secession, Vienna 1899, Österreichs, Vienna 1898, nos. 10, 37.
Österreichische Kunst held in the nos. 456 – 71.
Künstlerhaus in 1898: Ludwig Hevesi, 28 Katalog der VII. Kunst-Aus-
“Zwischen zwei Sezessionen,” in: 20 Richard Muther, Studien und stellung der Vereinigung bildender
Ludwig Hevesi, Acht Jahre Secession, Kritiken, vol. 1, 1900, Vienna 1901, Künstler Österreichs Secession,
Vienna 1906, p. 60. pp. 22 – 23. Vienna 1900, no. 178.
9 Eugen Otto (ed.), Emil Orlik. 21 Ver Sacrum 1898 (see note 18). 29 Muther 1901 (see note 20),
Leben und Werk 1870 – 1932, Vienna/ pp. 73 – 74. A similar tone is displayed
Munich 1997, p. 147. 22 Katalog der VIII. Kunst-Aus-
stellung der Vereinigung bildender in a review by Franz von Servaes,
10 G. Tobias Natter/Gerbert Frodl, Künstler Österreichs Secession, “Secession. (Auswärtige Maler.),” in:
Carl Moll (1861 – 1945) (exh. cat. Bel- Vienna 1900. This picture cannot be Neue Freie Presse, 4.3.1900, p. 2.
30 Katalog der XXIV. Ausstellung review of the exhibition speaks of 36 Ver Sacrum, year I, special issue,
der Vereinigung bildender Künstler numerous sheets, it can be assumed 1898, p. 33. – Katalog der II. Kunst-
Österreichs, Secession, Vienna 1905, that the entire cycle was on view. Ausstellung der Vereinigung bildender
no. 105 (“Grablegung/Eigentum der Künstler Österreichs, Vienna 1898,
Stadt Tapiau”). Charlotte Behrend- 33 Katalog der V. Kunst-Ausstellung no. 114.
Corinth, Lovis Corinth. Die Gemälde. der Vereinigung bildender Künstler
Werkverzeichnis, Munich 1992, p. 94, Österreichs Secession, Vienna 1899, 37 Tobias G. Natter, Die Galerie
no. 272. nos. 51 and 54. Whether these were Miethke. Eine Kunsthandlung
sheets from the Weaver Cycle, or im Zentrum der Moderne (exh. cat.
31 Ludwig Hevesi, “Religiöse Kunst. instead a sheet from 1899 with the Jüdisches Museum, Vienna),
Secession. Galerie Miethke,” in: title Revolt (plate 59 ) and an addi- Vienna 2003, p. 188.
Ludwig Hevesi, Altkunst–Neukunst. tional sheet cannot be determined
Wien 1894 – 1908, Vienna 1909, from the source currently available. 38 Ibid., p. 221.
pp. 338 – 39. 39 Ibid., p. 225.
34 Ludwig Hevesi, “Zwei Jahre
32 Katalog der IV. Kunst-Ausstellung Secession,” in: Ludwig Hevesi, Acht 40 Tobias G. Natter, Die Tafelrunde.
der Vereinigung bildender Künstler Jahre Secession, Vienna 1906, p. 163. Egon Schiele und sein Kreis (exh. cat.
Österreichs, Vienna 1899. The catalog Belvedere, Vienna), Cologne 2006,
lists (for the Yellow Gallery, display 35 Katalog der XXIII. Jahres-Ausstel-
lung in Wien, 3.30.1895, nos. 236, 365, pp. 100, 103.
case I, A: Ein Weberaufstand [A Weav-
er Uprising]. Since Ludwig Hevesi’s 523, 538.
98
Is a be lle Lindermann less, which he developed as hand-colored

glass slides for the illustrated lecture.5 For
Pictures of the “Other” Vienna: the lecture text, Emil Kläger summarized
their experiences during these excursions
Hermann Drawe’s and Emil in the form of a firsthand account that in
cluded not only descriptions of the various
Kläger’s Slide Show Through neighborhoods and accounts of conversa
tions that took place on location, but also
Vienna’s Impoverished and critical commentary on the wretched con
Criminal Neighborhoods ditions found at private charities.
Through Vienna’s Impoverished and Criminal
Neighborhoods became a box office triumph.
On the evening of May 23, 1905, the Between 1905 and 1908, it was delivered
lecture hall in Vienna’s Urania Palace was more than 300 times in the Urania, and
packed. Offered to the public that evening prompted by this success, was finally pub
was the premiere of a slide lecture said to lished in 1908 in book form with the same
contain “sensational images,” 1 and entitled title.6 For the first time, photographic im
provocatively: Durch die Wiener Quartiere des agery was used to open up a view of the
Elends und Verbrechens [Through Vienna’s Impov- “other” in Vienna in a way that contradicted
erished and Criminal Neighborhoods]—a joint the familiar image of the metropolis on the
project of the journalist Emil Kläger and Danube; becoming visible now were peo
the criminal judge and amateur photogra ple who fell through the cracks of the new
pher Hermann Drawe. The illustrated family production society, people who lived in the
magazine Wiener Bilder had announced earli suburbs outside of the Ringstraße, and hence
er that “the interest in this lecture ... is so remained shielded from the view of a bour
great that a large portion of the seats, which geois-aristocrat public, or else were imagined
are being sold at elevated prices, have al as a faceless mass. Yet precisely this conglom
ready been reserved.”2 Despite the crush, a erate of socio-documentary images, firsthand
number of “elegant ladies and gentlemen,”3 reportage, and calls for social reform encoun
including privy counselors, lawyers, and jour tered public interest at the very core of Vi
nalists, showed up to Vienna’s Volksbildungs ennese society.
haus [Center for Public Education] in order
to take in an illustrated report on the city’s Between Splendor and Housing
fig. 1 The Viennese photographer poverty zones.
Hermann Drawe in “Poor Man’s Shortages: Vienna around 1900
Clothes”. From the slide show Durch During a number of nocturnal excursions
die Wiener Quartiere des Elends und carried out in the summer of 1904, Emil In the discourse about the metropolis around
Verbrechens [Through Vienna’s Kläger and Hermann Drawe had visited the 1900, Berlin and Vienna formed a comple
Impoverished and Criminal Neighbor-
hoods], studio shot, c. 1904. precarious accommodations occupied by mentary urban pairing. While the German
Österreichisches Volkshochschularchiv, Vienna Vienna’s proletariat and subproletariat.4 Dis capital on the Spree River was regarded as
guised as homeless men (fig. 1), they gained a newly invented city based on the American
access to overcrowded mass accommoda model, and was associated primarily with la
tion and “warm rooms,” wandered through bor, technology, and artificiality, Vienna was
brick factories and the sewer system, un regarded as a European cultural metropolis
covered the hidden corners of the Prater, that remained faithful to its tradition of so
and tracked down the homeless of Binderau. phistication in the face of the rapidly ad
The aim was to document all of those plac vancing phenomena of modern civilization.7
es that offered the outcasts of bourgeois With its stately buildings, theaters, and cafés,
society refuge and a bed for the night. Sup the Vienna of the Ringstraße offered the aris
plied with a portable camera and magnesi tocratic and haute-bourgeois elite an image
um flash, Hermann Drawe took more than of identification, one that was celebrated
100 photographs during these expeditions, by the booming fin de siècle metropolis. Yet
most of workers, day laborers, and the home this image of Vienna was one-sided. Devel
oping in the urban edge zones outside of bourgeois projections, not only did such
the city center in the course of economic peripheral zones emanate potential danger,
expansion was a “different” Vienna—the Vi but “even worse, called the new dispositive
enna of the suburbs, where the mass of the of work labor, industry, and discipline radi
proletariat and subproletariat lived in pre cally into question in the shape of the idler,
carious circumstances.8 the ne’er-do-well, and the petty crook.” 12
Both Vienna and Berlin were characterized But if the social reality of the suburbs
by the processes of modernization that were was dealt with artistically only in the shad
manifested by rapid population growth and ow of the Klimt group, then the discourse
the expansion of transport and communica about the precarious conditions of the pro
tion networks. But despite the enormous letariat and subproletariat would discover
building activity undertaken by Vienna’s mu different avenues of expression.13 In Vien
nicipal government, the demand for smaller na, stimulated by the ethnographic interest
housing units for the working classes could in the urban edge zones that had developed
not be satisfied. The task of overcoming this in Europe beginning in the mid-nineteenth
widespread misery was for the most part century, it was journalists, writers, and sci fig. 2 Hermann Drawe
surrendered to private and philanthropic aid entists who ventured into the suburbs to The Tower at Karlsplatz
organizations, which set up growing num contribute to the “uncovering of misery” 14 Österreichisches Volkshochschularchiv, Vienna
bers of shelters and “warm rooms.” Given the through their social reportage and sociolog
tremendous scope of the problem, however, ical research. Their motivations, meanwhile,
such traditional support systems were erod could be strikingly diverse: the investiga
ed and found themselves unable to relieve tive uncovering of social wrongs and the
the mass poverty that was centered in the systematic registration of their structural
suburbs. conditions was found alongside a voyeuris
While Berlin saw the development of ar tic spectacularization and journalistic phil
tistic forms of confrontation with the grow istinism that was mobilized in the service of
ing social misery found in large cities and its the existing societal order.15 Representative
structural conditions, which was exemplified of the inquiring but at the same time sensa
by the works of Heinrich Zille and Käthe tion-hungry bourgeois public, such “urban
Kollwitz, with their socially critical conscious explorers” investigated the “unknown” and
ness, the theme of poverty was for the most the “foreign,” associated with a diffuse sense
part absent from the dominant artistic prax of anxiety, but simultaneously a source of
is in Vienna, the so-called “Stilkunst.” To be fascination.16 The first systematic attempts
sure, the artists around Gustav Klimt, with to catalog such social misery came from the
their ideology of the aestheticization of ev left-wing political camp around the Social
eryday life, and through their associations Democratic Workers Party and the Arbeiter-
with the Wiener Werkstätte, attempted to Zeitung [Worker’s Newspaper]. Several years be
make art accessible to a broad public, yet this fore Kläger and Drawe, the journalist Max
approach ultimately led toward the elitist Winter visited the sewer system and the
stylization of bourgeois lifestyles that was nighttime shelters for the sake of his socially
criticized as a shimmering cultural facade by critical reportage.17 He too disguised him
Adolf Loos in Ornament and Crime, published self as a homeless person, thereby deploying
in 1908.9 the method of “covert participatory observa fig. 3 Hermann Drawe
The suburban districts, in contrast, were tion.” 18 But bourgeois reporters such as Else Tower Stairs
constructed as a counter-image to the dis Spiller also wrote about mass misery and ex-
ciplined and civilized city center as places pressed shock over conditions in Vienna.19
of “foreignness” and “otherness.” 10 Connot With their undercover forays into Vienna’s
ed with demoralization and criminality, the impoverished neighborhoods, then, Kläger
industrial proletariat—and in particular the and Drawe stood within an established tra
subproletariat—was imagined as an amor dition.20 The progressive and explosive pow
phous and shapeless mass and positioned er of their project, however, consisted in
spatially in the suburb.11 According to these presenting photographic images of hardship
Isab e lle L i n de r ma n n 100
and squalor in early twentieth-century Vien this putative immediacy, Drawe had suffi
na to a broad Austrian public for the first cient time—by virtue of remaining undiscov
time. But what kind of image of poverty and ered—to position his camera deliberately
suffering was actually conveyed by these early and to shape the image according to aesthet
social documentary photographs in Austria? ic criteria. This distance from the photograph
subject makes it possible to capture the spa
Beyond Dressing Down: tial conditions under which these inhabit
fig. 4 Hermann Drawe
An Ambivalent Perspective ants dwell, allowing the images to convey a
Homeless Man Sitting by a Fire penetrating notion of their repugnance. Yet
In depicting selected locations, the series of this reinforces the social positioning of the
photographic images followed a chronolog subproletariat in the zones of the “unknown”
ical sequence.21 Drawe often preceded im and the “foreign” enacted by the bourgeoi
ages from the interior of these districts with sie. For the “pictorial structure that frames
views of familiar urban landmarks or squares these figures suggests the unalterable nature
(fig. 2), thereby supplying viewers with topo of their circumstances,” thereby refusing them
graphical points of orientation. This created the very possibility of “social mobility.” 23
a high degree of recognizability for the pub Entirely in the spirit of the title, these
lic, while the selection of motifs and paint buildings not only display the “miserable
erly treatment of the slide images produced districts” and their residents, but also scenes
an initially homey, bourgeois middle-class of crime that present individuals as “types.”
image of Vienna. This impression, however, Deployed in this context are anxiety-pro
was broken abruptly when the grand bridg voking clichéd images, ordering visual con
es and pretty kiosks were exposed in their ventions, as well as bourgeois prejudices.
fig. 5 Hermann Drawe subsidiary functions, namely as entrances For the images of the series referred to as
A “Grocer” at Breakfast in the Shaft
Österreichisches Volkshochschularchiv, Vienna into the sewer system for the homeless and “Generalien und Typen” [general images and
day laborers ( fig. 3 ). These are the thresholds types], for example, Drawe taps the familiar
leading into Vienna’s underground world, representational schema of the “Viennese
and they make clear that the putatively “for types,” a popular series of collectible cards
eign” lies not in a supposed outside (in the featuring stereotypical illustrations of street
suburbs), but instead in direct proximity to habitués such as the “Viennese lass” or the
ordinary life. Other images, in contrast—for “crook.”24 But whereas the collectible cards
example the photograph Obdachloser beim Feuer generally depict members of the proletariat,
sitzend [Homeless Man Sitting by a Fire] (fig. 4), Drawe for the most part favors representa-
or Ein “Grießler” im Schachte beim Frühstück [A tives of the subproletariat or of criminal gangs:
“Grocer” Breakfasting in a Shaft] (fig. 5)—convey A vagrant, a beggar,25 and a “Plattenmitglied”
a comparatively romantic notion of the free [gang member]26 (fig. 6), all of whom exist
dom of a vagrant’s life: Despite the repug beyond the new production-oriented social
nant conditions in the sewer system, the de order and have no defined social status and
picted sewer dwellers have set up shelters had hence been regarded previously as un
using just a few objects. These scenarios worthy of depiction. Drawe’s adaptation of
generate the impression of a snug and cozy these conventional formulas can be under
atmosphere, one that romanticizes and triv stood as an attempt to devise a visual frame
ializes the real conditions of poverty in favor of reference for the subproletariat, one that
of a sentimentalized perspective. would allow him to enhance their social sta
Recognizable at the same time in many tus and heighten their acceptance among
of Kläger’s and Drawe’s images is a socio- the bourgeoisie.27 Becoming visible here is
documentary interest in visualizing poverty. a perspective that is shaped by bourgeois
In and of itself, the camera, which is used notions: The “amorphous mass” of the “lum
covertly, deprives the for the most part sleep penproletariat” can be captured in the form
ing people of any opportunity to fashion im of individual types, and presumably render
ages of themselves, to secure any control of ed controllable as well—an expression of a
their own positions as subjects.22 Despite backward-looking desire for a social order
that threatens to break apart with the trans documentary aims seem to have been re
formations ushered in by industrialization. deemed almost by accident. The impression
In a subsequent photo series, the connec of a heightened immediacy is a product of
tion between the subproletariat and crime this fragmentary character—through which,
that already resonates in the title (and its in turn, both the photographic medium as a
putative interface with the bourgeoisie) is vehicle and the presence of the photogra
staged in the truest sense. Here, Drawe’s pher become visible. Precisely by virtue of
photographs reenact knife fights and break- this (fortuitous) conditionality, these imag
ins in a courtyard that resembles stage scen es—both shaped by precarious conditions
ery (fig. 7), and which—in conjunction with and the impossibility of establishing distance
images of precarious accommodations— —are invested with greater credibility, or
evoke precisely those middle-class prejudi stated differently: These images are authen
ces according to which the subproletariat tic not because they do justice to socio-docu
is dependent upon criminal activities. mentary demands, but instead because in
In light of these considerations, two pho them, the photographer involuntarily re
tographs are of special interest, both of veals himself within his own limited situa
which function beyond conventional cultural- tion. In themselves, they are not socio-docu
political perspectives and their hegemony. mentary; instead, the socio-documentary qual
Both the image Schlafecke unter einer Wendel- ity is something that happens to them.
treppe [Sleeping Corner under a Spiral Staircase] It remains to point out that Kläger’s and
(plate 4 5 ), from the sewer system, and anoth Drawe’s project was the product of histori
er from mass accommodations (plate 51 ) are cal situations, and of the perspective of
removed from the above-discussed pictorial bourgeois society. This illustrated lecture is
fig. 6 Hermann Drawe
structures found in Drawe’s photo-series. a problematical conglomerate of documen A Member of the
In comparison to other photos taken in the tary authenticity, the avoidance of individ “Scherzerplatte” Gang
sewer system, Drawe seems to have had ual self-portrayal on the part of its subjects,
neither the time nor the space to position and clichéd images of spatial and social po
the camera. The field of view is so narrow sitions. Of course, Drawe’s photographs were
that only the heads of several sleeping fig able in many respects to fulfill socio-docu
ures—who lie quite close to one another— mentary demands, but the same time, they
are visible. Their bodies are cut off by the often betray an ambivalent view of suffering
edge of the picture, as is the wall that runs and of precarious circumstances, one that
along to the left. Apparently startled by the plays on middle-class anxieties for the bene
flash, one of the sleepers looks toward the fit of the entertaining thrill or the effective
camera, which captures the image from above. experience of shock.
It appears almost as though Drawe has dou At the same time, the popularity of the lec-
bled across the bodies of the sleepers on the ture—despite the anxiety-ridden projections
ground, and snapped the shutter at precise of a bourgeoisie that felt itself increasingly
ly that moment.While in this instance it was threatened in its hegemonistic position —was
an unanticipated event that determined above all symptomatic of a displacement of
the structure of the image, potentially frus interest toward suffering and the lower class fig. 7 Hermann Drawe
trating Drawe’s compositional intentions, in es. This enormously successful mass media Brawl with Knives
(The Critical Moment)
the photograph of the mass accommoda product, which not only scenarizes the theme Emil Kläger, Durch die Wiener Quartiere des Elends
tions, it was the spatial situation the photo of poverty, but also displays it to a broad und Verbrechens, Vienna 1908
grapher was seemingly unable to evade. For public, unmasks precisely the “cultural lie”
here too, the field of vision is extremely lim that was perpetuated by the Klimt group and
ited. There is barely any point of spatial ori their elitist artistic production for the aris
entation within the tumble of bed frames, tocracy and the haut-bourgeoisie, and which
articles of clothing, and bedding, from which was analyzed by Adolf Loos in his book Or-
the limbs of various sleepers protrude. Both nament and Crime, which was published dur
photographs refuse any controlling gaze or ing the last year that the illustrated lecture
a solid pictorial schema, and their social- was performed in Vienna’s Urania Palace.
Isab e lle L i n de r ma n n 102
1 Wiener Abendpost. Beilage zur Vorstadt. Das Andere Wien um 1900, Verbrechens,’” in: Schwarz 2007
Viennaer Zeitung, no. 119, 5.24.1905, Frankfurt am Main 1999. (see note 10), pp. 99–111, here p. 99.
p. 3.
9 Werner Hofmann, Gustav Klimt 16 See Rolf Lindner, Walks on the
2 Wiener Bilder. Illustriertes Familien- und die Wiener Jahrhundertwende, Wild Side. Eine Geschichte der Stadt-
blatt, vol. X, no. 21, 5.24.1905, p. 10. Hamburg 2008, p. 12. forschung, Frankfurt am Main 2004,
pp. 19–41.
3 Neue Freie Presse. Morgenblatt, 10 See Wolfgang Maderthaner and
no. 14637, 5.24.1905, p. 6. Lutz Musner, “Wiener Vorstädte um 17 See Hannes Haas (ed.), Max
1900,” in: Werner Michael Schwarz, Winter. Expeditionen ins dunkelste
4 The concept of a subproletariat Margarethe Szeless, and Lisa Wögen- Vienna – Meisterwerke der Sozial-
goes back to Karl Marx, who develop- stein (eds.), Ganz Unten. Die Entde- reportage, Vienna 2006.
ed it in delimitation from the politi- ckung des Elends – Wien, Berlin, Lon-
cal function of the proletariat and its don, Paris, New York (exh. cat. Wien 18 James Greenwood was probably
legitimation. Since then, the term’s Museum), Vienna 2007, pp. 83–89, first to undertake this kind of disguis-
meaning has shifted. Referred to as here p. 83. ed participatory observation in the
“subproletariat” are individuals, particul- London slums of the mid-nineteenth
arly those from the proletariat, who 11 See Maderthaner 1999 century. Around 1900, so-called “slum-
have fallen to the lowest level of socie- (see note 8), p. 13. ming” evolved into a popular middle-
ty and are threatened by joblessness, class form of urban research. Cf.
or who no longer receive regular 12 Maderthaner 2007 (see note 10), Lindner 2004 (see note 16), pp. 34 ff.
wages, and therefore live in precari- p. 85.
ous circumstances. On the history of 19 See Peter Payer (ed.), Else Spiller.
13 The Secessionist wing grouped Slums. Erlebnisse in den Schlamm-
the term, see Gerd Stein (ed.), around Josef Engelhart, and in parti-
Lumpenproletarier – Bonze – Held der vierteln moderner Großstädte, Vienna
cular his own works, did actually take 2008.
Arbeit. Verrat und Solidarität. Kultur- up suburban life as a theme, but none-
figuren und Sozialcharaktere des theless remained in the realm of a 20 See Szeless 2007 (see note 15),
19. und 20. Jahrhunderts, vol. 5, Frank- folksy transfiguration of social reality. p. 100.
furt am Main 1985. After the dissolution of the Klimt
Group by the Vienna Secessionists, the 21 See ibid., p. 102.
5 Sixty of these glass slides have been
preserved, and are found today in the Naturalists were nonetheless pro- 22 See Abigail Solomon-Godeau,
Österreichischen Volkshochschularchiv. pelled into the foreground. On this “Wer spricht so? Einige Fragen zur
development within the Secession, see Dokumentarfotografie,” in: Herta
6 Emil Kläger, Durch die Wiener Quar- Erika Oehring (ed.), Josef Engelhart. Wolf (ed.), Diskurse der Fotografie.
tiere des Elends und Verbrechens. Ein Vorstadt und Salon (exh. cat. Wien Fotokritik am Ende des fotografischen
Wanderbuch aus dem Jenseits, Vienna Museum), Vienna 2009. Zeitalters, Frankfurt am Main 2003,
1908, facsimile reprint, Vienna 2011. pp. 53–75, here p. 71.
14 In 2007, the Wien Museum organ-
7 Considerable influence on these ized the exhibition Ganz Unten. 23 See Winfried Ranke, “Zur sozial-
polarized urban images was exercised Die Entdeckung des Elends, whose dokumentarischen Photographie
by the exchange of feuilleton-style eponymous publication assembles um 1900,” in: Kritische Berichte, vol. 5,
writings between the cities. Beginning essential research from the realms of issue 2/3, 1977, p. 21.
in 1904, with his ambitious project art and media studies, sociology,
“Großstadt Dokumente” [Documents ethnographic research of the metro- 24 See Szeless 2007 (see note 15),
of the Metropolis], the Berlin journa- polis, and urban history (see note 10). p. 103.
list Hans Ostwald attempted to break This catalog is a fundamental source
not just with clichéd notions about concerning the international develop- 25 The term “Taxameterbärsch”
Berlin, but also—in a counterpart series ment and handling of precarious refers to beggars. Cf. Kläger
—those concerning Vienna as well. living circumstances from the mid- 1908/2011 (see note 6), p. 129.
Cf. Ralf Thies, Ethnograph des dunklen nineteenth century up until the first 26 A “Plattenmitglied” is a member
Berlin. Hans Ostwald und die “Groß- decade of the twentieth century. of an organized group that is involved
stadt-Dokumente” (1904–1908), in criminal machinations. Cf. Szeless
Cologne 2006. 15 See Margarethe Szeless, “Emil
Kläger & Hermann Drawe. ‘Durch die 2007 (see note 15), p. 103.
8 See Wolfgang Maderthaner and Wiener Quartiere des Elends und 27 See ibid.
Lutz Musner (eds.), Die Anarchie der
Wo l f gang S c hö d d e rt in Frankfurt am Main, Albert Freiherr von

Oppenheim in Cologne, and Otto Gersten
Julius Gustav Licht: Traces berg in Berlin, and a whole group of other
notable figures, in his publication he also
of a Collector’s Life between thanked consul general Julius Gustav Licht,
who was also apparently residing in Berlin.
Vienna’s First District and In contrast to most of the other names men
tioned, little is thus far known about Licht.
Berlin’s Bohemian Society
He seems to have been a bibliophile and
lover of old prints who owned sheets by the
“Foreign art lovers who visit Berlin today French engraver Abraham Bosse and prints by
cannot marvel enough at the short time Albrecht Dürer and Rembrandt van Rijn.2
in which the imperial capital has created An exemplar of his ex libris, designed in 1919
an international position for itself, also by Ferdinand Schmutzer and found today
in the realm of collecting.”1 in the British Museum in London, indicates
that at the time Licht also must have main
The critic and art historian Adolph Donath, tained contacts in Vienna, where Schmutzer
who lived in Berlin, did not make this assess worked as a well-known graphic artist, pho
ment in the 1920s, when gallery owners such tographer, and painter of portraits (fig. 1).3
as Alfred Flechtheim, Ferdinand Möller, Karl This relationship to Vienna can also be con
Nierendorf, and Justin Thannhauser were firmed by the collector’s sudden and appar
aggressively championing the spread of the ently surprising interest in contemporary art,
contemporary avant-garde, but already be registered by Donath ten years after the
fore World War I. Berlin had been develop publication of his book Psychologie des Kunst
ing into a flourishing site of the art trade sammelns. In 1921 Donath, who after World
from the end of the nineteenth century, and War I became not only one of the most re
fig. 1 Ferdinand Schmutzer
as the number of wealthy entrepreneurs grew, nowned critics and observers of the Wei Ex libris Julius Gustav Licht
there was an increasing need to possess art mar Republic art market, but also the bio Anno 1919
The British Museum, London
and rare works of the applied arts in order grapher of the Berlin Impressionist Lesser
to enhance their cultural self-perception. Do Ury, published an appraisal of the painter’s
nath, who came to Berlin from Vienna in works on the occasion of his sixtieth birth
1905, had described the dynamics of Berlin day. There, he assigns a number of Ury’s ear
as a city of art—recognized in London and ly works to the collection of consul general
Paris as well—in his book Psychologie des Julius Gustav Licht. Specifically he mentions:
Kunstsammelns [The Psychology of Art Collecting], Bahnhof Friedrichstraße [Friedrichstraße Train Stat
published in 1911, had sketched out the col ion], Unter den Linden, Akt [Nude], and Die Ge
lectors and collecting practices, and had es schwister [ The Siblings].4 Because (Am) Bahn-
tablished his identity as a well-connected hof Friedrichstraße [(At the) Friedrichstraße Sta-
authority on the international art market and tion] of 1888 ( plate 18 ), a grisaille work in
its leading actors. He was just as well-inform opaque black, white, and gray, and the
ed about the quality of the legendary histor large format painting (Liegender) Akt [(Reclin-
ical collections of his day, such as those of ing) Nude] of 1889 (fig. 2) can be found today
the wealthy English eccentric and author in Berlin museum collections, research into
William Beckford, as he was about the con the works’ provenance has uncovered details
temporary collectors and museum directors of the collector’s biography. According to
who were considered specialists on Nether this, Julius Gustav Licht was not from Berlin, fig. 2 Lesser Ury
landish and Italian painting, Old Master draw but was a cosmopolitan Austrian who decid (Reclining) Nude, 1889
Berlinische Galerie
ings, and the applied arts and porcelain. He ed in 1910 to live in Berlin. Just when he dis
had found influential supporters for his book covered Lesser Ury for himself and began to
among them. In addition to Wilhelm von acquire his works is not entirely clear. But
Bode, the director general of the Königliche his biography reveals a mutually complemen
Museen zu Berlin, the collectors Fritz Gans tary connection to the painter’s work.
Wol fg a n g S ch ö dde r t 104
City People and Images of the Hungarian who had moved to Berlin from
Cosmopolitan Metropolis Vienna—and he was clearly not the only
Austro-Hungarian businessman to bring il
Lesser Ury arrived in Berlin at the age of lustrious ideas to the imperial capital. Only
twenty-six. Born in 1861 in the Prussian prov a stone’s throw from the Central Hotel, and
ince of Posen, he decided early on to become within view of the train station, the Viennese
an artist. He enrolled at the renowned art café owner Mathias Bauer had opened his
academy in Düsseldorf, went from there to legendary Café Bauer in 1877 ( fig. 5 ). The
Brussels and Paris, and finally arrived in Berlin architects Ende & Böckmann designed
1887 in the young imperial capital. From that the furnishings of his café in a building on
time on he painted landscapes, portraits, and the intersection of Unter den Linden and
religious motifs. But his favorite themes were Friedrichstraße, while Anton von Werner,
the Berlin boulevards, the sophisticated so the director of Berlin’s Hochschule für die
ciety, ladies and dandies, theater visitors, bildenden Künste (University of Fine Arts),
and dark taxis or droshkies in atmospheric supplied a highly regarded painting cycle
light ( plate 2 0 ). Shaped by Paris, where he for its interior decoration. From the begin
produced his first café and street scenes in ning Bauer’s coffeehouse was not only a café,
the 1880s, he looked at the city with the eyes but much more a display window for pro
of the flaneur and in 1888, one year after his gressive Viennese cultural life. It was also the
arrival in Berlin, he painted the grisaille work first Berlin establishment to have electrical
(Am) Bahnhof Friedrichstraße [(At the) Friedrich- lighting, in 1884. The Café Bauer has come
straße Station].5 It is an early image of the down to us as an important meeting place,
nervously pulsating nightlife of the Frie and a whole group of paintings attest to its
drichstraße, which captivated many artists special attraction to Lesser Ury as well. In
fig. 3 Waldemar Titzenthaler
Central-Hotel, Friedrichstraße after Ury and entered the history of art in 1895 he painted Im Café Bauer [In Café Bauer],
143–149, Berlin, 1902 Ernst Ludwig Kirchner’s works of the 1910s. in 1898 Abend im Café Bauer [Evening in Café
Landesarchiv Berlin
At the Friedrichstraße train station the sec Bauer], in 1906 Café Bauer, and the motif can
tion of the city began in which wealth, pros also be recognized or vaguely discerned in
titution, pleasure, abyss, and the light and an entire series of additional street and cof
shadow of society converged as in scarcely feehouse scenes.6 These images were pro
any other quarter. Here, Berlin was without duced after the two leading Viennese theater
doubt a world metropolis. Between the cafés, architects Ferdinand Fellner and Hermann
hotels, and theaters along Berlin’s stately Helmer had built the Theater Unter den Lin-
Unter den Linden, and down to the Leipzi den in 1892, only a block away from the
ger Straße with its large warehouses, Ury Café Bauer between the streets Unter den
found countless numbers of his motifs into Linden and Behrenstraße. From the time of
the late 1920s. These are impressionistic its opening, the theater was considered the
street scenes that vacillated between cheer best operetta house in the city; it was a
iness and melancholy and in which the art splendid pleasure palace in neo-baroque style
ist took up the central venues of urban life with tables in the rear half of the seating
as the backdrops of his painterly interests. area, boxes in the sides of the galleries, and
Ury’s nocturnal scene of the train station, for a balcony terrace in the middle of the mez
example, is dominated by a dome of the Cen zanine.
tral Hotel, at the time one of the city’s most In this environment, whose Viennese char
elegant hotels ( fig. 3 ). acter can only be touched upon here, a whole
In 1887 the legendary Wintergarten vari series of leading Berlin art dealerships also
ety theater opened in its imposing, glassed- established themselves beginning in the
in palm garden, which became the most fa 1880s, and there is no question that contacts
mous variety revue theater in Berlin and were made there that were decisive for the
the German Empire with its international pro international cultural exchange. In 1880 Fritz
gram ( fig. 4 ). The idea for the theater is be Gurlitt had opened his groundbreaking art
lieved to have come from Julius Baron, a salon on Behrenstraße; in 1883 the first ex
hibition of French impressionists was mount us Gustav Licht seems to have taken up this
ed in Germany; and in 1889 the first exhibi viewpoint and it is likely that Donath ac
tion was organized for Lesser Ury as well. quainted him with Lesser Ury.
Today one can only speculate about just who
met whom at a theater performance, in a cof Interrelationships and
feehouse, in the art salon, or at other amuse Elective Affinities
ments and about what was undertaken where,
with what success. What is documented, how Julius Gustav Licht was born on August 28,
ever, is that Adolph Donath first saw paint 1866, in Brno, the provincial capital of Mo
ings by Lesser Ury at the art salon of Edu ravia.10 He was the younger brother of the
ard Schulte, Unter den Linden, which he vis lawyer and ennobled member of the Austrian
ited on a trip from Vienna to Berlin in 1901.7 imperial diet Stephan von Licht, who has
In 1902 Ury’s work was then exhibited for been shown to be a collector with a wide
the first time in Austria, at the art salon Pisko variety of interests. Julius Gustav Licht ap
on the Parkring in Vienna; Donath reviewed parently made his career as an international
this exhibition in the magazine Die Welt, merchant.11 He worked as an “agent” and
founded in Vienna by Theodor Herzl, and “commissionär” (commission-agent), presum
Wilhelm von Hartel acquired a landscape ably in international trade, and operated his
painting by the artist for Vienna’s Moderne business from Strohgasse 3 in Vienna’s third
Galerie. Presumably Donath had already as district, while his residence was located in
sumed the role of intermediary between art one of the early apartment buildings by the
ists, collectors, dealers, and museum person architects Fellner & Helmer in Goldschmidt
nel very early on. He had come to Vienna in gasse 6 in the first district. From this, he was
1895 from Kroměříž in the Austro-Hungar appointed consul general of the Republic of
ian crown land of Moravia, to begin study Guatemala in Vienna and held this position
ing law there. But the subject soon became until June of 1908.12 Licht then went to
abhorrent to him and he began regularly Berlin and there at the latest made the ac
visiting the Kunsthistorisches Museum (Art quaintance of Rosa Marie Bein, who became
Historical Museum), getting to know the di his wife in March of 1910. Her first marriage
rector of the painting department, August had been to the Berlin merchant Alfred Bein,
Schaeffer, and through him Viennese collec who had died in June of 1908 at the age of
tors who visited the museum to study the only forty-four years and had directed a Ber
works there.8 He established close ties that lin subsidiary of the business of her father,
extended as far as Berlin and became ac Alfred Abraham Gerngross.13 Between the
quainted with Wilhelm von Bode. Von Bode 1880s and the 1910s, Gerngross had built up
saw in Donath a colleague enthusiastic about in Vienna one of the largest warehouses in
art and possessing a talent for dealing with the Austro-Hungarian monarchy; its main of
collectors and artists, invited him to work fices in Mariahilfer Straße 42–44 had also
with him, and was able to convince him to been built by the architects Fellner & Helmer
relocate to Berlin in 1905. After some initial between 1902 and 1904. A connection to the
publications, the book supported in part by Viennese architects, who were internationally
Julius Gustav Licht, Psychologie des Kunstsam- sought after for their theater buildings, had fig. 4 Maurice Biais
melns, would become Donath’s most important possibly strengthened Julius Gustav Licht’s Poster announcing a performance by
the French dancer Saharet at the
work and the basis of his further activities on resolve to become a co-owner of the Berlin Variété Wintergarten, 1902
the art market. Donath valued the applied company Obronski, Impekoven and Cie in Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kunstbibliothek
arts and the Old Masters, but his preference 1910. The business, with branch offices in
was for modern art.9 Here he believed that London, Berlin, and Stockholm, operated art
the financially powerful collectors with whom workshops for complete theater decor, cos
he was acquainted should take on the role tumes, weapons, armor, and decorations, as
of patron, and he encouraged them not only well as lighting and machines. Leo Impeko
to support the work of living artists, but al ven, one of the company’s founders and a co-
so to stand beside them as “comrades.” Juli owner together with Licht, was one of the
Wol fg a n g S ch ö dde r t 106
sought-after theater painters of his day. He At present the life of the collector Julius
also worked on stage sets for Max Reinhardt Gustav Licht can only be summarized. A
together with Lovis Corinth. It is unknown group of his relationships can be made out,
whether it was during this time and because and in terms of the cultural exchange be
of the contacts he established in Berlin that tween Vienna and Berlin it would seem more
Licht began to expand his collection to in than worthwhile to trace them further. His
clude the works of contemporary artists. life leads into the networks of early modern
What is documented is that in 1915 he visit ism and has connections with the art trade,
ed the Wrocław branch of the Dresden gal theater, architects, and the exchange with
lery of Ernst Arnold, which was operated South America, which was important for the
from 1913 to 1917 by Ferdinand Möller, who industry of the time. Licht was undoubtedly
was later considered a promoter of the Brücke a friend and supporter of the arts. Previous
fig. 5 Café Bauer, Berlin, 1900 painters.14 There Licht acquired the works ly named among the leading collectors of his
Hofprediger Sydow [Court Preacher Sydow] by day, his significance for modern art can only
Adolph von Menzel and Straße bei Regen [Street be surmised today. Nor is knowledge about
in the Rain] by Hans Hermann. These were the extent and fate of his collection anything
followed in 1916 by the Max Liebermann more than fragmentary. Licht lived in Berlin
works Uhde, Flachsscheuer [Flax Barn], and Stop until the spring of 1931. In March of that year
ferin [Darner].15 From this point on a relation he returned to Vienna because of heart dis
ship between Julius Gustav Licht and Ferdi ease and there underwent treatment in the
nand Möller existed that would also conti Cottage Sanatorium on Sternwartestraße.
nue when Möller became the managing di- After his release he returned to his apartment
rector of the Freie Secession in 1918 as suc on Alser Straße, where he passed away on
cessor to Paul Cassirer and relocated his September 10, 1931. His collection seems to
gallery to Berlin. It is not known which occu have been completely dissolved beforehand.
pation Licht pursued after World War I. After In his testament Julius Gustav Licht left his
the disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian widow only six suits, four pairs of shoes, sev
monarchy, he took on Czechoslovakian citi eral collars and ties, and other pieces of
zenship and lived in Berlin in an apartment clothing.
at Kurfürstendamm 165 /166, but also spent
time in Vienna at the address Alser Straße 25
in the eighth district.
1 Adolph Donath, Psychologie des collection of the Berlinische Galerie graciously carrying out research in the
Kunstsammelns, Berlin 1911, p. 88. (BG-G 189/76). Vienna archives and providing impor-
tant files on Julius Gustav Licht and
2 Sigmund Kaznelson, Juden im deut- 6 Lesser Ury. Zauber des Lichts (exh. his next of kin. Biographic information
schen Kulturbereich, third expanded cat. Käthe-Kollwitz-Museum, Berlin), on Licht is also mentioned by Georg
and corrected edition, Berlin 1962, Berlin 1995, pp. 147ff. and 197–98. Gaugusch, Wer einmal war. Das
p. 124. jüdische Großbürgertum Wiens 1800–
7 Lesser Ury 1995 (see note 7),
3 Ex libris Julius Gustav Licht Anno p. 108. 1938. vol. 1, A–K.,Vienna 2011, p. 872.
1919, The British Museum, Reg. 11 Stephan von Licht (1860–1932)
Nr. 1978,0121.403. 8 Doris Bensimon, Adolph Donath
(1876–1937). Ein jüdischer Kunstwan- lived in Vienna. Drawings and
4 Adolph Donath, Lesser Ury. Seine derer in Wien, Berlin und Prag, watercolors by old and new masters
Stellung in der modernen deutschen Frankfurt am Main 2001, p. 64. In 1911 from his collection were already auct-
Malerei, Berlin 1921, p. 134. My sincere Schaeffer was ennobled and his name ioned in 1927 by Hugo Helbing in Frank-
thanks to Sibylle Groß, the author changed to August Schaeffer Edler furt am Main, and on December 8
of the catalogue raisonné of Lesser von Wienwald. and 9, 1932, the Dorotheum in Vienna
Ury currently in progress, for her con- arranged the “Versteigerung von Aqua-
firmation of the facts about Adolph 9 Bensimon 2001 (see note 9), p. 154. rellen, Ölgemälden, Handzeichnungen,
Donath. Radierungen, Stichen, Antiquitäten,
10 My sincere thanks to Sabine Loit- Bronzen und Skulpturen aus dem
5 Ury worked in this technique from fellner, Abteilung für Restitutionsange- Nachlaß Präsident Dr. Stephan von
his arrival in Berlin, as evidenced legenheiten der Israelitischen Kultus- Licht” (the auction of watercolors, oil
by the 1887 work Im Atelier ( In the gemeinde Wien, and Felicitas Thurn- paintings, drawings, etchings, engrav-
Studio), 34.2 × 54.7 cm, in the Valsassina, Dorotheum Wien, for ings, antiquities, bronzes, and sculp-
tures from the estate of President 13 She brought two daughters, Anne- hard Roters, Galerie Ferdinand Möller.
Dr. Stephan von Licht). marie and Erika, from her earlier marri- Breslau, Berlin, Köln. 1917–1956, Berlin
age to Alfred Bein into the marriage 1984, pp. 9ff.
12 According to information from with Julius Gustav Licht. Both girls
the foreign ministry of the Republic were adopted by Licht. 15 See the list of Verkaufte Kunstwerke.
of Guatemala. When Julius Gustav Galerie Arnold Breslau in the estate
Licht assumed the office of consul 14 On the gallery of Ernst Arnold in of the gallery of Ferdinand Möller,
general and what qualifications he Wrocław, see Ruth Negendanck, Berlinische Galerie, with thanks to the
had cannot be determined from the Die Galerie Ernst Arnold (1893–1951), Ferdinand Möller Stiftung, Berlin.
ministry’s files. Special thanks to Tina Weimar 1998, pp. 123–24. On Ferdi-
Seetzen, Guatemalan Embassy in nand Möller (1882–1956), see Eber-
Berlin.
108
Katinka Gratzer-Baumgärtner Flechtheim seemed to feel that the Galerie

Würthle was worthy of mention, at least in
The Art Trade in Vienna parentheses and lowercase letters. The ad-
dresses of all the branches, in contrast, were
and Berlin during the First emphasized by the use of capital letters (fig. 1).
That the logistics of this connection did
Third of the Twentieth not always proceed smoothly can be seen, for
example, in a letter by Lea Bondi, who occu-
Century. Contacts, Artists,
pied the position of authorized signatory at
Cooperations the Galerie Würthle from 1919, to the direc-
tor of the Austrian gallery, Franz Martin
Haberditzl. She informed him in the letter
of her intention to no longer write to him
The art trade can be seen as the mercan- personally, “but rather to forward all the let-
tile driving force in the relations between ters from Flechtheim … in order to prove to
Vienna and Berlin, although the framework you [Haberditzl] that the frequent requests
of this essay allows for merely a sketch of for payment are absolutely not because of
the theme as pars pro toto, and can by no us.”4 The letter had been preceded by Flecht-
means make any claim to being complete. It heim’s rejection of a deferment of payment
will also not offer an outline of the Viennese for planned purchases of French art by the
art market scene at the turn of the century Österreichische Galerie.5 In 1924 the Öster-
and beyond.1 Rather, it will illustrate, by reichische Galerie had acquired works by
means of examples, fruitful lines of contact Hermann Haller (Bust of Alfred Flechtheim),
—
also among protagonists who appear in Karl Hofer (Mädchen mit Blattpflanze [Girl
the literature only seldom or not at all — that with Foliage Plant ] (plate 253 ), and sculptures
were able to come about by means of per- by Renée Sintenis ( Selbstbildnis [ Self-Por-
sonal contacts and on the basis of institu- trait], Esel [Donkey], Joachim Ringelnatz) ( plate
tional links between the two centers. 106 ) from the Galerie Würthle/Flechtheim
Vienna’s avant-garde art dealers such as (fig. 2). Hofer and Sintenis lived in Berlin
the Galerie Miethke, the Salon Pisko, the and were frequently shown there and in Vi-
Galerie Würthle, and the Neue Galerie — to enna; in addition to the Würthle and Flecht
cite probably only the most established — heim galleries, the Berlin galleries of Ferdi-
rendered outstanding service in the cultural nand Möller and Gurlitt were also signifi-
exchange between Vienna and Berlin. One cant in this respect.
prominent case in the period following The letterhead of the Galerie Würthle
World War I was the Galerie Würthle, which, from November 3, 1924, shows that it no lon
starting in 1923, acted as the official Vien- ger represented only the Simon gallery in
nese representative of Berlin’s Galerie Flecht Paris and Flechtheim’s locations in Germany,
heim. That same year the journal Kunst- as had been the case early in the year. In ad-
chronik und Kunstmarkt noted, “The Galerie dition Würthle was now the field office for
fig. 1 Letterhead of the Galerie
Flechtheim, Berlin, naming the Flechtheim has made an agreement with the Flechtheim’s own in-house magazine Der
Galerie Würthle as its representative Vienna art dealership Würthle in Weihburg- Querschnitt, the Paul Cassirer graphic arts
in Vienna, 1924 (detail) gasse for the latter to represent its artists in publishing house, and the Galerie Grosz, al-
Historisches Archiv des Belvedere, Vienna
Austria. The plan is to exhibit German art- so situated in Berlin (fig. 3).6
ists in Vienna. This will begin with one such Even shortly after the founding of the part-
exhibition of Karl Hofer in September.”2 nership between Würthle and Flechtheim,
With this, the assimilation of the gallery in- Carry Hauser harbored the fear that Flecht
to the Flechtheim sales network was official. 3 heim’s activities at Würthle would result in
Karl Hofer had already been presented to the regional artists being given short shrift:
public in 1905 at Würthle and was repre- “Flechtheim and Würthle have formed an al-
sented in both cities. To judge from the let- liance, which is very bad for the Fels [artists’
terhead from the end of May, 1924, Alfred group], since Flechtheim promotes only its
German artists. In November an auction of among the purchasers.10 In 1912 Berliner Bild-
works by Austrian artists will be held at hauer und Maler was brought to the Galerie
Würthle, organized by the ‘Hagenbund’ for Miethke. In 1919 and 1920 Othmar Miethke’s
the benefit of the German Artists’ Aid Soci- son and heir, Otto Maria Miethke-Gutenegg,
ety.”7 And, in fact, both Flechtheim’s logo paid tribute to young artists by allowing,
and the press release give the impression among others, the artist group Bewegung —
that this one-sidedness was desired. The which was founded in 1918 and granted fe-
world financial crisis inevitably led to the male artists important positions in the asso-
discontinuation of the business contacts be- ciation’s leadership and organization and ad-
tween Flechtheim and Würthle, of which mitted them as equal members into its ranks
there was no longer any mention after 1923.8 — to exhibit free of charge at the gallery’s for-
Together with Galerie Miethke, Salon mer exhibition space in the Palais Nákó.11
Pisko was probably the most important art In addition to famous members such as Jo-
salon in turn-of-the-century Vienna, and it hannes Itten, Alfred Kubin, Carry Hauser,
also specialized in exhibiting the works of fe- and Georg Ehrlich, female artists Helene
male artists. Between 1906 and 1912, for ex- Funke, Katharina Zirner, and Frieda Salvendy
ample, the exhibition 8 Künstlerinnen und ihre were also represented. Under the leadership
Gäste took place every three years. The rep- of the art critic of the Arbeiter-Zeitung, Ar-
resentation of a relatively large proportion of thur Roessler, the so-called Haus der jungen
women artists, which can be noted in the case Künstlerschaft commenced activities in the
of Miethke and Pisko, for example, was con- premises of Vienna’s Dorotheergasse 11. In fig. 2 Letter from Lea Bondi of
tinued by Lea Bondi at the Galerie Würthle. 1919, just as the artists’ group had renamed Galerie Würthle to the director of
In Berlin, for instance, Renée Sintenis was itself Freie Bewegung, Carry Hauser held his the Österreichische Galerie
Historisches Archiv des Belvedere, Vienna,
able to make her debut in 1920 at Gurlitt and first solo exhibition there.12 The fourth no. 32/1924
Flechtheim, which was commented upon by group exhibition took place in 1921 on the
the critic Karl Scheffler in words that today premises of the Vienna company Kunst und
seem reactionary: “It is lovely when women Wohnung, GesmbH Lorenz & Reichel,13
have the capacity to do so much and make so where the art collector Oskar Reichel also
little fuss about it. Knowing one’s place and sold works from his private collection. One
not striving to go beyond it with misplaced of the most famous purchasers of works by
ambition: This, too, is a form of decency.”9 Oskar Kokoschka was Otto Nirenstein, the
Very early on, namely in 1902, Pisko ex- owner of the Neue Galerie in Vienna. The
hibited work by Lesser Ury, who was living exhibition activities were limited to the early
in Berlin, and in December 1909 mounted a years, with Oskar Reichel acting as staff
show of the Neukunstgruppe, which had been member and curator of exhibitions. In Berlin
founded in July of the same year. Among the Kunstsalon Gurlitt served as the exhibi-
others, Oskar Kokoschka and Karl Hofer tion venue for the Freie Bewegung in 1921.14
joined the group in 1911, two artists who There, Viennese and Berlin artists were treat-
were deeply involved in the artistic dialogue ed equally, for example Erich Heckel and
between Vienna and Berlin. Carry Hauser.
In 1904 Miethke became the official rep- Similar economic calculation was exhib-
resentative for Gustav Klimt. The artist had ited by the Berlin Galerie Matthiesen, which
previously worked closely together with the mentions its branch office in Vienna in a
gallery, including taking part in exhibitions written offer of 1924 to the director of the
fig. 3 Letterhead of the Galerie
both in Austria and abroad, as well as estab- Österreichische Galerie for two paintings by Würthle, Vienna, late 1924
lishing contacts with collectors. Thanks to Max Liebermann and Lovis Corinth (fig. 4): Although many of its peers were also
the artistic direction of painter Carl Moll, in “If you were interested in one of the works dealing in contemporary art, it pre-
served its independence with a com-
1905 the Galerie Miethke became the home we would request that you contact the Galerie mitment to art of Austrian origin.
of the so-called Klimt-Gruppe, which had bro- Matthiesen in Vienna, in the Sofferhause, Historisches Archiv des Belvedere, Vienna
ken away from the Vienna Secession. Miethke which we have also notified at the same
was the exclusive purveyor of the work of time.”15 The reference here is probably to
Klimt; the Berlin art dealer Paul Cassirer was the Soffer brothers, who conducted their
Katin k a G ra t z e r-Bau m g ä rt n er 110
trade in furniture and furnishings in Vienna’s slide lecture entitled Das Problem der mod-
Singerstraße 4 16 and sought to expand their ernen Kunst in his gallery and took care of
business opportunities in a manner similar recruiting participants for and organizing the
to that of Lorenz & Reichel. Vienna site of Itten’s Moderner Kunstschule
In presenting Vienna’s “enfant terrible” Berlin , which was on tour in 1926/ 2 7. 21
Oskar Kokoschka to the Berlin public, mean- Around the end of our period of considera-
while, Paul Cassirer demonstrated foresight- tion, in 1930, he brought works by Karl Hofer
edness. From 1916 the art historian Leo Blu- and others from the Galerie Flechtheim to
menreich served as director and associate of his gallery on commission and organized an
Cassirer’s art salon.17 During the same year, extensive collective show. But in response to
however, he also made offers in this function Hofer’s thank you for the chance to exhibit
to the Österreichische Galerie as director of in Vienna, Otto Nirenstein nevertheless an-
his private art dealership, with its own letter- swered, “I regret extraordinarily that you are
fig. 4 Letter from the Galerie Mat- head (fig. 5). Using the name of his brother, not able to come to Vienna, but — given the
thiesen to the director of the Öster-
reichische Galerie, June 14, 1924 this business officially commenced opera- way things are — nor can I recommend it, for
Historisches Archiv des Belvedere, Vienna, tions in 1919 with the title A.[rnhold] Blu- the situation is surely no better here than in
no. 359/1924
menreich GmbH (fig. 6).18 Berlin. … At the moment the situation here,
The Neue Galerie, founded by Otto Niren- as in Berlin, is such that it now seems to me
stein in 1923, was also actively involved in in retrospect that it would almost have made
the Vienna art scene. Since it was in the gal- more sense to purchase this work [Angelina]
lery’s interest to establish itself on the German from you in Berlin rather than mounting the
market with the artists it represented, Otto exhibition — this would have probably been
Nirenstein sought to emulate examples such the more enjoyable alternative for you and
as Cassirer and Flechtheim in Vienna, by con- me. …”22 Although the art historian Hans
stantly looking very much towards Berlin. He Tietze considered acquiring two works, Still
cultivated contacts with the German art trade Life and Knabe mit Ball [Youth with Ball], the
by allowing exhibitions to travel there and by show was a financial flop. The newspaper
traveling regularly himself. In addition to tra- critics, in contrast, were positive in tone.
ditional art, he also showed progressive works In 1917 Gustav Nebehay relocated his art
and opened his art dealership in 1923 with dealership to Vienna, after having already
an Egon Schiele exhibition. In 1925 Cassirer worked in Leipzig and Berlin. He was partial
presented pictures from Oskar Kokoschka’s to contemporary art and in 1919 and 1920 ex-
Europa-Reise in Berlin. The Neue Galerie hibited the painter Willi Nowak, who lived
meanwhile sold the artist’s early works, for in Vienna and Berlin and was a member of
example, in its two-part exhibition of 1924, the Freie Bewegung. In 1920 he also made a
where his works could be seen for the first contractual commitment to represent the
fig. 5 Letter from Leo Blumenreich time since 1913 in the Galerie Miethke in Vi- painter Herbert Boeckl and supported him
to Franz Martin Haberditzl, enna.19 This connection between the Neue by financing a trip to Berlin and other des-
October 4, 1916 Galerie and Cassirer continued through Ko tinations. In 1924 Cassirer also took a clos-
The art dealer Leonhard Blumen-
reich, a colleague of Paul Cassirer’s, koschka even after 1930. er look at Boeckl’s works in Vienna, but was
also owned a dealership and whole- From its founding to around 1927, the not able to warm to them.23 In addition to
saler in Berlin—A. Blumenreich Ges- Neue Galerie’s partner in Berlin for exchang- Nebehay, Willi Nowak’s art was shown by
mbH and Kunstschau A. Blumen-
reich, respectively—which are listed ing exhibitions was Berlin’s Galerie Gurlitt, Cassirer in 1911, for example, and in 1923 by
under various letterheads and addres- which was enthusiastic about Egon Schiele, Gurlitt; and starting in 1924 the Neue Galerie
ses in the Belvedere Historical Gustav Klimt, Alfred Kubin, and Oskar took over representing Nowak.24 In 1928
Archives as a supplier between 1923
and 1929 Kokoschka. In 1925 Otto Nirenstein organ- Nebehay returned to Berlin with his art deal-
Historisches Archiv des Belvedere, Vienna, ized an exhibition there on Alfred Kubin, and ership business.
no. 593/1916
in 1926 the Neue Galerie participated in an As early as the second half of the nine-
Egon Schiele exhibition and soon established teenth century, fruitful business relations
itself as the general contact point for matters had developed between the art dealers lo-
concerning Schiele.20 In January of 1926, cated in Vienna and those in Berlin, and in
Nirenstein also organized Johannes Itten’s addition the distribution of auction catalogs
also enjoyed great popularity. Whereas the A final observation pointedly illustrates
exchange between Würthle and Flechtheim one Berlin viewpoint of Vienna: a reference
may have been one-sided, the artistic dia- in the Lesser Ury show Neue Bilder aus zwei
logue between the two metropolises of Vien- Weltstädten London–Berlin u. a. of 1926 in
na and Berlin cannot necessarily be seen in the Kunst Kammer Martin Wasservogel in
the same way. Numerous small, occasionally Berlin, in which the artist — characterized as fig. 6 Letterhead of Kunstschau
unnoticed, alliances and forms of collabora- a painter of the big city — was represented A. Blumenreich in Berlin, announcing
tion sprang up like mushrooms between the with two scenes from the Wiener Caféhaus, the gallery’s program, late 1929
The gallery’s dense program is a
two cities’ art dealers and galleries; this ex- which, in the exhibition’s catalog, are classi- veritable compendium of inter-
pansion of the programs and the reciprocal fied without comment under the heading of national masters, both traditional
exhibition of Berlin’s and Vienna’s artists “Berlin,” taking no account of Vienna as an and modern
Historisches Archiv des Belvedere, Vienna,
was of benefit to all the protagonists. autonomous metropolis. no. 681/1929.
1 Werner J. Schweiger has carried 8 Dascher 2011 (see note 3), – See also Tobias Natter, Die Welt von
out pioneering research on this subject pp. 163–64. Klimt, Schiele und Kokoschka. Samm-
for both Austria and Germany, for ler und Mäzene, Cologne 2003, p. 262.
example in “‘Damit Wien einen erns- 9 Karl Scheffler, “Rezension zur
ten Kunstsalon besitze.’ Die Galerie Sintenis-Ausstellung in der Galerie 14 Ewald Schneider, Die Künstler-
Miethke unter besonderer Berück- Gurlitt,” in: Kunst und Künstler, vol. 18, gruppe “Freie Bewegung” 1918–1922,
sichtigung von Carl Moll als Organi- 1920, p. 184. Vienna 1999, typescript, pp. 18–19, 26.
sator,” in: Belvedere. Zeitschrift für bil- 10 Tobias Natter, “Galerie Miethke, 15 Letter of 6. 14. 1924, Historisches
dende Kunst, issue 4, 1998, pp. 64–83. Eine Kunsthandlung im Zentrum der Archiv, Belvedere, Vienna, Zl. 359/1924.
– http://www.kunsthandel-der-moder- Moderne,” in: Tobias Natter/Jüdisches
ne.eu/component/option.com_front- Museum der Stadt Wien (eds.), 16 Wiener Adressverzeichnis Leh-
page/Itemid,30/, accessed 6. 25. 2013. Galerie Miethke, Eine Kunsthandlung mann (Lehmann’s address list) 1924.
im Zentrum der Moderne (exh. cat. Hans Soffer would later be the
2 Kunstchronik und Kunstmarkt, interior decorator of houses six and
new series 34, issue 58, no. 45/46, Jüdisches Museum der Stadt Wien),
Vienna 2003, p. 18. The business seven of the Werkbund colony.
August 1923, p. 777.
relations between Miethke and the 17 Anja Walter-Ris, Die Geschichte
3 See Ottfried Dascher, “Es ist was Berlin art dealer Paul Cassirer can be der Galerie Nierendorf. Kunstleiden-
Wahnsinniges mit der Kunst,” in: documented beginning in 1905 with schaft im Dienste der Moderne. Berlin/
Alfred Flechtheim. Sammler, Kunst- a Vincent van Gogh show, which was New York 1920–1995, Diss., Berlin
händler und Verleger, Wädensill 2011, presented at Cassirer’s in 1905 and 1999, p. 37 (http://www.diss.fu-berlin.
pp. 163–64. at Miethke’s in 1906. Ibid., pp. 82, 90, de/diss/receive/FUDISS_the-
132–33. Recognition from outside sis_000000001073), accessed
4 Letter of 11.3.1924, Historisches came from Berlin art dealer Paul Cassi-
Archiv, Belvedere, Vienna, Zl. 341/1924. 6.25.2013.
rer: “Except for Miethke in Vienna
5 Letter of 10. 30. 1924 from Alfred there is not yet any Austrian art 18 See http://www2.huberlin.de/djgb
Flechtheim to the Galerie Würthle, His- dealer that deals in French art,” “Paul /www/find?fq=Branchen%3A%22B%
torisches Archiv, Belvedere, Vienna, Cassirer, Kunst und Kunsthandel,” C3%BCcher+und+Kunst%22&sort=
Zl. 341/1924. The documents do not Pan, issue 1, no. 14, 5.16.1911, p. 464. unternehmen, accessed 6. 25. 2013.
allow the business dealings to be recons- 11 Sabine Plakolm-Forsthuber, Künst- 19 Werner J. Schweiger, Der junge
tructed exactly, for there was no work lerinnen in Österreich. Malerei, Plastik, Kokoschka. Leben und Werk. 1904 –
by Théodore Géricault acquired Architektur, Vienna 1994, pp. 69–70. 1914, Vienna 1983, p. 232.
through Würthle/Flechtheim, and
André Derain’s Der Tisch [The Table] 12 See Schweiger 1995 (see note 6), 20 See Marie-Catherine Tessmar-
was returned to the Galerie Würthle “Kunsthandel der Zwischenkriegszeit Pfohl, Die Neue Galerie von 1923 bis
at the beginning of 1925. in Wien,” pp. 17–18. 1938. Kunsthandel und Kunstpolitik im
Wien der Zwischenkriegszeit, diploma
6 See Dascher 2011 (see note 3), 13 Newly founded at the end of 1919, thesis, Vienna 2003, p. 124.
pp. 163–64. – See also Werner Oskar Reichel and his wife, Malvine,
J. Schweiger, “Verbindungen mit were, together with Rudolf Lorenz 21 The program is kept in the
dem deutschen Kunsthandel,” in: and Samuel Goldfarb, partners of the archive: Archiv der Neuen Galerie
Galerie Würthle, gegründet 1865 company Kunst und Wohnung, in the Belvedere, Vienna, Künstler-
(exh. cat. Galerie Würthle, Vienna), GesmbH Lorenz & Reichel in Vienna’s korrespondenz no. 80/9.
Vienna 1995, pp. 24–27. Seilergasse 7. The business was later
relocated to Vienna 8, Josefstädter- 22 Archiv der Neuen Galerie in the
7 Letter from Carry Hauser to straße 21 (the address of Klimt’s Belvedere, Vienna, Künstlerkor-
Georg Philipp Wörlen of 10.26.1923 atelier: in 1912 the building was torn respondenz no. 73/7.
from Vienna. The letter is kept in the down in the wake of a renovation)
archives of the Museum Moderner 23 See Tessmar-Pfohl 2003
and operated under the name (see note 20), p. 79.
Kunst – Wörlen, Passau, transcription Moderne Galerie, Kunst und
by Bianca Buhr. Wohnung. R. Lorenz Ges.m.b.H. See 24 Tessmar-Pfohl 2003 (see note 20),
Schweiger 1995 (see note 12), p. 20. p. 128.
113
Nervous City—Nervous Self.
Expressionism
II
114
Expressionism in Vienna and Berlin anticipated what World War I in all its
brutality drove to excess: It burst open the physical and psychic limits of
humans and their environment, burrowed itself deep into their guts, and
brought to light shocking results. It should, in the words of Oskar Kokoschka,
“compete with the discovery of psychoanalysis by Sigmund Freud and the
quantum theory of Max Planck,” 1 and according to the art dealer Paul Cas-
sirer reveal “the timeless, subjective expression of deeply rooted universal
emotions in a driven, anxiety-laden world.”2 If one presumes that, even
despite such contradictory definitions, an art that can be categorized as
Expressionism existed in Vienna and Berlin, then the lowest common de-
nominator can probably be considered a turning away from the representa-
tion of external, superficial perceptual phenomena, as was, for example,
the goal Impressionism had set for itself. The surrounding reality, the ob-
servation of one’s own and other selves, and the urban cacophony of the
large city were simply catalysts for the highly subjective representation of
reality, for a zeitgeist fed by the direct juxtaposition of extremes such as ec-
centricity and lability, mysticism and atheism, anonymity and mass society.
The art of Berlin and Vienna in the period around 1910 and afterwards
was shaped by two central themes, which dominated image production with
different degrees of intensity. Whereas on the one hand the body—the
shell of a subject loaded with numerous invisible connotations — was virtu-
ally dissected, on the other, its environment — the growing, sprawling, and
pulsing city—became the focus of the representation as a stage upon which
an everyday absurd drama was played out. In the tradition of their teacher
Gustav Klimt and under the influence of psychoanalysis, the Austrians Oskar
Kokoschka and Egon Schiele revealed the truths beneath the surface of life.
In order to record the “sum total of a living being,”3 as Kokoschka expressed
it, he radically transformed the traditional concept of portraiture. The sur-
faces of his portraits are furrowed with scratches left behind by the brush or
finger on the surface of the wet paint. The painter noted the public’s irrita-
tion about the fact that “in the figures the nerves are depicted outside, on
the skin, as if they could also be seen like that in reality.”4 The art historian,
organizer of exhibitions, and critic Hans Tietze, one of the few defenders
of this representational style—which was greeted with great hostility—saw
in this the intention of “discerning an emotional and psychological quality
as the dominant one, of subordinating all others to it, and of recording on-
ly the most essential aspects of the physical appearance.”5 Vague, unsta-
ble backgrounds, or even a completely empty space through which the
represented persons move, elicit a sense of groundlessness, corresponding
to a feeling frequently expressed in personal testimonials by artists before
World War I. The neuroscientist Eric Kandel has recently demonstrated that
115
the representation of exaggerated body features, such as eyes or hands,

which the artists consciously sought to generate, can trigger a shock effect
in the viewer.6 In the search of these “primordial emotional forms,” as Kan-
del refers to them, Schiele in particular also experimented with secret hand
gestures in order to intensify the desired effect.
Many Berlin artists adopted these strategies; Ernst Ludwig Kirchner’s
hand positions in the portrait by Erich Heckel ( plate 82 ), for example, can be
traced back to Austrian portraits. The composition of Walter Gramatté’ s
Kakteendame [ Cactus Lady ] (plate 85 ), produced after the war against the
background of a complete physical and mental collapse, clearly presupposes
knowledge of Schiele’s Bildnis Eduard Kosmack [ Portrait of Eduard Kosmack ]
( plate 90 ). Besides a focus on the individual, among Berlin artists it was pri-
marily the city itself that became a protagonist. The “terribly vulgar”7 city of
Berlin repelled Kirchner—in search of the original experience of nature—as
much as it became a fascination and the catalyst of innovative works charged
with energy. The central figures in his depictions of this seething jugger-
naut, cocottes on the overflowing city squares, are anonymous, deperson-
alized, interchangeable. The “ bombardment by hissing rows of windows … tat-
ters of people, advertising signs, and roaring, shapeless colored masses,”8
which Ludwig Meidner chose as the subjects of his images of the city, rep-
resented the other extreme in the Expressionists’ images—the nervous city—
which determined the nervous self of its disoriented, drifting inhabitants
and was in turn determined by them. Cle me ns Klöc k ne r
1 Oskar Kokoschka, Mein Leben, Munich 1971, p. 119.

2 Eric Kandel, Das Zeitalter der Erkenntnis. Die Erforschung des Unbewussten in Kunst, Geist und Gehirn von
der Wiener Moderne bis heute, Munich 2012, p. 174.
3 Kokoschka 1971 (see note 1), p. 72.
4 As quoted in Claude Cernuschi, “Anatomisches Sezieren und religiöse Identifikation. Eine Wittgensteinsche
Antwort auf Oskar Kokoschkas Alternativparadigmen zur Wahrheit in seinen vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg
entstandenen Selbstporträts,” in: Oskar Kokoschka. Das moderne Bildnis 1909 bis 1914 (exh. cat. Neue Galerie
New York and Hamburger Kunsthalle), Cologne 2002, pp. 43–50, here p. 44.
5 Hans Tietze, “Ausstellung Jungwiener Künstler im Hagenbund,” in: Almut Krapf-Weiler (ed.), Hans Tietze,
Lebendige Kunstwissenschaft, Texte 1910–1954, Vienna 2007, pp. 28–37, here p. 34.
6 Kandel 2012 (see note 2).
7 Letter from Ernst Ludwig Kirchner to Luise Schiefler of 2.28.1912, in: Wolfgang Henze / Annemarie Dube-
Heynig / Magdalena Kraemer-Noble (eds.), Ernst Ludwig Kirchner. Gustav Schiefler. Briefwechsel 1910–
1935/38. Mit Briefen von und an Luise Schiefler und Erna Kirchner sowie weiteren Dokumenten aus Schieflers
Korrespondenz-Ablage, Stuttgart/Zurich 1990, p. 57.
8 L udwig Meidner, “Anleitung zum Malen von Großstadtbildern (1914),” in: Uwe M. Schneede (ed.),
Künstlerschriften der 20er Jahre, Cologne 1986, pp. 136–37.
9 Q uotation on the following page: Alfred Hermann Fried, Wien – Berlin. Ein Vergleich (Vienna – Berlin:
A Comparison), Vienna / Leipzig 1908, pp. 17–22.
116
“The hustle and bustle that is the signature of Berlin’s

streets is completely unknown to Vienna. In Berlin,
you have the impression that an alarm has just been
sounded: ‘Everything races, takes flight.’ In Vienna,
one might be watching an operetta, in the background
of which stagehands move about with clumsy hands. …
In Vienna, it always looks as though people were going
for a stroll. … If the Berliners are ashamed of resem-
bling idle strollers, the Viennese are ashamed of wor-
king for a living. … While in Berlin, submission to
the dictates of fashion is a means of standing out from
the crowd, in Vienna, it is a means of vanishing into
it …” 9 Alfred Hermann Fried 1908
117 Expres s ion is m II
E r n st Lu dw i g Ki r chn e r
70
Women on the Street, 1915
Von der Heydt-Museum Wuppertal
118
Rao u l H au sman n
71
Untitled (Church), c. 1915
Berlinische Galerie
Lu dw ig M EI DN ER
72
The Church of the “Good Shepherd” on
Friedrich-Wilhelm-Platz in Friedenau, 1913
Watercolor over pencil, 61 × 43 cm
120
E rnst Ludw i g Ki r chn er

73
Belle-Alliance-Platz in Berlin, 1914
Tempera on canvas, 96 × 85 cm
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Nationalgalerie
Helene Funke
74
Dreams, 1913
Oil on canvas, 114.5 × 134.5 cm
Belvedere, Vienna
122
Anton Faistauer
75
Young Woman on Red Sofa, 1913
Belvedere, Vienna
Ma x Pechstei n
76
The Artist’s Son on the Sofa, 1917
124
Rudolf K ALVACH Er n st L udw ig K ir ch n e r

77 78
Indian Fairy Tale, c. 1907 Night Woman (Woman Passing
Oil on wood, 61.9 × 60.2 cm a Street in the Night), 1928 / 29
Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien, Oil on canvas, 120 × 101 cm
Kunstsammlung und Archiv
Galerie Haas, Zurich
E r n st L udw ig K ir ch n e r
79
Nude from the Rear with Mirror
and Man, 1912
Brücke-Museum Berlin
126
Ma x Pechstei n
80
Pond Landscape (Krumme Lanke), c. 1912
Belvedere, Vienna
Anton Kolig Er ich Hecke l

81 82
Kneeling Narcissus, 1920 Roquairol (Portrait of E. L. Kirchner), 1917
Oil on canvas, 93 × 65.5 cm Tempera on canvas, 92 × 72 cm
Belvedere, Vienna Brücke-Museum Berlin
128
Max Oppenheimer
83
Portrait of Egon Schiele, 1910 / 11
Wien Museum
Albert Paris Gütersloh Wa lter G r a m att é

84 85
Self-Portrait, 1912 Cactus Lady, 1918
Oil on canvas, 70.5 × 54.5 cm Oil on canvas, 74.9 × 60.2 cm
Belvedere, Vienna Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Nationalgalerie
130

R a oul Ha usman n
86
Untitled (Self-Portrait), c. 1913
Berlinische Galerie
Conra d F el i x mü l l er Richard Gerstl

87 88
Portrait of Raoul Hausmann, c. 1920 Self-Portrait, Laughing, 1908
Oil on canvas, 85 × 67 cm Oil on canvas on cardboard, 40 × 30.5 cm
Lindenau-Museum Altenburg Belvedere, Vienna
132
Lu dw i g M E ID NE R
89
Portrait of Felixmüller, 1915
Apocalyptic Landscape (verso)
Berlinische Galerie (permanent loan)
Egon Schiele
90
Portrait of the Publisher Eduard Kosmack, 1910
Belvedere, Vienna
134
Oskar Kokoschka
91
The Painter Carl Moll, 1913
Belvedere, Vienna
Ma x S lev og t Max Oppenheimer

92 93
Bruno Cassirer, 1911 Portrait of Arnold Schönberg, 1909
Oil on wood, 41 × 31.5 cm Oil on canvas, 94.5 × 96.5 cm
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Nationalgalerie Private collection, Zurich
136
Oskar Kokoschka Oskar Kokoschka

94 95
Claire Waldoff, 1916 Portrait of Nell Walden, 1916
Cover of Der Sturm, year 7, issue 9 Oil on canvas, 100 × 80 cm
Hand-colored lithograph, 40 × 30.8 cm Berlinische Galerie (permanent loan)
Berlinische Galerie
Arnold Schönberg Arnold Schönberg

96 97
L. H., c. 1909 Defeated, 1919
Oil on canvas, 42 × 57 cm Watercolor on paper, 35.7 × 25.6 cm
Arnold Schönberg Center, Vienna Arnold Schönberg Center, Vienna
138
Egon Schiele Max Oppenheimer

98 99
Portrait of Dr. Oskar Reichel, 1910 The Actor Emil Jannings, 1932
Pencil, watercolor and opaque white Oil on canvas, 80 × 65 cm
on paper, 44.5 × 31.5 cm Belvedere, Vienna

He in r ich R ichter - B e r lin

10 0
Our Beloved Lady of Tauentzienstrasse, 1913
Berlinische Galerie
140

E r n st Lu dw ig K ir ch n e r
101
Street Scene, 1913/14
Pastels on paper, 40 × 30 cm

E rnst Lu dw i g Ki r chn er
102
In the Café Garden, 1914
142
Herbert Boeckl
103
Woman in Berlin, 1921
Egon Schiele Oskar Kokoschka

10 4 105
Nude with Plaid Slipper, 1917 Girl Tying Back Her Hair, 1908
Watercolor and charcoal on paper, 45.7 × 29 cm Watercolor and pencil, 43.7 × 30.4 cm
Kunsthaus Zug, Stiftung Sammlung Kamm Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett
144

Re née S inten i s
W illia m Wa ue r
106 107
Joachim Ringelnatz, 1923 Portrait of Herwarth Walden, 1917
Stucco, 33 × 21 × 23 cm Bronze (recast 1981), 52 × 32 × 35 cm
Belvedere, Vienna Berlinische Galerie

R udolf Bell i n g
R ud olf B e llin g
10 8 109
Eroticism, 1920 Head of Alfred Flechtheim, 1927
Bronze, 32 × 30 × 24 cm Bronze, 18 × 11.5 × 11 cm
Berlinische Galerie Berlinische Galerie
146
Max Oppenheimer
110
Ferruccio Busoni, 1916
Max Oppenheimer
111
The Klingler Quartet, 1917
Oil and tempera on canvas, 70 × 80 cm
Belvedere, Vienna
148
Max Oppenheimer
112
Scourging, 1913
Private collection
Oskar Kokoschka
113
The Visitation, 1912
Belvedere, Vienna
150
Herbert Boeckl
114
Rear Tenements in Berlin, 1922
Belvedere, Vienna

L u dw i g M ei dn er
115
Street in Wilmersdorf, 1913
Drypoint, 41 × 31 cm
Berlinische Galerie
152
Oskar Kokoschka
116
Der Sturm, New Issue, 1910/ 11
Oskar Kokoschka
117
Drama Komoedie. Sommertheater in the Kunstschau, 1909
The so-called “Pietà”. Poster for the performance of his
piece Mörder, Hoffnung der Frauen at the Internationale Kunstschau
Color lithograph , 122 × 78 cm
MAK – Österreichisches Museum für angewandte Kunst/ Gegenwartskunst, Vienna
154

W illy Jaeckel
118
Memento of 1914/15, 1915
Portfolio of 11 prints, lithograph
Plate 4, 40 × 47 cm
Berlinische Galerie

Ott o Dix
Ott o Dix
119 12 0
Wounded Soldier, 1922 Dead Men before the Position
Watercolor on paper, 39.6 × 38 cm near Tahure, 1924
Kunsthaus Zug, Stiftung Sammlung Kamm The War, Portfolio V, no. 10
Etching, 19.7 × 25.8 cm
Lindenau-Museum Altenburg
156
Otto Dix
The War, Portfolios I – IV, 1924

Nocturnal Encounter with a Lunatic
Battle-Weary Troops Retreat,
121 12 3
Portfolio III, no. 2, etching, 26.2 × 19.7 cm Portfolio III, no. 1, etching, 19.8 × 28.9 cm

Shock Troops Advance under Gas
Skin Graft
122 12 4
Portfolio II, no. 2, etching, 19.6 × 29.1 cm Portfolio IV, no. 10, etching, 19.9 × 14.9 cm

Mealtime in the Trenches (The Loretto Hills),
Frontline Soldier in Brussels
12 5 127
Portfolio II, no. 3, etching, 19.6 × 29 cm Portfolio IV, no. 4, etching, 28.8 × 19.9 cm

Corpse in Barbed Wire (Flanders)
Wounded Soldier, Autumn 1916, Bapaume
126 12 8
Portfolio II, no. 6, etching, 30 × 24.3 cm Portfolio I, no. 6, etching, 19.7 × 29 cm
158

Ott o Dix
L udw ig M e id n e r
129 13 0
This is what I Looked Like City Under Fire, 1913
as a Soldier, 1924 Indian ink and opaque white on paper,
Indian ink on paper, 42.7 × 34.4 cm 45.2 × 56 cm

K onra d W ester may r
H a n s B a luschek
13 1 132
Self-Portrait as Soldier, c. 1916 Field of Death, 1917
Oil on canvas, 50 × 40 cm Watercolor and crayon on cardboard, 48 × 36 cm
160

L udw ig Meidn er Felix Albrecht Harta
13 3 13 4
Apocalyptic Landscape, 1913 View of Unter St. Veit, 1914
Oil on canvas, 67.3 × 80 cm Oil on canvas, 36 × 53 cm
Private collection, courtesy Richard Nagy Ltd., London Belvedere, Vienna

L udwig Meidn er
135
Doomsday, 1916
Berlinische Galerie
162
Ludwig Heinrich Jungnickel

136
The Flood, c. 1913
Belvedere, Vienna
Ludwig Heinrich Jungnickel Fritz Schwarz -Waldegg

137 13 8
Cowshed, 1919 Confession, 1920
Oil on canvas, 60 × 76.5 cm Oil on canvas, 117 × 88 cm
164

K ä the Kollwi tz
K ä the K ollw it z
139 14 0
The Survivors, 1923 Germany’s Children Are Starving, 1923
Black and red brushwork and white heightening, Study for the poster, chalk lithograph
on beige cardboard, 54.2 × 71.8 cm (transfer print) on Japanese tissue paper, 42.5 × 29.5 cm
Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin Sammlung und Stiftung Rolf Horn in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische
Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf, Schleswig

K äthe Kol lwi t z
141
Vienna Is Dying! Save Its Children!, c. 1920
Color lithograph, 94.5 × 57 cm
Verein der Freunde des Käthe-Kollwitz-Museums, Berlin
166

E r n st Ster n
Revolution Day in Berlin, 1919
Portfolio with six lithographs on handmade paper

The Cars on the Ninth of November
142
Sheet 2, 35.5 × 48.5 cm

Panic in the Lustgarten
14 3
Sheet 5, 33.5 × 52.5 cm

C on r ad Fel i x mü l l e r
14 4
People Across the World, In Memory
of Liebknecht and Luxemburg, 1919
Lithograph, 70 × 54 cm
168
Egon Schiele Egon Schiele Egon Schiele

14 5 14 6 147
Portrait of the Poet Self-Portrait, 1916 Hans Flesch von Brunningen, 1914
Karl Otten, 1917 Cover of Die Aktion (detail), year VI, Cover of Die Aktion (detail), year IV,
Cover of Die Aktion (detail), year VII, no. 35/36, 33 × 24 cm no. 30, 33 × 24 cm
no. 43/44, 33 × 24 cm Berlinische Galerie Berlinische Galerie
Berlinische Galerie
Fra n k W hi tf o rd Its relaxed way of life and its refusal to take

the world too seriously were legendary, es
A Tale of Two Cities: pecially in such foreign parts as Prussia,
where, it was said, no one had ever learned
Expressionism in Berlin to relax.
Yet after 1866 and the battle of König
and Vienna grätz, won decisively by Prussia, Vienna suf
fered from an inferiority complex, an appro
priate condition given that it would first be
Culturally there is no doubt. On the one identified in the city where psychoanalysis
hand, Vienna had the tradition and the taste. was born. German unification in 1871 exac
On the other hand, Berlin, 690 kilometers to erbated the problem. The power and influ
the north, was a vulgar upstart. More im ence of the Habsburg monarchy were dwin
portantly, Berlin was also thrilling. It was a dling. “The people out there,” wrote the
poisonous mushroom of a city. It was Protes critic Hermann Bahr, “had Sedan, Bismarck
tant, disciplined, and raw. It was very good and Richard Wagner. And what did we
with its elbows. have ?” 4
The capital of a united Germany only since In fact, the Austrians had a great deal.
1871, Berlin was internationally known for They certainly had music ( they even had
its university and for the severely neoclassi Beethoven, who, though born in Bonn, lived
cal buildings designed by Schinkel. Berlin most of his life in Vienna) and they also
enjoyed the nickname “Spreeathen” (Athens had theater. The Burgtheater in Vienna
on the Spree),1 though in an 1892 American (with ceiling paintings by, among others, the
newspaper article Mark Twain chose to ig young Gustav Klimt) was the envy of the
nore the politely neoclassical surface of Ber German-speaking world. So was Vienna’s
lin entirely. Under the headline “Europe ’s food; so were Vienna’s universities; and so
Chicago,” Twain declared that the German were Vienna’s medical specialists. As a result
metropolis was the most modern city he had Vienna was also smug, and it was conserva
ever seen. “Spreechicago” 2 was something tive, even reactionary. ( Emperor Franz Josef
Berliners knew in reality and were proud of. refused to allow telephones in the Hofburg,
Their city even had, if only in places, an ele and typewriters were also banned.)
vated railway. Vienna also had painting, architecture,
It’s difficult to imagine a city less like Ber and design, all of which contributed to a
lin than Vienna.Within the vast polyglot Habs cultural golden age around 1900. Vienna had,
burg Empire (on which, joked Karl Kraus, above all, the supreme decorator Gustav
the sun never rose),3 Vienna was undeniably Klimt, the kind of dominant, single and
dominant. In 1900, with a population of uniquely influential figure whom the Ger
more than two million ( fewer than half of mans ( and everybody else ) lacked entirely.
whom had been born there), it was the fourth This may explain why Klimt and his fame
largest city in Europe. All the languages of irritated and bemused some Germans. The
the Empire, from Romanian and Romany to Berlin critic Julius Meier-Graefe, for exam fig. 1 Egon Schiele
Polish and Slovenian, could be heard on its ple, attacked his so-called “Orientalist lean Sitting Pair (Egon and Edith Schiele),
streets. It was the link not merely between ings.”5 1915
Albertina, Vienna
East and West but also between North and Klimt, avuncular, rich, and at the height of
South. By train, Trieste and Venice could be his powers, encouraged younger talent. He
reached as easily as Prague and Kraków. Ber supported both Egon Schiele and Oskar Ko-
lin was no farther away than Paris. koschka at the start of their careers, though
Vienna was, in an often-heard metaphor, Richard Gerstl, arguably a greater Expres
the laboratory in which the modern world sionist than they were, found the creative
took shape. But Vienna was also one of the energy he needed in a loathing for Klimt’s
most exciting cultural centers on earth, en preciousness and a determination to do ev
vied for the quality of its music and theater. erything differently.
Frank Wh i tfo rd 170
Improbably, then, Viennese Expressionism Schiele was still a young, unformed artist
largely emerged from the exquisite and pre in 1908 when Richard Gerstl committed su
cision-built decoration of the city’s 1897 icide. Gerstl killed himself in his studio, de
Secession movement, together with Klimt’s stroying as much of his work as he could
delight in allegory and symbol. It also pre before slitting his wrists in front of the full-
ferred subject matter such as portraits, self- length mirror he used for self-portraits. He
portraits and, to a lesser extent, landscapes, himself was one of his favorite subjects: Not
especially the kind in which, for example, a long before his death he painted himself four
single, leafless tree or a dead or dying sun times, three times on a single day.
flower seems to reflect the human experi The last of Gerstl’s self-portraits is the un
ence of life on earth. canny and distressing Selbstbildnis, lachend [Self-
With the exception of Gerstl, the Vien Portrait, Laughing], a mesmerizing mixture of
nese Expressionists contemplated the con madness, uncertainty, and bravado ( plate 88 ).
flict between artifice and reality, which gave The Selbstbildnis als Akt in Ganzer Figur [Self-
Klimt’s work its energy, and dramatized it Portrait as Nude] also dates from 1908, not
to the point of torment. Kokoschka, who long before Gerstl’s suicide. It is the first na
stripped away the facade in his portraits to ked self-portrait in the history of art since
fig. 2 Egon Schiele reveal the—usually neurotic—personality Dürer’s Selbstporträt als Akt [Nude Self-Portrait,
Town on the Blue River II, 1911
Belvedere, Vienna, on a permanent loan from beneath, first achieved notoriety when he 1500–1512], Schloßmuseum Weimar, and its
Erste Bank
showed his work at an exhibition organized brazen directness is shocking. The artist’s
by Klimt and his group. Schiele, in many physical engagement with the canvas adds
ways as radical as Kokoschka (who repeat immeasurably to the mood of touchy impa
edly accused him of plagiarism) was even tience. Gerstl painted himself repeatedly,
more indebted to Klimt. Klimt encouraged intensely, searchingly, as though the results
him, found him patrons, and gave him the recorded the stages in a psychoanalytical
chance to exhibit. It is in Schiele’s work that investigation. ( Gerstl was, in fact, aware of
so many of the concerns that characterize Freud, whose Traumdeutung, 1899, interested
Viennese modernism in literature and are him greatly.)
only hinted at in Klimt come visibly to the Gerstl’s art is distinguished not only by
surface: The obsession with death and decay, the wildness of his brushwork but also the
the penetration of surface appearances and lack of all symbolism. He was an outsider.
facades to reveal the dark side of the human His friends were composers and musicians,
personality, and, not least, the obsession with not artists. He never exhibited, though he
sex. Klimt was in love with dreams, the sweet was once invited by the Galerie Miethke, the
er the better. In Schiele they become waking most important modern dealer in contem
nightmares. In Klimt we find the seductive porary art in Vienna, to take part in a group
smile. In Schiele it becomes a cry of anguish, exhibition. He refused because it would have
a grimace caused by mental and physical meant showing his work with Klimt.
unease, a hopeless response to an uncertain Gerstl’s suicide was arguably less the re
and unstable world of which the artist is an sult of a general instability than of the end
impotent and unwilling victim. ing of his passionate affair with Mathilde
The artist struggles to make contact but Schönberg, the wife of the composer, Arnold.
remains isolated, alienated. This is especial Gerstl had taught Arnold Schönberg to paint.
ly clear in such drawings as Sitzendes Paar Mathilde was persuaded to go back to her
(Egon und Edith Schiele) [Sitting Pair (Egon and husband by his pupil Alban Berg. Gerstl then
Edith Schiele)], 1915 (fig. 1), and Liebesakt [Coitus], killed himself.
fig. 3 Richard Gerstl 1915, Leopold Museum, in which one, and Schönberg took his painting very seri
Self-Portrait as Nude, 1908 sometimes both, of the lovers are given the ously, at one time as seriously as his compos
Leopold Museum, Vienna
features and lifeless gestures of a doll. And ing. He did not possess natural talent, how
Schiele’s townscapes are empty of humans ever. His portraits and self-portraits ( plates
altogether. They are also devoid of nature 96 , 97 ), of which he produced a large num
( fig. 2 ). ber, do have enormous expressive power,
though also a clumsy intensity born of de in the success he had in marketing paint
termination, largely because of their untutor- ings by Chagall, the Fauvists, Futurists, and
ed appearance. They are the results of what Cubists, all of whom were, for him, Expres
he called an innere Zwang, an inner compul sionists.
sion.6 This is a central Expressionist character
istic, the product of an irrepressible crea Berlin
tive drive. It was this that attracted Wassily
Kandinsky, the Russian Expressionist based By 1910, the year in which Der Sturm began
in Munich, to Schönberg’s work. Kandinsky publication, Berlin had become the principal
was driven by an innere Notwendigkeit and rec center of Expressionism, not only in paint
ognized a kindred spirit in the composer. ing but also in literature, music, and film.
Kandinsky’s Über das Geistige in der Kunst [Con- Berlin was huge. With a population of more
cerning the Spiritual in Art, 1911], was in part than three million, it was Europe’s third larg
inspired by Schönberg’s Harmonielehre [Theory est city and one of the biggest industrial (and
of Harmony, 1910], and he invited the compos financial) centers in the world. Berlin was a
er to contribute to the Almanach des Blauen young, ugly city of stone, concrete, and as
Reiters, 1912, and also to the first of the two phalt, of five-story tenement blocks built
Blauer Reiter exhibitions in December 1911. around as many as five courtyards retreat
Schönberg, therefore, had firm connec ing one by one from the street. They were
tions with Germany, where his musical com at their depressing worst in the Alexander
positions were more widely appreciated than platz, Wedding, and Moabit districts of the
they were in Vienna. Another Expressionist city, which were proletarian, insanitary, and
painter with strong links to Germany was the desolate.
aforementioned Oskar Kokoschka. He was In 1930, the town planner Werner Hege
lucky enough to have the architect Adolf mann published Das steinerne Berlin,7 in which
Loos as a friend and, in turn, Loos’s friend, he pointed out that the majority of its by
the brilliant writer and journalist Karl Kraus, then 4,230,000 inhabitants lived in tene
as a mentor. ment blocks which were like “coffins of stone.”
Kraus published (and wrote most of) a lit In contrast, the city’s public buildings and
tle magazine called Die Fackel, which inspired monuments were pompous and faux historic,
the Berlin impresario Herwarth Walden to not many of them (especially churches) built
begin his own journal. This was Der Sturm, before 1870.
which quickly became one of the most im Given Berlin’s widespread squalor, it
portant focal points of German Expression would have been remarkable had the city
ism. On Kraus’s recommendation, Walden not had what Hans Ostwald called “its dark
took on Kokoschka as an editorial assistant existence, its human wrecks and degener
and illustrator. The wages were vanishingly ates, its uprooted and expelled.”8 It is no
small, but Der Sturm helped make Kokosch wonder, then, that the artists who arrived in
ka’s name. It printed the text for Kokoschka’s the capital from the provinces should have
Expressionist play Mörder, Hoffnung der Frauen found the capital both intimidating and ex
[Murderer, Hope of Women], together with his hilarating. The big city, the metropolis as a
gruesome pen and ink illustrations on the seductive trap, thus became a major Expres
front page ( s. p. 128 fig. 4 ). sionist subject. How could it be otherwise?
The success of the magazine resulted in Expressionism was centered on the self, and
diversification. Walden subsequently found the self was reflected in the city, especially
ed a publishing house, a theater, and, most its dark and dangerous side.
importantly, a gallery, all of them called Der Exhilaration tempered with trepidation is
Sturm. This quickly became one of the most the dominant mood of Ich und die Stadt [I and
influential galleries in all of Germany and a the City], arguably Ludwig Meidner’s most
powerhouse of the Expressionist movement. characteristic painting ( fig. 4 ). He created it
Walden, regarded by some of his artists as in 1913, six years after arriving in Berlin from
unreliable, was essentially an impresario, seen the small Lower Silesian town of Bernstadt,
now Poland’s Bierutów, via Paris ( where he seen at the Der Sturm gallery. Meidner‘s style
made friends with Amedeo Clemente Modi matured during 1912 when he concentrated
gliani 9). An amalgamation of cityscape and on city subjects. His nocturnal views of
self-portrait, Ich und die Stadt shows the artist streets like canyons illuminated by street
himself, 30 years of age, hard up against the lights, which seem to burst like star-shells
picture plane, gazing directly at us, though and scatter their light like shrapnel, are full
lost in thought, dreaming or seeing a vision. of the dangerous excitement of city life.
The vision is surrounding him, and it is of a They even suggest the powerful smell of
city set in motion by its own energy, in the crowds in confined spaces, the fetid air of
process of destroying itself. Streets, houses, subways, and sidewalks after a shower of
telegraph poles, and churches are all slip rain. Meidner himself was obviously a crea
ping into the black hole behind Meidner’s ture of the night, who only came alive after
head. On the right, a white zigzag obviously darkness had fallen and returned home just
stands for a street and the black marks on it before dawn.
restless people, but it looks more like a fis There is little doubt that Meidner was a
sure in the earth, with magma flowing from genuine visionary who was able to induce
its lowest extremity. In the distance, clouds visions by working at night with the aid of
scud towards what looks like a yellow sun. drink and an empty stomach. He produced
It is, in fact, a hot air balloon, ascending into all of his paintings in an attic studio in Ber
safety above the chaos and collapse. lin’s Friedenau district. His little flat was in
This is a man who lives in a city that in credibly filthy, piled high with the ashes and
timidates and consumes him. But it also in refuse of years, and, especially in the hot
spires him and gives him energy. He can Berlin summers, was filled with an almost
live nowhere else. He can live only here. unbearable stench.
And he cannot paint anywhere else. In one The sexual angst that is so obviously a
of the most important theoretical texts of part of Expressionism in general, and of Au
the early twentieth century, Anleitung zum strian Expressionism in particular, is not an
Malen von Großstadtbildern, 1914, Meidner pro obvious feature of Meidner’s work. It is im
claimed in dynamically lyrical prose: plicit in much of Ernst Ludwig Kirchner’s
“We must at last begin to paint the home art, however, especially the street scenes
where we live, the metropolis that we love done not long after he settled in Berlin in
without reserve. With feverish scrawling hands 1911. The largest and greatest of them is
we must cover canvases, without number Potsdamer Platz, 1914 (fig. 5).
and large as frescoes, with everything that In Berlin, Kirchner’s work bristles with the
is strange and splendid, everything that is intensity and urgency of city living. Never
monstrous and striking, about our great av theless, he hated the place. “It’s so terribly
fig. 4 Ludwig Meidner enues and railway stations, our towers and vulgar here,” he wrote to Luise Schiefler in
I and the City, 1913
Private collection factories.” February 1912. “I realize that a fine, free
This was obviously an attack on the Im culture cannot be created in these circum
pressionist and therefore ossified pictorial stances, and I would like to leave here as
treatment of Paris, and Meidner contrasted soon as I‘ve got past this low-point.”5 His
his city with Pissarro’s paintings of boule experience of Berlin changed his subject
vards. matter radically. He now concentrated on
“A street does not consist of tonal values, scenes in circuses, cafés, cabarets, and dance
but is a bombardment of rows of windows, halls, as well as on the streets of the capital
rushing balls of light between roads, alleys and some of its most familiar points for his
of all sorts, and of thousands of vibrating motifs ( plates 7 3 , 102 ).
spots, groups of people and threatening, Between 1913 and 1914 Kirchner paint
formless masses of color.”10 ed ten of these street scenes. One of them
The enthusiasm for the big city, for ener is called Straße mit roter Kokotte [Red Cocotte],
gy and speed, is like that of the Italian Fu 1914 / 25, and it suggests that the women
turists, whose work Meidner had recently who appear in all of them are prostitutes.
Berlin already had an international reputa Potsdamer Platz nearly portrays hell on earth.
tion as one of the most licentious cities in George Grosz’s Selbstmörder [Suicide], 1916, is
Europe. Its sex industry was huge. In 1897 utterly hellish ( fig. 6 ). Only the prostitute’s
there were 3,000 registered prostitutes in Ber customer in the window, squirming with the
lin; by 1914 that figure had risen to 33,000. exquisite ecstasy of the chastised masochist,
In the biggest and most impressive paint seems to have been transported to a kind
ing in the series, Potsdamer Platz, the size and of heaven.
position of the foreground figures force us The composition and palette—mostly an
to relate to them directly. Like the men war infernal, flesh-broiling red—of Suicide are
ily approaching them, or summoning up the calculated to depict the city as a diabolic,
courage to do so, we are their prospective perverted world out of kilter. Nature is re
clients, about to confront a quarry that per duced to a tiny, stunted, leafless tree in the
sists in ignoring us. churchyard in the background. The horror is
Potsdamer Platz was a major center of compounded by the mystery. Are we con
prostitution at the time in Berlin (Alexander fronted by a single suicide, a double suicide
platz was another). It was tolerated by the or a double murder ? ( The fact that Grosz
authorities only as long as the women did called his picture Selbstmörder, the person who
not look at anyone directly and kept on the commits suicide, rather than Selbstmord, the
move (according to the police, they had to act of suicide, only compounds the confu fig. 5 Ernst Ludwig Kirchner
Potsdamer Platz, 1914
“hover in a ladylike way” and “walk about as sion.) And is the corpse on the ground a Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Nationalgalerie
though ringed by bayonets” 12). Therefore, self-portrait, as it seems to be?
the streetwalkers, many of whom plied their Suicide is a characteristically German mix
trade on one of the several traffic islands in ture of disgust, a horrified fascination with
this, the busiest concentration of traffic in the darker side of urban life, and a view of the
all Europe (it had Europe’s first traffic light), city as a stifling, claustrophobic, and threat
feigned aloofness. The women in this paint ening place. There are thrills, but they are
ing, too, avoid all eye contact and never rest. perverse. There are energies, but they are
One detail is macabre. In 1914, after the out generated not by factories and power sta
break of war, some Berlin prostitutes (such tions but by rapacious, mendacious, venal
as the one on the left in the painting) began creatures brutalized by their inhuman envi
to wear the black veils worn by war widows. ronment.
They provided, it was said, an extra erotic Suicide is an obvious means of escaping
frisson. from this hell, though Grosz is far from pre
Kirchner’s Berlin street scenes of 1913 and senting it as a solution. The feelings aroused
1914 testify to an emotional and visual en by Conrad Felixmüller’s Der Tod des Dichters
gagement with the metropolis, a love-hate Walter Rheiner [The Death of the Poet Walter Rhei
relationship which contributed to his in ner; 1925], are startlingly different (fig. 7).
creasingly fragile mental state. The pictorial Though we are witnessing a suicide, the
style that he developed to cope with these mood is positive, touched by magic, as though
metropolitan subjects was driven in part at Rheiner’s death is a happy release, a solution
least by the Italian Futurist exhibition at to insoluble problems.
the Der Sturm gallery early in 1912. Kirchner The Expressionist writer Walter Rheiner
surely saw it. (the nom de plume of Walter Schnorren
He borrowed some of the peculiarities berg) was a close friend of Felixmüller, who
of Futurism, such as the lines of force and illustrated several of his books, including
the unstable composition, which create a Rheiner’s novella Kokain (1918). Rheiner,
fig. 6 George Grosz
restless, nervous structure. Crucially, how born in Cologne and living in Berlin since Suicide, 1916
ever, Kirchner did not share the Italians’ 1917, had been expelled from the army be Tate, London
enthusiasm for metropolitan life. His view cause of a drug habit ( he was addicted to
was darker. He found Berlin seductive and cocaine and morphine). He was immediately
dangerous, stimulating but exhausting, ulti sucked into the destructive side of city life,
mately alienating and toxic. ending up in a cheap and seedy room in
Kantstraße, in the Charlottenburg district. hind him, the view of Berlin is illuminated
There, in the summer of 1925, aged scarcely by the moon and the glow from streetlights
30, he died of an overdose of morphine. and windows, creating a dreamlike atmos
Felixmüller romanticizes the event. This phere. In the distance are the twin towers of
was not a fatal mistake but the result of a the Nikolaikirche, Berlin’s oldest church. Ev
positive decision. Rheiner, his eyes closed, erything is ambiguous. Is Rheiner falling or
is shown leaping from the high window of floating? In Expressionism, the city is itself
his room. One hand clutches at the curtain ambiguous, a fatal mixture of contradictions.
while the other holds the fatal syringe. Be
1 Erdmann Wircker coined this term 5 Julius Meier-Graefe, Entwicklungs- Modigliani,” in: Ludwig Kunz (ed.),
in 1706, for the 200th anniversary of geschichte der modernen Kunst. Ver- Ludwig Meidner, Dichter, Maler und
the Alma Mater Viadrina in Frankfurt/ gleichende Betrachtungen der bilden- Cafés, Zurich 1973, pp. 55–60.
Oder, alluding to the cultural accom- den Künste, als Beitrag zu einer neuen
plishments of Frederick I in making Ästhetik, Stuttgart 1904. The “fatal 10 In 1913 / 14 the Berlin art journal
Berlin a center of scholarship. sweetness of the Viennese Orient” Kunst und Künstler asked a number of
resembles “an ineradicable infection.” “younger” artists for their views on the
fig. 7 Conrad Felixmüller 2 Near the end of the nineteenth most recent art and on the future
The Death of the Poet Meier-Graefe; quotation translated
century a new comparison appeared: from Rainer Metzger in: Christian of art. Meidner’s contribution has been
Walter Rheiner, 1925 “The Royal Prussian no longer has a reprinted frequently, most recently
Los Angeles County Museum of Art, The Robert Brandstatter (ed.), Wien 1900. Kunst
Gore Rifkind Center for German Expressionist
place in imperial Berlin. Spree-Athen und Kultur. Fokus der europäischen in: Günter Feist (ed.), Kunst und Künst-
Studies, Los Angeles is dead, and Spree-Chicago is growing.” Moderne, Vienna 2005, pp. 19ff. ler, aus 32 Jahrgängen einer deut-
Quote translated from: Walther Rathe- schen Zeitschrift, Berlin (East) 1971.
nau, Die Schönste Stadt der Welt, 1899, 6 Schönberg detected this “outward German original quoted from “Ludwig
anonymously published by his friend ability developed from an inner Meidner, Anleitung zum Malen von
Maximilian Harden in: Die Zukunft, compulsion” in musicians, quotation Großstadtbildern (1914),” in: Uwe
vol. 26, 1899, pp. 34ff., p. 39. – Mark translated from Egon Wellesz, Arnold M. Schneede (ed.), Künstlerschriften
Twain used the expression “The Chica- Schönberg, Leipzig / Vienna / Zurich der 20er Jahre, Cologne 1986, pp.
go of Europe [ The German Chicago]” 1921, p. 17. See also: Michel Leiris, “Zu 136–37.
in his travel report in the Chicago Arnold Schönberg” (1929/66):
Daily Tribune, 4.03.1892. www.schoenberg.at. 11 Quotation translated from Roland
März / Katharina Henkel (eds.), Der
3 “Austrians and Germans differ from 7 Werner Hegemann, Das steinerne Potsdamer Platz. Ernst Ludwig
each other through their common Berlin. Geschichte der größten Kirchner und der Untergang Preußens
language. When the sun of culture is Mietskasernenstadt der Welt, first (exh. cat. Neue Nationalgalerie
low, even dwarves cast a shadow.” On edition 1930 ( 3 1984). Berlin 2001), Berlin 2001, p. 142.
this barbed aphorism, which is attri-
buted to Karl Kraus and his magazine 8 Hans Ostwald, Ich weiß Bescheid 12 Robert Hessen, Die Prostitution in
Die Fackel, see Harald Burger, Phraseo- in Berlin. Vollständiger systematischer Deutschland, Munich 1910, pp. 116–17.,
logie. Ein Internationales Handbuch Führer durch Groß-Berlin für Fremde quotation translated from Lucius
zeitgenössicher Forschung, Berlin 2007. und Einheimische, für Vergnügungs- Grisebach, Ernst Ludwig Kirchner
Cf. Hermann Möcker, “Zwei Preisauf- und Studienreisende, Berlin 1908. (exh. cat. Museum der Moderne Salz-
gaben...”, in: Österreich in der Geschich- burg 2009), Cologne 2009, p. 144.
9 See „The Young Modigliani: Some
te und Literatur, year 40, 1996, p. 303. Memories by Ludwig Meidner,“ Bur-
4 Quotation translated from Her- lington Magazine, London, Vol. 82
mann Bahr, Selbstbildnis, Berlin 1923, (1943) pp. 87–91; in German: “Ludwig
p. 127. Meidner, Erinnerungen an den jungen
Cl e m e ns K lö c kn e r the circumstance that by the interwar period,

the battles in the east and southeast no lon
Experience and Memory: ger played a role in official accounts, while
the war in the west and against Italy was by
The Visualization of World contrast “exaggerated to the point of consti
tuting the center of collective memory.” 3
War I by Artists in Vienna These divergent experiences may be one rea
son why large numbers of German artists con
and Berlin
tinued to be preoccupied with the war and
with the military ( and with the continued ex
istence of nationalist groups that tended to
Universal and compulsory military service glorify wartime experiences) even after 1918,
meant that many young artists from the mi while in many parts of the former Austro-
lieus of the Vienna and Berlin avant-gardes Hungarian Empire which had been torn apart
became active participants in the hostilities by the war, these themes were detectable in
during World War I. Whether as members works of art only indirectly.
of official propaganda companies or as regu
lar soldiers who dealt with their individual Art in Vienna During and After
experiences independently, they generated the War: Wounds, Death, and
a wealth of artistic interpretations both dur Resurrection
ing the war and afterwards, some of which
continue to shape our collective visual mem In 1917, when Egon Schiele and Albert Paris
ory right up to the present. In the context of Gütersloh received a joint commission to
the wide-ranging visual reportage of the years organize the art section of the Kriegsausstel-
1914 to 1918, the visual testimonials examin lung 1917 [War Exhibition 1917] in the Prater,4
ed here are not, of course, always represent Schiele encountered (according to his own
ative,1 but they do allow us to identify the testimony) a problem that preoccupied most
methods these artists developed for coping of his invited artistic colleagues, including
with their experiences—methods that to some Anton Faistauer, Anton Kolig, and Ludwig
extent continued to play leading roles in the Heinrich Jungnickel, along with Gütersloh
art world after the war as well. The focus of himself, namely that up until that point, they
the following investigation is on strategies had barely dealt with the theme of warfare.
of content and style that both unite various Faistauer—who had for the most part done
works and provide insight into differences his military service in the Imperial and Royal
of mentality, rendering recognizable the vari Heeresmuseum (Army Museum; today the
ous political and artistic premises that pre Museum of Military History) in Vienna—con
vailed at their respective places of production. tributed a number of drawings, as well as two
The wartime experiences of artists were paintings of wounded or imprisoned soldiers.
highly heterogeneous.2 While the majority Jungnickel—who had served from 1915 to
of German soldiers were deployed along the 1916 in Munich, far from the front—deliv
Western Front in France and Flanders, most ered an allegorical depiction of war. Accord
of the Austrian artists were stationed either ing to the exhibition catalog, Kolig and Gü
in Galicia on the Eastern Front or in the south tersloh—both of whom had experience at
on the Isonzo Front. The difference consist the front and had worked at the wartime
ed not only in the contrast between the trench press office—showed only a few portraits
warfare on the battlefields of France, with its of soldiers and prisoners, and the latter art
days-long artillery bombardment and the ist, only an unfinished portrait of a soldier.
topographically demanding military opera In order to come up with a work on the req
tions in the mountains, but also in the prox uisite theme—one he had to date treated
imity of the theater of war to one’s own only in drawings—Schiele contrived a make
homeland. Not least of all, the disintegration shift name change, converting an oil paint
of the Imperial and Royal Monarchy led to ing with the title Auferstehung [Resurrection]
Cl e m e n s K lö ck n e r 176
into a Heldengräber-Auferstehung [Resurrection at It is the debris of an old world—upon which

the Graves of Heroes].5 The present investiga a new catastrophe now grows—that confronts
tion demonstrates that central representa us in Wacker’s compositions from the 1920s.8
tives of the Austrian avant-garde depicted Similarly, Anton Kolig did not depict the war
the war only in portraits of its protagonists, overtly after 1918, but a close examination
and in a way consistently detached from war of his paintings from this period reveals its
time events. This does not mean, however, indirect translation. Rather than observing
that aside from these works, no confronta his mirror image complacently in the water’s
tion with the war took place. Because artists surface, the Kniende Narziß [Kneeling Narcissus],
like Oskar Kokoschka (whose war-related 1920 ( plate 81 ) throws his upper body back
works will be discussed later in greater de wards, his mouth open, eyes reduced to veils
tail) were not represented in the exhibition, of paint, arm held clenched across the chest.
and because works were produced in Vienna This gesture and bodily pose are readily in
after the war that have never or only rarely terpreted as the act of clutching a wound on
been associated with the experiences of the the side—now, self-love becomes an attempt
years 1914 to 1918, it is worth taking a clos at self-preservation. Fritz Schwarz-Waldegg’s
er look at precisely these works, and at the Bekenntnis [Confession], 1920 ( plate 138 ), too, can
central theme that repeatedly surfaces in be interpreted in this context: In a self-refer
them: The wounded individual. ential doubting Thomas gesture, the artist
One of the few immediate reactions to the places his finger inside his own wound—a
war on the part of an Austrian artist—and gesture that is interpretable simultaneously
one that still belongs to the artistic avant- in physical and psychological terms. While
gardes during the interwar period—is found social conflicts and scenes of revolution were
in the works of Carry Hauser. The colored certainly taken up as pictorial motives after
pencil drawing Soldaten [Soldiers] (fig. 1) shows 1918, for example in the works of Oskar Las
the transport of soldiers who stand below a ke,9 it was their indirect processing through
cross that appears on the horizon. It seems the display of bodily wounds that became a
as though the wounded soldier at the center leitmotiv of Viennese art during the inter
of the composition has just been removed war period.
from the cross, so that routine wartime ex
perience has now risen to the level of the Art in Berlin During and After the
Passion of the ordinary soldier—albeit with War: Apocalypse and Denunciation
out any promise of salvation. In the works
of Rudolf Wacker, the theme of the wound Art in Germany and in Berlin during the
appears repeatedly, for example in his still war and into the interwar period was a brisk
life Two Heads (plate 227 ).6 While his teacher and frequently politically tinged production
Albin Egger-Lienz repeatedly heroicized the of images that made reference to the mili
death sacrifice of the soldiers on the battle tary conflict. Nearly all of the Secessionists
fig. 1 Carry Hauser field in a series of monumental paintings,7 reacted to the extraordinary wartime situa
Soldiers, 1916 Wacker struck a gentler tone, and was in any tion, for example Willy Jaeckel, who litho
Collection of Jenö Eisenberger, Vienna
event utterly incapable of artistic expression graphed his portfolio Memento 1914 /15, 1915
during the entire period of his deployment. even before his military service ( plate 118 ).
In 1920, after five years as a prisoner of war His brutal and unsparing visions of war are
in Russia, Wacker returned to Berlin, where oriented explicitly toward the Desastres de la
—unlike his artistic friends there—he made guerra [ The Disasters of War], 1810–1814, by
no attempt to endow his wartime and post Francisco de Goya, who also conjured his
war experiences with Dadaist forms. In their visions of the horrors of war not according
morbidity, however, his scuffed and fractur to his own experiences, but from eyewitness
ed heads and dolls represent a peculiarly testimony and his own imagination. Jaeckel’s
psychedelic portrait of the times, one that portfolio was banned immediately upon pub-
reflects earlier experiences while projecting lication. Not unlike Ludwig Meidner, whose
a disillusioned perspective onto the future. Apokalyptische Landschaften [Apocalyptic Land-
scapes] ( plate 13 3 ) date from the prewar era of the November Group and of the Workers’
and have often been interpreted as a pre Council for Art, strongly suggesting that
monition of World War I, Max Slevogt de Pechstein did not perceive the path toward
picts the war as a bleak vision of Armaged social transformation in terrifying depictions
don. As early as 1914, when he worked as an of past or present, but instead in the attempt
official war artist on the Western Front, he to shape a better future. A similar perspec
translated his profound experience of shock tive was held by Max Beckmann, who was
into the series of lithographs entitled Gesichte compelled to witness terrifying scenes as a
1917 [Visions 1917], 1917, which was—like paramedic, and who captured his wartime
Jaeckel’s portfolio— confiscated by official experiences in numerous drawings and prints.
order immediately after production.10 After the war, he stated: “The circumstances
Numerous artists, among them Max Lie are not unfavorable for creating images of The Battle, 1916
bermann, August Gaul, and Ernst Barlach, war. But I have been extensively preoccupied Trustees of the Cecil Higgins Art Gallery, Bedford
contributed to the magazine Kriegszeit, pro with this material, and no longer have time
duced by the Cassirer publishing house, a to waste words on it. I’ve long been involved
publication whose tone was initially euphor in different wars.” 14
ic but later became increasingly restrained. The war—along with the Prussian military
Hans Baluschek, too, spent a brief period of apparatus—remained a durable theme for
time at the front in 1916/17, one result of the Berlin Dadaists, especially George Grosz,
which was the watercolor Totenfeld [Field of whose brief wartime experiences caused his
Death], 1917 (plate 132 ), today in the collec art to become even more caustic. Grosz re
tion of the Berlinische Galerie. Käthe Koll produced his drawn caricatures and pub
witz did not experience the war firsthand, lished them as transfer lithographs in left-
but in 1916 she lost her youngest son, who wing journals such as Pleite in order to max
entered the war without her permission. imize their political impact. The aggressive
From this point onward, and into the inter statements of the Dadaists were provoked
war period, the theme of war—along with by the dominant nationalism of the Weimar
its consequences for those who remained at Republic, against which a profoundly disap
home—would shape her work: even today, pointed younger generation now turned.
she is regarded as an antiwar artist par excel Remarkably, the Dada movement was unable
lence.11 Alongside dramatic pacifist appeals, to gain any traction in Austria, where the
she produced numerous prints requesting focus lay on the overcoming of sorrow and
support for aid initiatives, for example Wien trauma.
stirbt ! Rettet seine Kinder! [Vienna is Dying! Save Finally, let us consider the compositional
its Children!] ( plate 141 ). solutions developed by a Viennese and a
While many Secessionists were spared war (at least part-time) Berlin artist respective
time service for reasons of age, nearly all of ly—a pair that cultivated intimate if utterly
the Brücke artists were conscripted. Ernst Lud divergent relationships to Dada—thereby
wig Kirchner soon suffered a nervous break focusing on a phenomenon that has to date
down and painted a self-portrait of himself received little attention. The biographies
as a soldier with a hacked-off hand, a graph and wartime experiences of Oskar Kokosch-
fig. 3 Daniel Hopfer
ic symbol of his fear of losing his creative ka and Otto Dix display as many differenc Soldiers Fighting, c. 1530
powers.12 He required years to cope with es as commonalities, but nonetheless, they Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden,
Kupferstich-Kabinett
the shock, and repressed the theme of war arrived at similar results in their attempts at
entirely from his artistic production. In 1916, retrospection. “Pictures whose iconography
Max Pechstein dealt with his experiences at is political in the best sense tend to actual
the Somme frontline by producing two rela ize historical motifs; a preoccupation with
tively sober woodcut cycles, which display the predetermined pictorial formulae and with
typically expressive hallmarks of the wood traditional poses and gestures is attributed
cuts of the Brücke group.13 These works are with heightened significance.”15 Upon clos
the only ones by this artist to deal with the er inspection, it becomes clear that this ob
war, but afterwards, he became a cofounder servation applies to the works of Dix and
Kokoschka, for both succeeded in heighten duced during this phase was a series of draw
ing their own experiences to the highest ings originally intended for a portfolio of
level of effectiveness only through recourse prints dealing with the war; they were ap
to preexisting pictorial formulae. parently forgotten, and have never been
published together before.21 Here, Kokosch
Oskar Kokoschka and Otto Dix: ka presents the viewer a chaotic picture of
Authenticity through Prototypes the war, whose participants display carica
tured features. Unnoted to date is the fact
In February of 1915, Kokoschka volunteer that Kokoschka apparently drew upon his
ed for military service. Through the interces torical prints for these compositions. They
sion of Adolf Loos, he was assigned to the are not simply copies, however, but instead
Royal Imperial Dragoon Regiment “Erzher paraphrases: The way in which these histor
zog Josef Nr. 15,” where he served alongside ical models processed war seems to have
fig. 4 Oskar Kokoschka members of the Imperial House and the ar affirmed his own experience.
Soldiers Fighting with Crucifixes, 1917 istocracy—which required the purchase of The group of five figures in Die Schlacht
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden,
Kupferstich-Kabinett a warhorse that cost him his entire savings.16 [The Battle] ( fig. 2 ) makes a chaotic impres
A photograph shows him as the dashing hus sion. The protagonists rush toward one an
sar with gleaming helmet17 who wrote pri other making wild movements, arms and
vately to his beloved Alma Mahler that he weapons extended in all directions with no
was “riding as a real-life dragoon, just like coordination. A comparison of this drawing
someone in a picture book.”18 With the ex with Daniel Hopfer’s etching Kämpfende Sol-
ception of a fan painted for Alma Mahler, daten [Soldiers Fighting] ( fig. 3 ) reveals that Ko
which shows Kokoschka in a gloomy battle koschka has taken over the hand and arm
landscape,19 he produced no works of art poses of several of the lansquenets—al
until August of 1915, when he was injured at though their distribution has been altered
the Russian front. He suffered a bullet wound slightly, and the cutting and thrusting wea
to the head and was stabbed in the lung with pons have been replaced by rifles and pis
a bayonet, which brought him a first-class tols. The sheet Plündernde Soldaten [Plundering
Silver Star for bravery. This seems to have Soldiers], in turn, is oriented toward Jacques
stilled his yearning for heroism: For his next Callot’s cycle of etchings Les misères et les mal-
deployment, which lasted from June to Au heurs de la guerre [The Miseries and Misfortunes of
gust of 1916, Kokoschka took shelter in the War].22 In both Callot’s Plundering of a Farm
wartime press office. Produced along the and Kokoschka’s paraphrase, a pair of men
Isonzo Front during this period were numer fighting on the ground leads into a scenario
ous landscape drawings and portraits and of robbing and pillaging soldiers. The com
depictions of soldierly life at the front and position of Soldaten, einander mit Kruzifixen be
in the rear echelons, which contain no val kämpfend [Soldiers Fighting with Crucifixes] (fig. 4),
ue judgments. After suffering shell shock in too, is suggestive of a hitherto unidentified
the wake of a grenade attack, he returned to historical prototype in which soldiers con
Vienna in mid-August, 1916, and then went to front one another with medieval weapons.
Berlin in September in order to see Her Of course, the content of that image has
warth Walden. There, remarkably, he execut been altered in an almost surrealistic man
ed a series of lithographs to illustrate the ner: Now, the antagonists attack one anoth
fig. 5 Michael Wolgemut
Dance of the Skeletons, 1493 (Folio Passion narrative, which may be interpreted er with the crucifixes of the title. In summa
264 recto from: Hartmann Schedel, as analogous to his own sufferings in a way ry, we can say that in his retrospect of the
Liber chronicarum. Opus de tem- that is reminiscent of Carry Hauser’s above- war, Kokoschka oriented himself toward his
poribus mundi, Nuremberg 1493)
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett mentioned depiction of the “deposition from torical images of conflict in order to distill
the cross.”20 Finally, to avoid being sent his own experiences into a universally valid,
back to the front, he committed himself in timeless form.
December of 1916 to the Dresden Sanato It is not known why the portfolio of war
rium, where physicians familiar with his case images for which these almost Dadaistic
were able to prevent his redeployment. Pro drawings were produced was never ultima
tely realized. It seems likely, however, that ings entitled Der Krieg [The War], he was in
Kokoschka—not unlike Pechstein—turned tensively preoccupied with the works of old
his attention away from processing the war masters such as Goya and Callot, and that
and toward new tasks, toward the renewal he incorporated stylistic and in part themat
of the culture that had been so devastated ic material from them into his own work. Al
by the conflict. If the portfolio had actually so identifiable are motifs drawn from photo
been published, it might have prevented the graphs (Transplantation [Skin Graft]) (plate 124 ),
occurrence of the so-called “Kunstlump” de from his own drawings of the catacombs of
bate, in whose context the Berlin Dadaists Palermo (Tote vor der Stellung bei Tahure [Dead
reproached him for setting aesthetics above Men before the Position near Tahure] (plate 12 0 ),
the welfare of the people.23 Among these and even reminiscences of Edvard Munch’s
critics were Otto Dix, whose painting Streich The Scream (1893–1910, four versions), for ex
holzhändler [ M atch Seller], 1920, includes a ample in his Nächtliche Begegnung mit einem Irr
fragment of Kokoschka’s open letter affixed sinnigen [Nocturnal Encounter with a Lunatic]
to the curbstone, thereby explicitly position ( plate 121 ), all of which found their way into
ing himself alongside George Grosz and Dix’s magnum opus on the theme of war. A
John Heartfield, with whom he had exhibit decisive pictorial source, if one that has to
ed at the First International Dada Fair. In recent date been given insufficient attention in the
years, a wealth of literature has appeared literature, is the motif of the danse macabre
on Dix’s wartime experiences and on his that permeates the entire cycle. Dix mixes fig. 6 Otto Dix
numerous paintings, prints, and drawings together specific motifs from the history of Dance Macabre Anno 1917
of the war, which has attempted to position art, for example Michael Wolgemut’s Tanz ( Dead Man’s Hill ) (The War,
portfolio II, sheet 9), 1924
the work politically as antiwar art.24 Emerg der Gerippe [Dance of the Skeletons],1493, (fig. 5) Lindenau-Museum Altenburg
ing only recently have been attempts to em in his Totentanz anno 1917 (Höhe Toter Mann)
phasize the “point of indifference” that is pres [Dance Macabre Anno 1917 (Dead Man’s Hill)]
ent in these works, the striving for a perma (fig. 6) and Drahtverhau vor dem Kampfgraben
nently valid depiction of existential exper- [Barbed Wire in Front of the Trenches] (fig. 7), with
iences located beyond all political bias.25 old folk beliefs in the dancing and prome
The notion that Dix sought to polarize does nading dead who drag the living along with
not exclude this observation; unavoidably, them into death—a notion that was out
his depiction of war cripples ( plate 119 ), not done by reality to a grotesque degree during
unlike his self-stylization as a toughened war World War I. Death, the dead, animate skel
rior (plate 12 9 ), elicits powerful and often etons that seize the living Mahlzeit in der
highly emotional responses in viewers. But Sappe [Mealtime in the Trenches] (plate 12 5 ): All
the main goal pursued in Dix’s works on of these are ubiquitous in Dix’s cycle, which
World War I and its aftermath is the asser transports lived reality to a universal level. fig. 7 Otto Dix
tion of a definitive truth: They were meant Observable in the works of Dix and Ko Barbed Wire in Front of the Trenches
(The War, portfolio III, sheet 10), 1924
to constitute a manifesto of the painter’s koschka is the intention of adding supra Lindenau-Museum Altenburg
perspective of the world. In order to detach temporal meaning to remembered personal
this point of view from a purely subjective experiences—or perhaps of highlighting the
level, Dix had recourse—not unlike Ko- full magnitude of their meaninglessness. To
koschka—to motifs from the history of art, gether, they exemplify the attempts of an en
through which he was able to stylize his tire generation of artists to come to terms
own experiences in a way that transcends with the experiences of World War I artisti
time. Dix made no secret of the fact that be cally.
fore commencing work on his cycle of etch
1 For an initial overview of the richly Vorarlberger Landesgalerie, Bregenz), 15 Bertsch 2000 (see note 1), p. 10.
varied artistic depictions of the war, Bregenz 1993, pp. 16–21.
see Lieselotte Popelka, Vom “Hurra” 16 Alfred Weidinger / Alice Strobl,
zum Leichenfeld. Gemälde aus der 7 Popelka 1981 (see note 1), p. 58. The Oskar Kokoschka, Die Zeichnungen
Kriegsbildersammlung 1914–1918 (exh. familiarity of Egger-Lienz’s composi- und Aquarelle 1897–1916, Salzburg
cat. Heeresgeschichtliches Museum tions is due not least to their heroic 2008, p. 504.
Wien), Vienna 1981. – Christoph components and their monumentality.
17 Ill. in Karl Kraus (exh. cat. Deut-
Bertsch, Wenn es um die Freiheit geht: 8 See also Christoph Bertsch, “Bild- sches Literaturarchiv im Schiller-
Austria 1918–1938, Vienna / Munich tradition und Körpersprache. Nationalmuseum, Marbach), Marbach
2000. – Der Erste Weltkrieg und die Österreichische Bildergeschichten 1999, p. 253.
Kunst. Von der Propaganda zum Wider- der Zwischenkriegszeit als historischer
stand (exh. cat. Landesmuseum für Kommentar,” in: Christoph Bertsch/ 18 Oskar Kokoschka, Briefe I,
Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte, Olden- Markus Neuwirth, Krieg, Aufruhr, 1905–1919, Düsseldorf 1984, p. 192.
burg), Gifkendorf 2008. – Musen Revolution. Bilder zur Ersten Republik
an die Front! Schriftsteller und Künstler 19 Weidinger/Strobl 2008 (see note
in Österreich, Vienna 1995, pp. 73–127, 16), pp. 505–06.
im Dienst der k. u. k. Kriegspropaganda here pp. 104–5.
1914–1918 (exh. cat. Adalbert Stifter 20 See Joachim Storck (ed.), Rainer
Verein, Munich), Munich 2003, 2 vols. 9 See Markus Neuwirth, “Von der Maria Rilke: “Haßzellen, stark im größ-
Donaumonarchie zur Ersten Republik. ten Liebeskreise …,” Verse für Oskar
2 When not otherwise specified, bio- Bildende Kunst und Literatur Öster-
graphical data on Austrian artists has Kokoschka, Marbach 1988, p. 38.
reichs an den Schnittstellen politischer
been drawn from the following works: Umbrüche,” in: Christoph Bertsch / 21 A series of these sheets is illustra-
Österreichischer Expressionismus. Markus Neuwirth, Krieg, Aufruhr, ted in Oskar Kokoschka. Das Frühwerk
Malerei und Graphik 1905–1925 (exh. Revolution. Bilder zur Ersten Republik (1897/98–1917), Zeichnungen und
cat. Österreichische Galerie Belve- in Österreich, Vienna 1995, pp. 13–72, Aquarelle (exh. cat. Graphische Samm-
dere, Vienna), Vienna 1998, pp. 187–91. esp. pp. 21–22. lung Albertina, Vienna), Vienna 1994,
– Die Tafelrunde. Egon Schiele und pp. 219–25. – According to informa-
sein Kreis (exh. cat. Österreichische 10 See Richard Cork, A Bitter Truth. tion generously provided by Gertrud
Galerie Belvedere, Vienna), Cologne Avant-garde Art and the Great War, Held, an essay with the title Oskar
2006, pp. 216–23. – Menschenbilder. New Haven/London 1994, pp. 173–75. Kokoschka 1915–1917: Vom Kriegsmaler
Egon Schiele und seine Zeit. Meister- zum Pazifisten will be appearing in
werke aus der Sammlung Leopold 11 Corinna Höper, “‘Saatfrüchte sollen
nicht vermahlen werden’—Käthe Koll- 2014 in the framework of an exhibi-
(exh. cat. Tiroler Landesmuseum tion in the Bundeskunsthalle that will
Ferdinandeum, Innsbruck), Cologne witz,” in: Kriegszeit. Kollwitz, Beckmann,
Dix, Grosz (exh. cat. Staatsgalerie, be devoted to these works.
1998, pp. 165–76.
Stuttgart), Tübingen 2011, pp. 27–78, 22 1633, 18 etchings, Kupferstich-
3 Anton Holzer, Die Andere Front. on the war, see esp. pp. 53–68. kabinett Dresden, inv. no. A 59044 –
Fotografie und Propaganda im Ersten A 59061.
Weltkrieg, Darmstadt 2012, p. 7. – See 12 Cork 1994 (see note 10), pp. 332–33.
also: Oswald Überegger, Erinnerungs- – A self-portrait by Wacker from 1923 23 After a painting by Rubens was
kriege. Der Erste Weltkrieg, Öster- apparently alludes to precisely this damaged by gunfire in the wake of
reich und die Tiroler Kriegserinnerung portrait, albeit without making any the Kapp Putsch of 1920, Kokoschka
in der Zwischenkriegszeit, Innsbruck other pictorial references to the war. wrote an open letter condemning
2011. Here as well, however, the theme of such cultural barbarism. Grosz and
the wound may have been decisive in Heartfield then published a polemic
4 Die Tafelrunde 2006 (see note 2), terms of content. See Rudolf Wacker under the title Der Kunstlump; see
pp. 38–41. – On the war exhibition und Zeitgenossen 1993 (see note 6), Karl Riha (ed.), DADA total. Mani-
itself: Katalog der Abteilung Kunst, pp. 66–68. feste, Aktionen, Texte, Bilder, Stuttgart
Kriegsausstellung Wien 1917 (exh. cat. 1994, pp. 140–43.
Kaisergarten / K. K. Prater, Vienna), 13 Zwischen den Kriegen. Druckgraphi
Vienna 1917, and Kriegsausstellung sche Zyklen von Kollwitz, Dix, Pech- 24 For an overview, see: Otto Dix.
Wien 1917 (exh. cat. Kaisergarten/ stein, Masereel u. a. (exh. cat. Käthe- Welt und Sinnlichkeit (exh. cat. Kunst-
K. K. Prater, Vienna), Vienna 1917, Kollwitz-Museum, Berlin), Berlin 1989, forum Ostdeutsche Galerie, Regens-
pp. 103–4. pp. 43–53. burg), Regensburg 2005, p. 332.
5 Menschenbilder 1998 (see note 2), 14 Christian Lenz, “Max Beckmann. 25 See Birgit Schwarz, “‘Es lebe
p. 162. Briefe an Reinhard Piper, Berlin 1994,” (gelegentlich) die Tendenz’—Dix und
cited here from: Corinna Höper, “ ‘Zur die Dialektik der Moderne,” in: Das
6 See Rudolf Wacker und Zeitgenossen. Sache’—Max Beckmann,” in: Kriegs- Auge der Welt. Otto Dix und die Neue
Expressionismus und Neue Sachlich- zeit 2011, pp. 95–109, here p. 106. Sachlichkeit (exh. cat. Kunstmuseum
keit (exh. cat. Kunstverein, Kunsthaus, Stuttgart), Ostfildern 2012, pp. 62–71.
Stephanie Auer thologizing form, Otto Dix unsparingly con-

fronts the viewer with a sexual murderer
Soul Rippers and Ripper who can be found in the midst of society un-
der the guise of someone assimilated into a
Murder. Murders of Women bourgeois identity. By means of its shocking
content, the theme of Lustmord becomes a
in the Works of Kokoschka tool for causing the bourgeois conception of
self to totter.
and Dix
The Age of the Sexual Murderer
“A Jack the Ripper who wouldn’t think twice
about ripping the next best guy open, As a term coined in the late nineteenth centu-
someone who would be capable of gulping ry, a lexical entry for the word Lustmord can
down a bloody, raw piece of flesh from first be found in 1885 in the Grimm brothers’
his hand. To see him then, with his bony Deutsches Wörterbuch. There it is defined as
fists on seemingly overlong arms, with his “mord aus wollust, nach vollbrachter notzucht”
shaven nape, you could really believe that [“murder out of lust, after completed rape”],
you were faced with a criminal who had just and it is noted that “it is a word that has aris-
run away from the executioner’s block.” 1 en only recently.”3 This way of understand-
ing a murder as attributable to the inner con-
These were the words used by Oskar Ko- dition of a sexually pathological criminal had
koschka’s first biographer, Paul Westheim, to not existed previously. It was first the series
describe the young artist in 1918. The bizarre of homicides by Jack the Ripper, the London
identification of the painter with a criminal murderer of prostitutes who was never cap-
does not represent some singular manifesta- tured and thus rose to the status of a legend,
tion of the author’s flowery imagination. In- that is considered the beginning of the age
deed, it exemplifies a discourse in literature, of sexual crimes. With reference to Jack the
jurisprudence, and criminology that at the Ripper, the German expression “Schlitzer-
time postulated a “similarity in character” be- Morde” [“ripper homicides”] was coined for
tween artists and criminals. As opponents of this form of crime, defined in the Bilder-
the social order, both were stylized into exis- Lexikon der Sexualwissenschaft [Illustrated
tential outsiders and bourgeois rebels. They Lexicon of Sexuality] of the Wiener Institut für
were considered symbols of an uncompromis- Sexualforschung in 1930 as follows: “Ripper,
ing and destructive brilliance, wherein the a type of sexual murderer, named after the
artists differed from the criminals only through notorious Jack the Ripper, a mysterious fig-
their capacity to artistically sublimate their ure who never fell into the hands of penal
pulsional desires. This enabled the artists to justice.”4 Jack the Ripper had become the
repress their violence and channel it into a prototype of the sexual murderer, who not
culturally acceptable form. The attribution only inspired several real crimes, but also
of a similarity in character between artists exerted a great fascination upon both artists
and criminals took place not only externally and literati around the turn of the century
but also through self-identification. A vast and in the 1920 s. fig. 1 Oskar Kokoschka
amount of visual evidence attests to this iden- with shaven skull, 1909
Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien,
tification of the artist with the criminal and Kokoschka as Jack the Ripper Oskar Kokoschka-Zentrum
an intensive engagement with the theme of

Lustmord, or sexually charged murder.2 Although Kokoschka’s play Murderer, Hope
Whereas Oskar Kokoschka’s early Expres- of Women climaxes in a sexual murder and
sionist play Mörder, Hoffnung der Frauen [Mur- takes up the subject matter of a woman’s mur-
derer, Hope of Women] and the accompany- der for one of the play’s illustrations, it was
ing illustrations still approach the theme of not the interest in this crime that induced
the murder of a woman — despite the radical Paul Westheim to use a direct comparison
visual language — in a sublimated and my- with Jack the Ripper in his characterization
Ste ph a n i e A u e r 182
of the artist. Rather, it was the artist’s se- physical and the psychological. Even schol-
ries of portraits created within a period of a ars with approaches as contrary as those of
few years that inspired the author to seize Ernst Mach and Otto Weininger saw eye to
upon the metaphor. These were considered eye on this point. They were convinced of the
Kokoschka’s most important contribution “complete parallelism of the psychic and phys-
not only to Austrian Expressionism, but Ex- ical” (Mach)10 and demanded that mental
pressionism in general. phenomena be investigated in a manner anal-
Because Kokoschka’s portraits met with a ogous to the relationship of “anatomy to phys-
fair amount of disapproval due to their com- iology” (Weininger).11
plete negation of the sitter’s need for social Analogous to Jack the Ripper, on a phan-
representation, Adolf Loos — “by promising tasmagoric level Kokoschka became a “ripper
to acquire them himself should the patron of souls,” “painting the hand and head” with
have a different view”5 — enabled the young a “kind of horrible psychotomy that could
fig. 2 Oskar Kokoschka painter to free himself from the narrow con- be compared to vivisection” and “laying bare
Murderer, The Hope of Women I, 1910 ventions of this pictorial genre and to develop the spiritual skeleton of the person portrayed
his expressive style of portraiture. In his lec- by him.”12
ture “Vom Bewusstsein der Gesichte” [“The
Consciousness of Visions”], Kokoschka pro- “Sie hatten mich dazu abgstempelt,
vides information about the aims and ap- so war ich’s halt”13
proach of his portrait painting. He alleges [“They characterized me in this way,
that the “state of the soul” can be recognized so I played it for them”]
in the face, and in his portrait of a person, he
said, he attempted to record this condition, Despite the fateful encounter with Adolf
which could never be deciphered completely.6 Loos, Kokoschka felt isolated in Vienna with
Kokoschka’s “Seelenmalerei,” or “soul paint- his artistic work. On the assumption that his
ing”, as the artist and his contemporaries un- work would encounter a more understanding
derstood it, could be seen not only in the public in Berlin, Loos commended the paint-
physiognomy of the person, but above all in er as early as October of 1909 to Herwarth
the view of the sitter’s hands and gestures, Walden, one of the most important propa-
which became central bearers of expression.7 gandists of avant-garde painting of the time
fig. 3 Oskar Kokoschka From the beginning it was the psycholo- and the later publisher of Der Sturm.
Murderer, The Hope of Women II, 1910 gizing aspect of Kokoschka’s early portraits In a poster designed for Der Sturm in 1910
that was central to their reception. Already (plate 116 ), Kokoschka works up the rejection
Paul Westheim had noted “how he [Koko- he experienced into a visually stunning tes-
schka] lays bare the spiritual physiognomy timony. The self-portrait shows the artist
of his models. It is a virtual x-ray vision with with a shaved skull, as he provocatively ap-
which the inner person is seen through.”8 peared following the devastating critiques of
For Henry Schvey, Kokoschka’s portraits are his work at the Kunstschau (fig. 1). Branded
“painted with the scalpel, an attempt to lib- a criminal and degenerate by the hostile press,
erate the self in the interior from the burden he paraded his shaven head like the stigma
of the fleshly surface … a tearing away of the of the social outcast and turned the provo-
surface of the individual in order to reveal cation directed against him into its opposite.
the pure psyche beneath.”9 In drawing upon the passion of Christ by
Although Kokoschka’s portraits are fre- pointing to a wound on his breast, Kokosch-
quently cited as evidence of his visionary ka transforms himself from the accused to
abilities, it was undoubtedly for a different the accuser — and the poster into a “reproach
reason that the artist was able to convince against the Viennese.”14 By combining Chris-
his critics that the dissection of the bodily tian iconography with the shaven head of
hull was capable of conveying psychological the criminal, Kokoschka unites the “mutu-
fig. 4 Oskar Kokoschka insights. In the nineteenth and twentieth ally contradictory signs of divinity and crim-
Murderer, The Hope of Women III,
1910 centuries there was already an animated di- inality into a single portrait: the artist as
Cover of Der Sturm, year I, no. 20, 7.14.1910 alogue about the mutual influencing of the Christ and the artist as criminal have be-
come one.”15 In him, the creative power and expressed her sexual superiority, and kills
the destructive brilliance of this dualistic her. The meaning of this lethal force of at-
image pair are joined in a personal union. traction between the sexes was expressed
by Kokoschka in an interview about his first
Murder as Redemption: dramatic work: “It was exactly what I im-
Murderer, Hope of Women agined about women when I was young. … I
am stronger! I will not be devoured by her.”19
“A tempest such as the one that broke out in This identification on the part of the artist
the open-air theater of the Kunstschau [dur- with the male protagonist of Murderer, Hope
ing the premiere of Murderer, Hope of Wom- of Women can also undoubtedly be seen in
en]”16 was probably seen again only upon the comparison with a Self-Portrait executed on
publication of Kokoschka’s play and the ac- January 26, 1912 (fig. 6). By means of his car-
companying illustrations in Der Sturm, which nal desire, Kokoschka as “man” is symboli-
aroused great interest among the artists of cally bound to the “woman,” who draws her
the German avant-garde. Oskar Schlemmer, superiority from her powers of sexual attrac-
who was in Berlin in 1910, describes the ap- tion. Only by murdering the woman and thus
pearance of new drawings by Kokoschka robbing her of her corporeality does the man
“with each longingly awaited number” like a recover his spiritual powers and find redemp-
“tremor in the building of modern art. It is tion. But it is not only the man who is liber- fig. 5 Oskar Kokoschka
not possible to imagine these ‘sensations’ in ated by the murder of the woman. The “hope” Murdered Woman, 1909
our circle dramatically enough.”17 of the woman, as well, lies in meeting her The Los Angeles County Museum of Art, The Robert
Gore Rifkind Center for German Expressionist Studies
Executed in pen, the drawings are reduced murderer and finding spiritual redemption
to the storyline between man and woman and through the loss of her corporeality. As was
follow the play in its basic features. While on already true of Kokoschka’s self-portrait as
the first sheet (fig. 2) the knife in the man’s the suffering Christ, the duality between
right hand, his holding tightly to the woman, criminal and redeemer becomes a determin-
and the dog between the legs as reference to ing element.
the man’s bloodlust merely hint at the immi-
nent death of the woman, in the second im- From Creature to
age the still living woman sinks down upon Cold-Blooded Killer
the man’s body (fig. 3). The drama reaches its
climax in the artistically most important In terms of typology and aesthetic realization,
scene of the murder of the woman, which if one compares Kokoschka’s representation
adorned the July 14, 1910, cover of Der Sturm of the murder of a woman and Otto Dix’s
and represents the woman’s death, which has treatment of the subject of Lustmord in the
already occurred (fig. 4). It must have been the early 1920 s, a transformation can be noted
first work produced in the series and was from the libidinously vitalist murderer of
prepared by a drawing colored in watercolors Expressionism to the cold-blooded killer of
of the murder of a woman executed in the New Objectivity.20
summer semester of 1909 (fig. 5).18 At the end of Kokoschka’s dramatic poem,
In his play Murderer, Hope of Women and the “man” descends into a proper murderous
its accompanying illustrations, Kokoschka frenzy, to which not only the “woman” falls
approaches the theme of the murder of a prey, but also the girls and warriors present,
woman in a mythologizing form. The two whom he slays “like gnats.” In his destruc- Self-Portrait, 1912
nameless protagonists of the piece stand ar- tive ecstatic rage he resembles an unbound Private collection
chetypically for “man” and “woman” and are creature who becomes a sexual murderer in
raised to the status of bearers of a collectively the course of an uncontrollable paroxysm of
understood portrayal of the eternal conflict sexual lust and can thus be seen as the pro-
between the sexes. At each other’s mercy in totype of the Expressionist murderer.
reciprocal desire and simultaneous fear, at Otto Dix, too, shows the elegantly dressed
the end of the play, the “man” places him- knife-wielding murderer in his 1920 painting
self above the “woman,” who had initially Lustmörder (Selbstbildnis) [The Sex Murderer
Ste ph a n i e A u e r 184
(Self-Portrait)] in a moment of seemingly gro- can no longer be seen, but solely its conse-
tesque ecstatic frenzy, surrounded by hacked- quences, which Dix records in minute de-
up pieces of a woman’s corpse flying through tail, apparently drawing upon photographs
the air (fig. 7). Both Kokoschka and Dix un- of crime scenes. Unsparingly, he shows the
derscore the orgiastic slaughter through twisted, realistically depicted corpse of a
formal means: Kokoschka visualizes the el- woman lying upon a bed in a nondescript
emental force and energy of the scene by room, the lower body ripped open and its
means of a network of jagged lines woven viscera oozing out. Devoid of any individual
together and Dix uses the severed body features, she can be identified as a prosti-
parts placed arbitrarily throughout the tute by the typical clothing of stockings and
room to energize the representation. Both boots. Only the state of the body and the
images show the artists’ identification with traces left in the room indicate that the
fig. 7 Otto Dix the murderer on two levels. Not only do crime must have involved the eruption of a
The Sex Murderer (Self-Portrait), 1920 they stylize their works into self-portraits, primordial desire, which — in contrast to the
Whereabouts unknown
but they also show their solidarity with the brilliant artist—is unknown to the normal
criminal through their signatures: Koko- man, alienated from his vitalist roots.21
schka places his monogram on the upper In contrast to Oskar Kokoschka’s killing,
arm of the man and Dix places a print of his which is carried out by a libidinous berserker
hand upon the hip of the woman’s torso. in some distant “ancient time”22 under the
Whereas Dix’s self-portrait as sex mur- guise of the eternal battle of the sexes, Otto
derer still resembles a Dionysian slaughter Dix brings the crime into a back room of the
in which the event of the crime is at the fore- Weimar Republic. He confronts the viewer
ground, his 1922 painting Lustmord [Sex with the stark possibility that an eruption of
Murder] (fig. 8) already displays the perspec- this kind of elemental desire, repressed by
tive of New Objectivity. The superficial bourgeois civilization, could also take place
provocation and the grotesquely abstracted within himself. The sex murderer becomes
elements recede into the background. The an everyman behind whose facade the abyss-
explosion of the most elemental kind of lust es of civilization lie in wait.
1 Paul Westheim, Oskar Kokoschka. 4 Institut für Sexualforschung, 9 Henry Schvey, Oskar Kokoschka.
Das Werk des Malers in 62 Abbil- Bilder-Lexikon der Sexualwissenschaft, The Painter as Playwright, Detroit
dungen, Postdam/Berlin 1918, p. 34. Hamburg 1920 (reprint 1961), p. 68. 1982, pp. 27 – 28.
fig. 8 Otto Dix 2 On this topic see Hanis Siebenp- 5 Neue Freie Presse, 9.9.1928, as 10 As quoted by Claude Cernuschi,
Sex Murder, 1922 feiffer, “Böse Lust”. Gewaltverbrechen quoted in Werner J. Schweiger, Der “Anatomisches Sezieren und religiöse
Whereabouts unknown in Diskursen der Weimarer Republik, junge Kokoschka. Leben und Werk Identifikation. Eine Wittgenstein-
Cologne/Weimar/Vienna 2005, pp. 1904 – 1914 (Schriftenreihe der Oskar sche Antwort auf Oskar Kokoschkas
85 – 91. Additional detailed treat- Kokoschka Dokumentation Pöchlarn, Alternativparadigmen zur Wahrheit
ments of the theme can be found in: vol. 1), Vienna/Munich 1983, p. 117. in seinen vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg
Maria Tatar, Lustmord: Sexual Murder entstandenen Selbstporträts,”
in Weimar Germany, Princeton 1995; 6 See Oskar Kokoschka, “Vom Be- in: Natter 2002 (see note 7), p. 44.
Kathrin Hoffmann-Curtius, “‘Wenn wusstsein der Gesichte” (01. 06. 1912
Blicke töten könnten.’ Oder: Der at the Vienna Ingenieur- und Archi- 11 As quoted by Cernuschi 2002
Künstler als Lustmörder,” in: Ines Lind- tekten-Verein [Engineers and Archi- (see note 10), p. 44.
ner, Sigrid Schade, Silke Wenk, and tects Society), in: Heinz Spielmann
(ed.), Oskar Kokoschka, Aufsätze, 12 Albert Ehrenstein, Menschen und
Gabriele Werner (eds.), Blick-Wechsel. Affen, Berlin 1925, p. 112.
Konstruktionen von Männlichkeit Vorträge, Essays zur Kunst, Hamburg
und Weiblichkeit in Kunst und Kunst- 1975, pp. 9 – 12. 13 Oskar Kokoschka, “Mit seinen
geschichte, Berlin 1989, pp. 369 – 93; 7 On this see Patrick Werkner, “Gestik Koko-Strahlen,” in: Der Spiegel, issue
Beth Irwin Lewis, “Lustmord: Inside in den frühen Bildnissen Oskar Ko- 31, 1951, p. 32.
the Windows of the Metropolis,” in: koschkas,” in: Tobias G. Natter (ed.),
Katharina von Ankum (ed.), Women 14 Ibid., pp. 114–15.
Oskar Kokoschka. Das moderne Bild-
in the Metropolis: Gender and Moder- nis 1909 bis 1914 (exh. cat. Neue Gale- 15 Cernuschi 2002 (see note 10),
nity in Weimar Culture, Berkeley 1997, rie, New York, Hamburger Kunsthalle), p. 45.
pp. 202 – 32. Cologne 2002, pp. 30 – 35.
16 Kokoschka 1971 (see note 13),
3 As quoted in Siebenpfeiffer 2005 8 Westheim 1918 (see note 1), p. 22. pp. 65–66.
(see note 2), p. 186.
17 As quoted by Richard Calvocor- Österreichische Ludwig-Stiftung für 1892 und 1932,” in: Joachim Linder
esse (ed.), Oskar Kokoschka 1886 – Kunst und Wissenschaft/Verein and Claus-Michael Ort (eds.), Ver-
1980, (exh. cat. Tate Gallery, London, Freunde der Hochschule für ange- brechen – Justiz – Medien. Konstella-
Kunsthaus Zürich, Guggenheim Mu- wandte Kunst in Wien (eds.), Oskar tionen in Deutschland von 1900
seum, New York), Zurich 1986, p. 338. Kokoschka. Symposion abgehalten bis zur Gegenwart, Tübingen 1999,
von der Hochschule für angewandte pp. 273 – 305. On Otto Dix’s treatment
18 Alice Strobl and Alfreid Weidinger, Kunst in Wien vom 3. bis 7. März 1986 of the theme of Lustmord see also
“Oskar Kokoschka, ‘Mörder, Hoffnung anläßlich des 100. Geburtstages Olaf Peters, “Painting, A Medium of
der Frauen’ oder ‘Der Todhaß der des Künstlers, Salzburg/Vienna 1986, Cool Execution. Otto Dix and Lust-
Geschlechter’,” in: Achim Gnann and p. 104. mord,” in: Olaf Peters (ed.), Otto Dix
Heinz Widauer (eds.), Festschrift (exh. cat. Neue Galerie, New York,
für Konrad Oberhuber, Milan 2000, 20 See Siebenpfeiffer 2005 Museé des Beaux-Arts, Montréal),
p. 406. (see note 2), pp. 196 – 97. Munich/Berlin/London/New York
19 Henry I. Schvey, “Mit dem Auge 21 On this see Martin Lindner, “Der 2010, pp. 93 – 107.
des Dramatikers: Das Visuelle Drama Mythos ‘Lustmord’. Serienmörder 22 This was Kokoschka’s stage
bei Oskar Kokoschka,” in: Hoch- in der deutschen Literatur, dem Film direction at the beginning of the play.
schule für Angewandte Kunst in Wien/ und der bildenden Kunst zwischen
186
Jo h a n n e s Waßmer ists in contact with one another, including

the poet Else Lasker-Schüler and Oskar Ko
A “Young Priestly Figure,” a koschka, who was living in Vienna at the time.
The protagonists of Der Sturm and Die Fa-
“Dalai Lama,” and a “Lotus Soul ckel appeared together publicly for the first
time at the Berlin art salon of Paul Cassirer,
among the Gorillas”: The Early where something unusual took place on three
evenings in January of 1910: A “small gentle
Expressionist Magazines and
man with shaven head who looked very good-
their Protagonists from Vienna naturedly and harmlessly into the audience
through his gold glasses”2 recited from his
and Berlin writings, and read aphorisms and essays. The
event was arranged by the Verein für Kunst
[Society for Art], which had been organiz
The Counter-Public around 1910 ing lecture evenings with writers and artists
since 1904. On these three evenings in Jan
Particularly in the early phase of Expression uary 1910, the speaker expressed the emerg
ism in Berlin around 1910, young writers ing socially critical mood in Berlin’s Bohe
and art theorists, but also many modernist mian world in unusually powerful language.
artists, created their own new publication One reviewer commented that he took “an
platforms and established a “counter-public.”1 almost horrible pleasure in the certainty
In 1910 Kurt Hiller founded his Neopathe with which a master of the literary blow dealt
tisches Cabaret and a year later the Cabaret wound upon wound to everything philistine,
Gnu; in Vienna the Akademischer Verband to the prevailing morality, religion, the sex
für Literatur und Musik was born; and in ual lie, and the artistic movements he did
other cities as well young poets and authors not agree with.”3 This “visionary,”4 however,
attracted attention in public readings and lived not in Berlin, but had traveled to his
evenings with authors. At the same time, new lectures after some hesitation from Vienna.
magazines arose in association with the art The lecturer was Karl Kraus, speaking before
ists’ circle and sought to be seen as the so the broader public for the first time on the
cially critical mouthpieces of the new gen invitation of Herwarth Walden, the Berlin
eration of artists—first and foremost the two cultural artist and founder of the Verein für
Berlin magazines Der Sturm (1910–1932) by Kunst.5
Herwarth Walden and Die Aktion (1911–1932) The two had become personally acquaint
by Franz Pfemfert, whose publishing model ed scarcely six months before these “Berlin
was Die Fackel (1899–1936) by Karl Kraus, literary evenings”—probably through their
which had already been in circulation in Vi common contact to the Viennese writer Peter
enna for over a decade. All three publishers Altenberg.6 An intense exchange soon grew
supported artists from their milieu whose up, which found its first highpoints at the
work they valued and whom they knew per beginning of 1910 in Kraus’ Berlin visit and
sonally, and in addition to theoretical essays the first issue of Der Sturm on March 3 and
and literary works, they also printed wood which linked the environment of the Vienna
cuts and drawings. Fackel with that of the Berlin Sturm.
Within a very short time, an intensive ar
tistic exchange between Vienna and Berlin Der Sturm and Die Fackel: A Berlin
grew up within these circles. Der Sturm, above Publisher and Vienna’s “Pope among
all, could not have been realized without the Critics”
the participation of Austrian collaborators;
nor was it possible to imagine the Vienna- By reprinting his own Fackel articles and in
Berlin axis at the time without the magazine. terceding for artists he supported, Kraus in
Walden and Kraus in particular were in close itially exerted enormous influence over Der
and friendly contact and helped to put art Sturm.7 Consequently, countless letters and
telegrams were sent back and forth between the “Futurist Manifesto” 12—published in
Berlin and Vienna from 1909 to 1912: The Der Sturm in 1912—did not meet with un
two publishers gave each other advice on mixed approval: for example, in his essay
legal questions, discussed publishing strate “Futuristische Worttechnik,” Alfred Döblin
gies, exchanged addresses of artists, com expressed criticism of how, although Futur
mented on events in the culture industry of ism originally represented an “act of libera
the time, opened up their pages to the artis tion,” with his word art Marinetti was engag
tic milieu of the other, provided for the dis ing in “the breeding of epigones” and “aes
tribution of issues of Die Fackel in Berlin and theticism”;13 and Kraus even saw the “Futurist
Der Sturm in Vienna, and reciprocally spon Manifesto” as “the protest of a rabid intel
sored each other. Their mutual praise took lectual poverty.”14 The interaction between
on almost eulogistic tones: Kraus printed the art-theory debates and the art and liter
the extremely positive essay “Herwarth Wal ature published in the early Expressionist
dens Musik” 8 by Samuel Friedländer, who magazines contributed decisively to the
himself wrote for Der Sturm under the pseu popularization of Expressionist ideas of art.
donym “Mynona,” and Herwarth Walden Initially this Expressionist art program
called Kraus the “greatest writer in the Ger could not be conceived of without social
man language.”9 While Kraus hoped for a criticism. The Austrian Robert Scheu, an es
broader distribution of his paper in Germany sayist and author, declared in an article in
through his connection to Walden, and to one of the early issues of Der Sturm: “Culture
this end set up a Berlin office of Die Fackel, cannot be allowed to sleep, it cannot be al
managed by Walden, Walden found in Kraus lowed to rest upon past achievements; it
a mentor for his publishing endeavors. Kraus has the duty of constantly reconfirming its
helped with financial difficulties and medi productive powers over and against the con
ated contacts to various (Austrian) artists. servative worldview.”15 In this sense the
Both mounted opposition—as did Franz contributors to Der Sturm—and first and fore
Pfemfert in his Aktion—to bourgeois and most Herwarth Walden himself—rejected
conservative ideas of art, from which they previously established concepts of art and
sharply distanced themselves. The declara subsumed anything Non-naturalistic, Anti-
tion “Zwei Worte” [Two Words] that pref impressionistic, Cubist, or Futurist under the
aced the first issue of Der Sturm by Walden title of Expressionism: “In the art of poetry
and Kraus10 exemplarily documents both its the turning away from Naturalism, in the
critical position and its own concept of art, commercial and architectural arts the con
which initially remained relatively vague and struction of a great law of the simple and
became more precisely defined only with organic, can be considered to have succeed
time, and over which the paths of Kraus and ed. The painting of Expressionism falls into
Walden would eventually diverge: their system with similar aspirations…”16
“For the fourth time we are bringing out a
new magazine. Three times attempts were The Contacts among Artists
made to obstruct our activities by means of
gross breaches of contract, activities that Aside from German authors such as Else
were found embarrassing by the manytoo Lasker-Schüler and Alfred Döblin, it is Aus
many. We have resolved to be our own pub trian writers in particular who are represent
lisher. For we are still fortunate enough to ed in the early phase of Der Sturm, with Al
be able to believe that culture and art can bert Ehrenstein, Otto Soyka, Robert Scheu,
once again step forward in place of journal and Otto Stoessl, for example. There were
ism and the ‘literary journalese’ of the feuil various reasons for this: Due to the long pe
letons.” 11 riod of Die Fackel’s existence, Karl Kraus had
In Der Sturm, “culture and the arts” were at his disposal a variety of personal contacts
subsequently grounded in theory, and in to artists. In addition, he had been writing
the essays the artistic objectives of the Bo Die Fackel almost exclusively by himself since
hemian circle were discussed critically. Even 1911, so that, on the one hand, he no longer
Johan n e s Wa ßme r 188
engaged in the acquisition of authors and, not yet. Please explain that to her.”21 But
on the other hand, he put former authors the contact did not break off. Kraus acquired
into contact with Herwarth Walden, who books by Lasker-Schüler, read her poetry
needed aesthetically high quality and at the at evenings of the Akademischer Verband
same time culturally critical essays for his für Literatur und Musik, and used the pro
newly founded magazine, which appeared ceeds to support the poet, who was in finan
weekly. In the first year of Der Sturm, Walden cial hardship. In January of 1913 he even or
for his part seems to have happily adopted ganized an appeal for donations to Lasker-
the suggestions of his Viennese role model Schüler, which was signed as well by Selma
for contributors. Lagerlöf, Richard Dehmel, Arnold Schön
As a consequence, artists from Berlin and berg, and Adolf Loos.22 After the end of her
Vienna became personally acquainted with marriage to Herwarth Walden, the poet pub
one another and with each other’s art, ex lished works not only in Franz Pfemfert’s
changed ideas, forged friendships, and pen- Die Aktion, but also in Austria in Ludwig von
ned reciprocal reviews and appraisals. Along Ficker’s Der Brenner. Else Lasker-Schüler thus
side Karl Kraus, among the most important maintained a presence in Vienna and even
participants from Austria—also in the con Austria far beyond the phase of close collab
text of this essay—were the “lotus soul oration between Walden and Kraus and her
among the gorillas,” the “stalwart … philos marriage to Walden.
opher”17 Adolf Loos and the “young priestly She was deeply fascinated by the Viennese
figure” Oskar Kokoschka. Else Lasker-Schü artists: She devoted an essay to the young
ler, one of the central poets of Berlin mod Oskar Kokoschka on the occasion of his first
ernism and still married to Walden at the solo exhibition in June of 1910 at Paul Cas
time,18 described the “Dalai Lama” Karl sirer’s gallery23 and among other works re
Kraus in an essay: flected upon his portraits of Karl Kraus and
“Karl Kraus is a pope. His righteousness Adolf Loos:24
causes the salon to freeze over, and strikes “The ribbing of the man’s hand in contrast
society with a plague of disinclination. I to the image of the woman is a timeless sheet,
love Karl Kraus. … He blows over the towers his massive flower is the head of the Dalai
of air and obstructs the high-speed bishops, Lama. I also recognize the well-known archi
yielding the advantage to the queens with a tect from Vienna, by the hearkening of his
winning smile. He knows the black and white evil gorilla’s pupils and his incredible ape
figures from the past and into the future. like speed, a dance without music. … There
With calm papal hand he closes the chess is a beam of radiance on all of Kokoschka’s
board that nails the world together.”19 images. … Oskar Kokoschka’s painting is a
Kraus returned the favor and expressed young priest’s figure, his blue-filled eyes
his enthusiasm for her poetic art, for exam heavenward and hesitant and disdainful.”25
ple her poem “Ein alter Tibetteppich” [“An Exceptionally, the still unknown Austrian
Old Tibetan Rug”], which he reprinted: “For Kokoschka came into contact with the Berlin
me the … poem is one of the most enchant circle of Der Sturm not through Karl Kraus,
ing and moving I have ever read and there but through the latter’s Viennese milieu. Ko
is little, from Goethe downwards, in which koschka also stumbled across the Vienna
sense and sound, word and image, language circle around Kraus in 1909, as well as the
and soul are as interwoven as in this Tibet scandal architect Adolf Loos, who became
an rug.”20 an early supporter, and shared their cultur
Already in the fall of 1909, shortly after ally critical stance. Loos himself was seek
the collaboration between Kraus and Wal ing out a dialogue with Berlin “modernism.”
den began, Die Fackel presented a number In March 1910 he held his famous lecture
of Lasker-Schüler’s poems. Kraus later re “Ornament und Verbrechen“ [Ornament and
jected the request to print more and in a Crime] in Berlin and made efforts to hold a
letter to Walden declared, “The Fackel has lecture in the Verein für Kunst.26 Loos and
nothing more to prove to E.L.-Sch. At least Walden had previously become acquainted
during the latter’s journey to Vienna in the Scheu, Otto Stoessl, Albert Ehrenstein, and
summer of 1909. Loos swiftly gained access Otto Soyka—left the magazine. Although
to the group around Walden, and thus Else they were involved with the initial kindling
Lasker-Schüler described him as the “lotus of the magazine and of Berlin Expressionism,
soul among the gorillas” and dedicated the they are represented by less than ten con
first edition of her novel in letter form, Mein tributions in Der Sturm. Their participation
Herz [My Heart], to him “adoringly.” Through ended just as the magazine became estab
the personal connection, Loos put the still lished and collaboration between Kraus and
unknown Kokoschka in contact with Wal Walden broke down. At the latest with Ko
den. Kokoschka quickly established contacts koschka’s departure in 1916, the Vienna-Ber
not only in Vienna, where the first extensive lin axis in the milieu of the Sturm had run its
review of his works appeared in Die Fackel course.
in the spring of 1910—“Oskar Kokoschka. And yet over sixty years later, Oskar Ko
Ein Gespräch” [A Conversation with Oskar koschka recalled a promotional trip to the
Kokoschka] by Ludwig Erik Tesar27—but Rheinland for the Sturm:
also in Berlin to Der Sturm circle. Although “We must have looked somewhat strange
Kokoschka swore about his stay in Berlin in in our getup, like a circus troupe. Else Las
1910 “my entire life is a hell,”28 he was Der ker-Schüler as the prince of Thebes in har
Sturm’s most important illustrator until the em pants and turban, with long black hair
end of 1916, and remained on staff until and a cigarette in a long holder; Walden no
World War I. His influence on Berlin’s Bohe less Bohemian than his wife, peering around
mian circle can scarcely be overestimated. sharp-sightedly through thick-lensed glasses,
He was vehemently defended against the os with a pointed bird’s head, large hooked
tensible or actual plagiarist Max Oppen nose and long yellow hair, in a worn frock
heimer, was given his own exhibitions, at coat, the inevitable stand-up collar, and his
times became the subject of conflicts be yellow pointed-toe shoes. I believe I was just
tween Kraus and Walden, and continued to as comically and elegantly attired, still ac
have his drawings on the cover of new is coutred by the imperial tailor in Vienna.
sues of Der Sturm.29 This is how we trekked through the streets
of Bonn and naturally were laughed at and
The Precipitous End and the Remini- mocked by the converging passersby, cheer
scence of the “Circus Troupe” ed by the children, and smacked by the an
gry students.”31
Aside from the undoubtedly singular excep The recollection makes clear just how
tions, in many cases the collaboration of the much the “modernists” of the cities Vienna
persons involved was over much more quick and Berlin around 1910 shared an attitude
ly than it had begun. Karl Kraus published towards life and friendship, over and above
less than a dozen articles in Der Sturm be any theory. In confronting the social norms
fore distancing himself from Walden in 1912 of the long nineteenth century, they placed
as a result of personal and publishing differ new standards upon themselves and the
ences: He found the “intrusion of the Fackel world, sought possibilities for individual and
into Berlin’s literary interests … embarrass collective expression, and found their own
ing.”30 Along with Kraus, the colleagues “expressionist” will to do art, which they self-
from Vienna or Austria for whom he had confidently represented in the publication
served as a contact person—such as Robert organs.
Johan n e s Wa ßme r 190
1 The term “counter-public” was coin- 9 Herwarth Walden, “Notiz,” Der “‘Karl
Kraus, der Dalai Lama von Wien’.
ed by Peter Sprengel, Literatur im Sturm, year 3, no. 115/116, June 1912, Genese und Poetologie eines Kunst-
Kaiserreich. Studien zur Moderne, Ber- p. 86. See also, by way of example, namens bei Else Lasker-Schüler,”
lin 1993, see pp. 147–232. Walden’s open letter “Die Fackel. in: Lothar Bluhm and Andreas Meier
An Karl Kraus”, Der Sturm, year I, (eds.), Else-Lasker-Schüler-Jahrbuch
2 Karl Kraus, “Berliner Leseabende. no. 7, 4.14.1910, p. 53. zur Klassischen Moderne, Trier 2003,
Das ‘Berliner Tageblatt’,” in: Die Fackel, pp. 86–101.
year 11, no. 294/295, 2.04.1910, p. 28. 10 Kraus edited Walden’s declaration
about the opening of the magazine, 20 Die Fackel, year XII, no. 313/314,
3 Ibid. even down to the wording. See Avery 12.31.1910, p. 36.
4 Ibid. 2002 (see note 6), p. 168.
21 Avery 2002 (see note 6), p. 330.
5 For the starting point of the colla- 11 The editorial staff of the weekly
magazine Der Sturm, “Zwei Worte” in: 22 See Die Fackel, year 14, no.
boration of Kraus and Walden as well 366/367, 1.11.1913, inside back cover.
as with the Verein für Kunst see Fried- Der Sturm, year I, no. 1, 3.03.1910, p. 1.
rich Pfäfflin, “Herwarth Walden und 12 Umberto Boccioni, Carlo D. Carra, 23 The exhibition opened on June 21,
Oskar Kokoschka. Die Anfänge im Luigi Russolo, Giacomo Balla, and 1910.
Kunstsalon Paul Cassirer – 1910,” in: Gino Severini, “Manifest des Futuris-
Rahel E. Feilchenfeld and Thomas 24 Drawings of Adolf Loos and Karl
mus,” in: Der Sturm, year II, no. 103, Kraus from Kokoschka’s series Men-
Raff (eds.), Ein Fest der Künste. Paul March 1912, pp. 822–24.
Cassirer: Der Kunsthändler als Verleger, schenköpfe [Heads of People] were
Munich 2006, pp. 165–176. – Sprengel 13 Alfred Döblin, “Futuristische Wort- printed in the Sturm: Der Sturm, year I,
1993 (see note 1) pp. 174–208, especi- technik. Offener Brief an F. T. Mari- no. 12, 5.19.1910, p. 91 (Kraus);
ally pp. 160–65. netti,” in: Der Sturm, year III, no. 150/ Der Sturm, year I, no. 18, 6.30.1910,
151, March 1913, pp. 280, 282. p. 141 (Loos).
6 See the afterword by George C. Ave-
ry in Feinde in Scharen. Ein wahres 14 Die Fackel, year XIII, nos. 351–53, 25 Else Lasker-Schüler, “Oskar
Vergnügen dazusein. Karl Kraus – 6.21.1912, p. 53. Kokoschka,” in: Der Sturm, year I,
Herwarth Walden. Briefwechsel 1909– no. 21, 7.21.1910, p. 166.
1912, George C. Avery (ed.), Göt- 15 Robert Scheu, “Radikalismus,”
in: Der Sturm, year 1, no. 10, 5.05.1910, 26 See Avery 2002 (see note 6),
tingen 2002, pp. 615–32. – Johannes pp. 62, 278.
Waßmer, “‘Damals gab es zwei Zeit- pp. 73–74, here p. 74.
schriften der radikalen künstlerischen 16 Paul Ferdinand Schmidt, “Die Ex- 27 Die Fackel, year XI, no. 298/299,
Richtung’. Herwarth Waldens Der pressionisten,” in: Der Sturm, year II, 3.21.1910, pp. 34–44.
Sturm, Franz Pfemferts Die Aktion no. 92, January 1912, pp. 734–36, here
und ihr Werdegang,” in: Andrea von 28 See Oskar Kokoschka, Briefe I.
p. 736. 1905–1919, edited by Olda Kokoschka
Hülsen-Esch and Gerhard Finckh
(eds.), Der Sturm. Zentrum der 17 Else Lasker-Schüler, “Adolf Loos,” and Heinz Spielmann, Düsseldorf
Avantgarde (exh. cat. Von der Heydt- in: Else Lasker-Schüler, Werke und 1984, p. 15.
Museum, Wuppertal), Wuppertal Briefe. Kritische Ausgabe, edited by 29 On Kokoschka’s connection to the
2012, pp. 185–98. Norbert Oellers et al., vol. 3.1, Prosa, artists’ circle in Vienna, see Leo A.
edited by Ricarda Dick, Frankfurt Lensing, “Gesichter und Gesichte:
7 Franz Pfemfert, in contrast, in his am Main 1998, pp. 123–25.
magazine Die Aktion and in his own Kokoschka, Kraus und der Expressio-
commentaries on the social situation, 18 The marriage contracted in 1903 nismus,” in: Oskar Kokoschka. Sympo-
took his orientation from Karl Kraus, between Herwarth Walden and Else sion anläßlich des 100. Geburtstags
but also attacked him. In general, Lasker-Schüler was legally dissolved des Künstlers (hosted by the Hoch-
Die Aktion served as less of a catalyst in 1912. schule für angewandte Kunst, Vienna),
in the exchange between Vienna Salzburg/Vienna 1986, pp. 127–53.
and Berlin. 19 Else Lasker-Schüler, “Karl Kraus,”
in: Der Sturm, year I, no. 12, 5.19.1910, 30 Die Fackel, year XIV, nos.
8 Samuel Friedländer, “Herwarth p. 90. On Else Lasker-Schülers relation- 351–353, 6.21.1912, p. 53.
Waldens Musik,” Die Fackel, year XIII, ship to Karl Kraus, see especially 31 Oskar Kokoschka, Mein Leben,
no. 326–28, 7.08.1911, pp. 48–49. the excellent essay by Lothar Bluhm, Munich 1971, p. 110.
A l m u t K rap f-We ile r birthday, held in the Hall of Grotesques of

the Lower Belvedere in Vienna in 1980, Eva
On the Dedication of Hans Frodl-Kraft too emphasized his “stupendous
versatility and astonishing efficiency”: “Earn-
Tietze and his Wife, Erica ing a PhD at 23, and a habilitation at 28, he
had already published such a wealth of often
Tietze-Conrat, to Modern and pioneering works that the habilitation com-
mission and its reporting secretary, Franz
Contemporary Art in Vienna
Wickhoff,” felt obliged to place special em-
during the Interwar Period * phasis on the many-sidedness of Tietze’s
achievement. In 1905, he became an assistant
to Wickhoff, but left the university in 1906 to
join the Institute of Art History of the Impe-
Hans Tietze consistently astonishes those rial and Royal Central Commission for the
who examine his career, in particular for the Research and Preservation of Artistic Mon-
incredible intensity of his activities. But cer- uments (later the Office of Antiquities and
tain additional traits are no less astounding: Monuments), then under the directorship of
He was an excellent rider, dancer, lecturer, his old friend Max Dvořák, whose task it was
conversationalist, historian, art historian, crit- to compile and publish an inclusive artistic
ic, rhetorician, public official in the Office of topography of Austria, under the premise
Antiquities and Monuments and in the Min- that only that which was known and cata-
istry of Education, and much else besides; logued could be preserved and protected.2 As
and he was characterized finally by his per- a private lecturer who was appointed as an
sonal commitment without regard to the cost, adjunct professor in 1919, he lectured and
by his fearlessness, and civil courage (fig. 1). held seminar exercises on a regular basis; as
In 1930, in an appreciation written for Tiet- Frodl-Kraft reports: “Occupied at the time
ze’s 50th birthday, a longtime colleague, the with the great theme of Venetian painting, he
art historian Ernst H. Buschbeck, posed the introduced students to the problem of hand
question: “Where is unity to be found in this drawings in front of the originals in the Al-
diversity? How is the connection between bertina. Still vivid in my memory is the im-
these apparently contrasting activities in a pression made by this small, delicate man,
single life even possible? Just as according his character entirely unpretentious and re-
to Plato in the Timaeus, the world soul is strained, and commanding of respect pre-
stretched out diagonally between heaven and cisely for this reason, which seemed to stand
earth in the form of the Greek X, his spirit in a certain contrast to the outbursts of senti-
seems to extend far into the heavens of sci- ment and the rhetorical panache he allowed
entific and theoretical knowledge, and at the himself in his writings.”3
same time, and with the greatest energy, to Hans Tietze’s beginnings as an art critic —
circulate through the terrestrial activities of or better as a writer on modern art, as he re-
the day.” And he identifies the solution to this ferred to himself — date from the first exhi-
mystery in Tietze’s personality and in his idea bition of young Viennese artists at the Hagen- fig. 1 Hans Tietze and Erica
Tietze-Conrat in New Boston,
of liveliness, which he had declared as the bund in 1911: Massachusetts, 1954
postulation of his conception of scholarship: “ For some members of my generation, the Private collection
“From this point, the path leads towards the Hagenbund exhibition held in February of
difficult-to-interpret contrarieties of his char- 1911, where a small group of Austrian artists
acter, in which inexhaustible and optimistic were presented to the public for the first time,
readiness for activity coexists with the deep- has remained one of the strongest artistic im-
est melancholy of spiritual depression, and pressions and memories; for the author of
an unerring objectivity with the most pro- these lines, it was still in a very special sense
found human empathy.”1 a personal experience, because it called me
At the beginning of her ceremonial ad- with inescapable stringency from scholarly ret-
dress at a celebration of Hans Tietze’s 100th icence to the duty of declaring myself vocally
Al mut K ra pf-We i le r 192
and publicly in favor of the art that spoke she herself has written) of helping Hans Tiet-
with the greatest liveliness in the present; ze recover from severe depression by encour-
as a result of this exhibition, where the first aging him to enter the civil service, which he
of Oskar Kokoschka’s wildly gestural works did — not in the Office of Antiquities and
were on view, and where Franz Wiegele and Monuments, but instead in the State Minis-
Anton Kolig appeared for the first time, where try for Internal Affairs and Education. He
Anton Faistauer was still a struggling — and also took over the editorship of Vienna’s
Sebastian Isepp still an aspiring — artist, I be- most lavish arts review, Die bildenden Künste,
came a writer on modern art.”4 allowing him to publish defenses of the art
Shortly thereafter (1912), he dedicated him- prized by him and his circle quickly in the up-
self to the Blaue Reiter group, to the aston- coming issue, and in particular programmat-
ishment of Klaus Lankheit, who remarks in ic articles such as “Art in the New Nation,”
the new documentary edition of 1997 on the “Introduction to Modern Art,” “The Protection
group: “Characteristically, it was the pen of of Public Art Properties,” and many others.
one of the new and open-minded art histori- “Art in the New Nation: An open letter to
ans of the Vienna School that produced the — all friends of art in German Austria” presents
in my view — smartest and most comprehen- Tietze’s convictions with enthusiasm and a
Hans Tietze and Erica sive discussion; one of the very few positive renewed verve:
Tietze-Conrat, 1909 reviews.”5 “Now, we have become a nation, all of a sud-
Museum of Modern Art, New York,
Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Fund Another Tietze student, Ernst H. Gombrich, den ethnic and governmental borders coin-
attributes an uncannily keen insight to his cide, everything that formerly colored our
teacher, especially regarding a knowledge of actions and feelings, whether consciously or
his own time: “Tietze was an enthusiastic unconsciously, our connections with the oth-
champion of modern art in Austria, and his er nations of the old monarchy, has dissolved,
bold engagement for the young Kokoschka and lying before us, after all of these obstacles
has been immortalized in the artist’s double and equivocations have collapsed, is an open
portrait of him and his wife, executed in field for unimpeded development and exer-
1909, and today among the treasures of the tion. German Austria is a new possibility;
Museum of Modern Art in New York (fig. 2). more than that, it is a new duty; a duty for
In fact, he was enraptured by the creations of everyone who comprehends and is seized by
the Expressionist revolution, which also cap- it to help wrest it from the humiliating timid-
tivated Vienna in the years before World War I, ity of this crisis-ridden transitional period.
and he wore himself out in the service of the … This new nation, which the newly created
Austrian collections in his efforts to persuade German Austrian people are to fill with live-
the authorities to purchase contemporary ly activity, will be a democratic one. … This
works.”6 transfiguration is an occasion for deep de-
His main activity, which commenced in spondency and exuberant hopefulness. …
1906, was the compilation and publication It will also be a stone-strewn virgin territory
of a comprehensive topography of Austrian which each of us is duty bound to help ren-
art, the production of which was a precondi- der fertile in the circle of his former activi-
tion for adequate efforts toward historic pres- ties. All of us who, whether professionally or
ervation. Supported by his wife, Erica Tietze- through inclination, have placed ourselves in
Conrat, Tietze applied himself with “unpar- the service of artistic interests should contrib-
alleled vigor” (Eva Frodl-Kraft) to this enor- ute to orienting all that is new in its relation-
mous task, which culminated in the publi- ship to art; [we] must be unquestionably and
cation of twelve volumes between 1906 and immediately moved by it as a nationally root-
1919. During the war, he was active as an ined and socially conditioned function. … We
structor, and later as an officer in charge of also possess a great wealth of living art. How
protecting artworks in the region of Udine, frightfully have we economized, how despica-
from where he was able to return to Vienna at bly have we squandered the best that we have!
the end of the war only by facing great danger. Here, an immense amount is subject to im-
Erica Tietze-Conrat came upon the idea (as provement; the education of the artist, which
drives the strongest from the country, and and so forth. The degree of difficulty char-
raises the weak to the level of an enfeebled acterizing this situation is highlighted by
artistic proletariat; the award of scholarships, Robert Musil’s review of a Nolde exhibition
which degrades the artist and expends pub- presented by the Society at the Künstlerhaus,
lic resources without purpose or justification; which appeared on May 2, 1924 in the Deut-
the education of the public, whose artistic sche Allgemeine Zeitung in Berlin. Musil was
sensibilities are poisoned from school on- not particularly impressed; the predominant
wards … the planning of exhibitions based tone is a general disappointment with Ex-
on purely commercial machinations; … both pressionism: “The majority of the exhibited
old and new require sensible sponsorship. … pictures, however, merely distort the bour-
The selfless efforts of all of those who have geois objective consciousness into the most
made art a concern of the future for people various and already familiar ways, or else
will encounter success; for it is our deepest fling apart a cosmos of colors that has become
conviction — a conviction that is the best all too cosmetic, while neither arriving at any-
pledge for our life in a state of becoming — thing positive regarding its intimations, nor
that the spirit always moves material. Mens at a coherent form of language; the results are
agitat molem should ring out like a solemn as arbitrary as any invented language… .” 8
pealing bell, inaugurating our crusade for Exhibitions of so-called modern art in Vien-
an art of German Austria.”7 na encountered great difficulties, even though
After the failure of this publication in 1922 Tietze realized that in the face of their diver-
for financial reasons, and after Expression- sity, all of the artists he exhibited at the Inter-
ism flared up fiercely once more, and finally national Art Exhibition of 1924, held at the
after the termination of his activity as a civil Secession building, shared one trait: They
servant as a consequence of political shifts, were vibrant (fig. 3). The exhibition Das Ge-
the Tietzes attempted something entirely dif- sicht der Zeit. Graphische Arbeiten zweier Gene-
ferent in order to assist artists: During that rationen, organized by the Society in 1924 at
same year, they joined forces with friends in the Künstlerhaus, also prepared the way for
order to found the Gesellschaft zur Förde the great didactic exhibition of 1930. As ear-
rung moderner Kunst, the Vienna Society for ly as 1924, he devised an entirely new type of
the Advancement of Modern Art, in partic- artistic sponsorship: “A number of people
ular in order to resist the pernicious block- have joined forces in order to pay 300,000
ade that made impossible every attempt to krones each month; the resulting funds will
come to terms with art outside Austria. In be made available to artists based on individ-
1923, Erica Tietze-Conrat reports in Kunst- ually agreed-upon rates in order to cover their
chronik und Kunstmarkt that exhibitions are living costs.”9 Participants were able to ac-
to be organized and individual outstanding quire works of art at half price. This so-called
works by living artists are to be purchased “artists’ fund” was intended to engender a
for the two state-run venues — the Albertina natural relationship between artist and pub-
and the Österreichische Galerie — that col- lic, now that the “artistic existence had been
lected contemporary art. Hans Tietze regard- deprived of all middle-class dignity.”10 fig. 3 B. F. Dolbin
ed it as imperative to point out that since the As early as 1922, Hans Tietze had sketched Dr. Hans Tietze after visiting a
years of the Secession, the connection be- out his intentions and grounded them theo- Constructivist exhibition, 1924
Private collection
tween the artistic life of the present day and retically in “The Social Function of Art,” pub-
Viennese cultural consciousness had van- lished in the Jahrbuch für Soziologie.11 In
ished. The Society would break the ban dic- 1925/26, Tietze made the transition from an
tating the preferential treatment of music in elitist- to a socially-based conception of the
Vienna, thereby converting living art into politics of art: “Despite everything we have
something that would have a general impact. preached publicly so often, we continue to
Despite the modest resources at its disposal, believe secretly in an art for the few; none-
the Society enjoyed satisfying success by theless, we must resolve to regard the current
means of exhibitions, lecture series on con- movement as a healthy one. For if the social,
temporary art, the acquisition of artworks, economic, and aesthetic uprooting of art is
Al mut K ra pf-We i le r 194
its greatest malady, then it must attempt by The highpoint of the efforts of Tietze and
every available path to reestablish a connec- his team was the didactic exhibition Die Kunst
tion to the whole.”12 Tietze saw incipient in unserer Zeit, which ran from March to May
stages of improvement in the activities of the of 1930. In a leaflet containing an advanced
City of Vienna in the spaces of the municipal notice in Österreichische Kunst, as well as in
district offices; in the exhibition Kunst ins the catalog, Tietze once again summarizes
Volk [Art for the People]; and in an attempt by his intentions with regard to the politics and
the Educational Division of the Social Demo- pedagogy of art.14 The presentation is said
cratic Workers’ Party of Austria to combat se- to differ fundamentally from similar events
vere hardship by making works by younger in that art was regarded as a sociological prob-
artists available for purchase cheaply and in lem. The focus was on the significance of art
installments — with the encouraging result for life. The didactic intentions are clear in
that in just a few weeks, more artworks had the accompanying lecture series: Hans Tiet-
been sold than at all of the great official art ze on “Die Kunst in unserer Zeit” [The Art
exhibitions of the previous winter combined. of Our Time] and “Die Überwindung des
In connection with the colossal building ac- Ästhetischen in der Kunst” [The Overcom-
tivities of the municipality of Vienna, this at- ing of Aesthetic Elements in Art]; Josef Frank
tempt had great cultural significance when on “Form und Inhalt” [Form and Content];
it came to material support for artists and a Heinrich Glück on “Die Stellung Österreichs
striving for the social recovery of art, as em- in der modernen Kunst” [Austria’s Position
phasized by the program’s directors Dr. Al- in Relation to Contemporary Art]; Ernst H.
fred Markowitz and Dr. D. J. Bach. Buschbeck on “Die Revolution der Kunst am
fig. 4 Erica Tietze-Conrat with
her bust by Georg Ehrlich After 1925, Tietze’s educational and didac- Anfang unseres Jahrhunderts” [The Revolu-
Private collection tic activities continued with renewed energy. tion in Art at the Turn of the Century] and
Particularly illuminating was the polemical “Das Weltbild der heutigen Kunst” [The
article dealing with municipal policies and Worldview of Today’s Art]; Alfred Markow-
modern art in Vienna, which appeared in itz on “Die soziale Bedeutung der Kunst”
Der Kampf, the Social Democratic monthly, [The Social Meaning of Art] and Otto Schneid
in August of 1927.13 Tietze makes reference, on “Übermenschliches im Maschinenzeit-
on the one hand, to the contrast between alter” [The Superhuman in the Machine
the magnificent new will and feeling for life Age]. Under the direction of Hans Tietze and
that he saw displayed in the new social con- Ernst H. Buschbeck, the working commit-
sciousness and feelings of responsibility, tee included fourteen art historians, artists
which had generated astonishing new archi- and architects, among them Erica Tietze-
tecture, and the total stagnation of Vienna Conrat (fig. 4) and Fritz Novotny. In the leaf-
as a city of art on the other. The experience let’s 30 pages, Tietze sums up his theories on
of this exceptionalism, he says — this para- the rescuing of art from esoteric pretensions
German or hyper-German, or in short Aus- and a lack of connectedness “with the life
trian form of existence — is foundational for that is ours.”15
Austrian consciousness. That which is alive Despite the efforts of patriots like Hans
and contemporary, he continues, must not Tietze and his wife, who sought to strengthen
be allowed to suffer from this condition. The Austrian self-confidence and attempted to
consequences were witch hunts against prevent the worst by means of art, the First
Hindemith, Schönberg’s flight to Berlin, Republic ultimately failed. Finally, let us turn
performance boycotts against all of the im- again to the words of Ernst H. Buschbeck:
portant young Austrian composers, the im- “Hans Tietze’s greatest moment came after
possibility of holding contemporary art ex- 1918. He was steeped in the conviction that
hibitions, the impossibility of gaining even reconstruction and new construction was the
the vaguest impression of current art pro- only possible answer to disintegration. His
duction in Europe from the Viennese collec- quick and penetrating powers of under-
tions, along with mediocrity, indifference, standing recognized the singularity of the
and epigonism. task he had set for himself, namely to bring
the venerable art collections of the court and collections, our proudest possession, have
those of the government, which had grown for the most part emerged intact from that
in the course of the nineteenth and twenti- severe danger then this is first and foremost
eth centuries … into a meaningful relation- due to the efforts of Hans Tietze.”16
ship with one another. … If Vienna’s art
* To my husband, Dr. Michael Krapf, 6 Ernst H. Gombrich, Kunst und 9 Hans Tietze, “Wiener Künstler-
with thanks for his help and patience. Fortschritt (DuMont-Kunsttaschen- fonds,” in: Das Kunstblatt, year VIII,
bücher, vol. 70), Cologne 1978, 1924, pp. 126 – 27.
1 Ernst H. Buschbeck, “Hans Tietze,” pp. 76 – 77. – Cf. Krapf-Weiler 1986
in: Belvedere, year IX 1930, pp. 69 – 74. (see note 1), p. 79. – Almut Krapf- 10 Ibid.
– cf. Almut Krapf-Weiler, “Zur Kunst- Weiler, “Zur Neuorganisation der
politik des Tietze-Kreises,” in: 11 Hans Tietze, “Die soziale Funktion
Wiener Museen 1919 – 1925 unter der der Kunst,” in: Jahrbuch für Soziologie,
Geistiges Leben der ersten Republik, Leitung von Hans Tietze,” in: Hadwig
Vienna 1986, p. 78 (the latter article eine internationale Sammlung, pub-
Kräutler/Gerbert Frodl (eds.), Das lished by Dr. G. Salomon, Karlsruhe
was the basis for the present text). Museum. Spiegel und Motor kultur- 1925 (written in 1922).
2 Cf. Eva Frodl-Kraft, “Hans Tietze politischer Visionen, Vienna 2004,
1880 – 1954. Ein Kapitel aus der pp. 159 – 78. – Almut Krapf-Weiler, 12 Hans Tietze, “Die Reaktion in der
Geschichte der Kunstwissenschaft, “Löwe und Eule,” in: Belvedere, book- Kunst,” in: Kunstchronik und Kunst-
der Denkmalpflege und des Museal- let 1, 1999, pp. 64 – 83. – same author, markt, 59, new issue XXXV, 1925/
wesens in Österreich. Festansprache “Ein Mensch ist kein Stilleben,” in: 26, pp. 6 – 10.
zur Feier des 100. Geburtstages, Belvedere, booklet 1, 2006, pp. 46 –
65. – Sabine Forsthuber, “Hans Tietzes 13 Der Kampf. Sozialdemokratische
gehalten am 3. März 1980 im Barock- Monatsschrift, published by Otto
museum der Österreichischen kunstpädagogische Ausstellungen,”
in: Gottfried Fliedl/Roswitha Bauer, Adolph Braun, and Carl
Galerie in Wien,” in: Österreichische Renner, year XX, Vienna 1927.
Zeitschrift für Kunst und Denkmal- Muttenthaler/Herbert Posch (eds.),
pflege, year XXXIV, 1980, pp. 53 – 63. Museumsraum – Museumszeit. Zur 14 Reprint in: Krapf-Weiler, Hans
Geschichte des österreichischen Tietze 2007 (see note 4), pp. 216–255.
3 Frodl-Kraft 1980 (see note 2), Museums- und Ausstellungswesens,
pp. 55 – 56. Vienna 1992, pp. 167 – 88. 15 Krapf-Weiler 1986 (see note 1),
p. 102.
4 Almut Krapf-Weiler et al. (eds.), 7 Hans Tietze, “Die Kunst im neuen
Hans Tietze. Lebendige Kunstwissen- Staat. Ein offener Brief an alle 16 Ulrike Wendland, Biographisches
schaft. Texte 1910–1954, Vienna, 2007, Freunde der Kunst in Deutschöster- Handbuch deutschsprachiger Kunst-
p. 303. – Almut Krapf-Weiler (ed.), reich,” in: Die bildenden Künste, year historiker im Exil, vol. 2, Munich 1999,
Erica Tietze-Conrat. Die Frau in der II, 1919, pp. 65 – 66. pp. 689ff. – Ernst H. Buschbeck,
Kunstwissenschaft, Vienna 2007. “Hans Tietze zum Gedenken,” in:
8 Krapf-Weiler 1986 (see note 1), Die Presse, 4. 16. 1954, p. 6; a very
5 Krapf-Weiler, Hans Tietze 2007 pp. 95 – 96. – The Tietzes’ personal special and sincere thanks to
(see note 4), pp. 303 – 04; Wassily collections were presented by Dr. Georg Lechner.
Kandinsky/Franz Marc (eds.), Der Haberditzl at the Österreichische
Blaue Reiter. New documentary edit- Galerie in 1931.
ion, ed. Klaus Lankheit, 7th edition,
Munich et al. 1997, pp. 296 – 97.
196
Ha rtmu t Krones courage to be built in an ugly style and this

gives it the courage for more ugliness. … It
Music and Art in Vienna and has none of its own culture in the sense of
cities like Wrocław, Cologne, Frankfurt, or
Berlin: A Felicitous Alliance? Königsberg. It has no religion. It has the ug-
liest churches in the world. It has no society.
But it does have … theater, art, the stock ex-
“Demonic figures sit around in Café Größen- change, trade, cinema, and the subway.”6
wahn, contemplate their own egos and Prague’s “raging reporter” Egon Erwin
those of each other, throw wine vessels as Kisch was even more negative: “The Berliner
large as beer barrels at each other’s ears, is in general loathsome, especially doubly
stuffed full with Stefan George, and through loathsome; the women of Berlin are an entire
their unholy decadent coffee drinking, bring conglomeration of loathsomeness. … [The
German art to the brink of the abyss. … Berliner doesn’t take] the time to eat and has
Unfortunately, Altenberg cannot endure the no sense for love, coffeehouses, and confec-
journey, but Hermann Bahr comes over tionary, for any kind of pleasure, that is,”
twice a week … while Karl Kraus dispatches and thus his “gainful activity and his love
diplomatic cables from Die Fackel in Vienna. life are still [determined by] a military men-
Oskar Kokoschka has brought along some tality.”7 Joseph Roth even saw this “military”
dust from the street, which he requires for lifestyle as a cause of New Objectivity, which
his colossal paintings. At night the coffee- dispensed with all art: “Never has the Ger-
house literati’s marrow-corroding work of man language been written as poorly as now.
decomposition begins, and a lunatic bab- And never has the opinion been so wide-
bling sets in.” 1 spread that the writing in Germany is better
and better. The writing is not good; it is sim-
Herwarth Walden, the publisher of the mag- ple. It is considered ‘direct and immediate.’”8
azine Der Sturm, penned these lines in 1911, In the words of Arnold Schönberg: “I do
which sketch out the literary and artistic “Vi- have to teach the Berlin critics, these arrogant
enna-Berlin” relations and, with respect to the fools, how to speak with artists. The Viennese
“Café Größenwahn” [Café Megalomania], also rabble has a pleasing quality of laughableness,
call to mind music (fig. 1). Der Sturm is in fact a which has a halfway conciliatory effect. One
witness to this biotope of artistic synthesis, to scorns but one does not hate. But these fel-
which the Viennese contributed: Its authors lows here, who all want to be something bet-
included the “Dadasoph”2 Raoul Hausmann, ter, are highly infuriating. … And if they per-
who combined literature, art, photography, haps write a somewhat better German, this is
and performance;3 the “multi-artist” Oskar due primarily to the dryness. They risk noth-
Kokoschka; and the architect Adolf Loos as ing. Like a Viennese waiter who causes great
well as Peter Altenberg and Karl Kraus. damage because he risks carrying an entire
In Berlin there were also other “cultural armful of dishes — but he’s still more likeable
imports” who had switched over from the than the Berliner who would ruin only a few
Roman-German capital of Vienna to the portions at most.”9
fig. 1 Henry Bing Prussian-German capital of Berlin in order to Arnold Schönberg is an important exam-
From the Café Größenwahn
[“Café Megalomania”] realize their anti-bourgeois ideas:4 Franz Blei, ple of both a Viennese in Berlin and a “multi-
“Ah, so you’re from Berlin, and what Albert Ehrenstein, Otto Gross, Max Oppen- artist” — primarily a composer and music
do you do?” – “Oh, I’m a substitute heimer, Walter Serner and Berthold Viertel, theorist, he was also a painter, poet, political
Bohemian from the Café des
Westens.” briefly also Elias Canetti, Ödön von Horváth, essayist, and inventor (fig. 2). And through
Franz Kafka, Robert Musil, Alfred Polgar, him we also return to the Café Größenwahn,
and Joseph Roth. Many were delighted be- the café on the west of the Kurfürstendamm,
cause they had come “to Berlin from the rest- which was an important gathering place for
ful quiet of the village” and because Berlin the Berlin art scene until 1915. The first two
“did something for the youth;”5 others were German cabaret theaters were “born” here
ambivalent about the city: “This city had the in 1901: Ernst von Wolzogen’s Überbrettl as
well as Schall und Rauch, run by Max Rein- On the one hand, critics praised his high ex-
hardt. In 1910 and 1911, magazines such as pressive capabilities, but also perceived “a
Der Sturm and Franz Pfemfert’s Die Aktion most horrid amateurishness” as well as “re-
(fig. 3) originated here and musicians like pulsiveness” and went so far as to entitle it
Richard Strauss, Arnold Schönberg, Oscar “Derailed Art.”11 His supporters, on the other
Straus, and Victor Hollaender regularly spent hand, found the expression of these “tones
time here, as did members of the literati transposed”12 into images to be a felicitous
such as Ludwig Fulda, Alfred Kerr, Chris- alliance. And Schönberg’s talent as a painter
fig. 2 Arnold Schönberg and
tian Morgenstern, Paul Scheerbart, Johan- was also recognized by connoisseurs, among his wife, Gertrud, Berlin, 1928
nes Schlaf, Frank Wedekind, and “our” (Vi- them Paul Cassirer, the owner of a Berlin art Arnold Schönberg Center, Vienna
ennese by choice) Roda Roda, as well as the salon, who showed works by him that same
poet Else Lasker-Schüler and the painters year in an exhibition.
Max Liebermann, Ludwig Meidner, and At the beginning of 1911 Schönberg came
Emil Orlik, who produced “characteristic” to the attention of Wassily Kandinsky: “Dear
portraits of Gustav Mahler and Alexander Sir Professor! … I just heard your concert
Zemlinsky, for example. here [in Munich] and took much genuine
But let us now return to Arnold Schönberg, pleasure in it. … Our aspirations … and our
who in the spring of 1901 composed songs entire way of thinking and feeling have so
for Wolzogen’s Überbrettl cabaret, based on much in common that I feel entirely justified
texts by Otto Julius Bierbaum. When the in declaring my fellow-feeling. In your works
ensemble visited Vienna in September and you have realized that for which I had such
Schönberg filled in for musical director Os- a great longing — if admittedly only in vague
car Straus, Wolzogen then hired him for a form — in music …” Kandinsky compared the
season as musical director. From December “construction” in Schönberg’s music to his fig. 3 Max Oppenheimer
Still Life, in Die Aktion, 1917
of 1901 Schönberg thus rehearsed musical ambitions to create “constructions” in paint- Stiftung MUSEION – Museum für moderne
numbers in the Überbrettl, directing, orches- ing, spoke of the equivalence of “dissonanc- und zeitgenössische Kunst, Bolzano
trating, and soon mastering the craft of the es in art” with those in music and included
“lesser muse” so confidently that he orchestrat- some photos of his own work in the letter.13
ed operettas and songs for many of the light- In addition to a reference to his own paint-
er composers — for Hollaender and Bogumil ing, Schönberg’s answer contained his em-
Zepler, but also for Leo Fall, Edmund Eys- phatically declared belief in expression in
ler, and Franz Lehár, for example. For the ac- art, in the “instinctive”14 qualities of the artist.
ademic year of 1902 to 1903, Richard Strauss Kandinsky greeted his works with great ap-
procured him a position at the Sternsches proval and he asked Schönberg to contribute
Konservatorium, and before his return to Vi- to the Blauer Reiter almanac; he also showed
enna the first printing of his works was pub- four of his works in the exhibition in Decem-
lished in 1903 by the Berlin publishing house ber of 1911. Shortly thereafter, Schönberg, to-
Dreililien. gether with Anton Faistauer, Oskar Kokosch-
In Vienna Schönberg then also matured in- ka, Anton Kolig, and Egon Schiele, showed
to a painter. After some early sketches of stage works in an exhibition of Viennese modern-
sets for his own libretto designs, his ambi- ism in Budapest organized by Albert Paris
tions grew after 1905 — partly through his Gütersloh, and once again the need for a
contact to Richard Gerstl — and from 1906 radical form of expression, which emanated
he created numerous portraits and images of from Schönberg’s “non-academic” images,
nature. In June of 1910 he asked Carl Moll of met with approval. In a 1912 Festschrift pre-
the art salon Miethke to devote an exhibition sented to Schönberg by friends and students,
to his work, but Moll saw Schönberg’s “form Kandinsky emphasized that Schönberg“ …
of artistic expression as a painter still too painted [his] intuitively invented heads, which
much in its early stages.”10 In October of 1910 he named ‘visions,’ in order to give expres-
Hugo Heller then allowed Schönberg to make sion to emotions that could not be expressed
a public appearance in his salon with forty in musical form” and “not in order to paint
works, which gave rise to diverse appraisals. a ‘pretty’ or ‘likeable’ picture.” And further,
Hartm u t K ro n e s 198
“It’s not every professional painter who can feelings … I could never express my feelings
boast of these creative means!” Kandinsky’s or emotions in words. I don’t know if that’s
concluding praise must be seen as nothing the reason that I tried to do it with music and
less than a categorical song of songs to the painting, or vice versa.”22 Karl Linke came
expressive principle in the visual arts: to a very similar conclusion in 1912: “In terms
“I would most like to call Schönberg’s art of feelings it is not possible to precisely sep-
the ‘painting of the only.’ Schönberg reproach- arate Schönberg’s music, painting, and po-
es himself for his ‘lack of technique.’ I would etry.”23
like to … change this reproach: Schönberg Incidentally, as a painter, too, Schönberg
is mistaken — he is not displeased with his felt completely Viennese. When Carl Moll
painting technique, but with his inner desire, sent him his picture Wiener Atmosphäre [Vien-
his soul, from which he demands more than nese Atmosphere] as a gift in 1932, he penned
it can presently give. I would like to wish an ardent profession of admiration for Vien-
this feeling of dissatisfaction upon every art- nese painting: “I find that this fineness, this
ist — for all time.”15 taste, this delicacy and liveliness — without
Albert Paris Gütersloh used similarly eulo- principles — is aspired to by many but that
gistic words: “Now a person comes along and only the Viennese achieve it. Your picture con-
this person is a musician … and first leads … firmed this to me once again.”24 Moll was de-
fig. 4 Max Oppenheimer painting in all its effeteness before the ice- lighted by Schönberg’s view: “That you out
The Piano Virtuoso Busoni, 1916
Albertina, Vienna cold eye of logic and then, when the weaning there [in Berlin] feel that there is such a thing
from the representational has reached the as ‘Viennese painting’ — which all of Germany
cold pole of reason, back to the border of the ignores, indeed denies — that did my ancient
prehistoric. … Arnold Schönberg, the think- Viennese soul a world of good.”25
er, has sought to finally recreate in painting From 1911 to 1915 Schönberg found him-
that state of psychic primitivism … without self once again in Berlin, where, among other
which its present existence does not appear things, he gave courses in music theory and
truly legitimate.”16 at the beginning of 1912 was given the com-
Schönberg’s most important paintings are mission by Albertine Zehme for his great mel-
in fact “visions” and “views,” and also in his odrama cycle Pierrot Lunaire, which brought
self-portraits it is the eyes that become mir- him international acclaim. In Berlin he also
rors of the soul. Karl Linke spoke of “inner completed his one act opera Die glückliche
faces painted outwardly,”17 Gütersloh of Hand, whose stage sets he designed himself
“brain nudes”; Schönberg himself believed in brilliant colors and whose musical score
that unlike a painter, he was able to “emulate was given a visual equivalent: Instructions for
the gaze of most people,”18 to grasp not “the the lighting, which — in harmony with the
whole person,” however, but rather “only his music — created effects based on color psy-
soul.”19 He painted Gustav Mahler with a chology. Schönberg, who here “made music
severe gaze; his first wife, Mathilde, with ter- with the means of the stage,”26 designed the
rified eyes; his second wife, Gertrud, is en- work in accordance with a kind of dream
tirely the “high-spirited Kolisch sister”20; logic, in which his synesthetic approach was
and Alban Berg gazes into the distance with inspired by the ancient tradition of dream
an air of superiority. An image of Mahler’s fu- books.27 In Vienna, Schönberg was not able
neral is inspired by a scene of the end of the to find a satisfying professional position for
world; a “Christ vision” seems to embrace the many years, so he took on a master class in
whole world; “Tears” well realistically forth composition at the Preußische Akademie der
from the eyes and mirror “Weltschmerz”; Künste [Prussian Academy of Arts] in Berlin
and from one handshake springs a universe at the end of 1925, which he directed until
of amicable feelings. his emigration in April of 1933. During those
In all of these pictures, Schönberg indeed years his work as a painter virtually ceased.
“made music” “with colors and forms,”21 but As a professor of composition Schönberg
this was also above all a “chance to express succeeded Ferruccio Busoni, with whom he
myself, to share my emotions, ideas, and had had a fundamental aesthetic conflict in
1909. At the time he had sent Busoni some Musik, as well as drawings of a violinist (1973),
of his piano pieces, whose performance “de- round out the “musical” themes of the artist,
manded faith and conviction,”28 but Busoni who became an Austrian citizen again in 1975.
criticized both their “unpianistic” style and Another Vienna-Berlin “connection” be-
the unrealizable instructions on how to play tween music and painting was the friendship
them. Schönberg emphasized in reply that of Swiss painter Johannes Itten with Josef
these pieces “would not tolerate a style of Matthias Hauer, who met in 1919 at Itten’s
composition that would overly stroke the feel- exhibition in Vienna (where Itten led his own
ing of the sound …” and in addition certain art school). They discussed the congruency of
instructions were “more a suggestion for music and the visual arts as well as the com-
understanding the lines than a description parability of tones and colors (Hauer had writ-
of how they are to be played.” When Busoni ten Über die Klangfarbe in 1918, building up-
then “re-orchestrated” a piece, Schönberg re- on Goethe’s theory of color); in addition they
fused to allow the “transcription” to be print- considered founding a music school connect-
ed, since the aesthetics of his piano music ed to the Bauhaus, where Itten had a position
were based upon transparency and “the rap- at the time; but the plan was never realized.
id consumption of harmonies” and he had Itten, who saw Hauer’s “abstract” composing
quite intentionally thrown the “old” piano as similar in character to his own images and
style overboard: “Away from pathos! Away who dedicated his painting Komposition aus
from never-ending 24-pound music; from the zwei Formthemen [Composition of Two Form
built and constructed towers, rocks, and oth- Themes] to the musician (fig. 5), became the
er gigantic stuff like that.” founder of “color type theory,” founded an
Viennese artists working in Berlin, such as art school in Berlin in 1926, and finally went
Max Oppenheimer and Oskar Kokoschka, (back) to Zurich in 1938. There, the Bavarian
also merged painting and music. As early as painter Christian Schad also worked for a
1909 Oppenheimer portrayed Schönberg (with while; he had worked closely with the Vien-
whom he had once “painted the town red”29 nese writer Walter Serner in Dada days and
into the wee hours) (plate 93 ) as well as his later lived in Vienna himself from 1925 to
student Anton Webern; he drew inspiration 1928, finally moving to Berlin where he would
in 1911 for his sensually lustful Salome among become the painter of the self-confident wo
other places from Richard Strauss’s opera; man and “sophisticated” society.
and he continued his depictions of musicians A number of other important Viennese
with an image of Ferruccio Busoni (fig. 4) as musicians who worked in Berlin should not
well as of string quartets, in which he pur- be forgotten: Franz Schreker, who was ap-
sued the “synesthetic idea of a sonorous im- pointed director of the Berlin Musikhoch-
age.”30 In 1925 the Rosé-Quartett initiated a schule in 1920 and in 1932 assumed respon-
special Vienna thematic that was continued in sibility for a master class in composition
Die Philharmoniker and the Kolisch-Quartett, before being forced away by the National
and in 1943 his Self-Portrait even included Socialists; Hanns Eisler, who twice rose to
two members of the philharmonic. become the model composer for the “left”
Oskar Kokoschka also devoted himself to until he emigrated from Vienna; Alexander
Salome early on, gave faces to the musicians Zemlinsky, who was conductor for the Kroll
in the cabaret Fledermaus, portrayed Egon Oper and Unter den Linden from 1927 to
Wellesz and Anton Webern,31 traced a Bach 1933 as well as teaching at the Musikhoch-
cantata, and in Die Macht der Musik [The schule; and also Ernst Krenek, Ernst Toch, fig. 5 Johannes Itten
Composition of Two
Power of Music] both created a “translation” of and Jimmy Berg, who moved to Berlin in Form Themes, 1919
sounds into paint and made visible a “power” 1931 but soon thereafter fled back to Vienna, Private collection
emanating from music; it is unnecessary to and who had written history as a composer
point out that it is a girl who blows the shawm in the cabaret scene, especially in his collab-
and that the “power” strikes a young man. oration with Jura Soyfer.
An image of the Wiener Staatsoper [Vienna As is well known, the shared cultural his-
State Opera], 1956, a variation of the Macht der tory of Vienna and Berlin, which combined
Hartm u t K ro n e s 200
music and art and raised both to unified tria in 1938, after there, too, democracy and
heights, experienced a brutal end: In Ger- “parliamentarianism” had been thrown over-
many at the beginning of 1933 and in Aus- board five years earlier.
1 Herwarth Walden, “Cafe Grössen- 13 Wassily Kandinsky to Arnold 23 Karl Linke, “Zur Einführung,” in:
wahn,” in: Der Sturm, no. 82, Schönberg, 1. 18. 1911, as quoted in Arnold Schönberg 1912 (see note 15),
October 1911, p. 2. Wassily Kandinsky/Arnold Schönberg, p. 21.
Der Briefwechsel, Jelena Hahl-Koch
2 Hans Richter, DADA – Kunst (ed.), Stuttgart 1993, p. 15. 24 Arnold Schönberg to Carl Moll,
und Antikunst, fourth edition, 12. 27. 1932, as quoted in Mayer and
Cologne 1978, p. 110. 14 Arnold Schönberg to Wassily Muxeneder 2005 (see note 10), p. 79.
Kandinsky, 1. 24. 1911, in: Kandinsky/
3 See Hartmut Krones, “Raoul Haus- Schönberg 1993 (see note 13), p. 18. 25 Carl Moll to Arnold Schönberg,
mann und der Berliner Dadaismus,” 1.01.1933: http://www.schoenberg.at/
in: Hartmut Grimm, Mathias Hansen, 15 Wassily Kandinsky, “Die Bilder,” letters/search_show_letter.php?ID_
Ludwig Holtmeier (eds.), Wien – Ber- in Arnold Schönberg. Mit Beiträgen Number=14388.
lin. Stationen einer kulturellen Bezie- von […], Munich 1912, pp. 59 – 64,
hung, Saarbrücken 2000, pp. 143 – 61. here pp. 59 – 60 and pp. 63 – 64. 26 Arnold Schönberg, Vortrag zur
Einführung in die Glückliche Hand, 1928
4 See Rolf-Peter Janz, “‘Dieses ab- 16 Albert Paris von Gütersloh, (ASC, T 16.04), ASSV 4.1.7.
sterbende Riesendorf’. Literarische “Schönberg der Maler,” in: Arnold
Städtebilder aus Wien und Berlin,” in: Schönberg 1912 (see note 15), pp. 27 See Hartmut Krones, “Farbe –
Grimm 2000 (see note 3), pp. 64 – 78. 67 – 74, here pp. 68 – 69. Klang – Traum. Doppel- und Dreiecks-
beziehungen durch Jahrhunderte,”
5 Ödön von Horvath, “Flucht aus 17 Karl Linke, “Zur Einführung,” in: in: Der Maler Arnold Schönberg [=
der Stille,” in: Traugott Krischke (ed.), Arnold Schönberg 1912 (see note 15), Journal of the ASC 6/2004], Vienna
Gesammelte Werke, vol. 8, Frankfurt pp. 13 – 21, here p. 16. 2004, pp. 17–33, here pp. 26–27 and
am Main 1978, p. 657. p. 31.
18 Arnold Schönberg, “Blicke,” 1926
6 Joseph Roth, “Die Flucht ohne (Arnold Schönberg Center [ASC], 28 Schönberg to Busoni, 7. 13. 1909,
Ende,” in: Klaus Westermann and T 04.12), ASSV 5.3.8.14, Julia Bungardt as quoted in: Jutta Theurich (ed.),
Fritz Hackert (eds.) Werke, vol. 4, and Nikolaus Urbanek (with the collab- Briefwechsel zwischen Arnold Schön-
Cologne 1989, pp. 464 – 65. oration of Eike Feß, Hartmut Krones, berg und Ferruccio Busoni 1903 – 1919
Therese Muxeneder and Manuel (1927), Beiträge zur Musikwissen-
7 Egon Erwin Kisch, “Brief an Paul Strauß), Arnold-Schönberg-Schriften- schaft, year XIX, issue 3, 1977, pp. 163 –
Kisch vom 11. November 1905,” in: Verzeichnis [ASSV], in: Hartmut Kro- 211, here p. 164. All the letters from
Briefe an den Bruder Paul und an die nes (ed.), Arnold Schönberg in seinen 1909 are not individually designated
Mutter 1905 – 1930, Berlin/Weimar Schriften. Verzeichnis – Fragen within the sequence.
1978, p. 7. – Editorisches, Vienna/Cologne/
Weimar 2011, pp. 331 – 568. 29 Arnold Schönberg to Mathilde
8 Joseph Roth, “Schluß mit der ‘Neu- Schönberg, 6. 23. 1909: http://www.
en Sachlichkeit’!,” in: Klaus Wester- 19 Arnold Schönberg, Malerische schoenberg.at/letters/search_show_
mann and Fritz Hackert (eds.), Werke, Einflüsse, 1938 (ASC, T 04.29), letter.php?ID_Number=6496. – “Den
vol. 3, Cologne 1991, pp. 154–55. ASSV 5.3.8.40. Briefverkehr zwischen Schönberg und
9 Arnold Schönberg, entry of 2. 11. 1912 Oppenheimer,” in: Mayer and
20 Schönberg to Gertrud Kolisch, Muxeneder 2005 (see note 10).
in his “Berliner Tagebuch” (Berlin jour- 7. 28. 1924: “You look completely
nal), in: Arnold Schönberg, Berliner different than earlier. And so respon- 30 Alexander Klee, “Max Oppen-
Tagebuch, Josef Rufer (ed.), Frankfurt sible that I can no longer recognize heimer – Musikbilder,” in: Agnes
am Main/Berlin/Vienna 1974, p. 23. the high-spirited ‘Kolish sister’ at all”: Husslein-Arco/Alexander Klee (eds.),
10 Carl Moll to Arnold Schönberg, http://www.schoenberg.at/letters/ Oppenheimer. Mahler und die Musik
6. 18. 1910, as quoted in: Christian search_show_letter.php?ID_Num- (exh. cat. Belvedere, Vienna), Vienna
Mayer and Therese Muxeneder ber=1072. 2010, p. 52.
(eds.), Arnold Schönberg. Catalogue 21 Schönberg to Leopold Stokowski, 31 On Kokoschka’s early “music”
raisonné, vol. 1, Vienna 2005, p. 123. 11. 30. 1949, as quoted in Mayer and images see: Agnes Husslein-Arco/
11 Reprints of these reviews from 1910 Muxeneder 2005 (see note 10), p. 80. Alfred Weidinger (eds.), Kokoschka.
in: Mayer and Muxeneder 2005 Träumender Knabe – Enfant terrible,
22 Schönberg’s conversation with Weitra 2008, passim. On the corre-
(see note 10), pp. 128, 131, and 134. Halsey Stevens of July 1949, as spondence between Schönberg
12 Paul Stefan, “Schönberg-Abend,” quoted in Mayer and Muxender 2005 and Kokoschka, see Mayer and
in: Der Merker. Österreichische Zeit- (see note 10), p. 14. Muxeneder 2005 (see note 10).
schrift für Musik und Theater, year 2, 1,
October – December 1910, issue 2, p. 79.
201
The City in Fragments.
Dada and Kineticism
III
202
Avant-garde art is urban art. The variety and richness of impressions in

the big city with its street life, masses of people, modern means of transpor-
tation, factories, restaurants, cafés, and bars stimulated European art after
World War I. In 1920 the Berlin artist Otto Möller painted facades, cars, and
letters swirling tumultuously, in this way capturing the noise of the street. The
Hungarian artist Hugó Scheiber painted a cubistically splintered streetcar
filled with passengers clattering through a suburban landscape. In Vienna
as in Berlin, artists dreamed of the quintessential modern city, of New York.
Over the course of the 1920s, increasing numbers of Viennese artists
and authors found their way to Berlin. Berlin’s fascination as the German
capital of modernism was reflected in their short, polished prose texts, which
are still able to characterize the city’s seething vitality even today: Joseph
Roth declared his “Confession of faith in the Gleisdreieck,”1 Alfred Polgar
extolled “unsweet Berlin, characterized by straight lines and destroyed by
film,”2 and in the words of Alfred Döblin, Berlin is “the gasoline that fuels
my motor.”3
In Berlin the Dadaists were also a part of this urban modernism. They used
the city, shattered by the deprivations of war and revolution, as a stage for
their farewell song to the old society along with its art. Dada’ s laugh was
liberating, anti-authoritarian, and anarchic. With caustic, satirical words, sharp
pens, and even sharper scissors, Raoul Hausmann, Hannah Höch, George
Grosz, and John Heartfield, for example, fought against the militaristic, up-
per-class, monarchist authorities of the young Weimar Republic. “Dadaism,
for the first time, no longer approaches life aesthetically, in that it shreds in-
to its components the whole catchphrase of ethics, culture, and inwardness,
which are mere cloaks for weak muscles,”4 the first Dada manifesto, per-
formed on stage by Richard Huelsenbeck, proclaimed in 1918.
While the Dadaists vehemently attacked the spiritual—and in particular
Expressionism and Futurism—in art, celebrating instead nonsense and the
“machine art of Tatlin,”5 young Viennese around 1922 were scaling the sum-
mit of this very modernism. Under Franz Cizek, the legendary director of
ornamental form theory at Vienna’s Kunstgewerbeschule, they had the bene
fit of a progressive educational approach and a specifically Viennese adap-
tation of the avant-garde before World War I: Expressionism, Cubism, and
Futurism as applied arts. Movement and ornament were central to this “Kinet-
icism” in order to depict the modern city or, even more so, to actively par-
ticipate in designing it through posters or stage sets.
The Viennese architect and designer Friedrich Kiesler was an important
avant-garde link between Vienna and Berlin. In 1923 he caused a sensation
with his set design for the play R. U. R. by Karel Čapek in Berlin, with a ma-
chine room as the stage set for a robot story. In 1924 he designed the Inter-
203
national Exhibition of New Theater Techniques in Vienna’s Konzerthaus. His

design for an ascending spiral-shaped stage, shown there for the first time,
sought to dissolve the boundary between actors and audience. His construc-
tivist exhibition design, which he named Träger - Leger-System [ L + T System ]
(plate 186 ), took art down from the museum walls and brought it into the
room.
Collage, which had been developed by the Berlin Dadaists into a precise
method of representing reality in order to depict, comment upon, and crit-
icize the complexity of their age, could not establish a foothold in Vienna. At
the beginning of the 1930s, the Viennese Bauhaus artist Friedl Dicker drew
upon the political photomontages of the Berlin Dadaist John Heartfield,
like him sharpening montage into a weapon in the class struggle. Her polit-
ical work ultimately resulted in the artist’ s arrest, interrogation, and impris-
onment. The early thirties were crisis years in both Berlin and Vienna. The
economic and political situation was intensifying, the fascist and right-wing
conservative attacks on the republic escalating. In 1930, long after she had
settled in New York, Erika Giovanna Klien, the most successful of the Ki-
neticists at the time besides Marianne ( My ) Ullmann and Elisabeth Kar-
linsky, reported on the tense situation in Austria in the form of representa-
tions of street battles and civil war. But the pictorial means of Kineticism,
ideally suited for the metallic sheen of a locomotive or the flashing lights of
the subway, provided a less fitting form for the impassioned visual narra-
tives of police violence and scenes of the masses. Anne li e Lü tge ns
1 Joseph Roth, “Bekenntnis zum Gleisdreieck” ( Frankfurter Zeitung, 7.16.1924 ), in: Joseph Roth,
Werke 2. Das Journalistische Werk 1924–1928, edited and with an afterword by Klaus Westermann,
Cologne 1990, pp. 218–21.
2 Alfred Polgar, “Berlin, Sommer 1922,” in: Stefan Großmann (ed.), Tage-Buch, year III, issue 29, 1922, p. 1033.
3 Alfred Döblin, “Berlin und die Künstler,” in: Alfred Döblin, Schriften zu Leben und Werk, Erich Kleinschmidt
(ed.), Olten 1986, p. 38.
4 Richard Huelsenbeck, “Dada,” in: Richard Huelsenbeck (ed.), Dada Almanach, reprint of the 1920 issue,
Hamburg 1928, pp. 38–39.
5 “Die Kunst ist tot. Es lebe die neue Maschinenkunst Tatlins” [Art is Dead. Long Live Tatlin’s New Machine
Art ] could be read in June of 1920 on a sign at the Ersten Internationalen Dada-Messe [ First International
Dada Fair ]. Vladimir Yevgraphovich Tatlin ( 1885–1953 ) was a Russian painter and founder of machine art.
6 Quotation on the following page: Alfred Polgar, “Ein paar Tage in Berlin,” in: Tage-Buch, year I, issue 1,
1920, p. 25.
204
“Apart from that, Berlin Dada is

a thoroughly Dadaistic affair.”6
Alfred Polgar 1920
205 Da d a III

H a nn ah H ö ch
14 8
Dada Review, 1919
Collage, gouache and watercolor
on cardboard, 43.7 × 34.6 cm
Berlinische Galerie
206

Ge orge Grosz
Ge or ge G r os z a n d J oh n H e artf i e l d
149 15 0
“Daum” marries her pedantic automaton “George“ in The Conformist Heartfield Turned Wild.
May 1920, John Heartfield is very glad of it. Electro-mechanical Tatlin Sculpture, 1920
(Meta Mech. Constr. after Prof. R. Hausmann), 1920 ( reconstruction Michael Sellmann 1988 )
Watercolor, pencil, Indian ink, and Tailor’s dummy, revolver, bell, knife and fork, “C,” “27,”
collage on watercolor board, 42 × 30.2 cm false teeth, Order of the Black Eagle, Iron Cross,
Berlinische Galerie Osram light bulb, 130 × 45 × 45 cm
Berlinische Galerie
207 Da d a III
Ha nna h Höch Rudolf Schlichter and

151 152
Dada Dolls, 1916 /18 John HeartfielD
Textiles, paperboard, and pearls, Prussian Archangel, 1920
Dimensions variable ( reconstruction by Isabel Kork and Michael Sellmann )
Berlinische Galerie Papier-mâché on wire, uniform jacket,
uniform trousers, belt, boots, etc., 180 cm
Berlinische Galerie
208
Johan n es Ba a der a n d
15 3
Raou l H au sm a n n
Club of the Blue Milky Way, 1918
Lithograph in original mat, 50 × 31 cm
Berlinische Galerie
209 Da d a III
Han n ah H öch
15 4
My Proverbs to Live By, 1922
Collage, Indian ink, opaque white, crayon, gray
and colored pencil on paperboard, 30 × 40 cm
Berlinische Galerie
210
George Grosz an d Othe r s

15 5
Print Sheet “dadaco,“ 1919 –1921
Sheet VI: Prophets
Machine-printed on paper, 38.5 × 46 cm
Berlinische Galerie
211 Da d a III
Ha nna h Höch an d Raou l H au sman n

156
dada cordial, 1919/20–1922
Collage and photomontage on specimen, proof of the magazine
Der Dada, year I ( 1919 ), mounted on cardboard, 45.2 × 58.6 cm
Berlinische Galerie
212
Ha nna h H ö ch
157
Roma, 1925
Berlinische Galerie
213 Da d a III

H an n ah H ö ch
R a oul Ha usma n n
15 8 159
German Girl, 1930 Humans are Angels and Live
Collage on cardboard, mounted in Heaven, 1922
on baseboard, 21.6 × 11.6 cm Collage and photomontage on
Berlinische Galerie cardboard frame, 47.5 × 37.7 cm
Berlinische Galerie
214
Ha nna h H öch

H a n n a h Höch
160 161
With Cap (From an Ethnographic From an Ethnographic Museum,
Museum, no. XI), 1924 no. X, 1924
Collage on cardboard, 25 × 17.8 cm Collage on cardboard, 25.9 × 18.1 cm
215 Da d a III

H a nn ah H öch
162
The Journalists, 1925
Berlinische Galerie
216
George Gr o sz
The Little Grosz Portfolio, 1917
Portfolio of 20 lithographs on vellum
Berlinische Galerie

Cover
Lunatic’s Rumpus
163 16 4
29 × 21.6 cm Plate 6, 28.9 × 21.7 cm

Street
165
Plate 2, 28.8 × 21.8 cm
217 Da d a III

The Church
Young Lady and Lover
166 168
Plate 15, 29 × 21.6 cm Plate 1, 28.8 × 21.7 cm

Street of Pleasure
The Factories
167 169
Plate 7, 28.9 × 21.7 cm Plate 14, 28.8 × 21.8 cm
218
Ci zek School

170
Kinetic Sculpture, 1924
( reconstruction Franz Hnizdo 2012 )
wood, copper, plastics, 87.5 × 50 × 50 cm
Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien,
219 Kin eticis m III

L á s z ló M oh oly - N a gy
17 1
Glass Architecture III, 1921 / 22
Museum Wiesbaden
220
J ohannes Itten

17 2
Meeting, 1916
Kunsthaus Zürich

M or i z Me lz e r
17 3
Bridge – Town, 1923
222

L a jos Ka ssák Joh anna R eismayer-
174 175
Architecture, 1923 Fritsche
Tempera on paper on cardboard, 27 × 20 cm Abstract Composition, c. 1923
Sammlung Dieter und Gertraud Bogner im Tempera, charcoal on paper, 24 × 18.1 cm
mumok museum moderner kunst stiftung ludwig wien
Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv
F riedl Dicker

176
Composition with Musical Instruments, c. 1920
Opaque white, watercolor, crayon on paper,
mounted on cardboard, 57 × 79 cm
224
Friederike Nechansky- Stotz
17 7
Abstract Composition, 1922
Charcoal on transparent paper, mounted
on cardboard, 99 × 64 cm
Friedl Dicker
178
Else Lasker-Schüler, 1920
Invitation to the first Bauhaus evening with readings
Lithograph, 30.8 × 24.6 cm
Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv,
gift of Oswald Oberhuber
226
Erika Giovanna Klien

179
Locomotive, 1926
Sammlung Pabst
Raou l H AUSM ANN

18 0
Untitled (Abstract Composition), 1918
Mixed media (oil and collage) on canvas, 95.5 × 63 cm
Berlinische Galerie
228
Otto Möller Geor ge G r os z

181 182
Street Noise, 1920 The Tempo of the Street, 1918
Oil on canvas, 62.5 × 75.5 cm Oil on panel, 63.8 × 78.2 cm
Berlinische Galerie Private collection, courtesy Richard Nagy Ltd., London
Hugo Scheiber
18 3
On the Tram, c. 1925
Oil on cardboard, 69 × 98 cm
Ernst Galéria, Budapest
230
Sándor Bortn yik N a um G a b o

18 4 185
Composition, 1921 Constructive Head No. 3
Pencil and ink on paper, 21 × 18 cm ( Head in a Corner), 1917
mumok museum moderner kunst stiftung ludwig wien, ( reconstruction 1964)
former Sammlung Paul Kövesdi, New York
Silicon bronze, 62 × 70 × 35 cm
Berlinische Galerie
Friedrich Kiesler
186
L+T-System (Träger-Leger-System), 1924
Unkown photographer
Left: Träger-System with drawings and a stage model in the
International Exhibition of New Theater Techniques, Vienna
Right: View across the International Exhibition of New Theater
Techniques, with the Leger-System without exhibits, Vienna
Österreichische Friedrich und Lillian Kiesler-Privatstiftung
232
Otto Erich WAGNER Erika Giovanna Klien

187 18 8
Kinetic Space, 1924 Abstract Composition, 1923/ 24
Graphite on paper, 101 × 100 cm Oil on canvas on cardboard, 29.5 × 14 cm
Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv Belvedere, Vienna
Erika Giovanna Klien Erika Giovanna Klien

189 190
Street Battle, 1930 Revolution in Vienna, 1930
Watercolor on paper, 45.7 × 61 cm Watercolor on paper, 45.7 × 61 cm
Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv
234

191
Klessheim Courier:
Klessheim in the Snow, c. 1926/ 27
Gray and colored pencil, charcoal, 31.9 × 24.4 cm
Wien Museum

192
Klessheim Courier:
Klessheim in the Snow, c. 1926/ 27
Charcoal and pencil, 32 × 24 cm
Wien Museum
236

193
Klessheim Courier:
Steinmetz Scandal, c. 1926/ 27
Charcoal, gray and colored pencil, 28 × 22 cm
Wien Museum

194
Klessheim Courier:
Amusements in Klessheim, c. 1926/ 27
Gray and colored pencil, charcoal, 28 × 22 cm
Wien Museum
238

195
Klessheim Courier:
Longing, c. 1926/ 27
Charcoal, gray and colored pencil, 31.5 × 23.5 cm
Wien Museum

196
Klessheim Courier:
The Meeting, c. 1926/ 27
Charcoal, gray and colored pencil, 20 × 23 cm
Wien Museum
240

197
Klessheim Courier: Scandal News
12. Febr. 1927, c. 1926/ 27
Charcoal, pencil, 31.9 × 24.3 cm
Wien Museum
241 Da d a / Kin eticis m III
Ra l f Bu r m e i ste r ing Weimar was read aloud; finally, Johan

nes Baader declaimed his Acht Weltsätze [Eight
Dada Berlin and perhaps Austria’s World Statements], whose first line (“Humans
are angels and live in heaven”) would supply
“Greatest Experimenter” the title for a collage produced by Haus
mann in 1921, where the words are used to
sign (so to speak) an x-ray image of Baader’s
“Get a grip and hold on tight” – Dada skull (plate 159 ).4
maxim, 1920 (and still valid today) Unheard of things were experienced on
this evening, and the Café Austria was the
right place for them. Alongside the celebrat
Arrival at Café Austria ed Café des Westens, ridiculed by the con
servative press as “Café Größenwahn” (Café
The venue was chosen carefully. The text of Megalomania), which had served as the main
the advanced notice of the Dada soirée Club rendezvous point for Berlin’s avant-garde
der blauen Milchstrasse [Club of the Blue Milky and Bohemian scenes and the Café Josty,
Way], printed in the individualist-anarchist the “Austria” was an established locale for
magazine Der Einzige, was cryptic enough to political intellectuals and revolutionary art
generate curiosity: “The president of the ists. Meeting there before the turn of the
REPublic of dada will be arriving from Wei century had been Edvard Munch, Erich Müh
mar in the airplane Cassjopeja, which left sam, and Peter Hille. In January of 1911, the
on January 20, 1908. The president of the Café Austria had served as a stage for the
sun, the moon, and the smaller earth will Expressionist lecture evenings known as the fig. 1 Johannes Baader
announce the latest radio telegram. Each Neopathetisches Cabaret [Neo-Pathetic Cabaret], Double Portrait Baader – Hausmann,
c. 1919/20
visitor is obliged to purchase a telegram.” 1 at which Else Lasker-Schüler, Peter Baum, Kunsthaus Zürich
In the early evening of March 12, 1919, in Jakob van Hoddis, Georg Heym, Kurt Hiller,
the Café Austria, an Austrian locale located and Herwarth Walden had given readings.5
in the Mitte district of Berlin, not far from On the above-mentioned day known as “Ac.
Potsdam Bridge, two leaders of the Berlin 12,” eight years had already passed since van
Dada movement announced a new time reck Hoddis’s prophetic Weltende [End of the World]
oning to listeners. According to Johannes had told how “hats fly off the pointy heads
Baader, announced as the “President of the of citizens. … Roof-builders … break in half,
Republic of dada,” or “Oberdada” for short,2 and … floodtides break through dikes.” Yet,
and Raoul Hausmann, designated the “Dada- even in his darkest fantasies, van Hoddis
soph,” the year 1919 —the first year of peace could hardly have imagined the human bone
after the conclusion of World War I — inau mill of Verdun, the monstrosities of World
gurated the “Stunde Null,” the “Zero Hour” War I, an apocalypse caused not by nature,
(fig. 1). In the wake of the “great catastrophe but by human beings, in which the values
of the century,”3 the birth of Jesus Christ was of western civilization were ground to dust.
no longer valid as the fixed point of the cal When Hausmann and Baader made their
endar; a new time system based on the letters Dada declaration on March 12 in this coffee
of the alphabet was required. Accordingly, house atmosphere, hostilities had only con
the year “1919” was identified with an “A,” and cluded just four months earlier with the sign
the month of “March” with a small “c.,” fol ing of the Armistice of Compiègne; fifteen
lowed by the date; the Dada evening, then, more weeks would pass before the signing fig. 2 Raoul Hausmann
began at “6 o’clock Ac. 12.” On the program of the Versailles Treaty, which marked the OFFEAH. Placard Poem, 1918
Berlinische Galerie
of the Dada Club of the Blue Milky Way along formal conclusion of World War I; only on
side the declaration of a new reckoning of the June 28, 1919, would the ink begin to dry.
years and the months was a performance of Raoul Hausmann was born in Vienna and
pieces of sound poetry such as OFFEAH ( fig. was fourteen years old when his family moved
2), fmsbw, and kp’erioUM , composed and recit to Berlin, where he received his first instruc
ed by Raoul Hausmann; a pamphlet oppos tion in painting from his father, the portrait
Ral f B u r me i s te r 242
and history painter Victor Hausmann. He Precisely this striving of uniting artists in
would soon distance himself radically from the spirit of Dadaist ideas and actions in an
such academic influences. He studied with international framework is visible on the
Arthur Lewin-Funcke and established friend poster that advertised the evening of the
ships with painters from the Brücke group, Club of the Blue Milky Way. Shaped motivical
namely Erich Heckel, Max Pechstein, and ly by an upward rising composition of inter
Karl Schmidt-Rottluff. Beginning in 1912, he penetrating geometric forms that is slightly
shared a studio with Heckel, where he pro reminiscent of stylized musical instruments
duced his first Expressionist lithographs, (one of Raoul Hausmann’s so-called “abstract
woodcuts, and paintings (plate 86 ). From image ideas,” a series of which he produced
1917, he became one of the most prominent in watercolor or woodcut between 1917 and
members of the Dada movement, which saw 1918), the lithograph poster displays the call
itself as a “total rebellion against all customs, “D A d a” (plate 15 3 ). Shown on the upper left
all beliefs, and all privileges.”6 This self-un is the address of Café Austria, chosen (as
derstanding, together with its claims to un mentioned above) quite purposely as the
conditional validity, arose from the existen venue for this event. Below the word “AUS
tial convulsions that accompanied the ap TRIA,” Hausmann has set the words “erit in
parent collapse of civilization in World War I. orbe ultima” (you shall be the last in the
Gauged by the above-mentioned action (and world) in parentheses.10 Accordingly, Aus
how can we understand the declaration of tria would be the remotest spot on earth to
the new time reckoning other than as a joke be seized by Dada, or from which the Da
or as megalomania?), it was sustained by a daist heartbeat would emanate, according to
sense of seriousness that was camouflaged the “Berlinized” Viennese native Hausmann.
by joking. Or as Karena Niehoff put it so ap Was this commentary motivated by an aware
positely, the Dadaists were “frightful blas ness that even at their most sophisticated,
phemers out of an indignant love of the the artists found in Hausmann’s motherland
world.”7 neither could nor would follow the direct
Dada was born in Zurich in 1916. Pacifists and often rude style of the Berlin Dada ten
and political émigrés, as well as spies and dency to which he belonged?
war profiteers, withdrew to politically neutral, If we recall the motto of the Vienna Seces
peaceful Switzerland during World War I. sion: “To the times, their art, to art its free
There, Dada came into existence as an anti dom,” then the first line of the Dada Manifesto,
war “fool’s game out of nothingness.” Gath published in 1918, almost seems like an al
ering under the aegis of Dada at Zurich’s lusion: “In its achievements and orientation,
Cabaret Voltaire were visual artists and writ art is dependent upon the time in which it
ers such as Hans Arp, Marcel Janco, Tristan lives, and the artists are creatures of their
Tzara, Emmy Hennings, Hugo Ball, and Rich- own epoch.” 11 At a time when—despite the
ard Huelsenbeck. Appalled by the war, which epochal break brought about by World War I
they regarded as a “grandiose festival of —the “gigantic world nonsense” (George
slaughter [and] cannibalistic heroics” (Hugo Grosz) continued to be upheld, a vigorous
Ball), they sought to initiate an uncompro nationalism and militarism required artistic
mising artistic countermovement. To “nation forms of expression that could address the
al hymns and flags, the Dadaists—some of state of affairs directly and implacably.12
whom had been purged of all traces of pa
triotic sentiment by wartime experiences— Dada Takes Hold
responded with their ‘Merde.’”8 As a conse
quence, the Dada movement was propelled Hovering above the heads of visitors in the
by a supranational sense of the world and a central hall of the First International Dada Fair,
pacifistic internationalism. held in Berlin in the summer of 1920, was an
With the aspiration of having a global im object that embodied in paradigmatic form
pact, Dada centers and branches developed the confrontational and polemic basic atti-
continually across national boundaries.9 tude of Berlin Dada, as well as its innovative
use of materials that were hitherto regarded art critic Adolf Behne informed his readers
as foreign to art (plate 152 ). The authors of on the occasion of the Dada Fair: “Dada
the ceiling sculpture Preußischer Erzengel [Prus- shows the world 1920. Many people will say:
sian Archangel] were John Heartfield, the so- Even 1920 cannot be this dreadful. But it is:
called “Dada engineer” of the Berlin Dada The human being is a machine, culture is in
Club, and Rudolf Schlichter. The soldier man tatters, education a presumption, the spirit is
nequin wore a gray field uniform, decorat one of brutality, the average is stupidity, and
ed with an officer’s insignia on the epaulets the master is the military.” 16 During a visit
as well as an officer’s cockade on his field cap. to the Dada Fair, perhaps prompted by Beh
As we can see from the sole surviving photo ne’s report, a young German officer was so
graph that documents this Dada angel, the provoked by the objects on view that he
figure wore a prosthetic in place of its right made a complaint against the group for “in
hand, which resembles a bayonet ( fig. 3 ). The sulting the armed forces.” The officer (who
main semantic accent, however, was the mask spoke for many others) felt himself vilified in
fig. 3 Opening of the First Inter-
which endowed the “luminous figure in the a particularly shameful way by George Grosz’s national Dada Fair, Berlin, 1920
service of Prussia” with its features. Echoing portfolio of prints Gott mit uns [God with us], Left to right: Hannah Höch, Raoul
World War I, the pig became an emblem of which comments satirically on the counter Hausmann, Otto Burchard, Johannes
Baader, Wieland and Margarete
the “pessimistic anthropology” cultivated by revolutionary events of 1919 in Germany, Herzfelde, Otto Schmalhausen,
the Dadaists,13 for as George Grosz had al and by the Prussian Archangel. The Dadaists, George Grosz, and John Heartfield
ready asserted: “All the way from confirma however, were treated leniently in the sub
tion to the point when they pop up in the sequent judicial proceedings; instead of be
hubbub of Paradise in the Beyond: ‘People ing sentenced to prison, they were merely
are swine.’”14 Humanity, which revealed its compelled to pay a fine.17
bestial nature on the battlefield, is exposed
once again in the Prussian Archangel: The gro Dada versus …
tesque pig mask is the true face of the ep
och. Even more provocative was the fact The First International Dada Fair, organized by
that Heartfield and Schlichter were citing George Grosz, Raoul Hausmann, and John
French World War I propaganda, which of Heartfield, and on view at the art dealership
ten depicted the hated German soldiers as of Dr. Otto Burchard at Lützow-Ufer 13 in
pigs with spiked helmets. Berlin from July 1 to August 25, 1920, was
Hanging from the sculpture was an ex the most wide-ranging manifestation of the
planatory sign which read: “In order to really Dada movement.18 The “internationalism”
understand this work of art, you must drill announced in the title was redeemed by the
on Tempelhofer Feld for 12 hours daily with participating artists: Alongside the Berlin
a full knapsack and in full marching order.” group, Hans Arp in Zurich, Johannes Theo
That which today resembles the guidelines dor Baargeld in Cologne, Otto Dix in Dres
for an art action, and which consequently den, Max Ernst in Cologne, Francis Picabia
seems like expansion avant la lettre of the in Paris, Ben Hecht in Chicago, and Rudolf
definition of art—and which would arrive Schlichter in Karlsruhe all showed their Da
at its concrete manifestation at the Fluxus daist “products,” as they referred with iron
events of the 1960s—was actually an attack ic emphasis to the anti-artistic commodity
on the bourgeois understanding of art in character of their works. Aside from Haus
the Weimar Republic. Evoked in place of aes mann, Walter Serner was the only participant
thetic edification were memories of dust- who had been socialized at least partially in
choked throats and wounded feet on Berlin’s Austria. He had studied law in Vienna, and
drilling grounds (“Tempelhofer Feld”), the was quite familiar with the Viennese art world
naïve prelude that sought to prepare the through his role as a columnist for the Karls
rank-and-file for Verdun. bader Zeitung, published by his father. In 1914,
For the Berlin Dadaists, the young Wei he immigrated to Switzerland, where he es
mar Republic was “nothing but a lie, a dis tablished casual contacts with the Dada cir
guise for Teutonic barbarism.” 15 Or as the cle. At the Dada Fair, Serner—who was the
author of the Dada manifesto Letzte Locke ing of the Cabaret Voltaire in Zurich, and visual
rung, which also appeared in 1920—was re material by him appeared in Franz Pfemfert’s
presented by a collaged portrait photograph committed anarchist-pacifist magazine, Die
that had been envisioned for Dadaco, a Da Aktion, on a regular basis, Oppenheimer none
da Atlas that was never actually published theless remained a dyed-in-the-wool Expres
(fig. 4).19 There were no genuine represent sionist.24 The demand for radically new forms
atives of Austria at the First International Da- of expression was alien to him, and he was
da Fair. As astonishing as it seems, the anti- seen as a foreign body among the Berlin
art movement did not extend to that neigh Dadaists. With regard to materials and aes
boring country and former so-called brother- thetics, Rudolf Wacker’s Naturalistisches Klebe-
in-arms—truly “erit in orbe ultima.” bild (Frau Klimesch) [Naturalistic Collage (Mrs
The Dadaists had two main enemies: First Klimesch)] of 1924 is the sole work produced
ly, there was the bourgeoisie, for Berlin Da by an Austrian during those years whose im
fig. 4 dadaist W. Serner
(print sheet “dadaco”, sheet VI) da was determined to combat the “Weimar pact is genuinely Dadaist ( fig. 5 ). Wacker, an
Missing collage outlook on life” through which the middle autodidact, lived in Berlin between 1921 and
class sought to conceal its nationalist, reac 1924, and in producing the collage, which
tionary, militant alter ego behind a mask of is unique in his oeuvre, he attempted to use
democracy and humanism;20 secondly, there materials as authentically real according to
was Expressionism. Against this artistic style, Dada requirements. He used woolen yarn for
which they referred to as their own in an the hair of the portrayed figure, the dress
“earlier life,” the Dadaists directed relentless was formed from variously patterned fabrics,
polemics, first and foremost Hausmann: The the framed photograph of “strongmen” that
new (postwar) era required an experimental stands on the table in front of the woman,
transvaluation of art, required new forms, secretly in love, is genuine. Even the border
and “marvelous constellations in real mate of the curtains in the background was sewn
rial” as an antipode to a l’art pour l’art that by hand. Only the face, the neck down to the
was free of all meaning. “A child’s discarded cleavage, the hands, and the female breasts,
doll, a colorful rag, are more necessary ex revealed by cutting out sections of the dress,
pressions than some ass who plants himself are modeled through impasto paint appli
with oil paint for an eternity in an endless cation. Wacker was stimulated “by the use of
living room.” 21 And in December 1919 Haus real materials to heighten the contrast of
mann wrote: “An absolute incapacity to say structures” which allowed him, as he wrote, to
something, to grasp an object, to play with give expression to the “impulse toward crass
it — that is Expressionism, a spiritual poultice naturalism” in his work.25 But the Dadaists
for blighted bowels, a slimy dish that was were no born-again Naturalists – and Wacker
spoiled from the first and gives you tremen was certainly no Dadaist. The connection to
dous stomach cramps.”22 When Hannah reality stimulated Dada only as a grotesque
Höch in her collage Meine Haussprüche [My form of the Enlightenment. In Dadaist col
Proverbs to Live By] (plate 15 4 ) cites Walter lages, for example Hannah Höch’s Dada-Rund
Serner with the sentence “Hit them in the schau [Dada Review] ( plate 148 ), the deployment
ribs!” she too alludes to the concrete rela of fragments of reality, in this case elements
tionship between art and reality that was to cut from newspapers and magazines, is not
have supplanted non-objectivity, with its adopted for the sake of formal experimenta
imputed vacuousness, and its aim of instead tion; their use is instead devoted to distort
boring into the consciousness of the receiver ing (depicted) reality to the point of recogniz
with barbed hooks.23 In response to this ability.
fig. 5 Rudolf Wacker demand, collage and its offspring, photo
Naturalistic Collage (Mrs Klimesch),
1924 montage and assemblage, emerged as the Dada after Dada
Private collection genuine expressive resources of Dada.
And although works by the Viennese art As great as the furor over Dada in Berlin was,
ist Max Oppenheimer, alias Mopp, who lived the end arrived quickly. The First International
in Berlin, had been presented at the found Dada Fair of 1920 remained a unique event.
The group around the Dada Club disinte Würthle speaks for itself. As does the fact
grated after only three years: The artistic that this wide-ranging presentation was not
activities of George Grosz and John Heart reported in the Viennese feature pages.28
field were focused increasingly on Commu Dada’s spiritual fire found no nourishment
nist agitation. While remaining faithful to the in Austria, and Thomas Milch is on target
collage medium throughout her life, Han when he claims that “the Viennese were al
nah Höch separated from Hausmann, her life ready well served by Karl Kraus!”29
companion, and established independent con A half-century later, Raoul Hausmann
nections with the international avant-garde spoke up again to express his own convic
(in 1925, she met, among others, Friedrich tion that he was “Austria’s greatest experi
Kiesler in Paris). Before withdrawing in the menter.”30 He composed a “Dada dictum
mid-1920s to Hamburg, where he worked as for Austria” which reads: “Dada was born in
a journalist, Johannes Baader was the sole many places, like Homer, it laid claim to many
organizer of a Carnival Dada Ball that took cities, and these were: Zurich, Berlin, Co
place on January 20, 1921. Hausmann, final logne, Hannover, and Paris. As one point of
ly, devoted himself increasingly as an auto this five-pointed star, from the Dadaist Ori
didact to photography and the development on, I send all of my fellow countrymen the
of a synesthetic perceptual apparatus, the so- joyful message: Dada came, saw, and con
called “Optophon.” 26 In 1921, the enthusiasm quered, and Dada lives. Good people of this
for the kind of productive artistic distur country, who are supposed to do nothing
bances cultivated by the Berlin Dada group but get married, embrace the fable that more
was also found among the members of the than 50 years ago already, you were liber
Hungarian Ma group around Lajos Kassák. ated from the pragmatic sanction of all rea
Though based in Vienna, it came too late, son and logic, and have nothing else to do
and it did not last long among these Con but to be Dada, Dada, Dada!”31 The Wiener
structivist artists.27 Certainly, text and graph Gruppe and the Viennese Actionists were
ic works by Kurt Schwitters, Hans Arp, and the legitimate heirs of Dada. And with the
the “Weltdada” Richard Huelsenbeck contin Berlin appearances of Gerhard Rühm in the fig. 6 Ludwig Hoffenreich
Hermann Nitsch, Oswald Wiener,
ued to appear in the eponymous journal mid-1960s, and the arrival of Oswald Wie Robert Klemmer, and Christian
Ma, but the Berlin leftist contribution was ner and Christian Ludwig Attersee, who were Ludwig Attersee in Berlin,
restricted to illustrations by George Grosz visited occasionally by Hermann Nitsch, the February 1967
Atelier/Archiv Attersee
that accompanied texts by Erzsi Újváris. artistic interrelation between Vienna and Ber-
The fact that Grosz, eventually, published a lin was reanimated: This is reason enough
melancholy retrospective of Dada entitled to have our exhibition followed by a second
Abwicklung [Phase-out] in the catalog of a solo part (fig. 6).
exhibition held in 1924 at Vienna’s Galerie
1 Der Einzige, Berlin 3.09.1919, no. 8, und ihre Aktionen, Berlin 1993, 5 Michael Rössner (ed.), Literarische
p. 95. p. 144–161. – Adrian V. Sudhalter, Kaffeehäuser, Kaffeehausliteraten,
Johannes Baader and the Demise of Vienna 1999, p. 111.
2 According to Baader, this designa- Wilhelmine Culture. Architecture,
tion can be traced back to Siegfried Dada, and Social Critique 1875–1920, 6 Raoul Hausmann, Am Anfang
Jacobsohn, editor of Weltbühne; New York 2005. war Dada, Gießen 1992, p. 7.
Baader preferred the self-chosen title
“Präsident des Erdballs” (President 3 George F. Kennan, Bismarcks euro- 7 Karena Niehoff, “Wiederbegegnung
of the Globe). – On Johannes Baader, päisches System in der Auflösung: mit Dada. Melancholische Betrach-
a trained mausoleum architect who Die französisch-russische Annäherung tung zu einem toten Hund, der beißt,”
Hausmann had known since 1905, 1875–1890, Frankfurt am Main/Berlin/ in: Der Tagesspiegel, Berlin,
and his public Dadaist provocations, Vienna 1981, p. 12. 10.19.1958.
which allowed him to oscillate between 8 Cf. Raimund Meyer, “Dada ist die
artistic avant-gardist and prophetic 4 Two reviews on the evening appear-
ed: “Klub Milchstraße,” in: BZ am Mittag, Weltseele, Dada ist der Clou,” in: Dada
“Inflationsheiliger” (itinerant preachers global (exh. cat. Kunsthaus Zürich),
who emerged during times of crisis Berlin, vol. 42, no. 55, 3.13.1919. – “Die
‘Blaue Milchstraße’ im Café Austria,” Zurich 1994, p. 14.
and especially inflation in the 1920s),
cf. among others: Hanne Bergius, Das in: 8 Uhr-Abendblatt, National-Zeitung,
Lachen Dadas. Die Berliner Dadaisten Berlin, vol. 72, no. 58, 3.13.1919.
9 This detail was brought to my attent- 18 For the Erste Internationale (exh. cat. Berlinische Galerie, Berlin),
ion by Louisa Helene Schwope, for Dada Messe, cf. Bergius 2000 Budapest 2011, pp. 35–36.
which she has my grateful thanks. (see note 13), pp. 233–303.
28 It is telling that the important Vien-
10 Even Georges Hugnet’s early dis- 19 Cf. ill. in Bergius 2000 (see note 13), nese dramatist Franz Theodor Csokor
cussions of the Dada spirit in painting, p. 391. was only able to publish a discussion
published in Cahiers d’ Art in 1932 in the German press. His criticism
and 1934, mention the various Dada 20 Raoul Hausmann, Pamphlet gegen agrees with Austrian positions: “Grosz’s
centers with their respective protago- die Weimarische Lebensauffassung infantilism is not concerned with the
nists. This arrangement was also follow- (1919), reprinted in: Hausmann 1992 inner scream; he formulates his indict-
ed by the first German retrospective, (see note 6), pp. 85–87. ment in an immediate and grating
which took place in 1958 under the 21 Raoul Hausmann, Synthetisches way.” In: Frankfurter Zeitung, 9.23.1924.
title “Dada. Dokumente einer Bewe- Cino der Malerei (1919). Cited from: My grateful thanks to Cornelia Cabuk,
gung” (Kunstverein für die Rheinlande Hausmann 1992 (see note 6), p. 28. Belvedere Vienna, for reference to this
und Westfalen, Düsseldorf). Ment- critique.
ioned as Dada’s principal venues along- 22 Raoul Hausmann, Der deutsche
side Zurich were Berlin, Cologne, Spießer ärgert sich (Dec 1919). 29 That the editors of the catalog
Hannover, Paris, and New York. – On Cited from: Berlinische Galerie (ed.), DADAutriche (see note 24) took a
the global presence of Dada, cf. Lau- Hannah Höch. Eine Lebenscollage, vacation in Tirol in 1921 and 1922 by
rent Le Bon (ed.), Dada (exh. cat. vol. I (1889–1920), Berlin 1989, p. 620. Hans Arp, André Breton, Max Ernst,
Centre National d’Art et de Culture Paul Éluard, and Tristan Tzara as a
Georges Pompidou, Paris), Paris 2005. 23 Walter Serner, Letzte Lockerung, pretext to integrate Austria into the
Hannover 1920, p. 29. historical art canon of Dada re-
11 “Dadaistisches Manifest,” cited quires discussion. The catalog contri-
from: Hausmann 1992 (see note 6), 24 Cf. Bernhard Echte, “Lord Mopp, bution by Thomas Milch already
p. 23. der Snob. Max Oppenheimer und der questions this attempt, when Milch
Dadaismus,” in: Günther Dankl/Raoul writes pointedly: “Dada is Austria?
12 Sentence written by Grosz on a Schrott (eds.), DADAutriche 1907– Never happened, sorry.” Thomas Milch,
dadaco proof sheet now found in a 1970 (exh. cat. Tiroler Landesmuseum “‘wiener hintere zollamtvokabeln voll
private collection. Cited from: Bergius Ferdinandeum, Innsbruck), Innsbruck grauslichkeit.’ Serner – Kraus – Dada,”
1993 (see note 2), p. 12. 1993, pp. 63–79. in: Dankl/Schrott 1993 (see note 24),
13 Hanne Bergius, Montage und 25 Cited from Cornelia Cabuk, pp. 33–43, here p. 34.
Metamechanik. Dada Berlin – Artistik “Zwischen Vernetzung und Isolation. 30 Heimrad Bäcker (ed.), briefe an
von Polaritäten, Berlin 2000, p. 269. Österreichs Moderne und die inter- otto breicha, friedericke mayröcker,
nationale Entwicklung,” in: Zwischen briefwechsel mit andreas okopenko.
14 Herbert Knust (ed.), George Grosz, den Kriegen. Österreichische Künstler
Briefe 1913–1959, Reinbek bei Hamburg 1918–1938 (exh. cat. Leopold Museum, Grafiken vom Verfasser, Linz 1988,
1979, letter to Otto Schmalhausen, p. 30. – In another context, Hausmann
Vienna), Vienna 2007, p. 30. refers to himself pointedly as a “Euro-
3.3.1918, p. 58.
26 Cf. Berlinische Galerie (ed.), pean.” For a discussion of Hausmann’s
15 Hausmann 1992 (see note 6), p. 18. Raoul Hausmann. Dada Wissenschaft, nationality, see: Adelheid Koch, Ich
prepared by Arndt Niebisch, Ham- bin immerhin der größte Experimenta-
16 Adolf Behne, “Dada,” in: Die Frei- tor Österreichs. Raoul Hausmann,
heit, 7.9.1920 (evening edition). burg 2013.
Dada und Neodada, Innsbruck 1994,
17 Rosamunde Neugebauer, George 27 Cf. Éva Forgács, “‘Du gibst uns zu pp. 14–21.
Grosz. Macht und Ohnmacht satiri- essen und deswegen kämpfen wir
gegen dich.’ Konzepte von Kunst und 31 Raoul Hausmann, “Dadaspruch
scher Kunst. Die Graphikfolgen ‘Gott für Österreich,” in: Manuskripte.
mit uns,’ Ecce homo und Hintergrund, Staat bei Lajos Kassák und in der unga-
rischen Avantgarde,” in: Lajos Kassák. Zeitschrift für Literatur, Kunst, Kritik,
Berlin 1993, pp. 51–78. Graz, April 1966, no. 16, p. 2.
Botschafter der Avantgarde (1915–1927)
A n n e li e Lü tg e n s tivity.”2 This ambivalent attitude—apprecia

tion on the one hand, ignorance on the oth
Modern Women Artists between er—is typical for contemporary responses
to the women artists who nevertheless partic
the Metropolises: Hannah ipated in the avant-garde, and who—in the
cases of Höch, Klien, and Dicker—employed
Höch, Erika Giovanna Klien, modern techniques such as collage, montage,
typography, and text-image procedures in
Friedl Dicker
deliberate and self-evident ways.
Detectable in the biographies as well as
A “woman’s art”? in the artistic achievements of these three
women are various intersections—similarities
In my search for commonalities between these regarding the opportunities they enjoyed, as
three female artists, distributed between Vi well as the problems faced by their genera
enna and Berlin, who probably never met tion, suspended between tradition and eman
fig. 1 Lily Hildebrandt
one another during their lifetimes, I came cipation, and similarities vis-à-vis the person Friedl Dicker and Hans Hildebrandt
across—of all things—Hans Hildebrandt’s al and artistic solutions they invented. At in an open convertible, 1920
Bauhaus-Archiv Berlin
investigation Die Frau als Künstlerin [The Wom- the same time, attention to their differences
an As Artist], which was published in 1928. makes it possible to answer the question:
The book’s tendency—which is to deny wom What did it mean to be a modern female art
en in principle any place among the ranks of ist in the 1920s?
innovative artists—has long since received
some well-deserved criticism. In the chapter Beginnings
entitled “The Woman Artist of the Present
Day,” nonetheless, Hildebrandt does circum Both Hannah Höch and Erika Giovanna Klien
scribe the struggle women artists faced for graduated from schools of applied arts—
equal opportunity as professionals and for for only beginning in 1919 were women al
emancipated roles in their partnerships, and lowed to enroll in art academies in Germany
he lists 130 names, among them Hannah and Austria. Friedl Dicker acquired training
Höch, Friedl Dicker, and Erika Giovanna as a photographer at the Graphische Lehr-
Klien. Höch was acquainted with Hildebrandt und Versuchsanstalt [Graphics Teaching and
and his wife, the painter Lily Hildebrandt. Research Station] in Vienna before transfer
The Hildebrandts lived in Stuttgart, where ring to the Kunstgewerbeschule [School of
they engaged in collegial and friendly ex Applied Arts], and then to Johannes Itten’s
changes with artists and architects. Friedl private school. For all three, a training of
Dicker also belonged to this circle (fig. 1). necessity in the area of applied arts was ad
Hildebrandt pictured her metal sculpture vantageous in the sense that it allowed them
Anna selbdritt [The Virgin and Child with Saint to earn their livings. During the economi
Anne] of 1921, and he refers to the Vienna cally difficult years of 1916 to 1926, Höch
native as “one of the most multifaceted and worked half-days as a design drafter for the
original female talents of the present-day.” 1 editorial department for handicrafts of the
With his fondness for modern architecture, Ullstein publishing house in Berlin. In Vien
this art historian found no difficulty in rec na, Klien produced advertising graphics and
onciling Dicker’s applied art with his concep taught art beginning in 1926 in Klessheim
tion of a “women’s art” (fig. 2). near Salzburg before moving in 1929 to
Not unlike Friedl Dicker, who worked for New York, where she taught at various insti
the stage, Höch and Klien were both en tutes. After her time at the Bauhaus, Dicker
thralled with dolls and marionettes—again, went into business with the architect Franz fig. 2 Friedl Dicker
unfortunately, a genuinely “female” theme. Singer. In 1923, they founded the Werkstät The Virgin and Child
with Saint Anne, 1921
For Hans Hildebrandt, they were therefore ten Bildender Kunst [Visual Art Workshops] Whereabouts unknown
entirely in their own element, which he re in Berlin-Friedenau. Working for the theater
ferred to as a “purely feminine sculptural ac director Berthold Viertel, they designed sets
Anne l i e Lü tge n s 248
for various German stages, and commuted tween Friedl Dicker and Franz Singer (1896–
between Berlin, Dresden, Cologne, and Leip- 1954), who met at Itten’s private school in
zig. In 1925, they opened the Atelier Dicker- Vienna and followed their teacher to Wei
Singer in Vienna, a successful small enter mar. Singer as architect and Dicker as inte
prise for modern architecture and interior rior designer made a successful team, first
design which established Bauhaus modern in Berlin, then in Vienna in the late 1920s,
ism in the Austrian capital.3 where they were responsible among other
projects for the Montessori Kindergarten in
Love, Art, and Politics the Goethehof of the Wiener Gemeinde
bauten [Municipality Buildings of Vienna];
Three Upheavals in a Self-Determined Life: for the interior design of Adolf Loos’s Villa
Conflict is Never Absent, for the Artistic is Moller; for building a tennis club; and for
Personal, is Political. The love affair and ar the interior design of a fashion salon.7 For
tistic friendship between Hannah Höch and both Dicker and Singer, these collaborative
Raoul Hausmann, which lasted from 1915 to projects were the most successful of their
1922, is ideally documented in their texts, but careers. For Dicker the unpleasant side of
also in the traces it left behind in their visual this romantic and professional partnership
works.4 Among the Berlin Dadaists, Haus emerged in 1921, when Singer married the
mann worked for Höch’s participation in the singer Emmy Heim and had a son with her.
First International Dada Fair of 1920, where she Dicker herself wanted children, and it was
showed her first masterwork, the Schnitt mit Singer who demanded the termination of her
dem Küchenmesser Dada durch die letzte Weimarer pregnancies. When Singer’s legitimate son
Bierbauchkulturepoche Deutschlands [ Cut with the died in 1930, both the private and profes
Kitchen Knife DADA through the Last Weimar sional sides of their relationship fell apart.
Beer-Belly Cultural Epoch in Germany]. Both Dicker felt guilty over the death of her lover’s
Dada and her artistic and philosophical en child—the child she would have wanted as
counter with Hausmann, the “Dadasoph,” her own. (Later, in exile in Prague, she work-
were stimuli for her artistic development. ed through this guilt complex with a psycho-
Collage soon became Höch’s characteristic logist.) A period of greater social commit
form of expression. At the same time, Haus ment began in the early 1930s; she joined
mann insisted “with remorseless and humor the Austrian Communist Party and worked,
less fanaticism”5 upon his partner’s emanci among other things, with the organization
pation—meaning her abandonment of patri “Jugend-am-Werk” [Youth at Work] for the
archal models, including family ties and mo- resocialization of young people through
nogamous couple relationships. Hausmann technical training.
had no desire to relinquish his intellectual Erika Giovanna Klien, who processed her
and sexual relationships with either Höch erotic yearnings and emotional roller-coaster
or his wife Elfriede—and within this con experiences in the Klessheimer Sendbote [Kless-
stellation, even contemplated having chil heim Courier] of 1926/27, refused to be talked
dren with Höch. She, however, was unable into having an abortion. In Graz in Novem
to accept Hausmann’s utopia of “holistic” co ber of 1928, she had a child by a married
habitation, itself based on the psychoanaly man, entrusted it to foster parents, and then
sis of the Austrian Otto Gross.6 She under began a new life in New York City. Only in
went two abortions and separated from Haus 1946 did she establish contact with her son
mann a number of times —without, however, via letter.8 It is not known whether she ever
getting fully free of him. The broad discus saw him again.
fig. 3 Hannah Höch sion carried on in the Berlin of the 1920s For all of those artists—male and female
The Bride (Pandora), 1924–27
Berlinische Galerie about a new relationship between the sexes —who were unable to accommodate them
flowed continually into Höch’s work, one selves to the National Socialist regime, who
example being the painting Die Braut [ T he either could not or would not negotiate the
Bride] of 1924–27 (fig. 3). A similarly produc delicate space of action between resistance
tive and conflictual relationship existed be and adjustment, whether because they were
Jews, or leftist, or simply critical spirits, the painting of the chives and the “soul of Wom
events that began to unfold in the early an,” we learn only that she became a mother,
1930s led to biographical ruptures. Life tra which led to one of the four “harridan de
jectories took sharp turns, branching into mands.” Otherwise, she was apparently ( like
three possible directions that too often es the author herself ) one of those “tiny little
caped individual control: Emigration, inner women” who could not always be “kneaded
emigration, or deportation. Höch, Klien, and and shaped so as to accommodate a man’s
Dicker respectively shared each of the three psychic and physical comfort.”
fates. Höch was a master at using the kitchen
knife or scissors to cut the intellectual high-
Hannah Höch’s “Querschnitte durch altitude flights of the modern artist down to
den Bildsalat” (Cross-Sections the level of an everyday practicability that
9 deliberately ignores traditional categories of
through a Picture Salad) Plus
Chive Garnish high and low, of souls and chives. Which does
not mean that she was not conversant with
A modern painter found himself obliged by the scientific, philosophical, and aesthetic
his wife to do the washing up. This happen discoveries of her time.
ed four times in four years. Propelled in this Her collage Meine Haussprüche [ My Proverbs
way into the demeaning realm of the every to Live By] of 192211 ( plate 154 ) is conceived hori
day existence of a housewife, he felt as though zontally—a contrast to the vertical format
his manhood and his honor as an artist had works, most of which revolve around figures.
been injured. In order to compensate for this Its arrangement of overlapping, rectangular
affiliation, he began painting a programmatic cutout elements of the most various prove
picture, or more precisely to “cube” it. It was nances approaches a text-image narrative of
to have depicted “the coexistence of chives the type Erika Giovanna Klien would later
with the soul of Woman in a comparative configure graphically in her Klessheimer Send-
way.” In theory, the painting was already fin bote [Klessheim Courier]. This flirtation with triv
ished, and had already been registered for ial media that are remote from high art (news
an exhibition. In reality, its completion took papers, proverbs, “things from garden arbors
longer. After two years and two days, the and poetry albums”12) links the two works,
painter had still not gotten beyond the chives. along with the mixture of personal and artis
The painting became greener and greener, tic confession, tinged with melancholy and
and in the end, the painter decided with a irony. Along with Cut with the Kitchen Knife, it
heavy heart “to omit the soul of Woman and is the only collage by Höch which incorpo
to remain instead with the chives.” The work rates a photographic self-portrait, and the
was acclaimed at the great national exhibi only one whose textual elements are hand
tion. The president, enraptured, was remind written. This also speaks for the intimate
ed of something—but of what? His adju character of the work, which is not only de
tant said: “Of the revolution, Mr. President. scribed in the literature as a “key work of the
That’s right, of the revolution.” The painter Berlin Dada movement,” but also as a “fare
sold the picture to the “National Gallery.” well to Dada” or as an “anti-Dada collage.”
Asked for the work’s title, he left “out the Referred to here is the drifting apart of the
chives and called it proudly: The Soul of Wom- Berlin Dada group, which disintegrated with
an.” 10 the end of the Höch–Hausmann relation
Der Maler [The Painter], briefly retold above, ship.13
is a little work of literature from Hannah Among the many levels of meaning that
Höch’s pen, one that sums up in nuce the are bundled together in this collage, it is the
critical preoccupation with gender roles that depiction of time and movement that is of
flowed into her collaged and painted works, interest in the present context. Höch does
supplementing these with a satire on the not achieve this through simultaneous ac
cult of genius cultivated by the modern art tion, but instead via succession, as though
ist. Concerning the woman who inspired the on a wall chart: The individual movements
of the embroidery needle through the can [Anita Berber Dances]. In the large-format Gang
vas to create a cross stitch function like the durch die Großstadt [Path through the Metropolis]
fictive storyboard of an animated film; the of 1923, she scenarizes the simultaneous per
red arrow in the children’s drawing which ception of high-rises, steel-frame bridges, ad
traces the falling trajectory of the leaves from vertising billboards, and human gazes in a
the tree, and at the same time indicates the frieze measuring seven meters in length, one
sheet’s authoress; the exterior photo of the that is comprehensible to viewers only when
large clock on the tower of the Siemens they set themselves in motion (fig. 4).
Building, accompanied by the words “Zeiger Klien’s work of the 1920s brings together
auf Zeit” (hand on the time), and alongside modern perceptions of the metropolis with
it, an interior shot which shows a worker ser movement, dance, and text. From 1922 to
vicing the mechanism; we see “keine Zeiger 1923, she took acting lessons and made ap
auf Zeit” (no hand on the time), a quotation pearances in suburban theaters, and in 1924
from Hans Arp, but are aware of the neces she designed a kinetic marionette theater.15
sity for human labor if the measurement of The literature paints a portrait of an eccen
time is to function frictionlessly, to which the tric, self-willed young woman who insisted
ball bearings that ensure the functioning of upon artistic as well as sexual freedom, a
the wheel, incidentally, also refer. “foolishly exalted, audaciously dressed, enig
Into the collection of citations and images matic creature.”16
entitled Meine Haussprüche, then, Höch weaves After Erika Giovanna Klien received sup
cosmos and cross stitch, the philosophical plementary teacher training following the
and the manual. She produces precisely that conclusion of her studies, Cizek recommend
through which the painter in her little nar ed her to the newly founded Elizabeth Dun-
rative text encountered failure. can-Schule in Klessheim Palace near Salz
burg.The school was headed by Isadora Dun-
Erika Giovanna Klien: can’s sister, and was dedicated to the free
Key Figure of Kineticism expressive dance Duncan had developed in
14 the early twentieth century. “Through the
and “Misplaced Existence”
junction of the pedagogical objectives of the
Decisive for Klien’s conception of art, to Elizabeth Duncan-Schule and Cizek’s ideas
which she adhered all of her life, were her on reformed teaching, an attempt was made
training years—which lasted from 1919 to to promote the expressive powers of the in
1924—with Franz Cizek, the legendary di dividual, thereby making a contribution to
rector of the Department of Ornamental the formation of a ‘comprehensively educat
Forms at the Vienna Kunstgewerbeschule ed, harmonious human being.’ ”17 Between
[School of Applied Arts]. His instruction was 1925 and 1928, Klien taught art there, while
shaped by reformist pedagogy and by the at the same time practicing expressive dance.
specifically Viennese interpretation of the
avant-gardes before World War I: Expres Avant-Garde News from the Prov-
sionism, Cubism, and Futurism as forms of inces: The Klessheimer Sendbote
applied art. Central to this “kinetic” tenden [Klessheim Courier]
cy were movement and ornamentation. The
idea was to avoid realism, and to instead de The title plays with allusions to a local news
fig. 4 Erika Giovanna Klien velop autonomous forms out of one’s own paper. But behind this we find an art-histor
Path through the Metropolis, 1924
Exhibition by Cizek’s class at the intuitions and feelings. The same principle ically singular pictorial narrative that almost
Maryland Institute, Baltimore, applied to the treatment of typography. The resembles a kinetic comic strip. In place of a
April 1–28, 1924 type interprets the text, and hence becomes linear sequence of images with text, the draw
Wien Museum
a pictorial element, as we see in Klien’s early ings and text are combined collage-style
works. She set her own poetic texts in type, ( plates 191 – 1 97 ). Unusual as well is the con
designed posters, and in 1924 even produ tent of these twenty-one sheets, which were
ced a constructivist sculpture consisting of sent by Klien in 1926 and 1927 from Kless
letters, the advertising kiosk Anita Berber tanzt heim to the members of the Cizek circle in
Vienna: As depictions of the private and pro school about materials, exhibitions, and un
fessional experiences of a young woman art fortunate love affairs. In Vienna, she had been
ist cast away in the provinces, they can be one of the most prominent students of the
interpreted as a fragment of an incomplete circle around Cizek. Now, she missed the
visual autobiography. These intimate snap keenly competitive “seething laboratory at
shots in text and image complement the mosphere,”22 the stimulating discussions
modernist thematic complex comprised by with fellow students and mentors. At the
technology and the metropolis which Klien Duncan school, where she taught in the spir
pursued in her painted and applied artworks it of Kineticism, Klien generated scandal—
( plate 1 79 ).18 As the “psychogram of a wom both personally and artistically. In the Kless-
an artist,” 19 the Klessheimer Sendbote belongs heimer Sendbote of February 12, 1927 (plate 197 ),
in the context of the confessional strain of she reports “news of scandal”: In the upper
early Austrian Expressionism, other instanc half of the image, we see the artist sketching
es being the work of Egon Schiele, Oskar a kinetic nude from a live model, and be
Kokoschka, and Richard Gerstl.20 The work hind her, her colleague Ludwig Steinmetz,
depicts and reflects upon the situation of a who has been drawing a conventional nude
woman artist, at the same time embodying from the back, and who stares now, open
Klien’s programmatic understanding of art. mouthed, at Klien’s large-format sheet. Visi
It represents a thoroughly self-ironizing sat ble behind them are four additional collea-
ire on the artistic community and the teach gues/students, whose exasperated gestures
ing profession. express their expected incomprehension of
Very much in the spirit of Kineticism, Klien modern art, underscored by Klien with phra
exploited the formal discoveries of Futurism, ses like “defilement of art,” “nonsense,” “fraud,”
Cubism, and Constructivism not as stylistic “tasteless,” and “filth.” The lower section of
citations, but instead as methods for repre the image is occupied by these same critics,
senting reality, for example in the sheet Die who—like the legendary Seven Swabians
Begegnung [The Meeting] ( plate 196 ). Approach from the Brothers Grimm—carry protest
ing the artist here is a male figure who is signs that revile Klien as a desecrator of art
staggered to depict the rhythm of a striding and as a Communist, and who charge the
movement. At the same time, however, she “Maid of Klessheim” with a lance that takes
combines this depiction of movement (which the form of a gigantic, pointed pen. Klien—
is derived from chronophotography and also armed with pens and a quiver filled with
Futurism) with illustrative, caricature-style brushes—holds her palate before her like a
drawing in order to render situations and shield, saying: “And in battle, when even the
statements pointedly humorous and legible; bravest lose heart, I shall fight on, I shall
depicted on the same sheet, which is fur never despair.” Her shield is decorated with
nished with the subtitle “Richter-Idylle” [Idyll her motto: “Long live life!!!!” Along the low
in the sense of the nineteenth-century paint er edge of the picture, tilted into the horizon
er Ludwig Richter] is the artist herself, al tal and wedged between two sentences, is a
ways recognizable by her black bob hairstyle. closely embracing couple, and to the left, the
She sits smoking and darning stockings un programmatic words: “Leave me alone! Long
der an umbrella; she is listening to the radio live life!” Despite all of her courageousness,
with headphones, while before her stand a the combative artist does not escape without
letter, a bottle of rum, her shoes, and a pair learning bitter lessons. She inscribes her ini
of scissors. On one naked foot sits a bird, tials under the sentence on the right: “The
from which a stream of text emerges: “Oh experience of loneliness: The false is recog-
Erika! Oh Erika! You must go to America!”21 nizable by its intricacy—the truth is simple.”
Flowing into her pictorial narratives as
metaphors for yearning are New York, the Friedl Dicker: Politics Out Of Art
Charleston, cocktail bars—in short, the in
gredients of the chic lifestyle she missed in The truth is simple, but nonetheless complex:
Klessheim. It is the flipside of the quarrels at Friedl Dicker transferred this proposition
from the personal to the social level, and Positioned in a frontal view at the center
wielded it in political struggle. The photo of the collages Fürchtet den Tod nicht [Have No
montages produced by Dickers in 1932 and Fear of Death] of 1932 to 1933 27 (plate 27 3 )
1933 are not only singular within her oeuvre, is a seated pregnant woman. Dicker has ap
but are moreover unique within Austrian parently borrowed this almost iconic image
art of the interwar period. It is well known either from Heartfield’s collage Zwangsliefer-
that there was little awareness in Austria of antin von Menschenmaterial [Forced Supplier of
the collages and photomontages of the Da Human Material], which appeared in the
daists.23 John Heartfield’s political photo A I Z on March 12, 1930, from Otto Rühle’s
montages, which appeared in the high-circu Illustrierter Sittengeschichte des Proletariats [ Illus-
lation Arbeiter-Illustrierten-Zeitung ( A I Z ) begin trated Social History of the Proletariat], which
ning in 1930, on the other hand, were known also appeared in 1930, or from the Berlin
to a broad readership ranging from Berlin to Magazin für Alle of February 1931. Heart
Vienna to Prague, and hence also to the fresh field had this studio photograph of a preg
ly recruited Communist Friedl Dicker. Under nant working-class woman produced espe
the conditions of the global financial crisis cially for his collage.28 The popularity of
and the increasing danger of fascism, this this motif (Hannah Höch also uses it in her
modernist designer and art instructor devot photomontage Die Mutter [The Mother] of
ed her entire visual expertise to visualizing 1930 29) is connected to the growing move
the complex interrelationship between social ment around 1930 against Paragraph 218,
misery, economic exploitation, political re the German law banning abortion.
pression, and military armament by means of Friedl Dicker sets the pregnant woman
equally complex sketches, which she appar within a diagonal cross along whose bars she
ently used while teaching. Friedl Dicker arranges scenes of everyday working-class
exemplifies the highpoint of contemporary life, of proletarian men and women. Set in
Marxist art theory, which called for “inter the triangular interspaces are scenes popu
ventionist” and “partisan” artists.24 Beginning lated by well-situated bourgeoisie and their
in 1924, Heinrich Vogeler—who was known idyllic surroundings. While the pregnant
as a Jugendstil artist—had been producing working-class woman either loses her job
his so-called “complex pictures” for purposes or must undergo a life-threatening, illegal
of political education and agitation: These abortion, the middle-class woman worries
are paintings whose prismatic compositions about maintaining her slender figure, and
assemble scenes related to the constitution has the resources to end a pregnancy under
of socialism in the Soviet Union into a sim proper medical supervision. A form for apply
ultaneity.25 Soviet artists such as Gustav ing for social assistance, found to the right
Klutsis also deployed their Constructivist of the pregnant woman; the squatting work
and formal principles to such agitationist and er, condemned to idleness, shown alongside
propagandistic ends. Dicker was influenced it; the squalling infant on the dark area be
by Vogeler’s formal idiom, as well as by that low the woman: All narrate the pointless
of Klutsis.26 The ambitious aim of her se ness of bringing up children under such cir
ries of six photomontages—which survive cumstances. Dicker is interested less in the
only in the form of glass negatives, but were theme of the “baby machine” for “cannon fod
planned as posters measuring 120 × 90 cm der” visualized by Heartfield, and more in
—is the socially critical analysis of capitalist the wretched living circumstances of prole
society, accompanied by an appeal to trans tarian families under capitalism.
form it. As her point of departure, she gener The same idea—and moreover the same
ally takes up an everyday problem that is of photo of an infant, now dissolved in a paint
existential significance for as many viewers erly fashion into gray-scale values—stands
as possible, such as unwanted pregnancy, at the center of the collage So sieht sie aus, mein
housing shortages, or joblessness. A large Kind, diese Welt [ That’s the Way of the World, My
portion of the photographic material she us Child ] of 1933 ( plate 276 ), in which Friedl
es was drawn from the A I Z. Dicker depicts the fascist terror that fol
lowed in the wake of the seizure of power with the Kitchen Knife DADA through the Last
by the NSDAP in a whirl of crowd scenes Weimar Beer-Belly Cultural Epoch in Germany]
and identifiable politicians, among them (fig. 5): The wheel with the ball bearings, the
Adolf Hitler, that envelops the child. The ex- industrial impetus, the central dancer who
perienced typographer crowns the compo holds herself in a lucid, playful equilibrium,
sition with an appeal in the form of a poem the whole interspersed with great (Jewish)
that shares its tone with one of Brecht’s bal minds —all of these have continued to gy
lads, but which seems to have been self-com rate until finally, in 1933, the entire “Beer-
posed.30 The concluding entreating lines— Belly Cultural Epoch” now topples into a
which are entirely in the spirit of Itten’s ty black abyss.
pographic symbolism—bend downward to- Together with her dangerous Dada doc
ward a collage banknote. As Angelika Ro uments and works, Hannah Höch survived
mauch explains: “In this way, the world is the Nazi era in a little house on the edge of fig. 5 Hannah Höch
defined as being dominated by capitalism, Berlin. Her inner emigration consisted of con Cut with the Kitchen Knife DADA
and therefore it is here, ultimately, that the tinuing her work in secret, and being for through the Last Weimar Beer-Belly
Cultural Epoch in Germany, 1919
transformation formulated in the text must gotten as an artist—and she was largely suc Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Nationalgalerie
begin.”31 cessful.
In formal terms, this is the densest of Erika Giovanna Klien immigrated to New
Friedl Dicker’s photomontages, and it goes York City in 1929. In Austria, she was for
beyond both the didacticism of Soviet agit gotten, along with kineticism in general.32
prop posters and John Heartfield’s pointed Friedl Dicker’s political activities placed
visual wit. Here, it could be said, at the in her in great danger. In 1933, she was inter
ception of the National Socialist dictator rogated and interned before fleeing to Prague.
ship, we find a reply to Höch’s collage from In 1942, she was deported to the concen
the early period of the Weimar Republic, the tration camp at Theresienstadt, and was
Schnitt mit dem Küchenmesser Dada durch die letzte later murdered in Auschwitz in 1944.
Weimarer Bierbauchkulturepoche Deutschlands [Cut
1 Hans Hildebrandt, Die Frau als 9 Werner Hofmann, “Zwecklos sich der Geschlechter zum Tanzen bringen,
Künstlerin, Berlin 1928, p. 144. dagegen aufzulehnen?” in: Ralf Marburg 1991, pp. 59–80.
Burmeister (ed.), Hannah Höch—Aller
2 Ibid., p. 145. Anfang ist Dada! (exh. cat. Berlinische 11 For detailed interpretations, see
Galerie, Berlin, Museum Tinguely, Arnim Schulz, “Bild- und Vokabel-
3 On Friedl Dicker in general, see: mischungen sind Weltanschauungen.
Elena Makarova, Friedl Dicker- Basel), Ostfildern 2007, p. 66.
Zu Hannah Höchs Collage ‘Meine
Brandeis. Ein Leben für Kunst und 10 Hannah Höch’s brief text Der Ma- Haussprüche,’” in: Hannah Höch 1889–
Lehre, Vienna / Munich 2000. ler, which dates from 1920 and takes 1978. Ihr Werk, ihr Leben, ihre Freunde
4 Cf. Karoline Hille, Hannah Höch up four typewritten pages, is found (exh. cat. Berlinische Galerie, Museum
und Raoul Hausmann. Eine Berliner in her literary estate. Published in: für Moderne Kunst, Photographie
Dada-Geschichte, Berlin 2000. – And Hannah Höch. Eine Lebenscollage, und Architektur im Martin-Gropius-
the published source material from vol. 1, section 2, 1919–1920, Berlinische Bau, Berlin), Berlin 1989, pp. 133–45.
the Hannah-Höch-Archiv in the Galerie (ed.), prepared by Cornelia – Janina Nentwig, “Meine Haussprüche,”
Berlinische Galerie in: Hannah Höch. Thater-Schulz, Berlin 1989, pp. 746–49. in: Burmeister 2007 (see note 9), p. 50.
Eine Lebenscollage, vols. 1 and 2, – The citations are from this text, – Hille 2000 (see note 4), pp. 178–88.
Ostfildern-Ruit 1989 and 1995. which was reprinted recently in: Gna-
denlos. Künstlerinnen und das Komi- 12 Hille 2000 (see note 4), p. 179.
5 Hille 2000 (see note 4), p. 112. sche (exh. cat. Kunsthalle Vogelmann/ 13 Cf. Schulz, Nentwig, and Hille
Städtische Museen Heilbronn, Kunst- (see note 11).
6 On Otto Gross, see the website of sammlungen Böttcherstraße Bremen),
the International Otto Gross Society, Cologne 2012, pp. 54–55. – Kathrin 14 Self-designation by Klien in the
www.ottogross.org. Hoffmann-Curtius discusses this text Klessheimer Sendbote, 11. Jänner 1927.
7 Pictured in Makarova 2000 in detail for the first time in 1991 Illustrated in: Kinetismus. Wien ent-
(see note 3), pp. 83ff. in “Michelangelo beim Abwasch— deckt die Avantgarde (exh. cat. Wien
Hannah Höchs Zeitschnitte der Avant- Museum), Ostfildern 2006, p. 134.
8 Walter Klien was an internationally garde,” in: Daniela Hammer-Tugend-
successful pianist. His father was Walter hat et al. (eds.), Die Verhältnisse 15 In 1925, L. W. Rochowanski, a writer
Simmel, a chemist and a friend of on art and friend of Cizek’s, wrote en-
the Rochowanskis; his half-brother was thusiastically in the Neue Schaubühne
the Viennese writer Johannes Mario about Der Kirchenmensch, a piece
Simmel, born in 1924. written by Klien for her marionette
theater, including its techniques and 20 Cf. Patrick Werkner, Physis und architecture, design, and advertising,
stage setting: “It is a poetic piece of Psyche. Der österreichische Früh- the fields where Friedl Dicker had been
work in which the triumph of the new expressionismus, Vienna / Munich 1986, successful to date; now, she devoted
city over the old one rolls onward in pp. 275ff. herself instead to class warfare.
victorious colors, images, and words.”
– Cf. Erika Giovanna Klien Wien New 21 This plan was entirely realistic, for 25 Cf. Heinrich Vogeler. Künstler,
York 1900–1957 (exh. cat. Universität in 1924, Klien had won the New York Träumer, Visionär (exh. cat. Worps-
für Angewandte Kunst Vienna), Ost- Prize of the School of Applied Arts, weder Museen), Munich 2012.
fildern 2001, p. 60. and Cizek’s contacts with Katherine
Dreier made it possible for Klien to 26 Angelika Romauch, Friedl Dicker:
16 Ulrike Matzner, “Die drei Stars show works at the International Exhibi- Marxistische Fotomontagen 1932/33.
der Klasse: Klien—Ullmann—Karlin- tion of Modern Art in Brooklyn / New Das Verfahren der Montage als sozial-
sky,” in: Kinetismus 2006 (see note York in 1926/27. After moving to New kritische Methode, diploma thesis,
14), p. 62. York in September of 1929, she wrote Vienna 2003. In the following discus-
several weeks later to her mother: “[I] sion, I depend repeatedly on this
17 Johanna Pühringer in: Schule der am having the peculiar experience fundamental work.
bewegten Körper. Isadora & Elizabeth of being far better known in New York
Duncan und Erika Giovanna Klien in 27 A detailed visual analysis can be
than in Austria—through numerous found in Romauch 2003 (see note 26),
Salzburg (exh. cat. Romanischer Keller exhibitions and through the critics,”
Salzburg), Salzburg 2001, p. 6. pp. 52–57.
Erika Giovanna Klien 2001 (see note 15),
18 In this, it is different from Höch’s p. 85. 28 Roland März, “Gestellte Figur,”
collages. In her work, technology and in: Roland März, Heartfield montiert
22 Matzner 2006 (see note 16), p. 61. 1930–1938, Leipzig 1993, pp. 60ff.
the metropolis are “inseparable from
the central themes of the ruptured 23 Cf. the text by Ralf Burmeister in 29 Ibid., p. 124.
identity of the woman and alienated the present catalog, pp. 241–46.
relationships between people,” as 30 Romauch 2003 (see note 26), p. 43.
Hanne Bergius pointed out in Hanne 24 As early as 1925, George Grosz
Bergius, Das Lachen Dadas, Gießen and John Heartfield formulated this 31 Ibid.
1989, p. 137. appeal in Die Kunst ist in Gefahr,
whose conclusion reads: “Today’s art- 32 On her rediscovery and reception
19 Johanna Pühringer, “Psychogramm ist—if he wishes to be neither a slacker after 1945, see Bernhard Leitner,
einer Künstlerin. Der Klessheimer nor an antiquated dud—must choose “Geschichte. Geschichten,” in: Gerald
Sendbote von Erika Johanna Klien,” in: between technique and the propagan- Blast, Agnes Husslein-Arco, Harald
Parnass, year XX, no. 3, 2000, da of class warfare.” Cited from Uwe Krejci, and Patrick Werkner (eds.),
pp. 94ff. M. Schneede (ed.), Künstlerschriften Wiener Kinetismus. Eine bewegte Mo-
der 20er Jahre, Cologne 1986, p. 165. derne (exh. cat. Belvedere, Vienna),
The word “technique” refers here to Vienna etc. 2011, pp. 82–93.
Ha ra ld K re j c i avant-garde magazines. This also means that

no artistic network was available to him in
Friedrich Kiesler’s Connec- Vienna.
tions to Berlin, as Reflected The Constructivists

in the 1924 International Kiesler’s stage design for R.U.R. used film
projections and projection apparatuses such
Exhibition of New Theater
as the Tanagra apparatus, which was indebt-
Techniques in Vienna ed in contentual terms to the human-machine
thematic complex, and hence strongly orient-
ed toward the literary content of Karel Ča-
pek’s work (fig. 1). The Theater am Kurfürsten-
The contribution by the artist and archi- damm had already operated as a “cinemato-
tect Friedrich Kiesler — a native from Czerno- graphic theater” before being rebuilt in the
witz in the former Crown Land, who lived early 1920 s. Now, Kiesler used film projec-
in Vienna — to the stage design of the science tions of the kind that later became familiar fig. 1 Friedrich Kiesler
R.U.R.
fiction production R.U.R. (Rossum’s Univer- under Erwin Piscator’s direction, and which Stage Set Elevation, 1923
sal Robots), written by the Czechoslovakian were also used for ideological ends in Con- Österreichische Friedrich und Lillian Kiesler-
Privatstiftung
Karel Čapek and staged by the Berliner The- structivist agitprop theater. As early as 1920,
ater am Kurfürstendamm in 1922/23, was Kiesler was able to establish links with the
the starting shot of an international career. Constructivists through the emergence of the
In a lecture delivered at the Yale University Hungarian avant-gardists around Lajos Kas-
School of Architecture in 1947, Kiesler ex- sák. After 1919, Kassák and Béla Uitz lived
plained the genesis of this contract retro- in exile in Austria. Through the review MA,
spectively for the first time.1 New research published in Vienna, they introduced an in-
has shown that in 1922, in Vienna, Kiesler terested public to Russian Constructivism in
approached Eugen Robert (the director of particular, as well as to various avant-garde
the Berliner Theater am Kurfürstendamm tendencies throughout Europe (fig. 2).3 While
and the newly appointed director of the this group was able to reach only a relatively
Neue Wiener Bühne) with sketches and de- limited public in Vienna, the art scene was
signs for the piece, and proposed its pro- quite aware of it. In 1919, in fact, the Berlin-
duction.2 At that time, Kiesler had no expe- based artist Erich Heckel had exhibited to-
rience in the realm of stage design. The ques- gether with the Hungarian artist Béla Uitz
tion remains: Why did he choose this piece in the Freie Bewegung on Kärntnerstraße in
by Čapek in particular? A number of isolated Vienna. The cofounder of this new exhibition
sources exist that help to clarify the origins venue in Vienna was B. F. (Benedikt Fred)
of his artistic development, but considered Dolbin, who sought to promote the interests of
as a whole, they provide no answer to the the Hungarian avant-garde.4 Carry Hauser
question of why he chose a Constructivist was active in the group Freie Bewegung, and
formal idiom for this Berlin theater produc- had contacts in Berlin (plate 2 3 3 ).5 Taking
tion. One possible answer can be found in place at Freie Bewegung in 1920 was Konstan-
the artistic exchange between writers, art- tin Umansky’s slide show on the new Russian
ists, and filmmakers from Vienna and Berlin art, organized by the MA group, which fea-
that may have motivated the then 33-year-old tured works by Alexander Rodchenko and
painter Friedrich Kiesler. What is certain Kazimir Malevich, among others. fig. 2 Ljubow Popowa
is that in 1923 (thanks to the Berlin contract Kiesler’s work on the stage design for the Model for Vsevolod Meyerhold’s
premiere of Le cocu magnifique, 1922
and the attention it earned him from Theo Theater am Kurfürstendamm was preceded Theaterwissenschaftliche Sammlung,
van Doesburg and Hans Richter), he was the by a three-month stay in Berlin in the autumn Universität zu Köln
only Austrian member of the international of 1921, as well as his residence there during
avant-garde, and was able to publish his nearly the entire first half of 1922.6 Coincid-
projects in the most important European ing with Kiesler’s early days in Berlin were
Harald K re j ci 256
various important exhibitions by Construc- the color and the line have been conjoined,
tivist artists. The highly acclaimed First Rus- everything fleshly, materially conditioned,
sian Art Exhibition was on view in the au- has been stripped away. Crystal hard and spar-
tumn of 1922 at the Galerie van Diemen. kling, color sits against color, creating inten-
Shown in the autumn of 1921 at Herwarth sities which … surpass anything experienced
Walden’s gallery, Der Sturm, were works by previously. In these oil paintings, in which
Erich Buchholz; in spring of 1922, Walden light and color are joined into a contrapuntal
exhibited works by László Moholy-Nagy, unity … they fulfill a new, time-conditioned
and in May, by Kurt Schwitters. On view in rhythm that is emanated by these artworks,
autumn 1922 in the gallery were works by enveloping those who enjoy them.”11 With
Lajos Kassák, László Péri, Johannes Itten, these words, Dolbin allows us to imagine a
and Kurt Schwitters. In Berlin, Kiesler be- work that is perhaps reminiscent of Fernand
came acquainted with the author and phy- Léger, Carry Hauser, or Johannes Itten, or
sician Alfred Döblin, a friend of Herwarth that can be associated with the works of the
fig. 3 Friedrich Kiesler
Stage set for Eugene O’Neill’s Walden’s who was able to bring him closer Futurists, early Viennese Kinetic Art, or Béla
The Emperor Jones, to Berlin’s art scene.7 Appearing in Vienna Uitz during this period.12 In particular when
Schauspielhaus Berlin, 1924 in 1922 was the Buch neuer Künstler [Book of Dolbin speaks of the “new rhythm” that seems
Österreichische Friedrich und Lillian Kiesler-
Privatstiftung New Artists], authored by Kassák jointly with to have shifted strongly into the foreground
the Hungarian artist László Moholy-Nagy, in these works, he takes up a topos that is
who had immigrated to Berlin via Vienna; celebrated and promoted both in Leopold
this publication made an important contribu- Wolfgang Rochowanski’s characterization of
tion to the dissemination of Constructivism. Viennese Kineticism in Formwille der Zeit
Kiesler’s stage design for R.U.R., but even [Form Will of the Time] of 1922 13 and in Naum
more so his designs for Eugene O’Neill’s Gabo’s Realist Manifesto,14 to become a new
The Emperor Jones, realized slightly later at artistic credo and a new and universal model
the Berliner Schauspielhaus in 1924 (fig. 3), for design and aesthetic perception.15 The
showcased the ideas of international Con- Czech artist Otto Gutfreund characterizes
structivism.8 In Vienna as well as in Berlin, sculpture as “the expression of a flowing
therefore, Kiesler enjoyed opportunities to activity, of uninterrupted movement, whose
familiarize himself with the latest avant- rhythm is identical to the rhythm of creative
garde tendencies, and at the same time to processes of thought prior to their stabiliza-
implement them in his commissions for tion in the image.”16 In 1923, Gutfreund —
stage designs. In R.U.R., this took the form who had already been represented with sev-
of the incorporation of film inserts in order eral Cubist sculptures at the First German
to set various levels of reality into relation- Herbstsalon in Berlin in 1913 — exhibited his
ship with one another. In his designs for work in Vienna at a group exhibition of the
The Emperor Jones, he instead created a con- Mánes Association of Prague Artists in the
tinually changing and dynamic stage back- galleries of the Hagenbund. This shows how
fig. 4 Benedikt Fred Dolbin with drop that resembled film and consisted of strongly Franz Cizek’s ideas concerning Ki-
Friedrich Kiesler, Kurt Rathe, Enrico abstract forms. neticism were fostered by the reception of the
Prampolini, and other at the
International Exhibition of New French and Czech Cubist works that were
Theater Techniques, 1924 exhibited in the Sturm gallery, but also the
Rhythm and Time
Institut für Zeitungsforschung, Dortmund
degree to which the Czech Cubists were the
One of the few documents to shed light on focus of attention in Viennese exhibitions.
Kiesler’s artistic development prior to his ac- On the other hand, it was the Futurist art-
tivities in Berlin is an exhibition review ap- ist Umberto Boccioni who took up the chal-
pearing in early 1921 and authored by B. F. lenge of translating these demands, the new
Dolbin,9 the financial manager of the Inter- life circumstances and tempo, along with the
national Exhibition of New Theater Techniques new technologies, into art via a rhythmicized
which took place in Vienna in 1924.10 Dol- and abstract formal language. Kiesler, mean-
bin’s critical essay, which dates from Febru- while, who organized a meeting with the Fu-
ary of 1921, allows certain inferences: “Before turists Enrico Prampolini, Filippo Tommaso
Marinetti, De Stijl founder Theo van Does- Berlin Artists at the International
burg, and Franz Cizek in the wake of the Exhibition of New Theater Techniques
theater exhibition (fig. 4), speaks in a text
about the stage design for R.U.R. of a “living In February of 1923, that is to say shortly
still life. … The frozen image is awakened to before the premiere and the construction of
life. … The decor is active, joins the action. the stage scenery in Berlin, Kiesler partici-
… The media of this coming to life are: The pated in the founding celebration of the So-
movement of the lines; harsh contrasts of ciety for the Advancement of Modern Art,
the colors. The transformation of surfaces in- whose chairman was Hans Tietze.23 Along
to relief forms, all the way to the three-dimen side the International Art Exhibition initi-
sional sculpture MENSCH [actor]. The play ated by Tietze and held at the Vienna Se-
of movement of colored lights and spot- cession, the theater exhibition — in conjunc-
lights against the backdrop. Rhythmically tion with the Festival of Viennese Music and
accentuated, coordinated with the speech Theater — became a focus of the internation-
and movement of the actors.”17 Following al avant-garde thanks to the dedication of
this is a description of the technologies em- Tietze, Kurt Rathe, Dolbin, and Kiesler. The
ployed, together with a characterization of latter contributed an innovative suspension
the technoid contents of the robot play. system for the theater exhibition, as well as a
spiral-shaped space stage for the Konzert-
haus, thereby supplying the event with its
Franz Cizek and the Avant-Garde
avant-garde setting. International avant-garde
It is first and foremost Béla Uitz’s mixture of publications such as the Berlin review G and fig. 5 Friedrich Kiesler
the Expressive and Constructivist treatment Theo van Doesburg’s De Stijl publicized Kies- View across the International
Exhibition of New Theater Techniques,
of form, however, that makes his work espe- ler’s architecture. For De Stijl, Kiesler deliber- Vienna 1924, with a dismantled
cially interesting in this context, in particu- ately chose a depiction of a dismantled layer- layering system
lar with reference to the beginnings of Vien- ing system, thereby highlighting its artistic De Stijl, no. 11-12, 1924/25, p. 142–43.
nese Kinetic Art in the class of Franz Cizek and sculptural qualities (fig. 5, plate 186 ). The
at the School of Arts and Crafts after 1918.18 pronounced view from below chosen by Kies-
Afterwards, in 1923, Uitz had a large solo ex- ler for the reproduction of the space stage
hibition at the Museum for Art and Industry emphasizes the utopian character of the ar-
which featured the Constructivist works he chitecture, and itself depends upon Construc-
produced after his trip to Moscow in 1921. tivist photography (fig. 6). In a critique of the
Dolbin contributed an exhibition review to exhibition that appeared in the Berlin review
the left-wing newspaper Der Abend.19 Among Der Sturm, Dolbin describes Kiesler’s stage
the artists who took special note of the Béla concept: “The dynamic play of space that is
Uitz exhibition were Erika Giovanna Klien demanded and striven for by all contempo-
and Leopold Wolfgang Rochowanski.20 The rary artists is made possible by Friedrich Kies-
latter made a name for himself as an essayist ler’s ‘space stage.’ Here is the performance
on the topic of Viennese Kinetic Art; he had scaffolding, related in contentual terms to
been preoccupied since 1923 with theater the- Meyerhold’s stage, from which the protago-
ory, and was then planning a four-volume nist — so to speak as an expression of the rev-
work on the art of the theater that would be olutionary mass — is hurled upwards to the fig. 6 Friedrich Kiesler and Fernand
Léger on the Space Stage, 1924
published in 1924 by the Thyrsos Verlag in uppermost performance plateau, from which Österreichische Friedrich und Lillian Kiesler-
Vienna.21 Oskar Schlemmer asked Rochow- point he addresses the mass. Harbored in its Privatstiftung
anski to keep him informed about develop- ascending spiral and its circular structure is
ments concerning the Vienna Theater Exhi- the centrifugal force of mass movement.”24
bition, and the latter secured his participa- Among Berlin’s contributions to the thea-
tion with the Triadic Ballet.22 ter exhibition were George Grosz’s costume
designs for Yvan Goll’s play Methusalem (fig. 7),
which received its premiere at the Dramati-
sches Theater in Berlin in October of 1924,
and would be performed on Kiesler’s space
Harald K re j ci 258
stage in Vienna as well in the framework of of ‘display without contemplation.’ It is im-

the theater performances.25 Gert Caden’s Ent- possible to overestimate the merit of the city
würfe für eine mechanische Exzentrik [Designs of Vienna, which has dedicated itself in word
for a Mechanical Eccentricity] belongs along- and deed to the realization of Friedrich Kies-
side László Moholy-Nagy’s and El Lissitzky’s ler’s plan, promoted by the Society for the
designs for electromechanical stages based Advancement of Modern Art, in the frame-
on Constructivist approaches from this pe- work of a festival of music and theater. The
riod. Also on view were figurines by the art- resonance encountered in Europe’s intellec-
ist Rudolf Belling for a “form ballet,” and tual centers testifies to the seminal character
Rochus Gliese and César Klein, both display- of this attempt to transform the nature of the
ing marked affinities to cinema, presented theater and art exhibition.”26
designs for scenery. Today, the consensus In 1925, after enjoying success in Berlin
among art historians is that thanks to a pan- and Vienna, Kiesler’s path took him via Par-
European network forged during the years is to New York City, where in 1926, filled with
after World War I, as well as to the initiatives confidence, he advocated his architectural
of Friedrich Kiesler as a theater architect and ideas for the renewal of theater building. The
artist, to the art historians Kurt Rathe and artists of the MA group left Vienna, while the
Hans Tietze, and to the engineer and chron- younger artists who had discovered a new art
icler B. F. Dolbin, the Vienna theater exhi- form in Kineticism were unable to establish
bition was able to achieve international suc- themselves. Thanks to his Berlin contacts,
cess as the differences and discrepancies Kiesler had tilled the Constructivist field, so
between Vienna and Berlin yielded momen- to speak, but the Viennese art scene was un-
tarily for the sake of a joint endeavor. The able to enjoy its fruits. For the young progres-
“isms” were overcome, and the desire for a sive theater and dance scene, the arrival of
new liveliness through which art, technology, Rudolf Laban’s dance school from Dresden-
film, and language could join forces to engen- Hellerau ushered in a phase of high artistic
fig. 7 George Grosz der a new form of spatial experience enjoyed productivity. For a brief period after 1925,
Costume design for Yvan Goll’s
Methusalem, 1922 an international forum. Vienna was still entirely in rhythm with the
Museum of Modern Art, New York, In his review in Der Sturm, Dolbin once times — before the political shifts that arrived
Mr. and Mrs. Werner E. Josten Fund
again stressed the way in which “Kiesler’s in 1934, followed by the Anschluss in 1938,
novel exhibition form represented … a kind destroyed all of these dreams there as well.
1 Friedrich Kiesler, Lectures delivered Pál Derékym/Zoltán Kékesi / Pál 6 See Dieter Bogner/Matthias
at Yale University School of Archi- Kelemen (eds.), Mitteleuropäische Boeckl, “Friedrich Kiesler. Chrono-
tecture in 1947, reprinted in: Frederick Avantgarden. Intermedialität und logie,” in: Dieter Bogner (ed.),
Kiesler Artiste-Architecte (exh. cat. Interregionalität im 20. Jahrhundert Friedrich Kiesler 1890 – 1965 (exh.
Centre Pompidou, Paris 1996), Paris (Budapester Studien zur Literatur- cat. Historisches Museum der
1996, pp. 42 – 43. wissenschaft, vol. 9), Frankfurt am Stadt Wien 1988), Vienna 1988, p. 11
Main / Berlin / Bern / Brussels / New
2 See Barbara Lesák, in: Frederick York / Oxford/Vienna 2006. 7 Alfred Döblin to Friedrich Kiesler,
Kiesler, Theatervisionär – Architekt Paris 12.09.1935, Archives of the Kiesler
– Künstler (exh. cat. Österreichisches 4 See Benedikt Fred Dolbin, Freie Foundation Vienna. In this letter, Döb-
Theatermuseum Vienna / Museum Bewegung, typescript, 1918. In a text lin also asks Kiesler – who was then
Villa Stuck, Munich / La Casa Encen- addressed to the Viennese left-wing already living in New York City – to
dida de Obra Social Caja Madrid), review Der Abend, he demanded a accommodate his son Peter in New
Vienna 2012, p. 25. review of the exhibition by Béla Uitz York for a period appeared of time,
in the Museum for Art and Industry; which the Kieslers did. In 1923, Kiesler
3 On the Hungarian avant-garde and see both in Dolbin’s literary estate, visited the Sturm Gallery, where
its relationship to Vienna, see Eva Institut für Zeitungsforschung, Dort- he made an entry in the guestbook:
Bajkay (ed.), Béla Uitz. Graphische mund (http://www.dortmund.de/ Sturm Archiv, guestbook, 1923.
Arbeiten auf Papier 1913 – 1918 (exh. media/p/institut_fuer_zeitungsfor-
cat. Graphische Sammlung Albertina, schung/zi_downloads/nachlaesse_1/ 8 The director of the piece was the
Vienna), Budapest 1991; Eva Bajkay, Findbuch_Dolbin.pdf). Viennese Berthold Viertel, who
A magyar grafika külfoldön. Bécs 1919 – had founded the collective theater
1923 [= Hungarian Graphics Abroad, 5 See Cornelia Cabuk, Carry Hauser. Die Truppe in Berlin 1922 with support
Vienna 1919–1923] (exh. cat. Graphics Monografie und Werkverzeichnis, from Karl Kraus. Viertel was a close
Collection of the Hungarian National Weitra 2012. friend of Else Lasker-Schüler, and
Gallery, Budapest), Budapest 1982; later maintained contacts with Kiesler
in New York.
9 At the time, Dolbin was married 14 “We realize that every object has 19 Dolbin to the newspaper Der
to the art historian Ninon Ausländer its own essential image: Chair, table, Abend, 2. 23. 1923, typescript, Dolbin
from Czernowitz, and moved to lamp, telephone, book, house, person. estate, Institut für Zeitungsforschung,
Berlin before emigrating to New York … Each is a world unto itself, with its Dortmund (see note 4).
after a brief stay in Vienna. Dolbin own rhythm, its own orbit. That is
maintained a friendship with Kiesler why when we create things, we 20 See letter from Klien to Rocho-
until the end of his life. remove labels of ownership … , wanski dated 6.01.1923, published in:
everything contingent and limited, Gerad Bast/Agnes Husslein-Arco/
10 See Lesák 2012 (see note 2), p. 23. leaving only the reality of the Harald Krejci/Patrick Werkner (eds.),
Dolbin’s review is found in his literary invariant rhythm of the forces that Viennese Kineticism: Modernism in
estate, Institut für Zeitungsforschung, reside within them.” From: Naum Motion, Vienna/New York 2011.
Dortmund (see note 4). Gabo, Realist Manifesto, cited from: 21 His book Der Formwille der Zeit
11 Benedikt Fred Dolbin, Fritz Kiessler http://gams.uni-graz.at/archive/ deals with theoretical aspects of Kine-
[Friedrich Kiesler], typescript, 6 pages, get/o:reko.gabo.1920a/sdef:TEI/get. ticism for the first time; in the same
1921, Institut für Zeitungsforschung, 15 In Über das Geistige in der Kunst, period, he was working on a pub-
Dortmund (see note 4), an earlier Munich 1911, Wassily Kandinsky lication on the history of theater. See:
handwritten version of this text is speaks of rhythm as the highest ideal Bernhard Leitner, Rochowanski
dated 2.01.1921; see note 2. of reception; Hans Richter under- 1885 – 1961, Ostfildern 1995.
12 In a letter, Dolbin refers to Kiesler’s stands film as an optical rhythm, and 22 Letter from Oskar Schlemmer
work retrospectively as a mixture of created the films Rhythmus 21 and to Leopold Wolfgang Rochowanski,
Fernand Léger and Hans Arp. Letter Rhythmus 23 in Berlin; Ludwig Klages Weimar 4. 10. 1924, Wiener Stadt-
from Dolbin to Kurt Rathe, Vienna discusses art in his text Vom Wesen und Landesbibliothek, published in:
9.09.1935, Dolbin estate, Institut für des Rhythmus, Breslau 1923. Leitner 1995 (see note 21), p. 81.
Zeitungsforschung, Dortmund (see 16 Arno Pařík, “Zwischen den
note 4). 23 Bogner 1988 (see note 6), p. 11.
Tschechen und den Deutschen,” in:
13 “We begin, therefore, by repeating Hana Rousová (ed.), Lücken in 24 B. F. Dolbin, “Die internationale
the rhythmic sequence of movements. der Geschichte 1890 – 1938 (exh. cat. Ausstellung neuer Theatertechnik
Then we continue to accumulate im- Prague, Eisenstadt, Regensburg in Wien, Nachworte,” in: Der Sturm,
pressions of movement. And finally, to 1994 / 1995), Prague 1994, p. 28. vol. 16, issue 7 – 8, July – August 1925,
a unification of both. … Only he pp. 97 – 100, here p. 100.
17 Emphasis by the author, see
who feels the rhythm of our time so Friedrich Kiesler, “De la nature morte 25 It was rehearsed but never actually
strongly … and is able to endow his vivante,” from: Catalog of the performed due to financial circum-
will with form dares to take up such a Internationale Ausstellung neuer stances; see Lesák 2012 (see note 2),
task…” Leopold Wolfgang Rocho- Theatertechnik, Vienna 1924, p. 20. p. 36.
wanski, Der Formwille der Zeit in der
angewandten Kunst, Vienna 1922. 18 See Dieter Bogner, “Wien 1920 – 26 See Dolbin 1925 (see note 24),
Rochowanski was a student of Cizek’s, 1930. ‘Es war als würde Utopia Rea- p. 100.
a dancer, and artist; his contact with lität werden,’” in: Alte und Neue Kunst,
Kiesler has been documented. issue 190/191, 1983, pp. 35 – 48.
260
Ma xim ilian Kaiser variety can be explained by the fact that, with
the exception of the editorial teams, the
The Significance of collaboration on these magazines was often
subject to enormous fluctuations. “Despite
Magazines in Austria: the heterogeneity of the individual contribu-
tions and the often heatedly discussed dif-
Der Anbruch, MA, and ferences of opinion among the colleagues, the
magazine appeared as a coherent body of text,
the Freie Bewegung
conveying a specific artistic concept and a
specific political program.”2
Otto Schneider, one of the two editors of
Der Anbruch, saw it as obligatory to take up
The Structure and Network of
once again “that great lost trail” and advocat-
Avant-Garde Magazines in Vienna
ed “infusing traditional aristocratic, bour-
In comparing the magazines Der Anbruch geois, and mercantile life with spirit by means
and MA, it is necessary first to analyze their of intelligence, which is the most certain
structures more closely. There are essential- remedy against all the poisons that threaten
ly three points that make a comparison pos- to siphon off the lifeblood of a race.”3 At heart
sible. These are, first, the manifestos, the this summons was consistent by definition
programs, and the appeals meant to commu- with Peter Bürger’s leitmotif of the avant-
nicate to the readership the magazine’s basic garde: The striving for a unity of art and life.
aims, as well as the strategies for achieving The Hungarian artist Lajos Kassák, who had
these. The second point — and the actual heart emigrated to Austria in 1919, phrased it sim-
of the magazines — encompasses the written ilarly in his bilingual exhortation, “To the
and visual contributions. These reflect the Artists of All Nations!” which appeared in
entire spectrum of artistic contacts and in- the first Vienna edition of MA: “The nature
fig. 1 Richard Dillenz fluences. Making up the final element — and of the new art is to seek out the tragic pres-
Untitled most important for the magazines’ continued ent and to illuminate it in times of birth.
Cover of Der Anbruch, year I, no. 7, June 15, 1918
existence — are the advertisements, classified The mission of the new artist is mankind’s
ads, and notices of events. These make it pos- awakening to itself, which has been forfeited
sible to reconstruct the economic network on the one hand to the ignorance of the op-
and understand the circumstances in which pressed, and on the other hand to the ped-
these magazines arose. dling speculations on the part of the rulers.”4
Contemporaneous with the rise of Expres- When Kassák said that as an artist he did not
sionism in Austria, a new chapter also began want to be a servant of the bourgeoisie, this
in the development of the magazines. Before can be explained by his direct experiences
World War I, the first isolated Expressionist during the time of the Hungarian soviet re-
cells emerged with their works. Soon there- public, for to his statement he adds that it
after, an intensified collaboration among in- cannot be a matter only of replacing one class
dividuals and groups resulted in the explo- with another, “not even if that class is called
sive growth of this development, and little by the ‘proletariat’.”5 Today’s view is that the
little an avant-garde scene appeared in Vienna. MA group consisted of Hungarian artists and
Whereas a negligible number of Expression- writers who contributed to the journal. Due
ist periodicals such as the Herder-Blätter to their political convictions, these persons
and Der Ruf had previously existed in Vienna, were forced to leave Hungary after the fail-
in the relatively short time period between ure of the revolution in order to avoid per-
1917 and 1920 numerous new magazines were secution. Despite the fact that some artists
founded with names such as Der Aufschwung, chose exile in Vienna (Lajos Kassák, Béla
Summa, Daimon, Der Friede, Horizont-Flug- Uitz) while others went to Berlin (László
schriften, and also Der Anbruch.1 The range Moholy-Nagy, Alfréd Kemény), the contacts
of articles could extend from art and culture were maintained, and in some cases even
to social and political issues. This thematic intensified, through MA, leading ultimately
to the avant-garde magazine’s international Theodor Däubler, and many, many others.
recognition and success. In contrast, the ed- Concerts, lectures, and readings were organ-
itors of Der Anbruch were dependent on co- ized in which authors from the nearby area
operation, especially in the early days, and could participate. Readings and concerts also
first had to build up their contacts little by lit- took place to accompany exhibitions by the
tle. This was the case, for example, with a Freie Bewegung.8 Above all, though, it was
group of younger artists from Austria, Czech- the organization of art exhibitions that made
oslovakia, Poland, and Germany, consisting the artist’s association famous. As a group,
essentially of the artists Richard Dillenz, they presented themselves as a union of young,
B. F. Dolbin, Friedrich Feigl, Helene Funke, progressively working artists. In contrast, the
Janina Grossmann, Frieda Salvendy, Franz collective and solo exhibitions introduced the
Skala, and Katharina Zirner, who grouped specific positions of prominent artists to the
together in 1918 under the name Bewegung.6 Viennese public. Among the two most impor-
In the announcement of the exhibition in the tant exhibitions were those of Johannes Itten
March edition of Der Anbruch, it is specifi- in May 1919 and of Erich Heckel in Septem- fig. 2 Erich Heckel
cally pointed out that the founding of the ber 1920. Itten had already achieved a fair Portrait of E. H.
group took place with the participation and amount of notoriety in Vienna as a result of Cover of Der Anbruch, year II, no. 1, January 1919
upon the suggestion of the journal.7 his private art school. Heckel was given the
opportunity as a member of the famous artist
group Die Brücke. In the first two years of Der
From Idea to Action
Anbruch’s publication, predominantly works
A significant portion of a journal’s success is by Viennese artists and authors were featured.
determined by its broader environment. The relocation of the publishing house to
The more contacts it has available within its Berlin resulted in an exchange between the
network, the more prominent the writers and participating persons, starting in 1919. From
artists it can acquire for its contributions. that point on, only artwork by members of
An additional inducement can be offered to the Freie Bewegung residing in Berlin, such
the contributors in the form of participation as Erich Heckel and Friedrich Feigl, could
in concerts, readings, lectures, or art exhibi- be found in the journal (fig. 2). The reason
tions. This system, which developed parallel for this was that the selection of artists was
to the journals and functioned like a market- determined by Jsrael Ber Neumann, a Berlin
place, created the preconditions for a pan- art dealer and publisher. Hence forward,
European exchange of the theories, texts, only the artists he represented could have
and artwork of the avant-garde movement. works published in Der Anbruch.
The artist group Bewegung played an im- For the journal Der Anbruch, as for the
portant role for Der Anbruch, despite the fact Freie Bewegung, contact with Berlin was not
that it disbanded as a group after the first limited to the publication of artwork and the
exhibition and reestablished itself in 1919 “importing” of important artists. Beginning
under the name Freie Bewegung. The artists in 1920, Otto Schneider directed the Neue
continued to supply prints, especially litho- Musikgesellschaft der Anbruch in Berlin and
graphs, linocuts, and woodcuts, as illustra- from there organized concert evenings in both
tions for the journal (fig. 1). They were used cities. By means of the connection to J. B.
both for the covers and as inserts between Neumann’s Graphisches Kabinett, Richard
the written contributions. So-called luxury Dillenz was able to exhibit in Berlin in 1921,
or preferential copies were printed on laid together with Ernst Wagner and Johannes
paper and contained originals of the same Fischer. The same year, the Freie Bewegung
prints. This strategy was intended to win also made an appearance as a group in Fritz fig. 3 Janos Máttis-Teutsch
subscribers, thus standardizing the maga- Gurlitt’s gallery. Untitled
zine’s size and how frequently it appeared. Although numerous connections between Cover of MA, year V, no. 1/2, 1919
The list of authors who published in Der An- the MA group and the international avant-
bruch includes Robert Müller, Paul Bau- garde are documented, very little is known
disch, Erhard Buschbeck, Albert Ehrenstein, about its contacts to the Vienna scene.9 The
Maxim i li a n Ka i s e r 262
focus of the journal Der Anbruch was clearly Rodtschenko, Karl Johanson, Konstantin
Expressionism. Through MA, Constructivism Medunetsky, and Vladimir and Georgii Sten-
became known in Vienna for the first time, berg, which had been previously seen in the
resulting in its reception by artists. The MA Second Spring Exhibition in Moscow, were
group began transmitting the new ideas in published in Western Europe for the first
November 1920 with a lecture, supported by time. Kassák, too, demonstrated his talent as
slides, by Konstantin Umanskij on the new an intermediary by publishing not only con-
directions in Russian art. Béla Uitz report- tributions from his immediate surroundings,
ed on this event enthusiastically in MA: “If, but also remaining open to influences from
in opposition to the art of the bourgeoisie, we outside the group. Foreign-language texts,
thus want to show the maximum manifesta- for example by von Doesburg, Marinetti, and
tion of life of the revolution, then instead of Schwitters, were translated into Hungarian
the bourgeois ‘only I,’ we should set out in for the first time in MA and the journal was
the direction of the creative power of ‘we’ circulated — in many cases not entirely legally
and the possibilities of the entirety. In Rus- —
by means of a distribution network reach-
sia this path has already been tread. … In ing into the neighboring countries of Czecho-
Europe it is the group of the MA that has slovakia and Yugoslavia and even to Romania.
organized the only public lecture thus far The fact that this feat of cultural exchange
on Russian art.”10 The stylistic turnaround also made its presence felt in Kassák’s own
did not take place overnight, however, and art production can be seen in those works
reproductions of expressionistic prints can that would become known as pictorial archi-
fig. 4 László Moholy-Nagy still be found in the early issues of MA (fig. 3). tectures (fig. 5).
Glass Architecture Only in 1921 did such a transition begin to And how did things turn out for the MA
Cover of MA, year VII, no. 5/6, 1922
be seen. Dadaistic works of art and texts by group in Berlin? “A circle of artists, such as
Kurt Schwitters, Hans Arp, and Richard the one that had gathered around Lajos Kas-
Huelsenbeck came to be published in MA. sák first in Budapest and then in Vienna, was
Under the influence of the Third KOMINTERN not able to form in Berlin. … On German soil,
in 1921 in Moscow, on the one hand, and the the Hungarian artists sought to forge connec-
congress of internationally progressive art- tions to their land of asylum predominantly
ists in 1922 in Düsseldorf on the other, MA’s as individuals.”13 One of these connections
“Constructivist turn” was complete (fig. 4).11 was that in 1923, László Moholy-Nagy began
Both resulted in contacts being forged be- teaching the introductory course at the Bau-
tween members of the MA group and Con- haus. Another was that Sándor Ék and Jolán
structivist artists such as Hans Richter, Theo Szilágyi first worked in the agitprop depart-
van Doesburg, El Lissitzky, and Alexander ment of the Communist Party and were both
Rodtschenko. With the exception of Rodt- members of the Assoziation Revolutionärer
schenko, all of these artists were also imme- Bildender Künstler Deutschlands [Association
diately afterwards represented with works in of Revolutionary Visual Artists of Germany,
issues of MA. Ideological and political differ- ARBKD for short], founded in 1928.14 The
ences between Uitz and Kassák led to Uitz’s list of MA members who belonged to the cir-
leaving the MA group shortly after his return cle around Der Sturm is long. The Buch Neuer
from Moscow and, together with Komját Künstler can be seen as the most significant
Aladár, founding the journal Egység [“Uni- evidence of the exchange between the Berlin
ty”]. As Oliver Botar writes, “The fine-arts and Vienna members of the MA group. Kas-
policy of Egység reflected Uitz’s support of sák and Moholy-Nagy sought, in a kind of a
the Russian avant-garde. With the exception middle path between art history and pictorial
of a painting by Uitz, the art reproduced in collage, to tell the story of the development
the Viennese Egység was limited to the work of avant-garde art in the format of an artist’s
of Russian avant-garde artists whom Uitz book. Illustrations of technical equipment
and Kemény had encountered in Moscow in were interspersed between artworks by Klee,
1921.”12 In the June 1922 issue, images and Kandinsky, Prampolini, and Lissitzky, with
works by OBMOKhU members Alexander the intention of suggesting the supremacy
of Constructivism by means of a closely relat- organizational side they differed significant-

ed aesthetic. In his review in the magazine ly. It was cooperation with publishers, gal-
Der Cicerone, Walter Passarge remarked that lery owners, and an artist group that was
“writing a more in-depth review of this book crucial to the success of Der Anbruch. In the
means confronting the entire problem of case of MA, however, it was a group of inter-
Constructivism in all thoroughness. … It is nationally scattered artists and authors who
the movement that corresponds to the essen- defined themselves through the journal, built
tial features of our time in the field of art.”15 up important contacts with other avant-garde
Parallels between Der Anbruch and MA movements, and, by means of this transfer of
can be found on an ideological and artistic knowledge, passed along important stimuli fig. 5 Lajos Kassák
Pictorial Architecture
level — the Expressionist roots of both mag- to their individual environments. MA, year VIII, no. 1, 1922
azines have been documented. But on the
1 This list could be expanded by 8 In addition to Baudisch and basis of contributions by the interna-
several titles. On this see Paul Raabe, Buschbeck, who have already been tional avant-garde. See Peter Weibl,
Die Autoren und Bücher des literari- mentioned in association with the “Zur Entstehung des ungarischen
schen Expressionismus. Ein bibliogra- exhibitions, the Freie Bewegung also Konstruktivismus in Wien: MA
phisches Handbuch, Stuttgart 1985. – organized readings by the writers 1920 – 25. Der einzige Moment der
Armin A. Wallas, Zeitschriften und Georg Kulka and Theodor Tagger. Moderne in der Zwischenkriegszeit,”
Anthologien des Expressionismus in These events were organized by the in: Peter Weibl (ed.), Jenseits von
Österreich. Analytische Bibliographie “Gruppe Literatur.” Schneider 1999 Kunst (exh. cat. Landesmuseum
und Register, 2 vols., Munich/New (see note 6), pp. 127 – 28. Johanneum Graz), Vienna, 1997,
Providence/London/Paris 1995. pp. 67 – 81.
9 The scholarly investigation into
2 Armin A. Wallas and Andrea the interrelationships between the 12 Oliver A. I. Botar, “From the
Lauritsch (eds.), Österreichische MA group and the artists working in Avant-Garde to ‘Proletarian Art’. The
Literatur-, Kultur- und Theaterzeit- Vienna is thanks especially to Pál Emigré Hungarian Journals Egység
schriften im Umfeld von Expres- Deréky (for the literary historical per- and Akasztott Ember, 1922 – 23,” in:
sionismus, Aktivismus und Zionismus, spective) and Károly Kókai and Art Journal, issue 52, no. 1, 1993, p. 36.
Wuppertal 2008, p. 11. others (for the art historical perspec-
tive). See Pál Deréky, “Eigenkultur – 13 Éva Bajkay-Rosch, “Künstler im
3 Otto Schneider, “Vom Parnass ins Fremdkultur. Zivilisationskritisch Exil,” in: Hubertus Gaßner (ed.),
Parlament,” in: Der Anbruch. Flug- fundierte Selbstfindung in den literari- Wechselwirkungen. Ungarische Avant-
blätter aus der Zeit, issue 1, leaflet 1, schen Reisebeschreibungen der garde in der Weimarer Republik (exh.
12.15.1917, p. 1. Aktivisten Robert Müller und Lajos cat. Neue Galerie Kassel/Museum
Kassák,” in: Hungarian Studies, issue 17, Bochum), Marburg 1986, p. 41.
4 Ludwig Kassák, “To the Artists
of All Nations,” in: MA. Irodalmi és no. 1, 2003, pp. 157 – 70. – Károly 14 Jürgen Krammer, “Die Assozia-
kepzömüvészeti folyóirat, vol. 1, Kókai, “Deutschsprachige Texte im tion Revolutionärer Bildender
issue 5, 5.01.1920, p. 2. Wiener MA,” in: Neohelicon. Acta Künstler Deutschlands (ARBKD),” in:
comparationis litterarum universarum, Wem gehört die Welt? Kunst und
5 Ibid. issue 25, 2008, pp. 265 – 95. Gesellschaft in der Weimarer Republik
6 Ewald Schneider, Die Künstler- 10 Béla Uitz, “Jegyzetek a MA (exh. cat. Staatliche Kunsthalle
gruppe “Freie Bewegung” 1918 – 1922, orosz estélyéhez,” in: MA. Irodalmi Berlin), Berlin 1977, p. 179 – 80.
Vienna 1999 (typescript), pp. 27 – 28. és kepzömüvészeti folyóirat, vol. 4, 15 Walter Passarge, “Ludwig Kassák
issue 6, 2.15.1921, p. 52. (Translated by und L. Moholy-Nagy. Buch Neuer
7 See Der Anbruch. Flugblätter Gabriela Neuberger.)
aus der Zeit, vol. 4, issue 1, Künstler. Wien 1922,” in: Der Cicerone.
3.20.1918, p. 8. 11 Peter Weibl describes the chrono- Halbmonatsschrift für die Interessen
logical development of MA on the des Kunstkenners & Sammlers, vol. 7,
issue XV, 1923, p. 252.
265
Operations on Open Hearts.
New Objectivity
IV
266
The much described and extolled “roaring twenties” ( in Berlin ) were also
an age of “healthy disillusionment.”1 The art historian and contemporary
Gustav Friedrich Hartlaub found this to be true especially with respect to
painting. For the period of exuberant hopes that had found their articula-
tion in Expressionism was followed by a decade in which artists devoted
themselves to the world as given, free of delusion and the film-like dissolu-
tion of one image or idea into another. The expressionistic emotionalism of
disclosure, which aspired to bring the innermost outwards, was replaced by
an “emotionalism of the pure sic!”2 The restless and the deeply stirring, the
artistic affect, and the sentiments captured on canvas yielded to a painter-
ly motionlessness that paid homage to the thing, whether person or object.
A culture of distance developed out of the traumatizing experiences of
World War I.3 The “essence” of man had revealed itself in a terrifyingly bes-
tial way on the battlefields. Now it was a matter of restraining the inward
and controlling the chaos in the outward, characterized by instable political
relations and social crises. Alongside non-representational art, a tendency
towards realistic representationalism in painting could already be seen in
Germany immediately following World War I. The brush was increasingly
guided by the coordinates of control and objectivity. Ecstasy was supplant-
ed by sobriety. Gustav Friedrich Hartlaub gave this painting dedicated to
the external appearance of the world a name that would also become a
cultural leitmotif: New Objectivity.
But objectified painting, which began to spread widely in Austria in the
middle of the 1920s, manifested very different dispositions in both its choice
of subject matter and its manner of execution. Rudolf Schlichter portrayed
Margot (plate 19 8 ) in the darkness of the convoluted back courtyards of
Berlin, but with a proletarian self-confidence completely consistent with the
type of the so-called New Woman shaped by the twenties. Her trademarks:
bobbed hair and a cigarette. The distinguished and chilly reserve with which
Christian Schad’s ladies confront us finds its perfect interpretation in his
precise, meticulous painting, which does not (any longer) allow our gaze to
penetrate the surface. The portrayal of things in the form of still lifes, which
was of little significance in Expressionism, once again became meaningful;
this too was something characteristic of the times. The stasis of the world
of objects once more attracted artists’ attention, even if the everyday ob-
jects represented did in fact refer beyond themselves, no matter how ob-
jectively they were captured. Rudolf Wacker’s Stillleben mit Kistendeckel
[ Still Life with Crested Grebe ] (plate 230 ) undoubtedly contains sexual con-
notations, for together with the clay amphora, into the opening of which
a metal funnel has been inserted, a gourd growing phallically out of a box
inscribed “Lotte” defies a neutral interpretation and could be understood
267
as a hint at Sigmund Freud’s Traumdeutung [ Interpretation of Dreams],

which also associated inanimate objects with human needs and desires.
With all their coolness and objectivity, the works nonetheless also con-
vey atmospheric, individual, or social moods or sentiments: For example, the
absentminded melancholy that lies upon the face of the portrayed daugh-
ter of Albert Paris Gütersloh (plate 20 4 ) and which seems to have congealed
the persons gathered at the table in Lotte Laserstein’s Abend über Potsdam
[ Evening Over Potsdam] (plate 2 8 2 ). Silence has made itself at home. These
works are grounded in an ominous presentiment of what is to come. Be-
cause of her Jewish descent, Laserstein, lauded as the Weimar Republic’s
most promising talent, was forced to flee after the National Socialists’ sei-
zure of power. Gütersloh was stigmatized as “degenerate” under National
Socialist cultural policy and was banned from working. In the so-called Third
Reich there was no alternative to foreign emigration or “inner emigration”
for many of the artists presented here, for in fact the opposite of culture
had triumphed.
Lotte Laserstein emigrated to Sweden and believed for the remainder of
her life that the first work she had been able to sell to a public collection—
namely to the municipality of the city of Berlin—had been burned in the
attacks on the city during World War II. But the artist was mistaken: The
painting Im Gasthaus [ In the Tavern ] (plate 2 0 2 ), a prime example of New
Objectivity in both subject matter as well as painterly realization, had fall-
en victim to the National Socialist “degenerate art” confiscation action
that began in 1937, in which the Nazis removed unwanted art from German
museums. Until last year the work was considered lost. The pleasure of be-
ing able to present it to a wider public after almost eighty years is thus all
the greater. Ralf B u rme i ste r
1 Gustav Friedrich Hartlaub in a letter to Alfred H. Barr, founding director of the Museum of Modern Art,
New York, in July 1929. Quoted from Kenneth Frampton, Die Architektur der Moderne. Eine kritische
Baugeschichte, Stuttgart 1983, p. 114.
2 Rainer Metzger, Berlin. Die Zwanzigerjahre. Kunst und Kultur 1918–1933, Vienna 2006, p. 182.
3 See Klaus Schröder, Neue Sachlichkeit. Österreich 1918–1938 (exh. cat. Kunstforum Bank Austria, Vienna),
Vienna 1995, pp. 13–14.
4 Quotation on the following page: Stefan Großmann, “Reinhardt, Ufa und Berlin,” in: Das Tage-Buch, year I,
issue 32, 1920, pp. 1049–52, here pp. 1049–50.
268
“Berlin may bestow success on those who are robust,

who persevere, but nothing more than success.
Who could warm to the place? Who could call it
home ? I do not wish to pose such questions as
an ingrate. I sense the sea close by, the refreshing
air of this city; I love its vibrancy, its tremendous
activity, its eternally alert good sense. But precisely
this rationalist element, the perpetual propulsion
and compulsion of its spirits, this air—so pregnant
with plans, projects, enterprises—ultimately en
genders a feeling of bittersweet emptiness in the
contemplative and creative individual. … Reigning
here is a cold today. This pressure for immediate
peak performance, to be sure, whips one up.
But who could ever feel at home in the city of such
interminable lashings?”4 Stefan Großmann 1920
269 New Objectivit y IV
Ru do l f Schl i chter

198
Margot, 1924
270
Iss a i Kulvian sk i C h r ist ia n Sch a d

199 200
My Daughter Kiki, 1927 Lola, 1927/28
Oil on canvas, 127 × 96 cm Oil on wood, 67 × 50 cm
Berlinische Galerie Private collection
C hr i sti an Sch a d

2 01
Maika, 1929
Private collection
272

L otte La se r stei n S ergius Pauser

2 02 203
In the Tavern, 1927 Lady in White, 1927
Oil on wood, 54 × 46 cm Oil on plywood, 81.6 × 61.1 cm
Private collection Gemälde- und Skulpturensammlung der Museen der Stadt Nürnberg
Albert Paris Gütersloh

204
Portrait of Alexandra Gütersloh, 1934
Belvedere, Vienna
274

K a rl Hofe r F r anz Lerch

2 05 2 06
The Girl Rests, c. 1925 Girl Asleep, 1930
Oil on canvas, 40.5 × 57.5 cm Oil on canvas, 48 × 61 cm
Private collection Wien Museum

R ud olf Sch lichte r
2 07
Jenny Seated, 1922/ 23
Berlinische Galerie
276
F r anz Lerch

208
Girl with Hat, 1929
Belvedere, Vienna
O tto Rudolf Schatz

2 09
Balloon Seller, 1929
Belvedere, Vienna
278

A lbe rt Birkle G eorg Ehrlich

210 211
Self-Portrait, 1922 Hans Tietze, 1931
Oil on canvas, 49 × 35 cm Bronze, 32 × 20 × 24 cm
Property of the Artothek des Bundes, on Belvedere, Vienna
permanent loan to the Belvedere, Vienna

Ge or g e G r os z
212
Self-Portrait with a Hat, 1928
Berlinische Galerie
280
Ca rl - Leopold Hollitzer

213
B. F. Dolbin, 1925
Pencil and watercolor on paper, 32 × 23 cm
Berlinische Galerie

B enedikt F r ed D o l bi n
B e n edikt Fr ed Dolb in
214 215
Bert Brecht, c. 1930 Lotte Lenya-Weill, c. 1936
Pencil on paper, 28 × 22 cm Pencil on paper, 28.5 × 24.3 cm
282

B enedikt F red D ol bi n
216 217
Max Reinhardt, c. 1936 Franz Werfel, c. 1930
Pencil on paper, 29 × 22.8 cm Pencil on paper, 31 × 22.5 cm

B enedikt F red D o l bi n
218 219
Fritz Kortner, c. 1930 Peter Lorre, c. 1930
Indian ink on paper, 29 × 23.8 cm Pencil on paper, 30 × 23.8 cm
284

B enedikt F red D o l bi n Em il O r lik
22 0 221
Alfred Kerr, c. 1926 Portrait of Tilla Durieux, c. 1921
Pencil on paper, 24 × 18.5 cm Etching, 32.6 × 24.9 cm

B enedikt F red D ol bi n
E m il O r lik
222 22 3
Emil Orlik, c. 1930 Portrait of Elisabeth Bergner, c. 1925
Pencil on paper, 24.5 × 19.5 cm Water-based inks, black and colored crayon,
Berlinische Galerie white heightening on paper, 69.5 × 50 cm
286

C hr i sti an Schad
22 4
Portrait of the Writer
Ludwig Bäumer, 1927
Berlinische Galerie
H erbert Ploberger

22 5
Self-Portrait (With Ophthalmological
Teaching Aids), 1928–1930
Städtische Galerie im Lenbachhaus, Munich
288
Ru dolf Wacker

226
Still Life with Crested Grebe, 1928
Oesterreichische Nationalbank
Ru dolf Wacker

A le x a n der K a n oldt
227 22 8
Two Heads, 1932 Still Life III with Amaryllis, 1926
Oil on wood, 100 × 63 cm Oil on canvas, 106 × 80 cm
Belvedere, Vienna Berlinische Galerie
290
H erbert Ploberger

229
Still Life, 1926
Belvedere, Vienna
Ru dolf Wacker

230
Still Life with Lid, 1930
Sammlung Bodenseekreis, on permanent loan from the
Zweckverband Oberschwäbische Elektrizitätswerke (OEW)
292

J ean n e M ammen
231
Chess Player, 1929 / 30
Berlinische Galerie

Ott o D i x
2 32
The Poet Iwar von Lücken, 1926
Oil and tempera on canvas, 226 × 120 cm
Berlinische Galerie
294
Ca rry Hauser

R ich a r d Z ie gle r
233 234
Night Wanderer, 1920 Woman on the Street, c. 1929
Oil on wood, 40.3 × 32.2 cm Opaque color on paper, 49.2 × 32.2 cm
Belvedere, Vienna Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin
J osef Humplik

J ean n e M A M M EN
J e a n n e M a mmen
2 35 2 36 2 37
Grete Wiesenthal, 1929 Valeska Gert, 1928 / 29 Music Hall Girls, 1928 / 29
Terra-cotta, 56 × 41 × 44 cm Oil on canvas, 60 × 44 cm Oil on cardboard, 64 × 47 cm
Belvedere, Vienna Berlinische Galerie Berlinische Galerie
296

H a ns Ba luschek
E gm on t Sch a efe r
238 2 39
Station Concourse Street Scene, 1928
(Lehrter Bahnhof), 1929 Black crayon on brown laid paper
Tempera, crayon, and pencil on 61.7 × 48 cm
cardboard, 98.3 × 69 cm Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin
Berlinische Galerie

A l bert Bi r kl e
240
Kurfürstendamm, 1924
Pastel on cardboard, 68 × 87 cm
Zweckverband Oberschwäbische
Elektrizitätswerke (OEW), Landkreis Sigmaringen
298

C o n r ad Fel i x mü l l er
2 41
Boxer from a Show Booth, 1921
Berlinische Galerie

N ikola us Br au n
2 42
Berlin Street Scene, 1921
Oil on hardboard, 74 × 103 cm
Berlinische Galerie
300
Wilhelm Tr aeger
Vienna 1932, 1932
Portfolio with 41 linoleum cuts
Private collection
Poster Artists
Tourism on Kärtnerstrasse

243 244
Plate 1, 37.7 × 48 cm Plate 36, 47.8 × 62.2 cm
People’s Coffeehouse in Vienna

Street Scene II (Meidling, Tivoligasse)

245 246
Plate 40, 49.1 × 62.1 cm Plate 35, 42.8 × 53 cm
302
B ettina Ehrlich - Bauer

2 47
Jonny Strikes Up, 1928
Private collection
Ca rry Hauser

248
Jazz Band, 1927
Private collection
304
Lotte La se r stei n
2 49
Tennis Player, 1929
Private collection

R udolf Belli n g
M a x O ppe n heime r
250 2 51
Max Schmeling, 1929 Six-Day Race, c. 1929
B
ronze, 54.4 × 27 × 38.7 cm Oil on canvas, 73 × 86 cm
Berlinische Galerie Berlinische Galerie (on permanent loan)
306
Ru dolf Wacker

K a r l Hofer
2 52 253
Self-Portrait with Shaving Foam, 1925 Girl with Foliage Plant, 1923
Oil on canvas, 82 × 62.8 cm Oil on canvas, 105 × 74 cm
Belvedere, Vienna, on permanent loan from a private collection Belvedere, Vienna

F el i x Nu ssbau m
254
Organ Grinder, 1931
Berlinische Galerie
308

H er man n N on n e n m a che r
255
Farewell, 1928
Mahogany wood, 104 × 38 × 19 cm
Berlinische Galerie

E rnst Neu schu l
2 56
Two Weary Women, c. 1925
Berlinische Galerie
310
L ois Pregartbauer
G ustav W un derwa ld
2 57 258
Railroad Crossing, c. 1922 Factory of Loewe & Co., 1926
Oil on canvas, 35 × 75 cm Oil on canvas, 61 × 71 cm
Private collection Berlinische Galerie

F r an z Le n k
2 59
Rear Courtyards in Berlin, 1929
Oil on canvas on plywood, 113.5 × 94 cm
Berlinische Galerie
312
H a ns Ba luschek F r anz Sedlacek

260 261
Summer Evening, 1928 The City, 1926
Oil on canvas, 120 × 151 cm Oil on wood, 85.3 × 72.3 cm
Berlinische Galerie Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien,
F r anz Sedlacek

262
The Delayed Ghost in the Night
and the Drunkards, 1931
Private collection
314

C ha rlotte Ber en d - C or i n th
263
Anita Berber, 1919
Portfolio with eight lithographs, 49.5 × 62 cm each
316

Ott o Dix
Ge or ge G r os z
26 4 265
Blond Half-Nude, 1932 Two Women, 1929
Mixed media on wood, 79 × 54 cm Oil on canvas, 220 × 115 cm
Private collection Private collection, courtesy Galerie Haas, Zurich

Ge or g e Gr os z
266
Rudolf Schlichter in His Studio, 1929
Private collection
318

M a x Beckman n
267
Trip to Berlin, 1922
Portfolio with ten prints and a lithographed
cover, 68 × 54 cm each
Berlinische Galerie
320

M ax Beckm a n n
268
Group Portrait, Eden Bar, 1923
Woodcut, 49.4 × 49.8 cm
Sammlung und Stiftung Rolf Horn in der Stiftung
Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf, Schleswig
322

M ax Beckma n n
269
Self-Portrait in Bowler Hat, 1921
Drypoint on handmade paper, 53.5 × 42 cm
Sammlung und Stiftung Rolf Horn in der Stiftung
Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf, Schleswig

C hrist ia n Schad C h r ist ia n Sch a d
270 27 1
Civic Casino, c. 1930 Voo Doo, c. 1930
from: A Guide through Licentious Berlin, Leipzig 1931 from: A Guide through Licentious Berlin, Leipzig 1931
Pen and black ink, sprayed on paper, 26.9 × 19.7 cm Pen and black ink, sprayed on paper, 26.9 × 19.3 cm
Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin
324
Arthur Seg al
27 2
Abortion Act, 1931
Oil on jute, 72.5 × 91.5 cm
Berlinische Galerie
Friedl Dicker
27 3
Have No Fear of Death, 1932/ 33
Photograph based on photocollage, 27.3 × 18 cm
326
Friedl Dicker
274
Superfluity, 1932/ 33
Friedl Dicker
275
The Middle Class Turns Fascist, 1932/ 33
328
Friedl Dicker Friedl Dicker

276 27 7
That’s the Way of the World, The Solution, 1930
My Child, 1932/ 33 Photograph based on photocollage, 51 × 41 cm
Photograph based on photocollage, 27.3 × 18 cm mumok museum moderner kunst stiftung ludwig wien,
gift of Oswald Oberhuber 1979
Friedl Dicker
278
The Child’ s Present and Future, 1930
Photograph based on photocollage, 41 × 51 cm
mumok museum moderner kunst stiftung ludwig wien,
gift of Oswald Oberhuber 1979
330
Fel i x Nu ssbau m
279
The Folly Square, 1931
Berlinische Galerie
332
Friedl Dicker
2 80
The Interrogation, c. 1934
Gouache, collage on brown cardboard, 46 × 33 cm
Friedl Dicker
2 81
Interrogation I, 1934
Oil on plywood, 121 × 80 cm
Jewish Museum, Prague
334
Lo tte Lase r ste in

2 82
Evening Over Potsdam, 1930
336
Sergius Pauser
283
Luis Trenker with Camera, 1938
Mixed media on hardboard, 55 × 46 cm
Belvedere, Vienna
Ja n i na Ne nt w i g as the functional Bauhaus furniture, the po

ems of Erich Kästner, and the photographs
There’s Something in the Air: of August Sander. The initial spark that fue
led the term’s steeply rising popularity was
The Painting of New Objectivity, the 1925 exhibition in Mannheim’s Kunst
halle Die Neue Sachlichkeit—Deutsche Malerei seit
as Seen from Berlin dem Expressionismus [The New Objectivity—Ger
man Painting since Expressionism], in which Gus
tav Friedrich Hartlaub presented the vari
Berlin, 1928. On the stage of the Komödie
ous tendencies of the new type of objectivity.
am Kurfürstendamm, the still unknown Mar
In the legendary exhibition, Hartlaub gath
lene Dietrich sings a song which encapsu
ered together artists who, instead of taking
lates the zeitgeist of the Weimar Republic
up from the formal and coloristic experi
as mockingly as it does spiritedly:
ments of the Expressionists, Futurists, Cub
Es liegt in der Luft eine Sachlichkeit, ists, or the abstract avant-garde, sought clear,
es liegt in der Luft eine Stachlichkeit, quieted forms of expression. The return to
es liegt in der Luft und es liegt the object was assessed as a “rappel à l’ordre”
in der Luft, in der Luft! (Jean Cocteau) after the horrors and chaos
Es liegt in der Luft was Idiotisches, of World War I: A form of self-assurance in
es liegt in der Luft was Hypnotisches, a world and moral order that had become
es liegt in der Luft, es liegt in der Luft, uncertain. In his choice of the exhibition ti
und es geht nicht mehr raus aus der Luft! tle, Hartlaub was undoubtedly aware of the
various connotations of the word “Sachlich-
[There’s something in the air
keit.” The German word is not only equated
called objectivity.
with a concept of art oriented towards real
There’s something in the air like electricity.
ity—the most important shared character
There’s something in the air,
istic of the artists featured in Mannheim—
and it’s in the air, the air.
but as early as the 1920s described above
There’s something in the air
all an intellectual and emotional attitude.
that’s pure silliness.
Hartlaub surely chose the term for its am
There’s something in the air
bivalence, and meant both facets: “objective”
that you can’t resist.
in the sense of being based on objects, and
There’s something in the air,
“objective” in the sense of sober or dispas
and it’s in the air,
sionate. The attribute “new” can also be un
And you can’t get it out of the air.] 1
derstood in two ways, namely as having
This refrain struck a nerve with the public emerged recently or as having been renewed.
and reflected the general feeling of life at the New Objectivity thus refers as well to a
time, especially in the capital. The modern new objectivity (in the sense of representa
urban dweller acted rationally and emotion tionalism) as opposed to an old objectivity,
lessly, breathing in the famous Berlin air in as represented, for example, by the art of
the “most objective of all the great European imperial court painter Anton von Werner.4
cities.” 2 Helmut Lethen has aptly characteriz For the New Objectivity was not only an
ed the habits and bearing of people between adverse reaction to the stylistic idioms of
the two World Wars as “cool conduct.” 3 Ob the prewar avant-garde, but also just as
jectivity was not only the motto of social clearly manifested a distinction to the Natu
relations, but became a universal maxim, ralism of the nineteenth century and con
which was applied in a virtually inflationary temporaneous Academic Realism. The critics
manner to all realms of life and the arts. The of the 1920s already recognized the stylis
architecture of the Werkbund was described tically varied movement as a creative inter
as objective even before 1918, and now it pretation of reality, which did not aim to
was the bob haircut and the demeanor of imitate nature but rather grasped the world
its female wearer that bore this label, as well of objects in a formal language shaped by
Janin a Ne n t wi g 338
modernism. This innovative kind of objectiv dandy, a revolver beneath his heart, the hope
ity was employed by the artists belonging ful symbol of the anchor tattooed on his tem
to it in extremely individual ways, so that ple. He sits in a café, the last guest, immersed
New Objectivity cannot be considered a in a poisonous nocturnal green. Only the
strictly defined style. Nonetheless, three cur skeleton at another table and a dog offer
rents are generally differentiated today: A the lonely protagonist company. The room,
neo-classical current; a veristic, more social whose furnishings are literally falling in to
ly critical direction, which Hartlaub referred wards the viewer, is open to the city. Here,
to in 1925 as the right and left wings; and a too, houses and streets tilt in various direc
“Magical Realism” strongly influenced by the tions. The viewer’s standpoint totters, just like
dream world of Surrealism.5 But despite, or the entire composition, which emphasizes
indeed because of, the lack of formal unity, the somnambulistic and apocalyptic quality
the term New Objectivity took hold among of the scene with garish color accents. Where
contemporaries, and in general usage the as the dynamics of the fractures in perspec
term reverted to its original meaning, in tive, and the entanglement of interior and
which it now also characterized the mood exterior space are inspired by Futurism, and
of an entire generation. the choice of color betrays the influence of
The oscillation of New Objectivity be Expressionism, Grosz has conceived the fig
tween an orientation towards the object and ures in a “drawing style that is as hard as a
an emotional temperature runs like a com knife,” 9 which would also characterize the
mon thread through the reception of this painting of New Objectivity. As he wrote in
representational counter-avant-garde, which 1924, what Grosz was after was the “transcrip
found one of its most important centers in tion of my observations, dictated at the time
Berlin. In particular the Berlin version of by absolute misanthropy.” 10 And here it’s al
New Objectivity was and is ascribed the ready in the air, objectivity in both of its sen
dictum of the “cool gaze,” and the sobriety ses: Feelings are flash frozen in an innova
and precision of its representations are al tive realism with no aversion to ugliness.
ways emphasized.6 But does this way of The Lovesick Man was shown in the spring
seeing in fact represent a wiping out of all of 1920 at Grosz’s first solo exhibition in
values of emotional expression? And what Munich.11 The Viennese artist Carry Hauser
about the representatives of New Objectiv was residing in the city at the time and
ity in Austria? Is the movement in this “na would probably have seen Grosz’s kaleido
tion woozy with coziness” 7—in the words scopically fragmented paintings and prints
of a Berlin critic of 1927—less cold, less so in the original, at the latest in the fall of that
ber? At least with respect to the German year when the Austrian artist visited Berlin.
representatives of New Objectivity, even In works like Nächtlicher Wanderer [Night Wan-
contemporaries expressed doubts about the derer] (plate 233 ) from the same year, Grosz
supposed objectivity of the representation. can clearly be recognized as the inspira
As evidence they pointed to the autonomy tion.12 Hauser too presents himself in this
of the pictorial means and the subjective, self-portrait as moonstruck, but rather than
psychologizing distortion and intensification entertaining thoughts of suicide, he seems
of forms, colors, and perspectives, which ex rather to float through the nocturnal streets.
fig. 1 George Grosz pressed the profoundly felt problematic na The simultaneous representation of inside
The Lovesick Man, 1916 ture of reality, indicating the close connec and outside is scaled down, as are the dis
Kunstsammlung Nordrhein-Westfalen, Düsseldorf
tion between New Objectivity and the avant- sonant perspectives and the aggressive color
garde.8 tones. The cubistically faceted pictorial tec
This aspiration becomes particularly clear tonics are still animated, but seem calmer, an
in the early big city images by George Grosz, impression underscored by the muted col
which stand at the transition to New Objec oration. Something dreamlike and romantic
tivity. In the painting Der Liebeskranke [The wafts through the works of this “Austrian
Lovesick Man] (fig. 1), Grosz presents himself George Grosz,” 13 even if he devotes him
during the war year 1916 as a world-weary self to themes associated with crime and
the demimonde: Themes that Grosz presents ner and with an irony typical of New Objec
unsparingly and aggressively as the driving tivity (fig. 2). Like Schlichter, he too denies
forces of the juggernaut of Berlin. the viewer any glimpse of his paintings. His
The new realism in Berlin during the early eyes closed as in a dream, the artist works
postwar years is shrill, hectic, and distorting. on a painting that remains hidden from the
But under the influence of metaphysical art observer’s view—just like the other works,
[Pittura metafisica] and its architectural scen packed in a large transport crate—so that the
ery inhabited by dressmakers’ mannequins, label “Vorsicht Bilder” (Handle with Care:
an increasing solidity and calmness enters Paintings) almost seems like a mockery. Does
the visual language. In the work Sitzende Jenny the artist get his inspiration solely from his
[Jenny Seated] (plate 207 ) by Rudolf Schlichter, own imagination? What role does reality
who lived and worked in Berlin from 1919 play in his art? And can the artist even recog
to 1932, both the atelier and the model have nize reality as such? Ploberger gives no ans
been congealed in an uncanny way. In a re wer to these questions and leaves the inter
view in the biweekly periodical Der Cicerone, pretation of the work open. This exemplifies
Franz Roh, whose 1925 book Nach-Expressio a central characteristic of New Objectivity
nismus: Magischer Realismus presented the first —one which, in addition to formal innova
extensive art-historical analysis of New Ob tions, represents one of the main character
jectivity, praised the “fading colors and po istics of modernism.16 When Ploberger left
sitive echoes of the Valori plastici,” the maga Austria for Berlin in January of 1927, he
zine that had familiarized German artists with quickly gained a foothold and that same
Pittura metafisica. 14 Unlike in the works of year could be seen in the city’s first New
Giorgio de Chirico and Carlo Carrà, in Objectivity exhibition in the Galerie Neu
Schlichter’s painting it is not that the mani mann-Nierendorf next to such prominent
chino seems to come alive in a nightmarish representatives as Grosz, Otto Dix, and
way, but rather the human figure seems life Alexander Kanoldt.17 Selbstbildnis (mit oph-
less, almost like a doll. The influence of Pit- thalmologischen Lehrmodellen) [Self-Portrait (with
tura metafisica can be felt even more intensely Ophthalmological Teaching Aids)] (plate 22 5 ) of
in the construction of space and the color 1928 seems like an explicit foil to his “blind”
ation: Not a single picture is visible in the Vienna self- portrait. Dressed in a white
bare and forbidding room. Even brush and smock, the artist places himself among scien
paint are missing. The small canvas to the tific images and models of the human eye.
left behind the model leans with its front With his hand splayed in a mannered ges
side to the wall, and the portfolio on the ture, he raises his glasses in order to study
empty table is closed, as is the crate jutting his left eye with the help of a mirror located
into the room from the right and blocking outside the picture space. Ploberger here is
off access to a dark doorway. The pale, gray- grappling with the idea of sight as a prereq
and green-tinged coloration intensifies the uisite to artistic creation, with the doubling
unreal feeling, as does the incoherent con of the real by means of the mirror image,
struction of space. The plank flooring is seen and with the status of imitation for repre-
sharply from above, while the other objects sentational painting.18 These themes, per
are all shown from different perspectives. vasive in the history of art since the Renais
“The turning away of the objects confirms to sance, are linked to a personal self-inquiry.
the person the melancholy of his loneliness As in the self-portrait in the atelier, espe
in an environment that still proves to be a cially the unnatural, opaque-whitish skin
‘dead world’,” stated Eberhard Roters in al tone makes a surreal impression. The paint
lusion to a 1920 watercolor by Schlichter.15 ed skin does not suggest vitality, but be
Nor does the alienation spare even one’s own comes a hermetic barrier between inside
fig. 2 Herbert Ploberger
art production; nude and atelier as symbols of and outside, a pure surface, which conforms Self-Portrait, 1925
artistic creativity are part of this dead world. the person to the other inanimate objects in Stadtmuseum Wels
Herbert Ploberger staged himself in his the picture while at the same time empha
Vienna atelier in 1925 in a less serious man sizing his isolation.19
Here a close connection can be seen to image of humanity: “The attitude and man
Christian Schad, whose representation of ner of staging, which once again raises the
skin tone also has an inanimate and enamel- question of the relationship between the self
like quality, despite overly clear details, not image and public image, between the mask
least due to the smooth application of paint, and the true self, take the place of the de
as in the work of the old masters. The Ger picted reality,” notes Beate Reese on the to
man artist spent two years in Vienna before, pos of melancholy in the New Objectivity
like Ploberger, being drawn to Berlin in 1927. portraits.23
Whereas Schad had previously devoted him The entire representation is psychologi
self predominantly to portraits of people in cally infused and interpreted, in the works
his immediate environment and high society, of Otto Dix as well, who lived in Berlin from
new subjects now appear in his work and 1925 to 1927. Dix portrayed the poet Iwar
the sphere of sexuality breaks into his imag von Lücken (plate 2 3 2 ) in a ragged suit in a
es. Shortly after his first visit to Berlin, trans mean attic. The inner riches of poetry are al
vestites in transparent dresses begin to ap luded to in the delicate yellow roses on the
pear beside aristocratic gentlemen in tuxe chair, which have been placed in a profane
dos. Schad also shows himself in a transpa- beer bottle, and are given almost kitschy
rent green shirt, while a naked woman lies expression in the fantastical baroque archi
upon rumpled sheets in the background (fig. tecture visible through the window. A statue
3). The self-portrait was probably produced of Nike rises up in the romantically colored
fig. 3 Christian Schad immediately before his move to Berlin, where evening sky, the laurel wreath in her hand an
Self-Portrait, 1927 it could be seen by the public for the first ornamental symbol of victory for the poor
Tate, London, on permanent loan of a private collection
time at the end of 1927 at the Galerie Neu poet. Here objectivity refers to the unspar
mann-Nierendorf—a provocative, multiva ing, pointed representation of man, whose in-
lent, and in terms of painterly qualities bril terior life, however, does not disappear be
liant performance by the new arrival to the hind sober verism, but rather shifts into at
city.20 It was ultimately in Berlin that Schad tributes and surroundings. These take on a
took up further motifs that were shocking signifying and interpretative function, dis
to his contemporaries, painting homosexual playing the artist’s thoroughly empathic gaze
lovers, deformed carnival performers, and upon those represented.24
operations. But influences from his time in Schad functioned as an important source
Vienna remained visible to those reviewing of inspiration for Austrian artists such as Plo-
his work, “a very cultivated, indeed refined berger and Sergius Pauser. Verists such as Dix
cosmopolitan feeling,” 21 or even a “moment and their occasionally caricature-like exag
of Viennese litheness, but not for that rea geration, on the other hand, had no role
son any less frightening.”22 The portrait of in Vienna.25 What unites them, however, is
writer and philosopher Ludwig Bäumer, who their richly allusive presentation, which was
Schad depicted in 1927 in a fantastic mirror also central for New Objective artists on
ed cabinet, can also be characterized in the the Danube. Pauser’s Dame in Weiß [Lady in
same way ( plate 224 ). A scarcely veiled sexu White] (plate 203 ) sits sunk in melancholy in a
al allusion is in the phallic-shaped but wilted bleak room whose door opens into an un
flower, whose petals are multiply mirrored in canny darkness. The symbolically significant
the background like lambent flames.This is a blood-red cactus flower can be found pre
typically New Objective portrait, which shows cisely over the heart of the sitter, who is wed
people separated from the outer world with ged between the edge of a table and the claus
in narrowly limited interior spaces. While trophobically close walls. Even if the woman
the sitters often seek out the viewer’s gaze, seems more real than Schlichter’s image of
they nonetheless avoid any interpersonal en Jenny Seated, in the resigned and empty ex
counter—an ambivalence that is experienc pression of the figure and surroundings, the
ed as coldness, foreignness, and lack of re close kinship cannot be overlooked.
lationship, and which constitutes the melan “There’s something in the air called objec
cholic signature of the New Objectivity’s tivity”: did Schad and Ploberger see the Ber
lin revue quoted at the beginning of this es Wacker regularly stayed and would have liked
say? In 1928 Dix at least was no longer per to settle, although he—unlike Ploberger—
manently in the city, and neither was Ale- was never able to realize his plans? 28 In the
xander Kanoldt, whose still lifes are consid background of the still life a canvas turned
ered prototypical and formative works of towards the wall can be found, as has already
New Objectivity. At first glance the play of been seen in the works above by Schlichter
perspectives, colors, forms, and levels of re and Ploberger. In an atelier with hidden im
ality and inner and outer life observed in the ages—a central motif in the works of Ger
portraits seems to be insignificant in works man and Austrian artists—the struggle for an
such as Stillleben III mit Amaryllis [Still Life III innovative objective art that turns towards
with Amaryllis], from 1926 (plate 228 ). The ar things but away from them at the same time
rangement of everyday objects could be mis is expressed. What does a new realism show
understood as a restorative reaction to the of reality?
contemporary avant-garde and as a yearn The still life is considered the “key curren
ing for an ideal world. But as a more thor cy of New Objectivity”29 and even in the re-
ough analysis shows, the actual subject mat levant artists’ cityscapes and landscapes from
ter of the New Objective still life is “dealing the mid-1920s, life has been immobilized.
formally with the representational character Berlin’s working-class quarters, factories, and
of illusionistic painting within the field of lonely streets are the subjects of Gustav
modernism.” 26 The pictorial reality is not an Wunderwald’s work (plate 2 5 8 ). The painter
imitation of the visible, for the sharp con has “an eye for what is characteristic of Ber
touring of the forms, the almost overly plas lin today, what is frighteningly real in the
tic fleshing out of the objects, and the arti mood of moodlessness that is so entirely a
ficial fall of light thwart the impression of a feature of Berlin,” wrote Paul Westheim in
trompe l’oeil, as does the dense, compact 1927 about the artist, highlighting “the brit
application of paint, which levels out the di tleness, the inhumanity, the clinically objec
verse materiality of the represented objects. tive,” in order to simultaneously emphasize
The objects in the image lead silent but auto the autodidact’s naïveté.30 This conflicting
nomous lives; they are “shapes of color and nature elicits an idiosyncratic tension in Wun
form” which, in their arrangement in space, derwald’s images. Austrian contemporaries
form a “fabric of compositional structure.”27 such as Otto Rudolf Schatz similarly regis
If Kanoldt’s still lifes are dominated not tered these “stages in the disappearance of
least by their melancholic timelessness, the the idyll”31 in their works, for example when
works of other painters contain hints of a the Prater is represented as an airless and
private lifeworld, of modern vanitas symbols, deserted vacuum (fig. 4). “Our time is truly
or they are explicitly situated within the not idyllic.—When the idyllic is represent
contemporary history of the 1920s. Rudolf ed, it cannot be done without critical distan
Wacker, the most important representative ce; we ourselves can no longer be in the idyll.
of the New Objectivity still life in Austria, We can register it, in some corner, as a re
chooses, for example, a stuffed bird as a con mainder, as something passing away, some
tradictory symbol, representing a congealed thing gone—with a tinge of sadness in the
reality on the one hand, and the elapsing heart, with some mocking in the head, with
and bygone time of life on the other ( plate senses that think beyond these into the dis
226 ). The grebe stands upon an empty cigar tance,” Wacker wrote in 1932.32 This expe
box, another contemporary memento mori. rience of loss was formative for the entire
Next to it Wacker has placed a cactus, the New Objectivity movement in Germany as
emblematic New Objectivity plant, upon in Austria, in Berlin as in Vienna. fig. 4 Otto Rudolf Schatz
an issue of the Berlin avant-garde magazine “There’s something in the air called objec In the Prater, around
the Lusthaus, 1926
Der Querschnitt, for which his countryman tivity,” an objectivity that is pregnant with the Private collection
Ploberger worked as an illustrator. Is the uncertainty of one’s own artistic existence,
cactus in this context a symbol of the forbid with the individual and collective fears of the
ding presence of the German capital, where period between the wars and its social up
heavals, with melancholy, isolation, and life’s this with dissonant artistic means, and in
emptiness. The apparently cool, emotionless this way reveals its true colors.
painting of New Objectivity captures all of
1 As quoted by Stephen Hinton, ing exhibition by the artists’ association 20 On this work see the detailed
“Neue Sachlichkeit,” in: Hans Heinrich Der Fels (Cornelia Cabuk, Carry Hau- treatment in Nentwig 2011 (see
Eggebrecht (ed.), Terminologie der ser. Monografie und Werkverzeichnis note 5), pp. 271–78.
Musik im 20. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart [Belvedere Werkverzeichnisse, vol. 2],
1995, p. 319. Weitra 2012, no. 1920 M 9, on the 21 Max Osborn, Der Maler Christian
painting see also p. 80). – In Vienna, Schad, Berlin 1927, p. 17.
2 Paul Westheim, “Gustav Wunder- Hauser and Grosz were shown in brief
wald,” in: Das Kunstblatt, vol. 1, issue 11, 22 Willi Wolfradt, “Berliner Ausstel-
succession in 1924 at the Galerie lungen,” in: Der Cicerone, issue 22,
1927, p. 4. Würthle, represented by the German 1930, p. 23.
3 Helmut Lethen, Verhaltenslehren art dealer Alfred Flechtheim (see
der Kälte. Lebensversuche zwischen Galerie Würthle, gegründet 1865 [exh. 23 Beate Reese, Melancholie in der
den Kriegen, Frankfurt am Main 1994. cat. Galerie Würthle, Vienna], Vienna Malerei der Neuen Sachlichkeit, (Euro-
1995, p. 54). päische Hochschulschriften, series
4 See Fritz Schmalenbach, Die Male- XXVIII, vol. 321), Frankfurt am
rei der Neuen Sachlichkeit, Berlin 1973, 13 Birgit Labak, “Die Neue Sachlich- Main / Berlin / Bern / New York / Par-
pp. 73–74. keit und Österreich,” in: Zwischen is / Vienna 1998, p. 228.
den Kriegen. Österreichische Künstler
5 On the term and definition of New 1918–1938 (exh. cat. Leopold Museum, 24 See also Eva Züchner, “Otto Dix,”
Objectivity (Neue Sachlichkeit), see Vienna), Vienna 1997, p. 62. in: 100 Jahre Kunst im Aufbruch. Die
Janina Nentwig’s detailed discussion Berlinische Galerie zu Gast in Bonn
in: Aktdarstellung in der Neuen Sach- 14 Franz Roh, “Zur Jubiläumsaus- (exh.cat. Kunst- und Ausstellungs
lichkeit, (Schriften zur bildenden stellung bei Goltz in München,” in: halle der Bundesrepublik Deutsch
Kunst, vol. 14), Frankfurt am Main / Der Cicerone, issue 15, 1923, p. 156. land, Bonn), Cologne 1998, p. 132.
Berlin / Bern / Brussels / New York / Ox- 15 Eberhard Roters, “Rudolf Schlich-
ford / Vienna 2011, pp. 3–24. 25 Klaus Schröder, Neue Sachlichkeit.
ter: Sitzende Jenny,” in: Ich und die Österreich 1918–1938 (exh. cat. Kunst-
6 See, for example, Wieland Schmied Stadt. Mensch und Großstadt in der forum Bank Austria, Vienna), Vienna
(ed.), Der kühle Blick. Realismus der deutschen Kunst des 20. Jahrhunderts 1995, pp. 18–19.
Zwanzigerjahre in Europa und Amerika (exh. cat. Berlinische Galerie, Martin-
(exh. cat. Kunsthalle der Hypo-Kultur- Gropius-Bau, Berlin), Berlin 1987, 26 Kristina Geipel, “Stilleben der Neu-
stiftung, Munich), Munich 2001. p. 170. en Sachlichkeit—Zwischen Tradition
und Herausforderung der Moderne,”
7 Stephan Poglayen-Neuwall, “Wiener 16 See Umberto Eco, Das offene in: Jutta Hülsewig-Johnen (ed.),
Ausstellungen,” in: Der Cicerone, Kunstwerk, Frankfurt am Main 1973. Neue Sachlichkeit—Magischer Realis-
issue 19, 1927, p. 98. – Janina Nentwig, “Narration und mus (exh. cat. Kunsthalle, Bielefeld),
offenes Kunstwerk in der Aktdarstel- Bielefeld 1990, p. 66.
8 See, for example: Franz Roh, Nach- lung der Neuen Sachlichkeit,” in:
Expressionismus: Magischer Realismus. kunsttexte.de, no. 1, 2013, pp. 1–12. 27 Hans-Jürgen Buderer, Neue Sach-
Probleme der neuesten europäischen lichkeit. Bilder auf der Suche nach der
Malerei, Leipzig 1925, pp. 25, 30, and 17 See Katharina Weinberger, Herbert Wirklichkeit. Figurative Malerei der
94. – Alfred Neumeyer, “Zur Raum- Ploberger zum 100. Geburtstag. Male- zwanziger Jahre (exh. cat. Kunsthalle,
psychologie der Neuen Sachlichkeit,” rei—Graphik (exh. cat. Lebensspuren. Mannheim), Munich / New York 1994,
in: Zeitschrift für Bildende Kunst, Museum der Siegel und Stempel, p. 205.
issue 61, 1927/28, pp. 66–72. Wels, Nordico—Museum der Stadt
Linz), Linz 2001, p. 27. 28 On the life and work of Wacker
9 George Grosz, Abwicklung, in: Das see Rudolf Wacker und Zeitgenossen.
Kunstblatt, vol. 2, issue 8, 1924, p. 34. 18 See Helmut Friedel / Barbara Expressionismus und Neue Sachlich-
Eschenburg (eds.), Pygmalions Werk- keit (exh. cat. Kunsthaus, Bregenz),
10 Grosz 1924 (see note 9). statt. Die Erschaffung des Menschen Bregenz 1993.
im Atelier von der Renaissance bis zum
11 See “George Grosz. Katalog der Surrealismus (exh. cat. Städtische 29 Schröder 1995 (see note 25), p. 43.
59. Ausstellung der Galerie Neue Galerie im Lenbachhaus, Munich),
Kunst—Hans Goltz. April—Mai 1920,” Cologne 2001, p. 116. 30 Westheim 1927 (see note 2), p. 4.
in: Der Ararat, issue 1, first special
edition, 1920, p. 8. 19 See Georgia Matt, Das Menschen- 31 Schröder 1995 (see note 25), p. 35.
bild der Neuen Sachlichkeit, Constan- 32 Transcription of a letter to Richard
12 Night Wanderer could be seen ce 1989, pp. 110–13.
in 1921 in Berlin and in 1922 in additio- Bie in Wacker’s diary, April 8, 1932,
nal German cities as part of a travel- as quoted in Schröder 1995 (see note
25), p. 47.
Co r ne li a C ab u k soon becomes obvious that, remarkably, we

are in fact dealing with a relatively small yet
“Magical” Objectivity in very high-quality segment of art production
between the two World Wars. Only in the
Vienna and Austria 1970 s was this achievement rediscovered,
among others in 1977 in the exhibition en-
titled Neue Sachlichkeit und Realismus —
Kunst zwischen den Kriegen [ New Objectivity
“… I am counted among the founders of the and Realism: Art between the Wars], which
tendency that came to be referred to as the was organized by Wieland Schmied under
‘New Objectivity,’ as the ‘New Ger- the direction of Alfred Schmeller and shown
man Romanticism,’ or as ‘Magical Real- by the Museum of the Twentieth Century in
ism.’ Emerging from our experiences with the 21er-Haus in Vienna, today part of the
the turbulent period of ‘Expressionism’ Belvedere complex.3 Exhibited in an inter-
was the desire to grasp the essence of things national context were works by the Viennese
and to maintain a fidelity to the laws of painters Albert Paris Gütersloh (plate 20 4 ),
the pictorial resources. We don’t want to Carry Hauser, Otto Rudolf Schatz, Franz
paint abstractions, but instead to display law- Sedlacek, and Rudolf Wacker, who had ex-
fulness within the apparently haphazard. hibited in Vienna among other places at the
With delight, we once again breathe in the artists’ association called the Hagenbund. The
wider world … awakened now to a new exhibition also included works by Berlin art-
sensuality, we grope toward the meaningful ists such as Otto Dix, George Grosz, Han-
richness of even the humblest things. nah Höch, Karl Hofer, and Max Beckmann,
The simplest object is more fantastic than along with Christian Schad, who had lived
any invention.”1 in Vienna from 1925 to 1927 before his stay
in Berlin. Presented alongside them were
In 1934, the year of his first and only partic- realistic works by Balthus, Giorgio de Chir-
ipation in the Venice Biennale, Rudolf Wack- ico, Amédée Ozenfant, Pablo Picasso, and the
er sought with the painting Zwei Köpfe [Two American artists Edward Hopper, Charles
Heads] to establish connections with the Vien- Sheeler, and Georgia O’Keeffe. Also includ-
nese art scene (plate 227 ).2 This picture ex- ed was Karl Hofer’s painted portrait, in the
emplifies perfectly his characterization of style of New Objectivity, of the Austrian
Magical Realism: With an apparently fortui- artist Broncia Koller-Pinell (fig. 1).
tous combination of simple, battered, every- Karl Hofer, who lived in Berlin after World
day objects, he employs a hyperrealistic mode War I and was a member of the Prussian
of painting to generate magical effects of sen- Academy of Arts beginning in 1923, was an
suous presence. important source of inspiration for Broncia fig. 1 Karl Hofer
Just as in the realms of literature, theater, Koller, as well as being a friend of the family’s The Painter Broncia Koller,
cabaret, and music, the artists of the tenden- and a teacher to her daughter Silvia. The c. 1921/22
Belvedere, Vienna
cy known as Neue Sachlichkeit, or New Ob- cosmopolitan Viennese painter Koller was
jectivity, were bound together in the metrop- certainly aware of the importance of Berlin
olises of Vienna and Berlin by a dense net- during the years of the Weimar Republic,
work of relationships and mutual inspiration, probably the most important period of twen-
whose character will be explained in the fol- tieth-century art history. She worked very
lowing through exemplary juxtapositions. successfully in the circle of the Vienna Se-
cession and the Kunstschau, and promoted
many young artists through purchases. Dur-
Reception History
ing the decades after her death, she was com-
When we consider the works of Magical Re- pletely forgotten.
alism in Austria as one facet of New Objec- “Despite political, economic, and social tur-
tivity within the larger context of Europe- moil, what Dix called ‘their era’ was also a
wide trends toward realism in the 1920 s, it time of creative ferment that saw innovative
Co rne li a Ca bu k 344
accomplishments in literature, film, theater, level of a documentary report. In contrast,

design, architecture, and other visual arts and standing alongside these elements in
unparalleled elsewhere in Europe. It was unmediated juxtaposition as disintegrative
perhaps the most creative period in the his- experiential values, are shadowy figures and
tory of twentieth-century culture.”4 subjective sensations. For this generation of
Among the many Viennese intellectuals artists, the origin of this break in self-percep-
who lived in Berlin at the time was Alfred tion that accompanied the “re-humanization
Polgar, who referred to the German capital of art”6 can be traced to the experiences of
as “a city that hangs on to life with teeth and World War I. While many of Dicker’s male
fists,” in comparison to Vienna, “the merry colleagues began by volunteering for military
grave on the Danube, … the coziest catacombs service, wartime atrocities and imprisonment
in Central Europe.”5 made most of them turn toward profound
The golden 1920 s came to an end in both pacifism. As Carry Hauser remarked in his
Berlin and Vienna in 1929 with the stock wartime diary:
market crash. In 1934, Karl Hofer was dis- “Everything awful I lived through on the
missed from his professorship and banned field and in the military appears to me a
from working and exhibiting. During the mild enough punishment./ Was I insane? …
National Socialist regime that began in 1933, that such claptrap could have beguiled me to
many Berlin protagonists of New Objectivity such an extent … How brainless and hubris-
were persecuted, including George Grosz, tically stupid I must have been to have ex-
John Heartfield, Karl Hubbuch, and Max tended my good faith to the beast of the “fa-
Beckmann. In Austria, the fascist movement therland” and its hangman’s assistants… .”7
rose to power in 1934, and beginning in 1938, In 1916 /17, after his experience as a gren-
artists there were persecuted under National adier in the German army, George Grosz
Socialist rule. In 1934, Friedl Dicker was im- wrote in a letter of “soldiers whose … brains,
prisoned for Communist activities. Later, critical faculties, reason, and humanity dis-
she would paint her own interrogation in the appeared together with the uniform.” In a
vocabulary of New Objectivity as an oppres- way comparable to his veristic painting, Grosz
sive, claustrophobic situation (plate 281 ). Af- describes the victory parades in front of the
ter her release, she fled to Prague and was Imperial Chancellery as “parodistic comedy
ultimately murdered in Auschwitz in 1944. with the ugliest, the most repulsive mario-
fig. 2 Carry Hauser Rudolf Wacker died in 1939 as a result of nettes … in the world.”8 For Carry Hauser
The Sacrifice/Ecce Homo, 1922/23
Collection Maier heart disease, having suffered a heart attack (who had a one-man show in the Galerie
during a search of his house by the Gestapo Würthle in 1924, as did George Grosz), the
in 1938. These historical circumstances high- frequently censored work of this German
light the vicissitudes experienced by the art- artist, so often plagued by scandal, had be-
ists of Magical Realism and New Objectivity come a fundamental touchstone by the early
in Vienna and Berlin, which alternated be- 1920 s.9 Hauser’s multilayered pictorial lan-
tween acceptance and persecution. guage unites pacifism and social critique in
the spirit of Berlin Verism with autobio-
graphical dream experiences — the latter a
New Objectivity as a Symptom
leitmotif of Viennese culture, from Arthur
fig. 3 Albin Egger-Lienz
of the Trauma of World War I
Schnitzler all the way to the psychoanalysis
For the Nameless, 1914
Heeresgeschichtliches Museum, Vienna Clearly evident in the paintings of Friedl of Sigmund Freud (fig. 2).
Dicker, who directed the Werkstätten Bilden- During World War I, the deployment of
der Kunst [Visual Art Workshops] in Berlin weapons of mass destruction in large-scale
with Franz Singer beginning in 1923, is the attrition warfare, grueling trench warfare, poi-
indexical element of the real and its influ- son gas, and machine-gun fire led to fifteen
ence on the painting of New Objectivity. The million casualties, a hitherto unimaginable
integration of real objects — such as the keys number. The reduction of the human indi-
of a typewriter — into the painted image vidual to an insignificant magnitude with-
serves to heighten its reality content to the in the gigantic war machinery was observed
by Ernst Jünger, who detected the future characteristic of Austrian Expressionism dur-
“deindividualization” of the human being in ing the prewar era. Inspired by the Berlin Ver-
the interplay between soldier and machine.10 ists is Wacker’s Naturalistisches Klebebild
This perspective is also expressed in the war [Naturalistic Collage] (see p. 244 fig. 5 ) of 1924:
pictures of Albin Egger-Lienz, in which “Beyond an impulse toward crass natural-
faceless soldiers with dull eye sockets under ism, I was basically motivated by the pos-
steel helmets wander through war-destroyed sibility of using real materials to heighten
areas in a collective march (fig. 3). the contrast of structures — to heighten the
Horribly mutilated victims and an army dynamism of the image through patterned
of invalids characterized everyday life after structures or those generated by paint appli-
the war, and they are visible in the iconogra- cation seemed to me an important resource
phy of the Dadaist works of Otto Dix and for painting.”15
George Grosz. Inflation and economic crisis The break with experiential reality that
brought about poverty and the proliferation was carried out in Berlin was less decisive fig. 4 Otto Dix
of racketeering and prostitution. The Ber- for Wacker than (alongside the provocative Lady with Mink and Veil, 1920
lin Verists responded to the situation with subject matter) the possibilities of a presenta- Collection of Michael and Judy Steinhardt, New York
sarcastic collages and montages, including tion that did “justice to the materials” in a
George Grosz’s “Daum” marries her pedantic way that was anchored in the methods of
automaton “George” in May 1920, John Heartfield Constructivism and Cubist collage. In the
is very glad of it (Meta-Mech. Constr. nach Prof. photograph of the wrestlers on the side table
R. Hausmann) (plate 149 ) and Otto Dix’s Lady in the collage, as well as in the reproduction
with Mink and Veil, 1920 (fig. 4).11 At the time, of a painting on the wall, he nonetheless also
the native Viennese artist Raoul Hausmann reflects on various levels of reality. The ca-
numbered among the circle of the Berlin pacity to empathize with materials and ob-
Dadaists (plate 86 ). Characteristic of George jects that is expressed in the text by Wacker
Grosz’s works on paper, which were exhib- cited at the start of the present article, in
ited at the First International Dada Fair of which the wartime experiences of damaged
1920 in Berlin,12 is the contrast between people remain consistently present, also char-
the realistic collaged elements and the acterizes his later paintings, including the
drawn nudes set before ficticious views of above-mentioned Zwei Köpfe [Two Heads ]
modernist urban architecture. 1932 ( plate 227). The bonnet stand, children’s
After his return from a Russian prisoner drawing, flower vase, and toy bird signal a
of war camp, Rudolf Wacker often stayed collision between the levels of meaning of a
with his friend Otto Herbig in Berlin. De- disjointed worldview. fig. 5 Christian Schad
Count St. Genois d ’ Anneaucourt, 1927
spite his fascination for Berlin’s art scene, he Centre Pompidou-CNAC-MNAM, Paris
described the city as “the most hideous of all Images of Humanity:
metropolises,” while in Vienna, one “thinks Christian Schad in Vienna
of Paris, and at the same time dreams of the and Berlin
Orient.” In 1924, the year of the Internati-
onal Art Exhibition at the Vienna Secession, In his Viennese portraits, the German artist
Wacker recognized a “new upswing” in Vien- Christian Schad developed a special affinity
na’s significance as a “mediator between west for the anachronistic forms of appearance
and east, north and south.”13 Wacker’s affin- that were characteristic of a morbid aristo
ity for German Expressionism is evident in cracy after the disintegration of the monar-
his Selbstbildnis mit Rasierschaum [Self-Por- chy. The sense of avoided reality among these
trait with Shaving Foam] (plate 252 ), which the- former dignitaries of a multinational empire,
matizes war trauma in a way comparable to so evident in his portraits Count St. Genois
the self-portraits of Ernst Ludwig Kirchner.14 d’Anneaucourt, 1927 (fig. 5) and Baroness Vera
In contrast to such works, Fritz Schwarz- Wassilko, 1926, motivates their “magical” al-
Waldegg’s expressionist painting Bekennt- ienation by Schad in scenarios where the
nis [Confession], 1920 (plate 138 ), for example, Parisian backdrop and the chic, shady fig-
is rooted in the mysterious transfiguration ures of the nocturnal world, including a
transvestite from the Berlin club Eldora- mann.20 In the painting Stadtbild [The City ]
do,16 evoke an unreal atmosphere. Schad 1926 ( plate 261 ), he interprets the urban realm
exhibited the portrait of Baroness Vera as a menacing labyrinth where residents are
Wassilko in his one-man show at Galerie seized by panic for no visible reason. The
Würthle, and then at Galerie Neumann-Nie- mood of this uncanny scene, set in the eve
rendorf in Berlin.17 In Vienna, Schad also ning twilight, vacillates between the enchant-
painted a pioneering, optimistic portrait of ed plazas of Italian cities seen in Pittura
the composer Josef Matthias Hauer in front metafisica works and literary descriptions
of the ascending steel construction of the of urban space as a threatening scenario
Eiffel Tower. Like his Schadographs, the pho- within which the stroller is imprisoned. In
tographs he began producing using real found 1926, Siegfried Kracauer wrote in his text Le
objects on light-sensitive paper in Zurich in Karree, which was composed in Berlin:
1919, his late paintings emerge as illusionis- “On the deserted square, something hap-
tic and “magically” alienated fragments of pens: the force of the quadrilateral pushes
fig. 6 Egon Schiele reality. Later, he identified the female figure the person who is trapped into its center. He
Self-Portrait with Arm Twisting
around Head, 1910 in his Selbstbildnis [Self-Portrait], 1927 (see is alone, and yet he isn’t. Although no observ-
Private collection, New York p. 340 fig. 3) as an anonymous customer from ers are visible, the rays of their gazes pierce
a Viennese stationery store, while her hand, through the shutters, through the walls. …
fingernails ringed with dirt, was inspired by Fear is stark naked, at their mercy.”21
a “shooting gallery girl” in the Prater.18 In Berlin, Kracauer expressed his preoc-
Schad’s interest in research into sexuality cupation with everyday life in his so-called
and eroticism was stimulated further in Vi- “street texts.” In his correspondence with
enna, the city of Sigmund Freud’s psycho- Walter Benjamin, he describes Le Karree as
analysis. Such discoveries promoted his un- a “place de l’observance,” as “the portrait of
derstanding of the psychological dimensions an uncanny square where we bump into one
of the Expressionistic self-portraits of Egon another at night.”22 Shock as the central
Schiele, who employed bodily deformation motif of perceptions of the city in the liter-
as an expressive resource (fig. 6). In Berlin, ary miniatures of modernism23 and in the
Schad’s affinity for types that are remote from visual culture of Berlin during the Weimar
social norms was concentrated on the carni- Republic24 is also present in the carnival
val performer Agosta der Flügelmensch und motifs of the painting of Franz Lerch (fig. 8)
Rasha, die schwarze Taube [Agosta the Pigeon- and Otto Rudolf Schatz (plate 209 ), both
fig. 7 Christian Schad Chested Man and Rasha the Black Dove], 1929 typical of New Objectivity. In Vienna, in con-
Agosta the Pigeon-Chested Man (fig. 7). The symptom of the pathologically trast, we also see paintings that feature mo-
and Rasha the Black Dove, 1929
Tate, London, on permanent loan deformed body is integrated into a hyperre- ments of private intimacy (plate 208 ). Lerch
from a private collection
alistic perspective which interrogates norms presents brightly lit scenarios of domestic
of beauty and elevates the extraordinary to stillness (plate 206 ) in which his sensibility
the level of representability as an expression for color values, acquired through his train-
of multiplicity. The vertical, hieratic compo- ing with Karl Hofer (plate 205 ), is joined to
sition endows this peculiar couple with dig- the precision of the photographic gaze.
nity in a way that is comparable to the later In both Vienna and Berlin, depictions of
photographs of Diane Arbus. In his portrait industry are found in the thematic repertoire
of the poet Ludwig Bäumer (plate 224 ), Schad of the painting of New Objectivity. While
shows his sitter before a faceted mirror, an al- Gustav Wunderwald thematizes the drear-
lusion to the latter’s lecture series on squaring iness, the “intriguing austerity and desola-
the circle, with its transcendental content.19 tion” of the Berlin working-class districts of
Moabit and Wedding, as in Fabrik von Loe-
we & Co [Factory of Loewe & Co.] (plate 2 5 8 )
Urban Spaces
Otto Rudolf Schatz depicts his Fabrik [Fac-
fig. 8 Franz Lerch The magical image world of Franz Sedlacek tory] (fig. 9) as a monument to the art of engi-
Amusement Park, 1931 was inspired by literature, including the sto- neering, with highly effective lighting effects
Whereabouts unknown,
formerly Galerie Würthle, Vienna ries of Gustav Meyrink and E. T. A. Hoff- that allude to Fritz Lang’s Metropolis. The
factory — only a section of which is shown in internationally successful Viennese artists of

the painting — resembles a constructive uni- the time, he showed his monumental paint-
verse whose technology points to a future ing Orchestra— which portrays the Vienna
working-class culture. Carl Grossberg’s de- Philharmonic under the baton of Gustav
pictions of technology are comparable, as Mahler — in Paris in 1923, and at the Rome
are the works of the American precisionist Biennale in 1925. Having specialized in de-
painter and photographer Charles Sheeler. pictions of classical music virtuosos such as
the Rosé Quartet, Oppenheimer now visual-
ized the intoxicating rhythms of jazz. The
Jazz and the New Media
image focuses on the improvising saxophon-
In contrast to Sedlacek’s critical perspective ist as the center of an asynchronous impulse
of modernity, the increasing dissemination toward movement. Founded by Stefan Wein- fig. 9 Otto Rudolf Schatz
of mass media, film, and radio in the 1920 s traub in 1924 as a student group, the Wein- Factory, c. 1929
Whereabouts unknown
prompted conscious reflection on various traub Syncopators performed in numerous
categories of realism among the protagonists films and Max Reinhardt revues.26 Since
of New Objectivity in Vienna and Berlin most of the band members were Jewish, their
against the background of new types of careers were cut short abruptly in Germany
music and new image media. Josephine after 1933. Another artist who thematized the
Baker’s appearances in Vienna in 1925 pro- subculture of Berlin’s jazz bars in his paint-
voked a storm of controversy, offending the ing was Fritz Schwarz-Waldegg, who lived in
conservative public, while in 1927 (a year al- Berlin periodically during the later 1920s (fig.
ready marked by the trauma of the burning 11).27 He was murdered by the Nazis in 1942.
of the Palace of Justice), a New Year’s Eve Against the background of increasing rac-
performance of Ernst Krenek’s jazz opera ism and anti-Semitism in Vienna and Ber-
Jonny spielt auf [ Jonny Strikes Up ] in the lin, the advocacy on the part of these artists
Vienna State Opera — which was simulta- for this form of modern music seems coura-
neously acclaimed and condemned — trig- geous: Carry Hauser renders the multicul-
gered vigorous debate, to some extent in- tural origins of jazz highly apparent in his
volving racist arguments. Bettina Ehrlich- emblematic composition of three musicians fig. 10 Max Oppenheimer
Bauer, Carry Hauser’s colleague in the Ha- from various parts of the world. Otto Dix’s Weintraub Syncopators, 1927
Whereabouts unknown
genbund, responded with a still life with a An die Schönheit [To Beauty], 1922 (fig. 12),
saxophone and a mask (plate 247 ). which was exhibited in 1924 at the Interna-
In the painting Jazzband [Jazz Band], 1927 tional Exhibition held at the Secession, is
(plate 248 ), Carry Hauser develops innova- exemplary for its depiction of various types.
tive methods for depicting this new musical This pioneering show was organized by Hans
form. As early as 1920, his preoccupation Tietze and the Vienna Gesellschaft zur För-
with the works of the composer Josef Mat- derung moderner Kunst (Society for the Ad-
thias Hauer and the painter Johannes Itten vancement of Modern Art). Hauser, one of the
had resulted in an abstract-geometric formal Society’s founding members, prized this jazz
vocabulary. The musicians in Jazz Band, painting by Dix, who was known as a pas-
however, are depicted in a modern-realist sionate “shimmy” and ragtime dancer.28
style against the abstract forms of the back- Alongside numerous commonalities, a com-
ground. This employment of heterogeneous parison of “magical” New Objectivity in Vien- fig. 11 Fritz Schwarz-Waldegg
stylistic means, inspired by film and photo- na and verism in Berlin turns up, in the end, Jazz Dance in the Bar, 1928/29
Whereabouts unknown
graphy, still seems thoroughly contemporary a stronger tendency toward self-reflection
today. Hauser’s intention was to produce an among the Viennese, one that attempts to
homage to the new musical tendency. grasp psychological dimensions located be-
One interesting treatment of a musical yond visual appearance. In the foreground
theme was developed by Max Oppenheimer among the Berliners, on the other hand, was
during his Berlin period, a depiction of the an objective, often explicitly political point
well-known jazz ensemble Weintraub Synco of view.
pators, 1927 (fig. 10).25 As one of the most
1 Rudolf Sagmeister (ed.), Rudolf 12 Stationen der Moderne. Die Massachusetts 1995, p. 39; quoted
Wacker. Tagebücher 1913–1939, bedeutenden Kunstausstellungen des from Andreas Huyssen, “Modern
2 vols., Vaduz 1990, p. 631. 20. Jhs. in Deutschland (exh. cat. Miniatures. Literary Snapshots of
Berlinische Galerie, Museum für Urban Spaces,” Publications of the
2 This painting has been part of the Moderne Kunst, Photographie und Modern Language Association of
Belvedere collection since 1934, Architektur, Berlin), Berlin 1988, America, vol. 122, 2007, p. 34.
Österreichische Galerie / Belvedere, p. 171, cat. no. 4/9.
dedication, Julius Reich-Künstler- 22 Walter Benjamin, Briefe an
stiftung, Vienna. 13 Rudolf Wacker, “Über Wien, Siegfried Kracauer, ed. Theodor
Ein Brief von Rudolf Wacker,” in: W. Adorno Archiv Marbach,
3 Neue Sachlichkeit und Realismus. Das Kunstblatt, Paul Westheim (ed.), Deutsche Schillergesellschaft,
Kunst zwischen den Kriegen (exh. cat. vol. VIII, issue 4, 1924, p. 124. Frankfurt am Main 1987, p. 33.
Museum of the Twentieth Century,
Vienna), Vienna 1977. 14 Rudolf Wacker und Zeitgenossen. 23 Huyssen 2007 (see note 21),
Expressionismus und Neue Sach- pp. 27–42. – Andreas Huyssen,
4 Sabine Rewald, “I must paint you,” lichkeit, (exh. cat. Bregenzer Kunst- “Miniaturen der Moderne,” in: Jost
fig. 12 Otto Dix in: Sabine Rewald, Ian Buruma, and verein) Bregenz 1993, p. 81. Hermand (ed.), Positive Dialektik.
To Beauty, 1922 Matthias Eberle, Glitter and Doom. Hoffnungsvolle Momente in der
Von der Heydt-Museum Wuppertal German Portraits from the 1920s (exh. 15 Sagmeister 1990 (see note 1), deutschen Kultur. Festschrift für Klaus
cat. Metropolitan Museum of Art, p. 422, 8. 19. 1924. L. Berghahn zum 70. Geburtstag,
New York), New Haven 2007, p. 3. Oxford 2007, pp. 199–213.
16 Christian Schad, Relative Reali-
5 Alfred Polgar, “Berlin, Sommer täten. Erinnerungen um Walter Serner, 24 Cf. The Mad Square. Modernity
1922,” in: Alfred Polgar, Kleine Augsburg 1999, p. 106. – On the in German Art 1910–1937 (exh. cat.
Schriften, Reinbeck bei Hamburg sitter’s identity, see Rewald/Buruma/ Art Gallery of New South Wales,
1982, p. 339. Eberle 2007 (see note 4), pp. 150–54. Sydney), Sydney 2011.
6 Devin Fore, Realism after Modern- 17 Schad 1999 (see note 16), p. 103. 25 Marie-Agnes von Puttkamer,
ism: The Rehumanization of Art Max Oppenheimer – MOPP (1885 –
and Literature, Cambridge, Massa- 18 Ibid.
1954). Leben und malerisches Werk
chusetts 2012. 19 Christian Schad and the Neue Sach- mit einem Werkverzeichnis der
7 Carry Hauser, “Kriegstagebücher, lichkeit (exh. cat. Neue Galerie, Gemälde, Wien/Cologne/Weimar
1914–1918” (manuscript), cited in: Museum for German and Austrian Art, 1999, p. 143, pp. 265–66, WV 177.
Cornelia Cabuk, Carry Hauser. New York), New York/London 2003,
pp. 230 – 31. 26 Albrecht Dümling, “Die Wein-
Monografie und Werkverzeichnis, traubs Syncopators,” Jazz Zeitung 09/
Weitra 2013, p. 25. 20 Elisabeth Hintner, “Realistische 2006, www.jazzzeitung.de/jazz/
8 Herbert Knust (ed.), George Grosz. Parallelwelten. Ikonografische 2006/09/dossier.shtml.
Briefe 1913–1959, Hamburg 1979, p. 45. Kontexte: Rückblicke – Zeitgenössis-
ches – Ausblicke,” in: Gabriele 27 Fritz Schwarz-Waldegg, Maler-
9 Cabuk 2013 (see note 7), pp. 73–77. Spindler/Andreas Strohhammer, Reisen durchs Ich und die Welt, ed. by
Franz Sedlacek 1891–1945. Mono- Matthias Boeckl for The Jewish
10 Ernst Jünger, Die Arbeiter. Herr- graphie mit Verzeichnis der Gemälde, Museum of the City of Vienna, Weitra
schaft und Gestalt, Hamburg 1932, Vienna 2011, p. 110. 2009, p. 26.
cited from: Ian Buruma, “Faces of the
Weimar Republic,” in: Rewald/ 21 First published on 11.26.1926 in 28 Rewald/Buruma/Eberle 2007
Buruma/Eberle 2007 (see note 4), p. 16. the “Feuilleton” section of the Frank- (see note 4), pp. 48 – 50.
furter Zeitung; Siegfried Kracauer,
11 Rewald/Buruma/Eberle 2007 The Mass Ornament, Cambridge
(see note 4), pp. 62–63.
Ch r i st i na Ko r ze n nists of contemporary show business. By the

1920s at the latest, this was theater, along
Theater in Caricature as an with all its offshoots such as dance theater
and variety shows. More than photography,
Expression of Cultural which during these years remained quite
static and was not suited for press images
Identity in Viennese and Berlin because of its technique,1 these drawings
were like rapid snapshots made for the curi
Modernism
ous gaze of the outsider and were able to
entertain the masses due to their ephemeral
and comic qualities. At the same time, these
He claimed to be “an enemy of caricature,” sheets were by no means pure entertain
for caricature, in which the “nose … becomes ment, but testaments to and comments up
a leitmotif, the hair … an ornament …, ad on the radical upheavals to which theater
heres to the moment, which, however, it can was subjected at the beginning of the twen
not hold on to. … It lives and dies in the tieth century.
moment in which it arises, beneath the swift In contrast to what Tietze had prophesied,
ly moving pen that produces it. …The eter these often biting portrait drawings, which
nity imparted to it in the daily newspapers vacillated between criticism and entertain
is already almost too long for it; the hours ment, did not thus remain bound to the mo
in the presses have already killed the per ment, but provide contemporary insight into
sons to whom it is attached.” the era of modernism and the avant-garde,
These words were written by the art his in which theater and art mutually stimulated
torian Hans Tietze in 1926 in—of all places one another in important ways and extend
—the foreword to Die Gezeichneten des Herrn ed across far-flung networks.
Dolbin, a small book with around twenty
portrait caricatures of the German-Austrian Cabaret around 1900
intellectual world. Thousands of these draw
ings exist, unfolding an entire panorama of Important stimuli for reforms in theater came
the cultural life of the cities Vienna and Ber from the cabaret movement that formed
lin between 1900 and 1930. Particularly in around the turn of the century in the cities
the realm of theater, the exchange between of Munich, Berlin, and Vienna. This form—
the two metropolises was especially recipro which can be adequately labeled a minor art
cal and fruitful, swarming with greater and only if one bears in mind that during this
lesser stars whose names are still known even period the boundaries between so-called
today. Less well-known are the visual artists entertainment culture and serious culture
who hung around in the environs of the began to shift, or rather that high culture
stages that signified the world. What kind of began to open up in the direction of popu
gaze did the Austrian and German artists lar culture—began with the highest artistic
cast upon the stages? And what image of this ambitions and served as a melting pot for
cultural life do they convey to us? all the free spirits who hung around in the
B. F. (Benedikt Fred) Dolbin, Emil Orlik, nightlight “Nachtlicht”2 and whose activities
Carl Leopold Hollitzer, and Ernst Stern were were nothing more than smoke and mirrors
artists who moved along the intersection of “Schall und Rauch”.3 Constant transgressions fig. 1 Carl Leopold Hollitzer
the performing and the visual arts. They are of boundaries, such as the ones that would Marya Delvard, undated
Albertina, Vienna
examples of that loose network among spe embrace all of cultural life in the following
cific groups of persons that extended be years, made up the artistic program and al-
tween the two cities and functioned even lowed the cabaret to become an early experi-
beyond them in exile. Many of their fleeting mental space for that which would take place
sketches, which often tended towards cari on the large established stages some time later.
cature or parody and appeared in newspa Relinquishing the conventional separation
pers, were portraits of the countless protago between stage and public and making the
Chris ti n a Ko r z e n 350
audience as well as the space into an indis Over time the drawings become increas
pensible part of the performance was just as ingly pointed and concentrate upon a few
much a part of this as was the dissolution of features of a figure. The critic Alfred Polgar
the boundaries between performing, visual, speaks of a caricaturist as a “critic who is
and literary artists. The Cabaret Fledermaus, stingy with words … reducing a hundred
founded in 1907 and furnished by the Wiener lines to a single one.”5 This stylistic means
Werkstätte, was considered the quintessence of reduction takes an extreme form in ani
fig. 2 Carl Leopold Hollitzer of the Gesamtkunstwerk, in which scenery, mal representations (fig. 5), distortions of hu
Cirkus Henry, undated costume designs, and artistic program mer- man physiognomy as are characteristic of
Albertina, Vienna
ged together in a perfect union of Viennese caricature. Nor is the leitmotif of the nose,
Jugendstil. as proclaimed by Hans Tietze, absent (plate
Within this scene at the beginning of the 213 ). This tendency is taken up again some
century, the first points of contact arose be years later in Dolbin’s early drawings, which
tween these very different sorts of men who defamiliarize the human face through omis
were not actually rooted in the art world. sions until it resembles the head of a crea
Carl Hollitzer, the heir to a construction ture that cannot be specified more precisely
company worth millions, engineering student (fig. 6). These portraits confirm the paradox
B. F. Dolbin, and business apprentice Ernst of caricature, in which exaggeration arises
Stern performed in Cabaret Nachtlicht, the out of simplification. But the comical aspect
precursor of the Fledermaus. They drew and of this was accessible only to those who were
caricatured one another, recited, and sang familiar with the particular characteristics
traditional songs. Emil Orlik, who was born of the people depicted or at least knew their
in Prague and, unlike the others, had previ names. The caricatures of a group of men
ously studied at an art academy, arrived in (plates 65 , 66 , 68 ) would probably not be of
Vienna in 1904 via Munich and was employ further interest if they had not depicted fa
ed to make decorations for the Fledermaus. mous representatives of the widely known
Photographs of the interior decoration and and much lauded Viennese Jugendstil such
the elaborately designed playbills attest to as Koloman Moser and Josef Hoffmann. The
the high aesthetic ambitions of this form of people who had the chance to see these im
theater.4 ages remained a very tight-knit group, which
In addition to the announcement of the created a certain exclusiveness.
evening’s program points and the verses of These gatherings did not exist for long;
the performers, the playbills of both the neither cabaret was able to maintain the high
Nachtlicht and the Fledermaus contained artistic level and both had to extinguish
illustrations caricaturing the group’s mem their (night)lights within two years. During
bers. While the drawings’ emphasis on flat the subsequent period, things quieted down
surfaces is still formally indebted to Jugend in the city of modernism, which had once
stil (fig. 1), they already demonstrate a very been a leader in the areas of music and thea
biting vein that encapsulates the comic qual ter. Anyone who wanted to pursue a career
ity of what was taking place (fig. 2). That Hol in theater went to Berlin. In the Prussian ca-
litzer does not shy away from depicting him pital it was the Viennese Max Reinhardt who
self in a comic pose with a huntsman’s hat was able to establish one of the most impor
and drum demonstrates the self-ironic stance tant stages with the Deutsches Theater, and
behind these caricatures. They divulge the one of the most important cabarets with
ludicrousness of the figures without vilify Schall und Rauch. With his goal of operating
ing them. Each is captured in his typical pose; a “theater of staging,”6 in which the set and
Ernst Stern is already avidly creating the costume designs and the architecture of the
fig. 3/4 Carl Leopold Hollitzer figurines he would later make a career out stage area played a crucial role, he attracted
Ernst Stern and B. F. Dolbin, 1906 of as a set designer in Berlin, and Dolbin not only actors but also several visual artists
Double page from the Nachtlicht
program of April 1906 stands withdrawn and elegantly dressed, look to his houses and became the center of a
Österreichisches Theatermuseum Vienna ing somewhat lost in his surroundings (fig. 3, tight network that extended between Vien
fig. 4). na and Berlin in the realm of theater.
Ernst Stern became one of Reinhardt’s mands for shifting the space of the stage in
closest colleagues in Berlin, and his set de to the center of the audience take up what
signs shaped the appearance of countless “all present-day artists demand and aspire
performances. Collaboration with Emil Orlik to”: the final turning away from naturalistic
began even earlier; the poster of the Silesian theater towards a theater that moves the
weavers’ revolt for the piece of the same masses, that is less interested in illusion than
name by Gerhart Hauptmann is an impres in direct experience, in expression.”8 This
sive example of this (plate 5 3 ). In 1897, after recalls Ernst Stern’s descriptions of the mass
a performance of the work was forbidden impact of Reinhardt’s large-scale acts of stag
due to its incendiary content, it was present ing in the circus, the music hall, and the
ed in the form of a reading in Prague under stadium,9 whose almost physically tangible
Reinhardt’s direction.The portraits of the two atmosphere with its appeal to all the senses
Austrian actresses Tilla Durieux ( plate 221 ) earned Reinhardt the reproach of feeding fig. 5 Carl Leopold Hollitzer
The Caricaturist Fred Dolbin as a
and Elisabeth Bergner (plate 223 )—who came the taste of the mass public.10 Bird, undated
to Berlin before and after World War I re Dolbin’s and Stern’s comments demon Albertina, Vienna
spectively and celebrated great successes on strate how well-informed the artists were
the stage there—are testaments not only to about current tendencies in avant-garde
Orlik’s art of portraiture in the milieu of the theater and how little they regarded it as
Berlin theater but also to the brain drain that disinterested observers, which their sketch
Austria had experienced (at the latest) after es might suggest. The preoccupation with
World War I. For as bustling as the scene was the phenomenon of the masses is only one
in Berlin, it was just as quiet in Vienna. aspect of this engagement. With the main
streaming of the previously small-stage enter
The 1924 International Exhibition of tainment forms such as cabarets and variety
New Theater Techniques in Vienna shows into large-scale performances like the
revue in the second half of the 1920s, the
This silence was shattered in 1924 with the culture industry experienced a fundamental
International Exhibition of New Theater Techniques, transformation. Contributing decisively to
which for a brief moment assembled Europe’s this, in addition to the commercialization of
entire theater avant-garde in Vienna. An am the theater houses, was the advent of film,
bitious international art exhibition took place which rose to become the mass media art
simultaneously, organized by the Vienna Ge- form par excellence and thus also overtook
sellschaft zur Förderung moderner Kunst theater.
[Society for the Advancement of Modern
Art] under the direction of Hans Tietze. The Age of Faces: The Late
For the old colleagues from Vienna’s cab Twenties in Berlin
aret days, this gave rise to new opportuni
ties, or in the words of Dolbin, who still liv- After 1924 Dolbin also went to Berlin, where,
ed there, “Once again, Vienna has the chan- to his own astonishment, it was possible for
ce to miss a chance.”7 He himself was given him to make his passion for rapidly drawing
the opportunity to combine his career as an heads into a career. This was made possible
engineer with his passion for the theater and by the media landscape of the “world’s larg
became technical advisor to Friedrich Kies est magazine city,”11 in which the countless
ler, whose avant-garde design of a Raumbühne press illustrators supplied constant replen
[space stage] had caused quite a stir in the ex ishment for the Weimar Republic audience’s
hibition. He also published several articles virtually insatiable hunger for new faces.
promoting the space stage. In a 1925 issue of The paparazzi of their age, they moved with
Der Sturm, he wrote that Kiesler’s space stage their drawing pens in a world in which swift fig. 6 B. F. Dolbin
was the only one that enabled “dynamic play ness was demanded and photography was Paris Gütersloh, undated
B. F. Dolbin, Die Gezeichneten des Herrn Dolbin mit
within space” and allowed the actor to ap only slowly able to prevail in making images einem Vorwort von Hans Tietze, Vienna 1926
pear as “protagonist but also as it were as the for the press. Dolbin became so well-known
expression of a revolutionary mass.” His de that one critic spoke of the “Dolbin sickness”
that had stricken all the visitors of the Ro ings were despite their mass distribution.
manische Café, one of the most popular of Clearly, only those persons were portrayed
Berlin’s artists’ haunts.12 whose names were known within the circle
As in the early years, it was the milieu of of intellectuals and artists to which the illus
the art and stage scene—now much larger trators also belonged. This was not true of
—that captured the illustrators’ attention the caricatures in the comic papers and satir
(plate 216 ). What was new was that this “hu ical magazines such as Simplicissimus or the
man stable” (Dolbin) had now become ex Lustige Blätter, which played more with social
tremely popular also among the general pub and political stereotypes.
lic, thus creating a market with which the Against the background of the imminent
artists could survive with their otherwise historical events, one could presume that
often unprofitable art of drawing.13 The Vi these galleries of ancestors, these virtual halls
ennese Stefan Großmann, publisher of the of fame, served the self-assurance of a socie
fig. 7 B. F. Dolbin
Mary Wigman – Obituary, Berliner Tage-Buch, noted in 1920 that “… no ty with a uniquely diverse cultural compo
between 1931 and 1934 talent for commercialization is missed here. sition, which at the same time was character
Berlinische Galerie
The [intellectual] consumer feeds and feeds. ized by intense internal contradictions, and
But he becomes an … unremitting figure which would experience an abrupt end with
when he needs new feed.”14 Just how great in a few years.
interest was in the names of the countless
stars is demonstrated—in addition to the Reunion in Exile
flood of illustrations in the many Berlin daily
newspapers15—by a variety of publications Under an increasingly strong National So
that all bore very similar titles. By Emil Orlik cialism, the working conditions for many pro
it was Fünfundneunzig Köpfe [Ninety-Five Heads] ducers of art and culture worsened or be
and Neue Fünfu ndneunzig Köpfe [New Ninety- came impossible at the beginning of the
Five Heads], 16 published in 1920 and 1926 thirties. Those—including Dolbin—who rec
respectively; by B. F. Dolbin Die Gezeichneten ognized in time the danger into which Ger
des Herrn Dolbin [Those Portrayed by Mr. Dolbin], many and with it Europe was heading and
with a foreword by Alfred Polgar and an who were able to summon the necessary re
other edition with a foreword by Hans Tiet sources emigrated, most of them to the US.
ze;17 and finally by Carl Hollitzer in 1928 For this reason my remarks conclude with
the Wiener Köpfe in der Karikatur [Vienna Heads in a meeting in exile in New York, which
Caricature],18 which attached a face to Vien brought together once more many of the
na’s as well as Berlin’s intellectual worlds.19 well-known protagonists of the Vienna and
As in a collector’s album, most of these were Berlin intellectual worlds—a circumstance
generally solely head studies, less common that Dolbin mockingly commented upon:
were “action” portraits that showed the per “At every turn I encounter rotten but impor
son portrayed at the conductor’s podium or tant Europeans, who greet each other with
on stage, for example (fig. 7). an American cry of ‘Hello.’ Brecht, George
Alongside the general trends of popular Groß [!], Hanns Eisler, Werfel, Weill, Hölle-
ization by mass media such as print, radio, ring, the dear ‘colleagues’ … spread yellow
and film, these rapid drawings contributed spots in the cityscape of Manhattan.” 20 He
to making the cultural cosmos of the twen too, however, was nonetheless dependent
ties more popular and omnipresent in every on the networks that had formed over the
day life than it is possible to imagine today. course of the last three decades in the ex
If at the beginning of the century they still change between Germany and Austria as
functioned as caricaturing self-representa well as other European countries. After ini
tions seen by only a very limited circle of tial difficulties on the American market, in
viewers, twenty years later they were con 1936 he was given the commission to illus
sumed in printed form by an audience of trate the recitals to The Eternal Road, an or
millions. And yet it is still striking today just atorio by the Austrian writer Franz Werfel
how self-styled and self-referential these draw and the German composer Kurt Weill that
told of the persecution of the Jewish people, Whereas the former image served the self-
and to publish it in the theater magazine representation of a small circle of artists
The Stage (fig. 8).21 The work was directed who sought to set themselves apart from
by Max Reinhardt and one of the leading the conventional practice of art, the image
roles was played by Lotte Lenya, an Austri of the community of exiles assumed a new
an actress and the wife of Kurt Weill.22 meaning against the background of the po
Here once again, the caricature seems to litical circumstances. The exaggerated draw
combine mocking distance, which unmasks ing, which lingers over poses, physiogno
with compassionate closeness, which creates mies, and typical props, conveys affiliation
affinity. As in Hollitzer’s caricature of the precisely by means of its comic aspect and
protagonists of the cabaret Nachtlicht (fig. 2), thus becomes the expression and confirma
Dolbin works with parodistic elements that tion of a cultural identity at the end of Eu
give the actors and their props a comic as ropean modernism, which had defined itself
pect: Franz Werfel with his textbook, Kurt through its art, literature, music, and theater. fig. 8 B. F. Dolbin
Weill with the horn, and Max Reinhardt with Caricature for The Eternal Road
the marionette. New York Post, January 8, 1937
Institut für Zeitungsforschung Dortmund
1 On the predominance of drawing 8 B. F. Dolbin, “Die internationale 14 Stefan Grossmann, “Reinhardt,

over photography see, for example, Ausstellung neuer Theatertechnik Ufa und Berlin,” in: Das Tage-Buch,
Theater gezeichnet. Ingeborg Voss in Wien,” in: Der Sturm, issue 16, vol. 1, issue 32, 1920, p. 1050.
und Paul Gehring (exh. cat. Stiftung July /August 1925, pp. 97–101.
Stadtmuseum Berlin), Berlin 1997. 15 On this see Christian Jäger’s ar-
9 For example the staging of König ticle in the present catalog, pp. 355–59
2 This was the name of the cabaret Ödipus [King Oedipus] in 1910 in the
theater founded in 1906 by the Munich building of the Zirkus Schuhmann in 16 Emil Orlik, Fünfundneunzig Köpfe,
group Die Elf Scharfrichter in Vienna, Berlin or the Musikfesthalle in Munich. Berlin 1920; Emil Orlik, Neue
which closed one year later. On the On this see Ernst Stern, “Sprengung fünfundneunzig Köpfe, Berlin 1926.
history of the cabaret theater see, for des Bühnenrahmens,” in: Ernst Stern, 17 Dolbin (see note 5). – B. F. Dolbin,
example, Rainer Otto Rösler, Kabarett- Bühnenbildner bei Max Reinhardt, Die Gezeichneten des Herrn Dolbin.
geschichte. Abriß des deutschspra- Berlin 1955, pp. 57–72. Auf den letzten Blick. Karikaturen von
chigen Kabaretts, Berlin 1977, and B. F. Dolbin mit einem Vorwort von
Joanne McNally and Peter Sprengel 10 On this see Erika Fischer-Lichte,
“Sinne und Sensationen. Wie Max Rein- Hans Tietze, Vienna 1926.
(eds.), Hundert Jahre Kabarett. Zur
Inszenierung gesellschaftlicher Iden- hardt Theater neu erfand,” in: Roland 18 Julius Bauer, Wiener Köpfe in der
tität zwischen Protest und Propaganda, Koberg, Bernd Stegemann, and Hen- Karikatur. Zeichnungen von Carl
Würzburg 2003. rike Thomsen (eds.), Max Reinhardt Hollitzer und Alfred Gerstenbrand,
und das Deutsche Theater. Texte und Vienna 1928.
3 This was the name of the cabaret Bilder aus Anlass des 100-jährigen
theater founded in Berlin in 1901 by Jubiläums seiner Direktion, Berlin 2005, 19 This is only a selection. A further
Max Reinhardt. pp. 13–27. example would be Rudolf Großmann,
Fünfzig Köpfe der Zeit, Berlin 1926.
4 On this see Michael Buhr, Barbara 11 Ursula E. Koch, Der Teufel in The trend continued in the fifties and
Lesák, Thomas Trabitsch (eds.), Berlin. Von der Märzrevolution bis zu sixties, the reasons for this are vividly
Kabarett Fledermaus 1907 bis 1913. Bismarcks Entlassung. Illustrierte explained in a foreword by Gerhard
Ein Gesamtkunstwerk der Wiener politische Witzblätter einer Metropole Ulrich: “The 1920s have attained an
Werkstätte. Literatur. Musik. Tanz 1848–1890, Cologne 1991, p. 202. almost incredible popularity at present.
(exh. cat. Österreichisches Theater- As a one-time contemporary, one
museum, Vienna), Vienna 2007. 12 Matheo Quinz, “Im Romanischen
Café,” in: Der Querschnitt, vol. 6, witnesses with astonishment the
5 Benedikt Fred Dolbin, Die Gezeich- issue 8, 1926, pp. 608–10, here p. 609. origin of a legend in which the era is
neten des Herrn Dolbin. Literarische raised to the status of an island of
Kopfstücke mit einer Einleitung von 13 While photography had already blessedness and all the dark spots of
Alfred Polgar, Vienna, undated p. 6. made some headway in the area the image deleted. Strangely, the
of “portraits of the stars,” for technical youth is no less involved in this pro-
6 Hermann Romstöck, 1954, as quo- reasons at the time only posed studio cess than the informants themselves,
ted in Gertrud Pott, Die Spiegelung photographs were possible and hard- who look back with intoxication.
des Sezessionismus im österreichischen ly any shots of the stage. On this see Apparently, every generation needs …
Theater, Vienna 1975, p. 18 Timm Starl, “Filmprogramm und Star- its ‘good old times.’” Gerhard Ulrich,
porträt. Fotomontage und Bildpost- Köpfe aus den zwanziger Jahren von
7 Dolbin in the Wiener Allgemeinen karte in der Filmreklame der Zwischen- Emil Orlik, Gütersloh 1962, unpaginat-
Zeitung, 9.10.1924. kriegszeit,” in: Jessica Nitsche and ed.
Nadine Werner (eds.), Populärkultur,
Massenmedien, Avantgarde, Pader- 20 Dolbin-Estate in the Institut für
born 2012, pp. 115–36. Zeitungsforschung Dortmund, I AK
2002/302-21, sheet 0162.
21 In German, “Der Weg der Verhei-

ßung,” premiered on 1.07.1937 in the
Manhattan Opera House, see the
February 1936 issue of The Stage.
22 Just how small this community was
can be seen, for example, in a letter
of Kiesler’s, in which he “applies” to
be the stage architect for The Eternal
Road, and thus almost met up with
his old friend Dolbin. See Frederick
Kiesler. Theatervisionär-Architekt-
Künstler (exh. cat. Österreichisches
Theatermuseum Vienna, Museum
Villa Stuck Munich), Vienna 2012, p. 88.
Ch r i st i an Jäg er separated by a black line—was the site for

intellectual self-understanding, for reviews,
Viennata and Viennoiseries: critiques, and riposte, as well as short prose
works, and included the genre of the essay.
Vienna in the Feuilletons of In this respect the “feuilleton” was also the
place where the perception of reality was
Weimar Republic Berlin written out at length and revised.
If Vienna is the subject of what follows,
then it is Vienna as represented historically
“Berlin, loud, angular, lined, filmed to ruin, in the feuilletons of bourgeois periodicals,
unsweet, relentless, sharp, greedily desir- which record at least one specific class’s view
ous city, holding onto and compelling point towards the phenomenon. The descript
life with teeth and fists, I think affection ions of Vienna in the feuilletons were penned
ately and tenderly, having descended by both well-known and unknown writers—
once again into the city filled with dust mostly male—who wrote about the city ei
and wounds, into the merry grave on the ther as citizens of the German Empire or as
Danube, into the coziest catacombs Viennese who came from the former Habs
of central Europe, where one detects life burg Empire. Surprisingly, their country of
only by the shaking of the ceiling.“ 1 origin made little difference, nor was an au
thor’s degree of fame necessarily indicative
These are the words of the great master of of a higher or different quality. It is possible,
the short form, the literary essay, Alfred Pol in fact, to treat the feuilleton essays as a con
gar (fig. 1), written in 1922 about the city in tinuous text that creates a collective impres
which he still lived and the city in which he sion, in which stylistic differences at most
was preparing to live. Over the course of can be discerned, but very few differences
his life Polgar probably wrote several thou in terms of content are apparent. fig. 1 Alfred Polgar
Picture Library of the Nationalbibliothek, Vienna
sand essays, which he published in dailies What did, however, make a great differ
such as the Berliner Tageblatt and other peri ence was the historical situation. Especially
odicals and with which he attained a prom in those heady years after World War I, the
inence and—thanks to his virtuoso style—a historical moment strongly influenced the
corresponding esteem second to no other manner of representation even of subject
writer. matter as apparently immutable as the Danu
In those years the daily newspapers func be metropolis. Portraits of the city make refe
tioned as leading media. Radio was still in its rences to the current political situation; this
infancy: Regular programs had begun to be is noteworthy in that the “bottom line” gen
aired in Berlin starting in 1923 for a couple erally abstained from politics, at least super
of hours and a small group of listeners. News ficially. But only seldom did the short essays
reels first arrived in the cinemas with the concede space for politics, which tended to
advent of the sound film at the end of the have its place on the front pages or in maga
1920s. In Berlin alone, over ninety daily news zines such as the Weltbühne, Neue Rundschau,
papers of all possible orientations appeared, and others.
the bulk of them in both morning and even But after 1918 a number of crucially im
ing editions. The most up-to-the-minute news portant political questions thrust their way
appeared around the clock and was shouted into the general discourse about Vienna and
out and offered for sale by vendors on the Berlin, since after the lost war the question
street corners, laid out at newsstands, and of their current relationship became a polit
posted on notice boards. Newspapers had ical question as well. After the declarations
an omnipresence that can scarcely be ima of independence by various crown provinc
gined today. In the sphere of cultural life es in 1918, Vienna was seen as a dying city, no
the “feuilleton,” the section “unterm Strich” longer capable of surviving.
[under the bottom line]—in fact printed along “The new state was plagued by terrible ills.
the lower third of the newspaper page and … Its capital, Vienna, the glamorous expo
Chris ti a n Jä g e r 356
nent of central European culture, seemed dated the provinces, but—much more im
like an unnaturally swollen hydrocephalus, portantly—was also the retrospective con
great train routes transformed into local solidation of the Danube Monarchy. Sur
stretches, the industries were suddenly re rounded by “Länder” [states] such as Carin-
duced to a fourth of their distribution areas, thia or the Burgenland,6 it nonetheless so
and the agriculture could not nourish the thoroughly eclipsed them that they were
country. Austria thus fell into decline imme practically no longer visible. This only chang-
diately after the disintegration and seemed ed when the times changed irreversibly: In
completely lost.” 2 1928, for example, the feuilleton—which long
The tensions arising from the dispropor represented a newspaper’s showpiece arti
tionate relationship between central author cle—depreciated in value through the ad
ity—the metaphors alternated between head vent of a new genre: the reportage (fig. 2).
and heart—and the surrounding environs The second half of the 1920s was shaped,
were exacerbated by the political differences, at least in part, by the ideals of New Objec
fig. 2 Umbo formulated schematically in terms of red and tivity. In place of the finely tuned ironic word
The Raging Reporter
( Egon Erwin Kisch ), 1926 black (left and right): “A ‘black’ countryside plays of a writer like Alfred Polgar, it was
Bauhaus Archiv Berlin and a ‘red’ Vienna, governed by a foreign now reports from the real world that were
commissar and an éminence grise.” 3 in vogue, such as those supplied by the “rag
The urban proletariat, which also existed ing reporter” Egon Erwin Kirsch and others.
in Vienna, stood against the clerically domi Interest in high culture—in the case of Vi
nated rural population. “We are coming full enna, also interest in very old high culture
circle with the current conditions on the —receded behind a fashionable interest in
land of the Old Reich and returning to our the working world, sports, and leisure time
once more ‘wild’ Alpine people. In contrast pursuits. Austria rose up again to become a
to them, the disheveled Croatians are brilli landscape of tourism, which cannot be said
ant nation-founders.These congenial, sinewy, for Vienna.
bare-kneed, coarse, yodeling Indian tribes “I speak of Austria. I do not speak of Vienna.
with their peasant cities originally formed Over this city hangs the grief of a deposed
just as many small globes revolving around empress. It is essentially a museum, despite
themselves. Only gradually did a more all-en all the modernity of the administration. Its
compassing rhythm begin to spread: And future is to be the second capital of greater
this was hatred of Vienna.”4 Germany and the first trading center of the
The poet and essayist Robert Müller, im Balkans. This is much and certainly worth
portant during his age, saw the hatred to supporting; it is little compared with what
wards Vienna as the supporting idea—or Vienna once was.”7
rather sentiment—of the state, and as con And when speaking of Vienna, thoughts
stitutive of something like the idea of “Aus were always cast back to imperial Vienna, to
trianness.” There were also constant and al the Habsburg Monarchy: First to baroque
most reflexive references to the inequality Vienna, which had also strongly shaped the
between Austria and Vienna, just like the city architecturally, and the further the 1920s
claim that New York cannot be compared to advanced, the more acceptable even the
the rest of the US; the truth content of both era under the rule of Franz Joseph I seemed.
statements is probably also similar. It was Vignettes of the sinking Vienna set the
exactly this tense disproportionate relation tone of the feuilletons, especially in the post
ship between Vienna and the rest of Austria war years, for not only had Vienna lost the
that others used in justifying the necessity economic hinterland, but it was also slowly
of the Anschluss, Austria’s annexation into atrophying culturally. There were in turn
Nazi Germany.5 tangible reasons for this, for while young
If Austria now disintegrated into two parts, artists and intellectuals from Czechoslova
which were to be merged in the Anschluss, kia, Hungary, Galicia, and so on had previ
then Vienna was considered the true Austria: ously moved to the imperial and royal capi
It was not only a metropolis that consoli tal, if they were German-speaking they now
were drawn to Berlin, which had remained— kempt.’ There is no place for the ‘forbidden’;
or rather become—a true capital with a only the main boulevard is straight as a pole
corresponding charisma. Vienna sunk into and has its police. Otherwise people lie in
political and cultural insignificance, after the the grass, in the sun or the shade, as they
Treaty of Saint-Germain in 1919 stipulated please. The Prater is the inhabitant of Vien
Austria’s renunciation of the Anschluss. This na translated into horticulture. Things can
practical and political reduction ultimately also be done this way, and here no other way
formed the empirical core of what could would be so nice.”9
henceforth be read about Vienna in the feuil As a landmark and emblem of the city, the
letons. To take as an example one place that Prater exhibits a downright structural iden
numerous feuilletons devoted themselves to: tity with a specifically Viennese way of life.
The Prater was a favored topos indicative It characterizes an art of living that asserts
of social situation and political relations. itself through tolerance and a certain per
“Follow me to the K. K. [imperial and ro missiveness, which were idiosyncratic and
yal] Prater, which the winter’s need for wood created for individualists. Its regulations are
has stripped of many trees and the revolu satisfied with the maintenance of order with
tion has stripped of the possessive initials out being overly constraining. They provide
K. K. In this Prater, in which the Viennese latitude for the satisfying of individual de
heart still beats…, in which in the lady cook sires.
of the new nation experiences voluptuous “The Wurstelprater was visited on a Sunday
adventures in a ride through the grottos afternoon, the headless lady, Chingachgock
with the now Communist “German infantry”- (!), the last of the Mohicans, the riddle of the
surrogate; … in this two-kreuzer Prater of Sphinx, the last remnants of all the Europe
old, today’s prices shoot fever high.”8 an county fairs find their mummified exist
Here it is the radical change from empire ence here. The pretty, still buxom Viennese
to republic that the Prater must signify— girls from the suburbs spin in dance with the
old and new, dichotomy and continuity. The gentlemen, and the trees flower once again
political caesuras apparently only demanded obligatorily in the Prater, and the girls and
different appellations and what had in fact boys disappear between them—there where
changed was the cost of admission. This also the shrubbery’s foliage starts to be denser.”10
makes reference to the fact that in the new Klabund creates an ironic distance in his
age money had a different, and crucial, mean sketch by playing upon the popular song
ing. Money dominated and intruded destruc Im Prater blühn wieder die Bäume [The trees flower
tively into a world of social representation, once again in the Prater] and additionally en
of which the Prater was a perfect example dowing this with the attribute “obligatorily.”
(fig. 3). This ironic phrase demonstrates just how
What affinity exists between a landmark much the perception was determined by the
and what it signifies? The Viennese heart still cliché. But the cliché would be overtaken by
beat in the Prater, its symbol was the Ferris reality: The merry pastoral in the shrubbery
wheel, and in a broader sense the Prater be is the touch of liveliness that to some extent fig. 3 M. Manenizza
came the established focus point for the belies the deterioration of Prater-blissfulness. On the way to Vienna’s Wurstel-
prater, in the background the Ferris
perception of Vienna. It appeared to be the The Prater is only a remnant, a fossil that wheel and the entrance to Venice in
terrain upon which semantic meanings were bears witness to bygone days and makes the Vienna, c. 1900
available—more so than the urban architec present day mourn in light of the glorious
ture—that provided information about Vien history.
na as a cultural occurrence. “This Prater, it’s of course yesterday’s world,
“The Prater’s most charming, most splen yesterday’s kitsch. Since the soldiers and their
did characteristic over other parks in the servant girls have disappeared, since the old
capital is its fortunate lack of breeding. It monarchy has met with its inevitable end
has nothing of dressage; gardeners ignore it, and the proverbial coachman’s coziness has
both English and French. For a forest its trees come to an end, the Prater is more of a his
are too noble, for a park its fields too ‘un torical curiosity.”11
Chris ti a n Jä g e r 358
Still accepted in 1928 as a living and elo the previous Viennata of a declining high
quent witness to the past, within a few years culture with reflected imperial splendor, now
the Prater has become its museum. A muse the focus was once more only on Viennoi
um of the museum piece: “The most beauti serie. The former cultural center had per
ful museum in Vienna is the inner city itself. ished and there remained only confection
The suburbs look truly gruesome in places.”12 ary and cuisine, cafés and wine mixed with
Besides the Prater, a number of other to sparkling water, snide Viennese humor and
poi of Vienna narratives recur in the feuille a serenity that represented nostalgia for the
ton essay in disdainful seriality. For example, less thoroughly capitalistic prewar era. Vien
the Viennese “Maderl” [girl], the Viennese na appeared as the symbol of a more charm
song, Heuriger [wine tavern] blissfulness, ing society, one more worth living in, that
and coffeehouse sentimentality: These are was somewhat backward, or put differently,
so omnipresent that space does not suffice decelerated. Even contemporaries were aware
to represent these texts here, which were that there was an imaginary Vienna of de
brought forth en masse and in series.13 Apart sire, in feuilleton as in film:
from stylistic peculiarities, they differ at most “Since the silent and talking films had al
only in terms of how they appraise the sub ready slowly brought us to the brink of
jects of their descriptions. Sometimes the nausea whenever something presented it
appraisal is sentimental and nostalgic, at oth self as ‘Viennese,’ since we were already
er times it emphasizes the savoir vivre, and filled up over our ears with the operetta-
very occasionally it is critical, putting forth idiocy of the amiably daft archdukes, of the
a clear affirmation of modernity in opposi vinous falls from paradise in the wine tav
tion to this intoxication with wine and Vienna. erns, of the daft Schrammelmusik projected
At some point towards the end of the onto the screens, Werner Riemerschmid’s
1920s Vienna then disappeared entirely from Buch vom lieben Augustin [Book of Dear Augustin]
the commentaries of the feuilletons, which … was greeted with great skepticism: Not
resulted primarily from the fact that Vienna least because in Vienna the ‘blue stream’ had
had effectively made its way to Berlin: Vien never looked blue, but at best only dirty
nese cafés were opened en masse; Berlin gray-green. But see here, although the poet
cuisine began to resemble that of Austria, … omits nothing of what one instinctively
and the Haus Vaterland simulated a Grin associates with the image of ‘Vienna,’ that
zing Weinstube [wine tavern] (fig. 4) “much is, wine, women, a bit of the Old Emperor,
more authentically than in Vienna.”14 Carinthian verbal ramblings, and a menu that
At the end of the 1920s Austrians made begins with clear broth with light dump
up the greatest number of foreign inhabit lings, boiled pork with horseradish, roast beef,
ants in Berlin, Viennese songs were produc- boiled beef, and paprika chicken and ends
ed by the Berlin music industry, and even with cheese strudel, crepes, strawberry cakes,
fig. 4 View across Grinzing – Vienna itself was constructed in the film and sugared pancakes with raisins, … despite
Haus Vaterland, postcard, 1938 studios at Tempelhof Field before it was con the fact that all of this is there, the book by
verted into an airport. Riemerschmid is truly good…”16
“This world is just as focused on the Amer The text on the one hand is directed against
icans as on that raucous Grinzing gaiety the secondary Vienna of the media, but on
that the amusement industry cannot glorify the other hand also Viennese reality. The re
enough. Attempting to judge Vienna by these view sketches out the film version of Vien
things would be like placing the Kaffee Va na as a distortion, which had nothing to do
terland at the center of a critical treatment with either the traditional image or the re
of Berlin. … But I have nowhere heard that ality of the city. The book, in contrast, up
Heuriger-blissfulness and that sentimental holds precisely this “instinctive” picture, so
caterwauling that the talking films yodel out that it is “truly good” not “despite” this, but
at us as if it were Viennese folk tradition.” 15 rather because of it. Vienna clearly appears
Once talking films took over the image as a sentimentally charged site, which reveals
of “Vienna,” it began to change rapidly. From itself to be a terrain of the imaginary and
which rejects the reformulation presented laziness, and the mental dialectic of his feel
in film. The unconscious wants to be neither ing for justice for disloyalty. … Without any
known nor seen. correction, the detached image of the city of
“All over the globe an intoxicating drink Vienna races around the globe. Twenty times
known as ‘Vienna’ is being demanded and a second it waltzes through the spotlights
proffered by the industry. Vienna and the of the cinema and schmalzes its way through
Heurige are in even greater demand than the couplets. The human soul, however hum
forged Turkish furniture and Parisian chan bly it may be furnished, has a homey parlor
sons. … The people come to Vienna to ex named Vienna. It is a parlor full of kitsch.
perience a merry Heurige. For they have And yet this kitsch and this whole unreality
seen its false countenance in films and oper would not exist if Vienna itself were not
ettas. … Almost always, genuine Viennese or very real…” 17
people from Vienna’s suburbs—Brünn and The need for Vienna was deep, reaching
Preßburg—are behind every film abomina not only into the myths, but beyond that in
tion and cesspit of an operetta. These knaves, to the realm of desire: There, where harmo
who cannot feel out or peel away even the nious and joyous fellowship came true, un
most superficial skin of things, who do not burdened by the travail of daily work, the
possess even an ear or tongue for the sub city appeared at the beginning of the 1930s
tleties of Viennese language, have brought like an eternal Heuriger, where the soul could
about through their bludgeon-like unscru pleasurably stretch out. This was surely not
pulousness the condition that today one the worst thing, but it had little to do with
mistakes the Austrian’s devotion for servil Vienna as a real place, which, however—at
ity, the skepticism with which he generally least in the feuilletons—was not the point.
looks upon human work and its goals for
1 Alfred Polgar, “Berlin, Sommer 6 On the conflict between Vienna 12 Karl Scheffler, “Wiener Revue,” in:
1922,” as quoted by Christian Jäger / and the provinces, see Karl Lahm, Vossische Zeitung, no. 80, 2.16.1924, p. 3.
Erhard Schütz (eds.) in: Glänzender “Oesterreichisch,” in: Vossische
Asphalt. Berlin im Feuilleton der Wei- Zeitung, no. 453, 9.24.1922, pp. 3–4. 13 But on this, cf. Christian Jäger/
marer Republik, Berlin 1994, p. 212. Erhard Schütz, Städtebilder zwischen
7 Werner Mahrholz, “Felix Austria,” in: Literatur und Journalismus. Wien,
2 Karl Brockhausen, “Das neue Vossische Zeitung, no. 537, 11.13.1928, Berlin und das Feuilleton der Weima-
Oesterreich” in: Vossische Zeitung, no. p. 13. rer Republik, Wiesbaden 1999.
522, 11.2.1924, p. 21.
8 Max Preis, “Der Watschenmann”, 14 Arnold Höllriegel, “Donnerwetter
3 Karl Lahm, “Die Lehre,” in: in: Berliner Börsen Courier, 6.1.1920. inbegriffen. Berlin wird so amerika-
Vossische Zeitung, 4.30.1923, p. 1. nisch,” in: Berliner Tageblatt, 11.14.1929,
9 Karl Lahm, “Kraft und Schönheit as quoted by Jäger / Schütz 1994 (see
4 Robert Müller, “Austria … ultima,” in: im Wiener Prater,” in: Vossische note 1), p. 212.
Neue Rundschau, 1923, issue 2, p. 655. Zeitung, no. 280, 6.16.1925, p. 5.
15 Strobel 1931 (see note 11).
5 See Hermann Sinsheimer, “Kleine 10 Klabund, “Im Prater blüh’n wieder
Woche Wien,” in: Berliner Tageblatt, die Bäume,” in: Berliner Börsen 16 Felix Langer, “Rehabilitierung
5.21.1931. See also the essay written Courier, 6.6.1928. Wiens. Werner Riemerschmid: ‘Das
over ten years earlier by Alexander Buch vom lieben Augustin’ in:
Redlich, “Reise durch Oesterreich,” 11 Heinrich Strobel, “Wiener Berliner Tageblatt, 3.8.1931.
in: Vossische Zeitung, no. 492, Frühling,” in: Berliner Börsen Courier,
10.6.1920, pp. 1–2. 5.17.1931. 17 Heinrich Eduard Jacob, “Wien-
Fälschung und Wien-Export,” in:
Literarische Welt, issue 29, 1931, p. 1.
361
Appendix
An – B e 362
A r t i st s and Works Literature: Adrian V. Sudhalter, bildender Künstler. 1929 chair of the 1907/08 collaboration on the satirical
Johannes Baader and the Demise of “Kartell der Vereinigten Verbände bil- magazine Simplicissimus, member of
i n t he Ex hibition Wilhelmine Culture. Architecture, dender Künstler” and leader of the the Berlin Secession, supported by Paul
Dada, and Social Critique 1875–1920, Große Berliner Kunstausstellung. De- Cassirer. 1910 relocation to Güstrow/
B Berlin only New York 2005. famed and stripped of all offices in Mecklenburg. 1915/16 soldier in World
V Vienna only 1933. War I. 1919 member of the Preußische
B
Club of the Blue Milky Way,
Akademie der Künste. 1925 honorary
If not otherwise indicated, the 1918 Literature: Margrit Bröhan, Hans member of the Akademie der Bilden
measurements of drawings, water- Poster for the Dada Soirée on Baluschek 1870–1935. Maler-Zeichner- den Künste in Munich. 1936 confisca-
colors etc. refer to picture dimensions March 12, 1919, at the Café Austria, Illustrator (exh. cat. Bröhan-Museum, tion of his works during the anniversa-
and those of printed works to plate Berlin, 1918 Berlin), 2nd expanded edition, Berlin ry exhibition of the Preußische Akade-
dimensions. Lithograph in original mat 2002. mie der Künste in Berlin. 1937 exhibiti-
Sheet: 50 × 31 cm on ban.
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Monday Morning, 1898
budgetary funds of the Senate Oil on canvas Literature: Ernst Barlach, Sämtliche
Department for Cultural Affairs, 120 × 150 cm Werke. Kritische Ausgabe (6 vols.),
Berlin 1991 Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin Leipzig 1998–2006.
15 3 26
Beggar with Bowl, 1906
Ferdinand Andri Idyll with Weißbier, c.1902 Bronze (recast)
B
* 1871 Waidhofen , Ybbs Hugo Baar Watercolor, gouache, and pastel 30 × 30 × 22.5 cm
† 1956 Vienna * 1873 Nový Jičín / Neutitschein on watercolor board Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
† 1912 Vienna 97.1 × 65.5 cm funds of the Senate Department
Berlinische Galerie, transferred for Cultural Affairs, Berlin 1985
Cofounder of the Vienna Secession from the former property of the 55
and its president from 1905 to 1906. Studies at the Vienna Kunstgewerbe Federal State of Berlin, 1975
Numerous woodcuts and illustrations schule under Josef von Storck and Ru- Tilla Durieux IV, 1912
22 V
for the magazine Ver Sacrum. Founding dolf Ribarz, at the Munich Akademie Porcelain
member of the Österreichischer Werk- under Gabriel von Hackl and Heinrich Field of Death, 1917 45 × 39 × 26 cm
B
bund in 1910. Member of the Deut- Knirr. Active in Vienna from 1903, and Watercolor and crayon on cardboard Belvedere, Vienna
scher Werkbund, 1912. from 1907 also in Neutitschein. Mem- 48 × 36 cm 34
ber of the Hagenbund in Vienna from Berlinische Galerie, acquired with bud-
Literature: Adolf Bassaraba, Der Maler 1904. getary funds and funds of the Senators
Ferdinand Andri, St. Pölten 1941. for Science and Art, Berlin 1975
Literature: Saur allgemeines Küns- 1 32 Max Beckmann
Butter Makers, 1902
tlerlexikon. Die bildenden Künstler * 1884 Leipzig
Tempera on canvas aller Zeiten und Völker, vol. 6, Summer Evening, 1928
V † 1950 New York
115 × 121 cm Munich/Leipzig 1992, p. 87. Oil on canvas
Belvedere, Vienna 120 × 151 cm
15 Mountain Path in the
B Berlinische Galerie, transferred 1900–1904 studies in Weimar. 1903–
Beskids, 1902 from the holdings of the Senators 1904 study trip to Paris. 1905 reloca
Tempera on cardboard for Science and Art, Berlin 1975 tion to Berlin, member of the Berlin
60 × 60 cm 26 0 Secession. 1913 large Beckmann retros-
Joh a n n e s Ba a de r Belvedere, Vienna pective organized by Paul Cassirer. Re-
* 1875 Stuttgart 14 V
Station Concourse signation from Berlin Secession and
† 1955 Adldorf (Lehrter Bahnhof), 1929 affiliation with the Freie Secession. 1914–
Tempera, crayon, and pencil on 1916 voluntary military service. 1925
cardboard took over the masters’ workshop of the
1892–1895 enrolled at Stuttgart’s Staat- H a ns Ba lusc h e k 98.3 × 69 cm Städel-Kunstgewerbeschule in Frank
liche Baugewerbeschule, 1898/99 archi- Berlinische Galerie, acquired with furt am Main. 1929 appointed profes-
* 1870 Wrocław / Breslau
tectural studies at the Technische Hoch- budgetary funds and funds of sor. 1933 withdrawal of teaching ap-
† 1935 Berlin
schule Stuttgart, 1903–1905 member of the Senators for Science and Art, pointment. 1937 defamed as “degene-
the Dresden Vereinigung für monu- Berlin 1975 rate artist,” works confiscated. Emigra-
mentale Grabmalsbauten. 1905 relo- Founding member of the Berlin Seces- tion to Paris and later Amsterdam. 1947
238
cation to Berlin and friendship there sion in 1898 and board member from relocation to the USA, guest profes-
with Raoul Hausmann. Active partici- 1908. Part of the Freie Secession from sorship at the art school of Washing-
pant in Berlin’s Dada movement from 1913. Member of the artistic advisory ton University (St. Louis).
the beginning. Public provocations as board of the Berlin Theater around E r ns t Ba r l ac h
“Welterlöser Baader” [ World Savior 1900, and together with Käthe Koll- Literature: Carla Schulz-Hoffmann/
* 1870 Wedel
Baader]. Together with Hausmann ed- witz teacher at the Künstlerinnenschu Judith C. Weiss (eds.), Max Beckmann.
† 1938 Rostock
itor of the magazine Der Dada, collab- le in Berlin. Opened a private painting Retrospektive (exh. cat. Bayerische
oration on the Dada-Almanach, Dada- school for women in 1908. Military Staatsgemäldesammlungen Munich/
co, Das Bordell, Freiland Dada, and other service 1916 to 1917. From 1919 taught 1888–1896 studies in Hamburg, Dres- Nationalgalerie Berlin/The Saint Louis
publications. Exhibited a spacefilling at the Volkshochschule in Berlin. Join den, and Paris. 1897 / 98 worked as Art Museum/Los Angeles County
assemblage, Das grosse Plasto-Dio-Da- ed the SPD in 1920 and worked on sculptor in Hamburg and Altona and Museum of Art), Munich 1984.
da Drama, at the Erste Internationale their educational policy. From 1921 to as illustrator for the magazine Jugend.
Dada-Messe. 1925 organized a final 1931 collaborated on the satirical SPD First participation in the Große Berlin-
Dada matinee, subsequently active as magazine Der wahre Jacob. From 1921 er Kunstausstellung. Lived in Berlin
a journalist and architect in Hamburg. board member of the Reichsverband from 1905. Traveled to Russia in 1906.
363 Be – Bo
The Street, 1914 particiaption in the Große Berliner Anita Berber, 1919
B
Kurfürstendamm, 1924
Part of a monumental composition Kunstausstellung. 1915–1918 soldier. 1918 Portfolio with eight lithographs Pastel on cardboard
cut into pieces by Beckmann in 1928 cofounder of the Novembergruppe, Sheet: 49.5 × 62 cm each 68 × 87 cm
Oil on canvas board member until 1932. 1919–1921 Lindenau-Museum Altenburg Zweckverband Oberschwäbische
171 × 72 cm member of the Arbeitsrat für Kunst. 26 3 Elektrizitätswerke (OEW), Landkreis
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with 1924 solo exhibition in the National- Sigmaringen
funds of the Stiftung Deutsche galerie Berlin. 1931 member of the Preu 240
Klassenlotterie Berlin and funds of ßische Akademie der Künste, 1937
the Senators for Cultural Affairs, forced to resign. Removal of his works J e ns Bi r k hol m
Berlin 1993 from public collections. Emigration to * 1869 Faaborg
24 Turkey. 1966 return to Germany. † 1915 Faaborg Herbert Boeckl
* 1894 Klagenfurt
B
People on the Street, 1914 Literature: Winfried Nerdinger, † 1966 Vienna
Part of a monumental composition Rudolf Belling und die Kunstströmun- Trained in Faaborg at the Technische
cut into pieces by Beckmann in 1928 gen in Berlin 1918–1923, Berlin 1981. Schule. Traveled to Berlin as a painting
Oil on canvas journeyman, where he overcame diffi- 1912 studies in architecture at the Vien-
51 × 52 cm Eroticism, 1920 cult circumstances and finally achieved na Technische Universität and private
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Bronze success with his images of the prole- student of Adolf Loos. Soldier from
funds of the Stiftung Deutsche 32 × 30 × 24 cm tariat. 1914 to 1918, began to paint as autodi-
Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1993 Berlinische Galerie, acquired dact after World War I. 1918 contract
23 with funds of the Stiftung Deutsche Literature: Saur allgemeines Künstler- with art dealer Gustav Nebehay, who
Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1973 lexikon. Die bildenden Künstler aller made possible a study trip to Berlin in
B
Self-Portrait in Bowler Hat, 1921 10 8 Zeiten und Völker, vol. 11, Munich 1995, 1921 / 22, a trip to Paris in 1923, and to
Drypoint on handmade paper p. 157. Palermo in 1924. From 1926 resident
Sheet: 53.5 × 42 cm Head of Alfred Flechtheim, 1927 in Klagenfurt. 1927 first large exhibi-
Sammlung und Stiftung Rolf Horn in Bronze Warming Hall in Berlin, 1908 tion at the Vienna Secession. From
the Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische 18 × 11.5 × 11 cm Oil on canvas 1928 lived and worked in Vienna. 1934
Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf, Berlinische Galerie, acquired 88 × 117 cm Großer Österreichischer Staatspreis
Schleswig with funds of the Stiftung Deutsche Berlinische Galerie, acquired with [ Grand Austrian State Prize ]. From
269 Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1973 funds of the Stiftung Deutsche 1934 to 1939 professor at the Vienna
10 9 Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1978 Akademie der bildenden Künste. 1938–
B
Trip to Berlin, 1922 44 1945 no participation in public culture
Portfolio published by Max Schmeling, 1929 industry. 1945/ 46 and 1962 to 1965
I. B. Neumann with ten prints and Bronze head of the Akademie der bildenden
a lithographed cover 54.4 × 27 × 38.7 cm Künste in Vienna. 1952 participation in
Sheet: 68 × 54 cm each Berlinische Galerie, acquired A l be rt Bi r k l e the world’s fair in Brussels.
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with with funds of the Stiftung Deutsche * 1900 Berlin
funds of the Stiftung Deutsche Klassen- Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1979 † 1986 Salzburg Literature: Agnes Husslein-Arco (ed.),
lotterie Berlin and the Cultural 250 Herbert Boeckl. 1894–1966 (exh.
Foundation of the German Federal cat. and catalogue raisonné, Belvedere,
States, 1995/2013 1919–1926 studies at the Berlin Akad- Vienna), Vienna 2009.
267 emie under Arthur von Kampf. Com-
Charlotte mitment to social causes in Berlin in Woman in Berlin, 1921
B
B
Group

Portrait, Eden Bar, 1923 Berend - Corinth the early 1920s. 1923 youngest member Oil on canvas
Woodcut * 1880 Berlin of the Berlin Secession. 1932 relocation 56 × 42 cm
49.4 × 49.8 cm † 1967 New York to Salzburg. Financial support from the Kunsthaus Zug, Stiftung Sammlung
Sammlung und Stiftung Rolf Horn in collector Dr. Max Neumann. 1936 at Kamm
der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische the Venice Biennale. Classified as “de- 10 3
Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf, 1898 beginning of art studies, 1901 stu- generate” artist; avoided work ban due
Schleswig dent under Lovis Corinth, 1903 mar- to the protection of Josef Thorak. 1939 Rear Tenements in Berlin, 1922
26 8 riage to Corinth. Her works were exhi- and 1944/45 soldier, in between war Oil on canvas
bited in the Berlin Secession for the and barracks painter. 1947 acquisition 41.5 × 61 cm
first time in 1906. From 1908 portfo- of Austrian citizenship. Belvedere, Vienna
lios of graphic artworks and book illus- Literature: Albert Birkle. Ölmalerei 114
Ru dolf Be l l i ng trations. Opened a painting school af- und Pastell (exh. cat. Museums
* 1886 Berlin ter Corinth’s death in 1925. 1939 emi- pavillon im Mirabellgarten/Kulturamt
† 1972 Krailling near Munich gration to the USA. 1948 publication of Salzburg), Salzburg 1980.
the autobiography Mein Leben mit Sándor Bortnyik
Lovis Corinth (Hamburg). Organization Self-Portrait, 1922 * 1893 Marosvásárhely
1905–1907 trained at a handicrafts work- and supervision of the estate of Lovis Oil on canvas † 1976 Budapest
shop under Jean Renaud. 1908–1910 Corinth, edited catalogue raisonné of 49 × 35 cm
studio for decoration and applied arts his works. Property of the Artothek des
together with Emil Kaselow. Friendship Bundes, on permanent 1910 studies at the Freie Kunstschule
with Max Reinhardt, intensive contact Literature: Karl-Ludwig Hofmann loan to the Belvedere, Vienna in Budapest under Károly Kernstok,
with stage and film, and collaboration (ed.), Charlotte Berend-Corinth, Lovis 210 József Rippl-Rónai, and János Vaszary.
with Ernst Stern for the various Rein- Corinth. Ein Künstlerpaar im Berlin der 1917 member of the group MA. 1919
hardt stages. Studied sculpture at the Klassischen Moderne (exh. cat. Kunst- emigration to Vienna. Publication of
Kunstakademie Berlin-Charlottenburg und Kunstgewerbeverein Pforzheim the portfolio Bildarchitektur. 1922 edi-
under Peter Breuer around 1911. 1914 im Reuchlinhaus), Künzelsau 2005. tor of the magazine Kritika. End of 1922
Br – Di 364
exhibition in Herwarth Walden’s Berlin CiZek School Else Lasker Schüler Interrogation I, 1934
gallery Der Sturm. Participation in the Invitation to the first Bauhaus Oil on plywood
Kongress der Dadaisten und Konstruk- From 1902, Franz Cizek directed the evening with readings, 1920 121 × 80 cm
tivisten in Weimar. Relocation to Wei- course with a focus on ornamental Lithograph Jewish Museum, Prague
mar. Attended the De-Stijl course by composition at the Vienna Kunstge 30.8 × 24.6 cm 2 81
Theo van Doesburg. 1923 solo exhibi- werbeschule. 1903/ 04 transfer from Universität für angewandte Kunst
tion at the Galerie Nierendorf. 1924 re- privately led drawing class to the Kunst Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv, The Interrogation, c. 1934
B
turned to Budapest, collaborated with gewerbeschule; initial spark for Vienna gift of Oswald Oberhuber Gouache, collage on brown
the avant-garde theater of Zöld Szamár. Kineticism. 1904 Cizek was appointed 178 cardboard
1928 founded an art school for advertis- professor, 1905 inspector for methods 46 × 33 cm
ing graphics, director of the school in drawing training. 1906 ornamental Composition with Musical Universität für angewandte Kunst
until 1938. 1948/49 teacher at the Col- supplementary course, 1910 special Instruments, c. 1920 Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv
lege for Arts and Crafts, until 1959 di- course for youth arts, 1914 founding of Opaque white, watercolor, crayon 280
rector of the University of Fine Arts in the association Kunst und Schule. Par- on paper, mounted on cardboard
Budapest. ticipation of Cizek’s classes at the ex- 57 × 79 cm
hibitions of the Kunstgewerbeschule. Universität für angewandte Kunst
Literature: László Borbély, Sándor Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv Ot to Di x
Bortnyik. Retrospective (exh. cat. Literature: Rolf Laven, Franz Cizek 176 * 1891 Gera
Nationalgalerie Budapest), Budapest und die Wiener Jugendkunst, Vienna † 1969 Singen
1977. 2006. The Child’s Present and
Future, 1930
Composition, 1921 Kinetic Sculpture, 1924
B Photograph based on photocollage 1909–1914 scholarship for studies at
Pencil and ink on paper (reconstruction Franz Hnizdo, 2012) 41 × 51 cm the Kunstgewerbeschule in Dresden
21 × 18 cm Wood, copper, plastics mumok museum moderner kunst under Richard Mebert, Richard Guhr,
mumok museum moderner kunst 87.5 × 50 × 50 cm stiftung ludwig wien, gift of Oswald and Paul Hermann Naumann. 1914–
stiftung ludwig wien, former Universität für angewandte Kunst Oberhuber, 1979 1918 voluntary military service. 1919 re-
Paul Kövesdi Collection, New York Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv 278 turn to Dresden, founder of the Dres-
18 4 170 den Secession Group 1919. 1920 partici-
The Solution, 1930 pation in the Erste Internationale Dada-
Photograph based on photocollage Messe. 1922–1925 studies at the Düs-
41 × 51 cm seldorf Akademie under Heinrich Nau-
Nikolaus Br aun Friedl mumok museum moderner kunst en and Wilhelm Herberholz, member
* 1900 Berlin Dicker (-Br andeis ) stiftung ludwig wien, gift of Oswald of the artists’ group Das Junge Rhein-
† 1950 Budapest * 1898 Vienna Oberhuber, 1979 land. 1924 member of the Berlin Seces-
† 1944 Auschwitz 27 7 sion. 1925–1927 return to Berlin, 1931
member of the Preußische Akademie
1920 student of Arthur Segal, through B
Superfluity, 1932/33 der Künste. 1927–1933 professor at the
whose intercession he became a 1915–1916 studies at the Vienna Kunst- Photograph based on photocollage Kunstakademie in Dresden. 1933 reliev
member of the Novembergruppe. Be- gewerbeschule, under Franz Cizek and 27.3 × 18 cm ed of all offices, 1934 exhibition ban.
tween 1923 and 1930 participated in others. Student of Johannes Itten in Universität für angewandte Kunst 1933 relocation to Schloß Randegg/
several exhibitions of the November- Vienna, followed him to the Bauhaus Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv Singen. 1936 relocation to Hemmen-
gruppe. 1924 exhibition in the gallery in Weimar from 1919 to 1923. Founded 274 hofen on Lake Constance. 1945 draft-
Der Sturm together with Lajos Kassák; the Werkstätten bildender Kunst in ed into the military, imprisoned, re-
between 1924 and 1926 his light imag- Berlin in 1923 together with Franz Sin B
Have No Fear of Death, 1932/33 turned to Hemmenhofen.
es and light reliefs were published ger. Theater design for a variety of Photograph based on photocollage
there. 1927 and 1928 exhibitions in Se- German stages. Operated a studio for 27.3 × 18 cm Literature: Das Auge der Welt. Otto
gal’s painting school in Berlin and modern interior design in Vienna in 1925. Universität für angewandte Kunst Dix und die Neue Sachlichkeit
Braunschweig. Braun’s works from this From 1931 taught art for state nursery Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv (exh. cat. Kunstmuseum Stuttgart),
period are considered lost. 1937 emi- school teachers. Joined the Commu- 27 3 Ostfildern 2012.
gration to Budapest. nist Party. Design of photo collages for
agitprop posters. 1933 in the under- B
The Middle Class Turns Fascist, Wounded Soldier, 1922
B
Literature: Saur allgemeines Künstler- ground, interrogation and detention, 1932/33 Watercolor on paper
lexikon. Die bildenden Künstler aller fled to Prague. 1936 married Pavel Photograph based on photocollage 39.6 × 38 cm
Zeiten und Völker, vol. 14, Munich 1996, Brandeis. Art lessons for immigrant 27.3 × 18 cm Kunsthaus Zug,
p. 9. children. Active in the underground. Universität für angewandte Kunst Stiftung Sammlung Kamm
1938 relocation to Hronov, near the Pol- Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv 119
Berlin Street Scene, 1921 ish border. 1942 deportation to There 27 5
Oil on hardboard sienstadt concentration camp. Worked Dead Men before the Position
B
74 × 103 cm in the Jewish self-government: paint- B
That’s

the Way of the World, near Tahure, 1924
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with ing lessons, lectures, exhibitions of chil- My Child, 1932/33 The War, Portfolio V, no. 10
funds of the Stiftung Deutsche dren’s drawings, stage sets for plays. Photograph based on photocollage Etching
Klassenlotterie Berlin and funds of 1944 murdered in Auschwitz. 27.3 × 18 cm 19.7 × 25.8 cm
the Senators for Science and Art, Universität für angewandte Kunst Lindenau-Museum Altenburg
Berlin 1976 Literature: Elena Makarova, Friedl Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv ( formerly Sammlung Hoh, Fürth )
242 Dicker-Brandeis. Ein Leben für Kunst 276 12 0
und Lehre. Wien, Weimar, Prag,
Hronov, Theresienstadt, Auschwitz
(exh. cat. Palais Harrach, Vienna),
Vienna/Munich, 1999.
365 Do – Dr
B
Nocturnal Encounter This is what I Looked Like
B B
Fritz Kortner, c. 1930 Representative of dedicated social doc-
with a Lunatic, 1924 as a Soldier, 1924 India ink on paper umentation in early Austrian photo
The War, Portfolio III, no. 2 Indian ink on paper 29 × 23.8 cm graphy.
Etching 42.7 × 34.4 cm Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
26.2 × 19.7 cm Berlinische Galerie, acquired with funds of the Senators for Science Literature: Emil Kläger, Durch die
Lindenau-Museum Altenburg funds of the Stiftung Deutsche and Art, Berlin 1977 Wiener Quartiere des Elends und
( formerly Sammlung Hoh, Fürth ) Klassenlotterie Berlin and the 218 Verbrechens, ein Wanderbuch aus dem
121 Cultural Foundation of the German Jenseits, new edition, Vienna 2011.
Federal States, 2013 B
Franz Werfel, 1930
B
Shock

Troops Advance 12 9 Pencil on paper B
Through Vienna’s Impoverished

under Gas, 1924 31 × 22.5 cm and Criminal Neighborhoods,

The War, Portfolio II, no. 2 The Poet Iwar von Lücken, 1926 Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Vienna
Etching Oil and tempera on canvas funds of the Senators for Science Slide show with partly hand-colored
19.6 × 29.1 cm 226 × 120 cm and Art, Berlin 1977 glass slides, 8.5 × 8.5 cm each
Lindenau-Museum Altenburg Berlinische Galerie, acquired with 217 Österreichisches Volkshochschularchiv,
( formerly Sammlung Hoh, Fürth ) funds of the Stiftung Deutsche Vienna
12 2 Klassenlotterie Berlin, the Federal V
Peter Lorre, c. 1930
Minister of the Interior, and the Pencil on paper Sleeping Corner under a Spiral
B
Battle-Weary Troops Retreat, Museum Fund of the Senators for 30 × 23.8 cm Staircase, 1904
1924 Cultural Affairs, Berlin 1988 Berlinische Galerie, acquired with In: ÖVA, Lichtbildersammlung
The War, Portfolio III, no. 1 2 32 funds of the Senators for Science Urania Wien, casket 99, B 47 (42),
Etching and Art, Berlin 1977 7865, V. 132
19.8 × 28.9 cm Blond Half-Nude, 1932 219 45
Lindenau-Museum Altenburg Mixed media on wood
(formerly Sammlung Hoh, Fürth) 79 × 54 cm V
Emil Orlik, c. 1930 A Warm Place on Burghardt
12 3 Private collection Pencil on paper gasse, 1904
26 4 24.5 × 19.5 cm In: ÖVA, Lichtbildersammlung
B
Skin Graft, 1924 Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Urania Wien, casket 99, B 60 (69),
The War, Portfolio IV, no. 10 funds of the Senators for Science 7884, V. 132
Etching and Art, Berlin 1977 46
19.9 × 14.9 cm B.F. ( Be n e di k t F r e d) 222
Lindenau-Museum Altenburg Dol bi n To the “Stronghold”, 1904
( formerly Sammlung Hoh, Fürth ) ( Benedikt Fred Pollack) V
Bert

Brecht, c. 1930 In: ÖVA, Lichtbildersammlung
12 4 * 1883 Vienna Pencil on paper Urania Wien, casket 99, B 41 (29),
† 1971 New York 28 × 22 cm 7865, V. 132
B
Mealtime in the Trenches Berlinische Galerie, acquired with 47
( The Loretto Hills), 1924 funds of the Senators for Science
The War, Portfolio II, no. 3 1902–1920 studies at the Technische and Art, Berlin 1977 Vienna Canal near the Chain
Etching Hochschule Vienna. Studied compo- 214 Bridge, 1904
19.6 × 29 cm sition under Arnold Schönberg. 1912 In: ÖVA, Lichtbildersammlung
Lindenau-Museum Altenburg changed name to Dolbin. 1918 co- V
Lotte Lenya-Weill, c. 1936 Urania Wien, casket 99, B 39 (28, 46),
( formerly Sammlung Hoh, Fürth ) founder of the Vienna artists’ group Pencil on paper 7863, V. 132
12 5 Die Bewegung. Self-taught draftsman, 28.5 × 24.3 cm 48
from the mid-1920s portrait drawings Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
B
Corpse in Barbed Wire of prominent figures for Vienna news- funds of the Senators for Science Camping in the Shaft, 1904
( Flanders ), 1924 papers. 1926 relocation to Berlin and and Art, Berlin 1977 In: ÖVA, Lichtbildersammlung
The War, Portfolio II, no. 6 work as art critic, press illustrator, book 215 Urania Wien, casket 99, B 13 (16),
Etching illustrator, and portraitist for the Lite 7837, V. 132
30 × 24.3 cm rarische Welt, Der Querschnitt, Berliner B
Max Reinhardt, c. 1936 49
Lindenau-Museum Altenburg Tageblatt, etc. Met Alexander Lesk in Pencil on paper
(formerly Sammlung Hoh, Fürth) Vienna ( 1924 ). 1936 banned from work- 29 × 22.8 cm A Block from the Inside, 1904
126 ing, brief return to Vienna and emi- Berlinische Galerie, acquired with In: ÖVA, Lichtbildersammlung
gration to New York the same year. funds of the Senators for Science Urania Wien, casket 99, B 90
B
Frontline Soldier in Brussels, and Art, Berlin 1977 (prob. 18), 7914, V. 132
1924 Literature: Christina Korzen, “Der Kopf- 216 50
The War, Portfolio IV, no. 4 jäger Dolbin ist unterwegs. Eine Spuren-
Etching suche,” in: Straßen und Gesichter. Berlin Mass Accommodations, 1904
28.8 × 19.9 cm 1918–1933 (exh. cat. Berlinische Galerie), In: ÖVA, Lichtbildersammlung
Lindenau-Museum Altenburg Bielefeld/Berlin 2012, pp. 93–97. Hermann Dr awe Urania Wien, casket 99, B 105 (84),
( formerly Sammlung Hoh, Fürth ) * 1867 Vienna 7929, V. 132
127 Alfred Kerr, c. 1926
B † 1925 Vienna 51
Pencil on paper
B
Wounded Soldier, Autumn 1916, 24 × 18.5 cm
Bapaume, 1924 Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Judge and amateur photographer. 1897–
The War, Portfolio I, no. 6 funds of the Senators for Science 1913 career in the court (court clerk and
Etching 19.7 × 29 cm and Art, Berlin 1977 judge). 1904 photographic documen-
Lindenau-Museum Altenburg 220 tation of Vienna’s slums and mass hous-
( formerly Sammlung Hoh, Fürth ) ing, together with journalist Emil Kläger.
12 8
Eh – Fi 366
Bettina Josef Engelhart ked in Salzburg and Vienna. 1926 com- Portrait of Raoul Hausmann,
V
Ehrlich-Bauer * 1864 Vienna mission for the painted decoration of 1920
* 1903 Vienna † 1941 Vienna the Salzburg Festspielhaus. 1927 moved Oil on canvas
† 1985 London to Vienna. 85 × 67 cm
Studies at the Technische Hochschule Literature: Peter Laub (ed.), Anton 87
1920–1923 studies at the Vienna Kunst- and simultaneously at the Vienna Faistauer. 1887–1930 (exh. cat.
gewerbeschule. 1924/25 internship in Akademie der bildenden Künste. 1883 Salzburger Museum Augusto Caro- Boxer from a Show Booth, 1921
a Berlin printing house. 1930 married transfer to the Munich Akademie der linum), Salzburg 2005. Oil on canvas
the painter and sculptor Georg Ehr- bildenden Künste. 1888 represented for 95 × 110 cm
lich. 1931 exhibitions in Vienna, with the first time in an exhibition in Vien- Young Woman on Red Sofa, 1913 Berlinische Galerie, acquired
the Hagenbund, among others. 1931– na’s Künstlerhaus with images of the Oil on canvas with funds of the Stiftung Deutsche
1938 worked as a textile designer. Pub- life of the people of Vienna. From 1890 96 × 125 cm Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1978
lished childrens’ books. 1938 emigrated to 1893 lived in Paris and had contacts Belvedere, Vienna 2 41
to London. there to other Austrian artists, espe- 75
cially Eugen Jettel. 1897 cofounder of
Literature: Susanne Blumesberger, the Vienna Secession, and its president
“ Die Illustratorin, Grafikerin und from 1899 to 1900 and 1910 to 1911. F i dus
Autorin Bettina Ehrlich. Ein Leben für 1900 named corresponding member Con r a d ( Hugo Reinhold Karl Johann
die Kunst in Wien und London,” in: of the Berlin Secession by Max Lieb- F e l i x mü l l e r Höppener)
Arbeitskreis Emanzipation und Partner- ermann. Worked as sculptor from 1903. * 1897 Dresden * 1868 Lübeck
schaft. Feministische Zeitschrift für 1904 design of the wall decoration of † 1977 Berlin † 1948 Woltersdorf
Politik und Gesellschaft, year 31, issue the Austrian-Hungarian pavilion at
4, 2004, pp. 34–37. the St. Louis World’s Fair. 1914–1918 war
painter in Galicia (Eastern Europe) and 1911 Dresden Kunstgewerbeschule. 1912 1887 studied painting at the Munich
Jonny Strikes Up, 1928
V Italy. 1909 and 1919 solo exhibitions in studies at the Dresden Kunstakademie Akademie der bildenden Künste. Drop-
Oil on canvas the Vienna Secession. under Carl Bantzer. 1915 completed ped out after three months, then be-
102 × 60 cm studies, then worked as freelance artist came a student of the painter and so-
Private collection Literature: Erika Oehring (ed.), Josef in Dresden. Stayed in Berlin, close con- cial reformer Karl Wilhelm Diefenbach,
2 47 Engelhart – Vorstadt und Salon nection with Ludwig Meidner. Contrib- from whom he was given the monastic
(exh. cat. Wien Museum, Hermesvilla), uted to Herwarth Walden’s magazine name Fidus ( “faithful” ), and who was
Vienna 2009. Der Sturm, as well as Franz Pfemfert’s deeply formative for his artistic de-
Die Aktion. 1917 conscientious objector. velopment. 1889 return to the Munich
Georg Ehrlich The Crook, 1888 1917 cofounder of the group Expres- Akademie and study of nude painting
* 1897 Vienna Tempera on paper sionistische Arbeitgemeinschaft Dres- under Nikolaus Gysis. 1889 relocation
† 1966 Lucerne 121 × 70 cm den and editor of the magazine Die to Berlin. 1894 travels through Scandi-
Belvedere, Vienna, on permanent Menschen. Exhibitions at Hans Goltz navia with Amalie Reich. 1903 reloca-
loan from the Verein der Museums- in Munich and in the Galerie Arnold tion to Amden in Switzerland to pur-
1912–1915 studies at the Vienna Kunst- freunde Wien in Dresden. 1918 relocated to Dresden, sue the project of his temple designs.
gewerbeschule under Oskar Strnad 43 founder and board member of the 1906 studio in Schönblick-Woltersdorf.
and Franz Cizek. 1915–1918 military ser- Dresden Secession and member of the 1928 Fidus-Gesamt-Ausstellung, zum
vice in Russia and Italy. 1920–1922 re- At the Garden Restaurant, 1893 Novembergruppe as well as the Com- 60. Geburtstag [ Fidus Complete Exhi-
sided in Munich. 1921–1924 residency Oil on wood munist Party of Germany ( KPD ). De- bition, on His Sixtieth Birthday ] in Ber-
in Berlin, contract with Paul Cassirer. 28 × 26 cm famed as “degenerate” in 1933. 1934 re- lin, Hamburg, Darmstadt, Karlsruhe,
1924 return to Vienna, support by Erica Belvedere, Vienna located to Berlin. 1937 expulsion from Stuttgart, and Heidelberg.
and Hans Tietze. 1925–1938 member of 08 the Verein Berliner Künstler. 1938 re-
the Vienna artists’ association Hagen moval of works from public collections. Literature: Marina Schuster, Fidus’
bund. 1926 beginning of work as a 1944 drafted into military service and Illustrationen in den Zeitschriften
sculptor. 1937 emigration to London. in Soviet war captivity until 1945. 1949 der Jahrhundertwende, master’s thesis,
1947 adoption of British citizenship. Anton Faistauer appointed professor at Martin-Luther- Bochum 1990.
1947–1949 taught in the USA. * 1887 S t. Martin bei Universität in Halle. 1961 emeritus sta-
Lofer, Salzburg tus and return to Berlin. The Soul Dances in
B
Literature: Antonia Hoerschelmann † 1930 Vienna the Temple, c. 1910
(ed.), Georg Ehrlich (exh. cat. Literature: Conrad Felixmüller, Series of five paintings
Albertina, Vienna), Vienna 1997 Zwischen Kunst und Politik (exh. cat. Oil on canvas
1906–1909 studies at the Vienna Aka- Kunstsammlungen Chemnitz-Muse- 100 × 70 cm each
Hans Tietze, 1931 demie der bildenden Künste under um Gunzenhauser/Städtische Galerie Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
Bronze Christian Griepenkerl and Alois De- Bietigheim-Bissingen/Ernst-Bar- funds of the Stiftung Deutsche
32 × 20 × 24 cm lug. 1909 left the Akademie and co- lach-Haus, Hamburg), Cologne 2012. Klassenlotterie Berlin and from funds
Belvedere, Vienna founded the Neukunstgruppe. Between of the Senators for Science and Art,
211 1909 and 1912 numerous trips to Ber- People Across the World,
B Berlin 1974
lin, Switzerland, and Italy. 1916–1918 In Memory of Liebknecht and 31
military service. 1918 participant in the Luxemburg, 1919
49th exhibition of the Vienna Secession. Lithograph
1920 moved to Salzburg. Exhibitions Sheet: 70 × 54 cm
at Gurlitt’s in Berlin, at the Museum Von der Heydt-Museum Wuppertal
für Kunst und Industrie in Vienna. 14 4
1922/23 publication of the book Neue
Malerei in Österreich. From 1927 wor-
367 Fr – Gr
Ph i l ipp F r a nc k Elsa Galafrés, 1908 und Archive aus der Sammlung der Literature: Klaus Albrecht Schröder
* 1860 Frankfurt am Main Oil on canvas Berlinischen Galerie (exh. cat. (ed.), Richard Gerstl. 1883–1908
† 1944 Berlin 100 × 100 cm Berlinische Galerie), Berlin 1989. (exh. cat. Kunstforum der Bank Austria,
Belvedere, Vienna Vienna), Vienna 1993.
02 V
Constructive Head No. 3

Training in technical drawing at the (Head in a Corner), 1917 V

Self-Portrait, Laughing, 1908

Höhere Gewerbeschule in Frankfurt. (reconstruction 1964) Oil on canvas on cardboard

1877–1879 studied painting at the Silicon bronze 40 × 30.5 cm
Städelschule. 1880 Königliche Kunst Helene Funke 62 × 70 × 35 cm Belvedere, Vienna
akademie Düsseldorf, 1882, at the age * 1869 Chemnitz Berlinische Galerie, acquired 88
of twenty-two, took part in an exhibi- † 1957 Vienna with funds of the Stiftung Deutsche
tion at the Düsseldorf Kunstverein, Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1988
1884 accepted into the master class of 18 5
landscape painter Eugen Dücker. 1889 1899 studied painting at the Munich Wa lt e r Gr a m at t é
contact to the Königliche Kunstschule Damenakademie des Künstlerinnen- * 1897 Berlin
in Berlin, 1890 drawing teacher’ s exam. vereins. 1905–1913 studies at the Mu- † 1929 Hamburg
1892 appointment to the Königliche nich Akademie, subsequently contin- Johann
Kunstschule. 1898 cofounder of the uing her training autodidactically in Nepomuk Geller
Berlin Secession, participation in Seces- Paris. 1911–1914 relocation to Vienna. * 1860 Vienna 1915–1918 training at the Kunstaka
sion exhibitions, appointment to pro- Member of the Vereinigung bildender † 1954 Weißenkirchen demie Berlin/Königliche Kunstschule
fessorship. 1906 moved to Wannsee. Künstlerinnen Österreichs. Participat- an der Donau des Kunstgewerbemuseums. Military
Acquired a forest plot in the Colonie ed in exhibitions at the Hagenbund, service from 1916. Impressions from
Alsen at Wannsee. 1911 appointed act- the Vienna Kunstschau, the Vienna World War I and his illness influenced
ing director of the Berlin Kunstschule, Secession, and the Künstlerhaus. 1918 Studies at the Vienna Akademie der his visual language. Freelance work for
1915 director, collaboration with Max participated in the first exhibition of bildenden Künste under Christian the magazine Marsyas. Acquaintence-
Liebermann at the Akademie. 1933 the Vienna artists’ group Die Bewe- Griepenkerl and Eduard Peithner von ship with Erich Heckel and Karl Schmidt-
stepped down from position as chair gung. From 1904 to 1938 exhibitions Lichtenfels, as well as private painting Rottluff, stays in Berlin, Hamburg, and
of the board of examiners. in Munich, Berlin, and Dresden. 1946 instruction under Anton Schrödl. 1894 Hiddensee. Defamed as “degenerate”
adoption of Austrian citizenhip. member of the Vienna Künstlerhaus. from 1933.
Literature: Wolfgang Immenhausen, Study trips through Austria, Italy, and
Philipp Franck. Werkverzeichnis der Literature: Elisabeth Nowak-Thaller Germany. 1900 founding member of Literature: Cornelia Stabenow (ed.),
Gemälde, Berlin 2010. (ed.), Helene Funke 1869–1957 the Hagenbund. Walter Gramatté (1897–1929)
(exh. cat. Lentos-Kunstmuseum, (exh. cat. Bayerische Staatsgemälde
After the Funeral. Gravediggers
V Linz), Nuremberg 2007. Literature: Anton Bodenstein/Ernst sammlungen, Staatsgalerie Moderner
Drinking Weissbier, 1902 Englisch/Wolfgang Krug, Johann Kunst, Munich), Munich 1989.
Oil on canvas Dreams, 1913 Nepomuk Geller. Maler der Wachau,
100 × 130 cm Oil on canvas Weitra 2004. Cactus Lady, 1918
B
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with 114.5 × 134.5 cm Oil on canvas
funds of the Senators for Science and Belvedere, Vienna Croatian Market on the Haide 74.9 × 60.2 cm
Art, Berlin 1976 74 in Vienna, before 1898 Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
09 Oil on hardboard Nationalgalerie
44.5 × 52.5 cm 85
Belvedere, Vienna
Nau m Ga bo 16
Otto Friedrich * 1890 Bryansk
* 1862 Györ/Raab † 1977 Middlebury George Grosz
† 1937 Vienna * 1893 Berlin
Richard Gerstl † 1959 Berlin
1910–1914 studied medicine and en- * 1883 Vienna
1878 studies at the Vienna Akademie gineering in Munich. 1912/13 visited † 1908 Vienna
under August Eisenmenger and Leo- lectures by the art historian Heinrich 1909 studies at the Akademie der
pold Carl Müller, and subsequently in Wölfflin. 1915/16 first Constructivist Künste in Dresden. 1912–1917 studied
Munich. 1891–1894 stays in Paris, tra- sculptures produced. Returned to Mos 1898 enrollment at the Vienna Akade- under Emil Orlik at the Kunstgewer-
vels to Spain and North Afric. 1896 re cow after the outbreak of the Russian mie der bildenden Künste under Chris- beschule in Berlin. 1914 voluntary mili-
turn to Vienna. 1897 cofounder of the Revolution. 1920 first kinetic construc- tian Griepenkerl, 1900–1901 studied tary service, 1915 discharged due to
Vienna Secession. Worked at the Vien- tions and publication of the Realist under Simon Hollósy in Nagybánya, illness. 1917 drafted as a soldier once
na Frauenakademie for thirty years. Manifesto. 1922 moved to Berlin. Co- and afterwards at the Akademie der again, later declared permanently un-
organizer of the Erste Russischen Kunst bildenden Künste under Heinrich Lef fit for war duty. 1917 first graphic arts
Literature: Saur allgemeines Künstler- ausstellung in the Galerie van Diemen. ler; 1904 and 1905 shared studio with portfolio published by Malik Verlag.
lexikon. Die bildenden Künstler aller Contact to the Novembergruppe, to Victor Karl Hammer, 1906 had his own 1918 cofounder of Dada Berlin. Joined
Zeiten und Völker, vol. 45, Munich/ the Bauhaus, and to De Stijl. 1932 re- school studio. 1907/08 stayed with the the Novembergruppe and the Ger-
Leipzig 2005, p. 167. location to Paris, member of the art- Schönberg family in Traunstein. In- man Communist Party (KPD). 1919 ed-
ists’ group abstraction–création. 1936 structed Arnold Schönberg in drawing. ited the satirical magazines Die Pleite,
Gabrielle Gallia, undated moved to England, 1946 to the USA. His passion for Mathilde Schönberg Jedermann sein eigener Fußball, Der
Oil on paper led to breaking off of relations with the blutige Ernst. 1920 co-organizer of the
121 × 39 cm Literature: Jörn Merkert (ed.), Naum family. Committed suicide in Novem- Erste Internationale Dada-Messe in
Belvedere, Vienna Gabo. Ein russischer Konstruktivist ber 1908. Berlin. 1932–1936 taught at the Art Stu-
03 in Berlin. Skulpturen, Zeichnungen und dents League in New York, 1933 relo-
Architekturentwürfe, Dokumente cated to the USA. 1959 return to Berlin.
Gr – Ha 368
Literature: George Grosz. Berlin – Private collection, courtesy Portrait of Alexandra Gütersloh, Literature: Edith Karolina
New York (exh. cat. Neue National- Galerie Haas, Zurich 1934 Baumgartner, Felix Albrecht Harta
galerie Berlin/Kunstsammlung 265 Oil on canvas (1884–1967), unpublished diss.,
Nordrhein-Westfalen, Düsseldorf), 60 × 80 cm Salzburg 1991.
Berlin 1994. Belvedere, Vienna
204 View of Unter St. Veit, 1914
V
The Little Grosz Portfolio, 1917
B
George Grosz Oil on canvas
Portfolio of the Malik Verlag with a n d ot h e r s 36 × 53 cm
twenty lithographs and a cover image Belvedere, Vienna
for the performance of Schwejk at Anton Hanak 134
the Piscator theater, 1917 Print Sheet “dadaco,”
B
* 1875 Brno / Brünn
Lithographs on vellum 1919 – 1921 † 1934 Vienna
Berlinische Galerie, transferred from Sheet VI: Prophets, Machine-printed
the Galerie des 20. Jahrhunderts on paper Carry Hauser
from the collections of the Senators Sheet: 38.5 × 46 cm Training with a woodcutter and cabinet- * 1895 Vienna
for Public Education, Berlin 1976 Berlinische Galerie, acquired with maker. 1898 studies at the Vienna Aka † 1985 Rekawinkel near Vienna
16 3 –169 funds of the Senators demie der bildenden Künste. 1902 first
for Science and Art, Berlin 1977 exhibition at the Hagenbund. 1904/05
The Tempo of the Street, 1918 15 5 opened his studio in Vienna. 1906–1910 1911 Graphische Lehr- und Versuchs
Oil on panel member of the Vienna Secession. 1907 anstalt in Vienna. 1912–1914 studies at
63.8 × 78.2 cm relocation to Langenzersdorf near Vi- the Vienna Kunstgewerbeschule. 1914–
Private collection, courtesy Richard enna. 1914 participated in the Werk- 1918 voluntary military service.
Nagy Ltd., London Albert Paris bund Ausstellung in Cologne. 1913– 1919 / 20 stay in Passau, travels to Vi-
182 Gütersloh 1932 taught the class in monumental enna, Munich, and Berlin. Exhibition
( A lbert Konrad Kiehtreiber ) sculpture at the Vienna Kunstgewerbe- in Haus der jungen Künstlerschaft in
“Daum” marries her pedantic * 1887 Vienna schule. 1932–1934 taught at the Aka- Vienna. 1925–1938 member of the
automaton “George” in May 1920, † 1973 Vienna demie der bildenden Künste in Vienna. Hagenbund, from 1928 its president.
John Heartfield is very glad of Cofounder of the Vienna artists’ group
it. (Meta-Mech. Constr. after Prof. Literature: Gerhardt Kapner, Freie Bewegung and the German artists’
R. Hausmann), 1920 1904–1908 acting school Vienna. Anton Hanak. Kunst- und Künstlerkult. association Der Fels. 1938 publication
Watercolor, pencil, Indian ink, Worked with Max Reinhardt at the Ein Beispiel, Vienna 1984. of his book Von Kunst und Künstlern in
and collage on watercolor board Deutsches Theater in Berlin, among Österreich. 1938–1945 banned from
42 × 30.2 cm other places. 1907 began painting au- Bust of Margarethe Stonborough- working. 1939 emigration to Switzerland.
Berlinische Galerie, acquired todidactically. 1909 exhibited for the Wittgenstein, 1925 1947 return to Vienna. 1948 honorary
with funds of the Stiftung Deutsche first time with the Neukunstgruppe Marble president of the Neuer Hagenbund.
Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1995 and at the Internationale Kunstschau 44.5 × 34 × 23 cm
14 9 Wien. 1911 participated in the Sonder- Belvedere, Vienna Literature: Cornelia Cabuk,
ausstellung Malerei und Plastik by the 35 Carry Hauser. Monografie und Werk-
The Conformist Heartfield Hagenbund. 1911/12 stay in Paris, les- verzeichnis, Vienna 2012.
Turned Wild. Electro-mechanical sons with Maurice Denis. 1911 publi-
Tatlin Sculpture, 1920 cation of his expressionist novel Die Night Wanderer, 1920
(reconstruction Michael Sellmann, tanzende Törin in Berlin. 1914–1918 mil- Felix Albrecht Oil on wood
1988), Tailor’ s dummy, revolver, bell, itary service, from 1917 assigned to the Harta 40.3 × 32.2 cm
knife and fork, “C”, “27”, false teeth, Kriegspressequartier [ war press depart- ( Felix Albrecht Hirsch) Belvedere, Vienna
Order of the Black Eagle, Iron Cross, ment ] where he became acquainted * 1884 Budapest 233
Osram light bulb, 130 × 45 × 45 cm with Robert Musil, Hugo von Hof- † 1967 Salzburg
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with mannsthal, Hermann Bahr, and Franz Jazz Band, 1927
funds of the Senators for Cultural Blei. 1918 return to Vienna. 1919–1921 Oil on wood
Affairs, Berlin 1988 trips to Munich, Berlin, and Paris. 1931 50 × 48 cm
15 0 professor at the Akademie der bil- Studied architecture at the Vienna Private collection
denden Künste in Vienna. 1938 dis- Technische Hochschule. 1905 transfer 248
Self-Portrait with a Hat, 1928
B missed from teaching. 1933–1939 mem- to Adolf Hölzel’ s art school in
Oil on canvas ber of the Vienna Secession. 1940 Dachau and the Munich Akademie
109.5 × 79 cm banned from working. After the war un- to study painting under Hugo von
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with til 1962 professor at the Vienna Akad- Habermann. After a brief stay in Vi- R aou l H ausm a n n
museum funds of the Senators for emie. 1950–1954 president of the Vien- enna, relocation to Paris in 1908. Stays * 1886 Vienna
Cultural Affairs, Berlin 1984 na Secession. in Spain, Belgium, and Italy. 1913–1916 † 1971 Limoges
212 in Vienna, then sojourn in Salzburg,
Literature: Heribert Hutter (ed.), there cofounder and president of the
Rudolf Schlichter in His A. P. Gütersloh. Beispiele. Schriften artist’ s group Der Wassermann in 1919. 1900 relocation of the family to Berlin,
Studio, 1929 zur Kunst, Bilder, Werkverzeichnis, 1920 founding of the Moderne Ma- instruction in painting from his father.
Oil on canvas Vienna/Munich 1977. lerakademie and the “Neue Galerie,” From 1910 friendship with the painters
190 × 140 cm together with Anton Faistauer. 1924 Erich Heckel and Ludwig Meidner. 1912
Private collection Self-Portrait, 1912 return to Vienna. 1928 member of contributor to Herwarth Walden’s Der
26 6 Oil on canvas the Hagenbund. 1939 emigrated to Sturm, from 1917 to Franz Pfemfert’s
70.5 × 54.5 cm England, taught at a college in Cam- Die Aktion. 1918 cofounder of the Ber-
Two Women, 1929
V Belvedere, Vienna bridge. 1950 return to Salzburg. lin Dada movement. 1919/20 editor of
Oil on canvas 84 the magazine Der DADA. 1920 Dada
220 × 115 cm tour with Richard Huelsenbeck to Dres
369 He – Hö
den, Leipzig, Prague, and Hamburg. Joh n H e a rt fi e l d North Sea. 1911 relocation to Berlin. Berlin Secession Poster, 1906
Participation in the Erste Internationale * 1891 Berlin 1912 the Brücke took part in the special Color lithograph on paper
Dada-Messe in Berlin. 1921, together † 1968 Berlin exhibition in Cologne. 1913 dissolution 35.5 × 47.5 cm
with Hanna Höch and Kurt Schwitters, of the Brücke. 1914 participation in Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin
the Antidada-Merz-Tournee to Prague. the Deutscher Werkbund exhibition 36
1923 participation in the Schwitters 1905/06 bookselling apprenticeship in in Cologne. 1915–1918 military service
Merz Bau in Hannover. 1933 fled to Wiesbaden. 1908–1911 studies at the as medical orderly. 1918 return to Berlin.
Ibiza. 1936, after outbreak of the Spa- Munich Kunstgewerbeschule. 1913/14 Exhibition with the Novembergruppe
nish Civil War, fled to Zurich and Pra- Kunst- und Handwerkerschule in Ber- and membership in the Arbeitsrat H a n na h Höc h
gue, later to Paris. 1944 relocation to lin-Charlottenburg under Ernst Neu- für Kunst From 1920 numerous trips * 1889 Gotha
Limoges. mann. 1915/16 military service. Aquaint- through Europe. 1937 confiscation of † 1978 Berlin
anceship with George Grosz. 1916/17 his works and exhibition ban. 1940–
Literature: Adelheid Koch, Ich bin editor of the magazine Neue Jugend, 1942 longer stay in Carinthia. 1944
immerhin der grösste Experimentator together with Franz Jung. 1917 found- Berlin studio destroyed in bombing raid. 1912 studies at the Kunstgewerbeschule
Österreichs – Raoul Hausmann. ing of the publishing house Malik Relocation to Hemmenhofen. in Berlin-Charlottenburg. 1915 studies
Dada und Neodada, Innsbruck 1994. Verlag, with his brother Wieland Herz at the Lehranstalt des staatlichen Kunst
felde. 1918 member of the Berlin Club Literature: Andreas Hüneke, Andreas gewerbemuseums in Berlin under Emil
Untitled (Self-Portrait), c. 1913 Dada. 1919 joined the German Com- Hüneke, Erich Heckel. Werkverzeichnis Orlik. 1915–1926 part-time position as
Oil on canvas munist Party (KPD). 1920 first stage der Ölgemälde (2 vols.), Munich 2010. design draftsperson in the editorial
70 × 60 cm sets for Erwin Piscator and Max Rein- department for handicrafts at the pub-
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with hardt. Co-organizer of the Erste Inter Roquairol (Portrait of
B lishing house Ullstein Verlag. 1916–1918
funds of the Senate Department for nationale Dada-Messe [ First Interna- E. L. Kirchner), 1917 contacts to the Berlin Dadaists. 1919
Cultural Affairs and from private tional Dada Fair ] in Berlin. 1921–1938 Tempera on canvas participation in the first Dada exhibi-
donations, Berlin 1992 book designs for the Malik Verlag. 92 × 72 cm tion in Berlin at the Graphisches Kabi-
86 1923–1927 collaboration on the maga- Brücke Museum Berlin nett I. B. Neumann. Member of the No-
zine Der Knüppel. 1924 cofounder of 82 vembergruppe. 1920 participation in
Untitled (Church), c. 1915
B the Rote Gruppe. 1928 member of the Erste Internationale Dada-Messe
Oil on canvas the ASSO. 1929 participation in the in Berlin. 1921 Antidada-Merz-Tour
67 × 50 cm Werkbund exhibition Film und Foto in nee with Raoul Hausmann and Kurt
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Stuttgart. From 1930 collaboration on T hom as T h eodor Schwitters. 1922 and 1925 took part in
funds of the Senate Department for the Arbeiter-Illustrierten-Zeitung (AIZ). Heine the Schwitters Merz Bau in Hannover.
Cultural Affairs, Berlin 1991 1933 fled to Prague, there resumed * 1867 Leipzig Trip to Paris. Contact with Friedrich
71 work with the Malik Verlag and the † 1948 Stockholm Kiesler. 1926 trip to Holland, contact
AIZ. 1938 emigration to London. 1950 with the group De Stijl. 1932 return to
B
Club of the Blue Milky Way,
return to Germany. Berlin. 1935–1945 exclusion from the
1918 1884–1889 studies at the Düsseldorf art world. 1945, after the war was over,
See Johannes Baader Literature: John Heartfield (exh. cat. Kunstakademie. 1889 moved to Mu- exhibitions in the Galerie Gerd Rosen,
15 3 Akademie der Künste zu Berlin / nich. 1892 illustrations and advertising Galerie Franz, and Galerie Nierendorf.
Rheinisches Landesmuseum Bonn/ art for the magazines Fliegende Blät- 1965 appointment as member of the
Untitled (Abstract Composition), Kunsthalle Tübingen), Cologne 1991. ter and Jugend, member of the Mu- Akademie der Künste in Berlin.
1918 nich Secession. 1895 first book decora-
Mixed media (oil and collage) on Prussian Archangel, 1920 tion produced for the magazine PAN, Literature: Ralf Burmeister (ed.),
canvas (reconstruction by Isabel Kork followed by later commissions for the Hannah Höch. Aller Anfang ist Dada
95.5 × 63 cm and Michael Sellmann) publishing house Insel Verlag. From (exh. cat. Berlinische Galerie/Museum
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Papier-mâché on wire, uniform jacket, 1896 co-editor of the magazine Simpli- Tinguely, Basel), Ostfildern 2007.
funds of the Senate Department for uniform trousers, belt, boots, etc., cissimus. 1898 six months detention
Cultural Affairs and from private 180 cm at Königstein Fortress near Dresden Dada Dolls, 1916/18
donations, Berlin 1992 Berlinische Galerie, acquired with for lèse-majesté. From 1900 posters Textiles, paperboard, and pearls
Not on display in the exhibitions funds of the Senators for Cultural for the Berlin Secession and Simplicis- Dimensions variable
18 0 Affairs, Berlin 1988 simus. 1909 large exhibition of his B Berlinische
Galerie, acquired with
152 paintings in a Munich gallery. 1921 il- funds of the Stiftung Deutsche
dada cordial, 1919/20–22 lustrations for Thomas Mann’s Wälsun- Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1979
See Hannah Höch The Conformist Heartfield genblut, with thirty-two lithographs. (reconstruction
V by Isabel Kork
15 6 Turned Wild, 1920 1938 fled to Oslo via Prague. 1942 fled and Barbara Kugel, 1988)
See George Grosz to Stockholm. Berlinische Galerie, Gift of the Minis-
Humans are Angels and Live in 15 0 Literature: Helmut Friedel (ed.), terio de educación y cultura, Spain
Heaven, 1922 Thomas Theodor Heine (2 vols.) (exh. 151
Collage and photomontage on cat. Städtische Galerie im Len
cardboard frame bachhaus München, Bröhan-Museum Dada Review, 1919
V
47.5 × 37.7 cm E r ic h H ec k e l Berlin), Leipzig 2000. Collage, gouache, and watercolor
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with * 1883 Döbeln on cardboard
funds of the Stiftung Deutsche † 1970 Hemmenhofen Poster for an Exhibition in Berlin 43.7 × 34.6 cm
Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1982 by the Deutscher Künstlerbund, Berlinische Galerie, acquired
159 1905 with funds of the press foundation
1904 studied architecture at the Dres- Printer’s ink, paper, color lithograph Der Tagesspiegel, Berlin 1986
den Technische Hochschule. 1905 co- 135 × 91.6 cm 14 8
founder of the artists’ society Die Brü- Stiftung Deutsches Historisches
cke, became its manager. 1907–1910 Museum, Berlin
summer months in Dangast on the 52
Ho – Ho 370
dada cordial, 1919/20–22 K a r l Hof e r na. 1950 founding of the Föderation Erich Mühsam with Bird, undated
V
Collage and photomontage on proof * 1878 Karlsruhe moderner bildender Künstler Öster- Pencil on paper
of the magazine Der Dada, year I † 1955 Berlin reichs together with Albert Paris Gü 28.7 × 19.7 cm
( 1919 ), mounted on cardboard tersloh. Albertina, Vienna
45.2 × 58.6 cm 63
Berlinische Galerie, acquired 1896–1901 scholarship at the Karlsruhe Literature: Agnes Husslein-Arco/
with funds of the Stiftung Deutsche Akademie der bildenden Künste. 1899 Alfred Weidinger (eds.), Gustav Klimt Writer Joachim Ringelnatz,
V

Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1979 exhibition of a drawing in the Vienna – Josef Hoffmann. Pioneers of Moder- undated
15 6 Secession. 1902/03 studies at the Aka nism (exh. cat. Belvedere, Vienna), Charcoal on paper
demie der bildenden Künste in Stutt- Munich/London/New York 2011. 22.5 × 18 cm
My Proverbs to Live By, 1922
B gart. 1903–1908 in Rome. Member of Albertina, Vienna
Collage, Indian ink, opaque white, the Berlin Secession. 1908–1913 stay in Overdoor Relief, 1902 64
crayon, gray, and colored pencil Paris, from 1913 in Berlin. Between 1914 (reconstruction 2011)
on paperboard and 1917 detention in France. 1918 re- Softwood painted white Professor Kolo Moser, Professor
V
30 × 40 cm turn to Berlin. From 1920 professor at 100 × 96 × 16 cm C. O. Czeschka, Stollberg,
Berlinische Galerie, acquired the Vereinigte Staatsschulen für freie Belvedere, Vienna Dr. Eckstein, Professor Josef
with funds of the Stiftung Deutsche und angewandte Kunst in Berlin-Char 42 Hoffmann, and Other Persons,
Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1995 lottenburg. 1923 member of the Preu undated
15 4 ßische Akademie der Künste. 1934 Collapsible Library Ladder, 1905 Pencil, watercolor on paper
work and exhibition ban. 1943 studio Execution: Wiener Werkstätte 24.2 × 18.2 cm
From an Ethnographic destroyed in bombing raid. 1945 named Stained and whitewashed oak, brass Albertina, Vienna
Museum, no. X, 1924 director of the Hochschule für bilden 50 × 42 × 42 cm 65
Collage on cardboard de Künste Berlin. 1947–1948 co-editor Private collection
25.9 × 18.1 cm of the magazine Bildende Kunst. 1950 40 Group Portrait with Ferdinand
B
Berlinische Galerie, acquired president of the newly founded Deut Hodler, Koloman Moser,
with funds of the Stiftung Deutsche scher Künstlerbund. Berlin, Business Premises for
B
and Wilhelm List, undated
Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1979 Jacob and Josef Kohn, Front Pencil on paper
161 Literatur: Katharina Henkel (ed.), Elevation Leipziger Straße, c. 1905 24 × 18.8 cm
Karl Hofer. Von Lebensspuk und Unknown photographer Kunsthaus Zug, Stiftung Sammlung
With Cap (From an Ethnographic
V stiller Schönheit (exh. cat. Kunsthalle Albumen paper Kamm
Museum, no. XI), 1924 Emden), Cologne 2012. 34.8 × 24.7 cm 66
Collage on cardboard Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
25 × 17.8 cm Girl with Foliage Plant, 1923 Kunstbibliothek Portrait of Adolf Loos, undated
B
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Oil on canvas 39 Pencil on lined paper
funds of the Stiftung Deutsche Klassen- 105 × 74 cm 13.5 × 10.5 cm
lotterie Berlin and funds of the Sena- Belvedere, Vienna Berlin, Shop for the Wiener
B Kunsthaus Zug, Stiftung Sammlung
tors for Science and Art, Berlin 1973 253 Werkstätte, 1928 Kamm
16 0 Photographer: Otto Kurt Vogelsang 67
The Girl Rests, c. 1925
B Silver gelatin paper
Roma, 1925 Oil on canvas 22.3 × 16.7 cm Group Portrait with Richard
B
40.5 × 57.5 cm Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Gerstl, Josef Hoffmann,
Oil on canvas
Private collection Kunstbibliothek Pocsdorff, Carl Otto Czeschka,
90 × 106 cm
205 38 and Other Caricatures, undated
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
funds of the Stiftung Deutsche Klassen- Indian ink on paper
lotterie Berlin and funds of the Sena- 21 × 33.8 cm
tors for Science and Art, Berlin 1974 Kunsthaus Zug, Stiftung Sammlung
Josef Hoffmann Carl - Leopold Kamm
157
* 1870 Brtnice / Pirnitz Hollitzer 68
The Journalists, 1925 † 1956 Vienna * 1874 Bad Deutsch-Altenburg
† 1942 Rekawinkel Karl Kraus and Egon Friedell,
Oil on canvas V
undated
86 × 101 cm
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Studies at the Akademie der bilden Pencil and watercolor on paper
funds of the Stiftung Deutsche den Künste in Vienna under Karl von Studies in Vienna at the Akademie der 24 × 24 cm
Klassenlotterie Berlin and funds of Hasenauer and Otto Wagner. Via Wag- bildenden Künste. Work as painter, cari- Albertina, Vienna
the Senators for Science and Art, ner contact to Joseph Maria Olbrich. caturist, singer, and cabaret artist. Pro- 69
Berlin 1974 1897 founding member of the Vienna duced caricatures of artists and politi-
Secession. From 1899 teacher at the cians, as well as watercolors and stage B. F. Dolbin, 1925
162 B
Vienna Kunstgewerbeschule. 1903 decors. 1906 appearances in the Vien- Pencil and watercolor on paper
German Girl, 1930 founding of the Wiener Werkstätte na cabaret theater Nachtlicht. From 32 × 23 cm
V
Collage on cardboard, mounted on together with Koloman Moser and the 1907 collaborated at the Cabaret Fle Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
baseboard banker Fritz Wärndorfer. 1905 left the dermaus in Vienna. Founder and presi- funds of the Senators for
21.6 × 11.6 cm Vienna Secession. 1906 construction of dent of the artists’ association Jungbund, Science and Art, Berlin 1977
Berlinische Galerie, acquired the Sanatorium Westend in Purkersdorf. membership in Vienna’s Künstlerhaus. 21 3
with funds of the Stiftung Deutsche 1905–1911 construction of the Palais
Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1979 Stoclet in Brussels. 1907 cofounder of Literature: Cornelia Reiter/Regine
the Deutscher Werkbund, 1912 of the Schmidt ( eds. ), Oskar Laske,
15 8
Österreichischer Werkbund. 1938–1945 Das Narrenschiff und Karikaturen von
renovation of the embassy palace of Carl Leopold Hollitzer ( exh. cat.
the imperial German embassy in Vien- Belvedere, Vienna ), Vienna 2001.
371 Hu – Ka
Josef Humplik Literature: Willy Rotzler (ed.), tory paintings and vedute ( Schönbrunn, Literature: Ilse Spielvogel-Bodo,
* 1888 Vienna Johannes Itten. Werke und Schriften Donaukanal, Pilgrambrücke) in a poin- Ludwig Heinrich Jungnickel.
† 1958 Vienna (with a catalogue raisonné compiled tillist style. Wundsiedel 1881–1965 Wien. Ein
by Anneliese Itten), Zurich 1972. Leben für die Kunst. Mit einem
Literature: Saur allgemeines Künstler- Werkkatalog der Druckgraphik,
1902–1905 attendance at the technical Meeting, 1916 lexikon. Die bildenden Künstler Klagenfurt 2000.
school for ceramics in Znojmo. 1905– Oil on canvas aller Zeiten und Völker, vol. 72, Berlin/
1909 studies at the Vienna Kunstge 105 × 80 cm Boston 2013, p. 412. The Flood, c. 1913
werbeschule; from 1910 at the Akade- Kunsthaus Zürich Oil on canvas
mie der bildenden Künste. Participation 17 2 The Donaulände in Summer, 1903
V 100 × 110 cm
in exhibitions of the Vienna Secession Oil on canvas Belvedere, Vienna
and Hagenbund. 1915 plane crash dur- 83.5 × 114 cm 136
ing a mission in World War I, subse- Belvedere, Vienna
quently war painter on the front. After W i l ly Ja ec k e l 21 Cowshed, 1919
B
the war, specialization in portrait busts * 1888 Wrocław/ Breslau Oil on canvas
of well-known figures (among them † 1944 Berlin 60 × 76.5 cm
Alban Berg, Ferdinand Ebner, Ludwig Belvedere, Vienna
von Ficker, Jodok Fink, Anton Hanak, Eugen Jettel 1 37
Georg Jahoda, Gustav Klimt, Karl Kraus, 1906 Königliche Kunstgewerbeschule * 1846 Janovice v Podještědi/
Arnold Schönberg, Anton Webern, and in Wrocław. 1909 transfer to the Dres- Johnsdorf
Grete Wiesenthal). Worked for the Vi- den Akademie. From 1913 decorative † 1901 Veli Lošinj/Lussingrande
enna Burgtheater and the porcelain ma painter in Berlin and Wrocław. 1915 mem- Gustav
nufacturer Augarten. 1931 österreichi ber of the Berlin Secession. Following Kalhammer
scher Staatspreis [ Austrian State Prize ]. the outbreak of World War I collabo- 1861–1869 studied landscape painting * 1886 Vienna
rated on the magazine Kriegszeit, from at the Vienna Akademie. From 1873 † 1919 ( missing in action )
Literature: Erika Tietze-Conrat, 1917 soldier in the field. 1919 member constantly in Paris, strongly influenced
“Bronzestatuetten von Josef Humplik,” of the Preußische Akademie der Künste. by the French plein air painting of the
in: Almut Krapf-Weiler (ed.), 1925 teaching position as professor at Barbizon School. 1897 member of the Training at the Vienna Kunstgewerbe
Erika Tietze-Conrat. 1883–1958. the Staatliche Kunsthochschule Berlin. Vienna Secession, return to Vienna. schule under Koloman Moser. Nu-
Die Frau in der Kunstwissenschaft. 1926–1939 member of the Vienna Se- merous contributions to the exhibition
Texte 1906–1958, Vienna 2007. cession. 1933 dismissed and reinstated Literature: Heinrich Fuchs, Österreichisches Kunstgewerbe 1911/12.
at the entreaty of the students. Ban Eugen Jettel (monograph and Designed interior views of Viennese
Grete Wiesenthal, 1929
V from working and confiscation of his catalogue raisonné), Vienna 1975. restaurants and coffeehouses as well
Terra-cotta works. 1943 studio at the Kunsthoch- as views of Berlin and decorative cards
56 × 41 × 44 cm schule destroyed by bombs. 1944 vol- Cattle Drinking at the Morava for the postcard series of the Wiener
Belvedere, Vienna untary termination of teaching position River, before 1894 Werkstätte.
235 and withdrawal to Hiddensee. 1944 brief Oil on wood
stay in Berlin, Jaeckel was killed during 39 × 76 cm Literature: Monika Oberchristl (ed.),
the destruction of his studio by fire Belvedere, Vienna Postkarten der Wiener Werkstätte.
bombing. 17 Mit einem Werkverzeichnis des
Johannes Itten Bestandes der Grafischen Sammlung
* 1888 Süderen-Linden Literature: Ingrid Stilijanov-Nedo der Oberösterreichischen Landes
† 1967 Zurich (ed.), Willy Jaeckel ( 1888–1944 ). museen (exh. cat. Schlossmuseum
Das druckgraphische Werk ( exh. cat. Ludwig Heinrich Linz), Vienna, 2007.
Museum Ostdeutsche Galerie Jungnickel
1904–1908 teachers’ training college in Regensburg ), Regensburg 1987. * 1881 Wunsiedel Old Berlin at the
B
Hofwil in Bern. 1908/09 primary school † 1965 Vienna Schiffbauerdamm, 1911/ 12
teacher near Bern. 1909 studies at the Memento of 1914/15, 1915
B Postcards of the Wiener
École des Beaux Arts in Geneva. 1910– Portfolio of eleven prints, lithograph Werkstätte, no. 453
1912 mathematics and natural scienc- Dimensions variable 1896 studies at the Munich Kunstgew- Color lithography
es studies at the Universität Bern. 1912 Berlinische Galerie, acquired with erbeschule. 1899 relocation to Vienna, 9 × 14 cm
Sonderbund exhibition in Cologne. security funds of the Senators for studies at the Akademie der bildenden Oberösterreichisches
Relocation to Stuttgart to study under Cultural Affairs, Berlin 1984 Künste under Christian Griepenkerl Landesmuseum, Linz
Adolf Hölzel. 1916 exhibition with Her- 118 and August Eisenmenger. From 1903
warth Walden in the gallery Der Sturm contact with Gustav Klimt and the Berlin Cathedral, 1911/ 12
B
in Berlin. Relocation to Vienna. 1917 Wiener Werkstätte. 1908 represented Postcards of the Wiener
establishment of a private art school. in the Kunstschau. 1911 collaborated on Werkstätte, no. 434
1919 exhibition of his own work in his Fr anz Jaschke the decoration of the Palais Stoclet in Color lithography
art school and in the Freie Bewegung. * 1862 Vienna Brussels and exhibitions in Rome and 14 × 9 cm
Relocation to Weimar, taught at the † 1910 Vienna Amsterdam. Professorship at the Kunst Oberösterreichisches
Bauhaus. 1923 exhibition in the gallery gewerbeschule in Frankfurt am Main. Landesmuseum, Linz
Der Sturm. Left the Bauhaus. 1926 1915/16 military service in Munich. 1919–
founding of the private School of Mod- Studies at the Vienna Kunstgewerbe 1921 member of the Hagenbund, from
ern Art in Berlin. 1938 returned to Swit- schule and from 1882 at the Akademie 1924 member of the Vienna Künstler-
zerland, after the closure of the Berlin der bildenden Künste under August haus. 1939 defamed as “degenerate,”
school due to political pressure. Until Eisenmenger and Josef Mathias Trenk- emigration to Yugoslavia. 1952 return
1953 director of the Kunstgewerbemu- wald. 1901 member of the Vienna Se- to Austria.
seum in Zurich. cession. Images of Viennese gardens
and portraits of children, as well as his-
Ka – Ki 372
Rudolf Kalvach Still Life III with Amaryllis, 1926 Literature: Csilla E. Csorba (ed.), E r ns t Lu dwig
* 1883 Vienna Oil on canvas Lajos Kassák. Botschafter der Avant- Ki rc h n e r
† 1932 Kosmonosy / Kosmanos 106 × 80 cm garde 1915–1927 (exh. cat. Colle- * 1880 Aschaffenburg
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with gium Hungaricum Berlin/Berlinische † 1 938 Frauenkirch-Wildboden
funds of the Stiftung Deutsche Galerie), Budapest 2011. near Davos
Studies at the Vienna Kunstgewerbe Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1983
schule under Bertold Löffler, Carl Otto 228 Architecture, 1923
Czeschka, and Alfred Roller. 1908 par- Tempera on paper on cardboard 1901–1905 studies in architecture at
ticipated in the Kunstschau and de- 27 × 20 cm the Technische Hochschule in Dresden.
signed the poster for the exhibition. Sammlung Dieter und Gertraud 1903/04 attended the Kunstschule in
1908–1910 designed a folding children’s Karl Karger Bogner in the mumok museum Munich. 1905 cofounder of the artist's
book, épinal prints, and postcards * 1848 Vienna moderner kunst stiftung ludwig wien association Die Brücke. 1910 member
with humorous subjects for the Wiener † 1913 Vienna 174 of the Deutscher Künstlerbund, admis-
Werkstätte. 1912 attended Adele von sion of the Brücke artists into the Neue
Stark’s class in enamel work. Member Secession in Berlin. The Brücke artists
of the Neukunstgruppe and the Aus- From 1864 studies at the Vienna Aka moved to Berlin in 1911. 1912 partici-
trian Werkbund. Fell ill with schizo- demie der bildenden Künste under Friedrich Kiesler pated in the Sonderbund exhibition in
phrenia and spent a number of years Carl von Blaas. Participated in the * 1890 C
hernivtsi/ Cologne. 1913 Brücke-Chronik and
in the Steinhof psychiatric hospital. decoration of the Vienna Staatsoper as Czernowitz dissolution of the Brücke group. First
assistant to Eduard von Engerth. 1871 † 1965 New York solo exhibitions in the Folkwang-Muse-
Literature: Tobias G. Natter (ed.), moved to Munich, studied genre and um in Hagen and in the Gurlitt Galerie
Fantastisch! Rudolf Kalvach. Wien history painting under Carl Theodor in Berlin. 1914 major solo exhibition in
und Triest um 1900 (exh. cat. von Piloty. 1873 study trip to Italy, 1881 1908–1909 studies at the Technische Jena. 1915/16 volunteered for military
Leopold Museum, Wien), Vienna to Belgium (for an album on the occa- Hochschule and the Akademie der service. 1917 moved to Davos. 1923 solo
2012. sion of the wedding of crown prince bildenden Künste in Vienna. 1923 stage exhibition in the Kunsthalle Basel. 1925/
Rudolf and princess Stéphanie of Bel- set for the play R.U.R. by Karel Čapek 26 lived in Germany. 1928 participat-
Indian Fairy Tale, c. 1907
V gium). Copyist on commission of King in Berlin. 1924 design of the Interna- ed in the Venice Biennale. 1931 mem-
Oil on wood Ludwig II; 1887–1908 professor at the tional Exhibition of New Theater Tech- ber of the Preußische Akademie der
61.9 × 60.2 cm Vienna Kunstgewerbeschule. Executed niques in Vienna’s Konzerthaus. Design Künste. 1937 large solo exhibition at
Universität für angewandte Kunst ceiling paintings, sgrafitti, and frescos of the “space stage” and the L + T-Sys- the Detroit Art Institute. 1937 defamed
Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv in academic style for numerous build- tem (Träger-Leger-System). 1926 relo- as a “degenerate artist”; seizure of his
77 ings of the Vienna Ringstraße. cation to New York. Participation in the works. 1938 suicide.
International Theater Exposition in the
Literature: Thieme-Becker Kunst Steinway Building. 1929 conception Literature: Magdalena Moeller,
lexikon, vol. XIX, Leipzig 1926, p. 558. and building of the Film Guild Cine- Ernst Ludwig Kirchner. Die Straßen-
A l ex a n de r ma. 1930 founding of the planning of- szenen 1913–1915, Munich 1993.
K a nol dt Arrival of a Train at Vienna
V fice Planners Institute Inc. 1932/33 par-
* 1881 Karlsruhe Northwestern Station, 1875 ticipation in the Modern Architecture: Nude from the Rear with Mirror
V
† 1939 Berlin Oil on canvas International Exhibition. Member of the and Man, 1912
91 × 171 cm designers’ association AUDAC. 1937 Oil on canvas
Belvedere, Vienna founded the Laboratory for Design 150 × 75.5 cm
1899 studies at the Karlsruhe Kunst- 19 Correlation at the School of Architec- Brücke-Museum, Berlin
gewerbeschule. 1901 transfer to the ture of Columbia University. 1949 Mani 79
Karlsruhe Akademie der bildenden feste du Corréalisme. 1950 Endless
Künste. 1909 relocation to Munich and House in the Kootz Gallery, New York. Street Scene, 1913/14
V
founding member of the Neue Künst- L ajos K assá k 1957 planning work for the Shrine of Pastels on paper
lervereinigung München, from which * 1887 N
ové Zámky / the Book in Jerusalem, together with 40 × 30 cm
the Blaue Reiter emerged in 1911. 1913 Érsekujvár Armand Bartos. Brücke-Museum, Berlin
founding member of the Münchner † 1967 Budapest 101
Neue Secession. 1914–1918 military ser- Literature: Frederick Kiesler. Theater-
vice. After the conclusion of the war, visionär – Architekt – Künstler (exh. cat. In the Café Garden, 1914
V
longer stays in Italy. From 1925 profes- Metal worker in Györ and Budapest. Österreichisches Theatermuseum Oil on canvas
sorship at the Wrocław Akademie für Self-taught painter and poet. 1915 Vienna in cooperation with the Öster- 70.5 × 76 cm
Kunst und Gewerbe. Took part in the founder of the revolutionary journal reichische Friedrich und Lilian Kiesler- Brücke-Museum, Berlin
Neue Sachlichkeit [ New Objectivity] A Tett [ The Act ] and editor of the Privatstiftung, Vienna/Museum Villa 102
exhibition in Mannheim the same year. avant-garde magazine MA (Today). Stuck, Munich/La Casa Encendida
1927 cofounder of the Baden Secession Published works by George Grosz, Kurt de Obra Social Caja, Madrid), Vienna Belle-Alliance-Platz in Berlin, 1914
B
in Freiburg. 1931 resignation of teach- Schwitters, and Hans Richter, among 2012. Tempera on canvas
ing position. 1932 joined the Nazi Party. others. 1920 emigration to Vienna, ac- 96 × 85 cm
1933–1936 director of the Staatliche quaintanceship with László Moholy- L + T-System
B Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
Kunstschule zu Berlin, from 1936 ap- Nagy. 1924 participation in the Erste (Träger-Leger-System), 1924 Nationalgalerie, acquired through
pointed to the Preußische Akademie internationale Ausstellung moderner (reconstruction 2013: David Saik the Federal State of Berlin
der Künste. 1937 defamed as “degener- Kunst in Bucharest. 1926 stay in Paris. and RT Ausstellungstechnik in 73
ate,” works confiscated. After the liberation of Hungary on the cooperation with the Österreichische
Council for Art and work as editor. In Friedrich und Lillian Kiesler-Privat- Women on the Street, 1915
B
Literature: Elke Fegert, Alexander the mid-1950s left public offices. 1966 stiftung) Oil on canvas
Kanoldt und das Stillleben der Neuen participation in the Dada exhibition at Dimensions variable 126 × 90 cm
Sachlichkeit, Hamburg 2008. the Zürich Kunsthalle and the Musée 18 6 Von der Heydt-Museum Wuppertal
d’Art Moderne in Paris. 70
373 Kl – Ko
V
Night Woman (Woman Passing B

Klessheim Courier: Steinmetz in 1891 for the Kunsthistorisches Mu- Literature: Anita Kühnel, Julius Klinger.
a Street in the Night), 1928/29 Scandal, c. 1926/27 seum. 1893 commissioned by the gov- Plakatkünstler und Zeichner (exh. cat.
Oil on canvas Charcoal, gray and colored pencil ernment to decorate the ceilings of the Kunstbibliothek, Berlin), Berlin 1997.
120 × 101 cm 28 × 22 cm main auditorium of Vienna University.
Galerie Haas, Zurich Wien Museum 1897 cofounder and first president of Vienna Exhibition at the Berlin
78 193 the Vienna Secession. From 1901 corre- Secession, 1916
sponding member of the Berlin Seces- Color lithograph
B

Klessheim Courier: Amusements sion. 1902 created the Beethoven Frieze Sheet: 68.7 × 94.5 cm
in Klessheim, c. 1926/27 for the exhibition of Max Klinger's stat- Staatliche
B Museen zu Berlin,
Erika Giovanna Gray and colored pencil, charcoal ue of Beethoven at the Vienna Seces- Kunstbibliothek
Klien 28 × 22 cm sion. 1905 represented in an exhibition Stiftung
V Deutsches Historisches
* 1900 Borgo di Valsugana Wien Museum of the Deutscher Künstlerbund in Ber- Museum, Berlin
† 1957 New York 194 lin. 1908/09 organized the Kunstschau 37
in Vienna. 1916 participated in an “Ex-
Klessheim Courier: Longing,
B hibition of the Society of Austrian Art-
1918–1922 studies in ornamental form c. 1926/27 ists” in the Berlin Secession. 1917 hon-
at the Vienna Kunstgewerbeschule un Charcoal, gray and colored pencil orary membership of the academies of Oskar Kokoschka
der Rudolf von Larisch and Franz Cizek. 31.5 × 23.5 cm fine arts in Vienna and Munich. * 1886 Pöchlarn
In 1922 eight of her works were depict- Wien Museum † 1980 Montreux
ed in Leopold Wolfgang Rochowan 195 Literature: Alfred Weidinger (ed.),
ski’s Formenwille der Zeit. 1922/23 at- Gustav Klimt. Kommentiertes
tended the Drama School in Vienna. B
Klessheim Courier: The Meeting, Gesamtverzeichnis des malerischen 1905–1909 attended the Vienna Kunst
1923/24 exhibitions in the context of c. 1926/27 Werkes, Munich / Berlin / London / gewerbeschule, staff member at the
presentations of works by the Cizek Charcoal, gray and colored pencil New York 2007. Wiener Werkstätte. 1909 participated
class, among others in the Netherlands, 20 × 23 cm in the Internationale Kunstschau in
Paris, and New York. 1926–1929 head Wien Museum B
Young Lady in Armchair, 1896
Vienna, premiere of his theater piece
of the drawing department at the Eliza 196 Charcoal and crayon on dark brown Mörder, Hoffnung der Frauen. 1910 went
beth-Duncan-Schule in Kleßheim/Salz paper to Berlin, established contact there
burg. 1929 moved to New York, lec- B

Klessheimer Courier: Scandal 24.8 × 38.2 cm with the artists of the Neue Secession
tureship at the Walt Whitman School News 12. Febr. 1927, c. 1926/27 Stiftung Museum Kunstpalast, and contributed to Herwarth Walden’s
for Painting and Architecture. 1930 Charcoal, pencil Düsseldorf magazine Der Sturm. Exhibition at the
exhibitions at the New School for So- 31.9 × 24.3 cm 25 Galerie Paul Cassirer. 1911 participat-
cial Research and the New York Art Wien Museum ed in the Hagenbund exhibition. 1911
Center. 1938 acquired American citizen- 197 Johanna Staude, 1917/18 returned to Vienna. 1911–1914 assistant
ship. 1946–1956 worked as an independ- Oil on canvas (unfinished) at the Vienna Kunstgewerbeschule.
ent artist in New York. Klessheim Courier, 1926 / 27
V 70 × 50 cm 1914 volunteered for military service.
Pencil, colored pencil, crayon, Belvedere, Vienna 1916 seriously wounded, discharged
Literature: Bernhard Leitner (ed.), opaque white on paper 01 and sent to Vienna. 1919–1924 profes-
Erika Giovanna Klien. Wien New York 31.6 × 23.3 cm sor at the Dresden Kunstakademie.
1900–1957 (exh. cat. University Universität für angewandte Kunst 1924–1931 numerous journeys through
of Applied Arts, Vienna / Museion, Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv Europe, North Africa, and the Eastern
Bozen / Rupertinum, Salzburg), Julius Klinger Mediterranean. 1931 returned to Vienna.
Ostfildern-Ruit 2001. Street Battle, 1930 * 1876 Vienna 1934 emigrated to Prague. 1937 confis-
Watercolor on paper † 1942 Minsk cation of his works. 1938 fled to London,
Abstract Composition, 1923 / 1924 45.7 × 61 cm active member of the Freier Deutscher
Oil on paper on cardboard Universität für angewandte Kunst Künstlerbund, assumed presidency be-
29.5 × 14 cm Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv Studies at the Technologisches Ge ginning in 1943. 1947 acquired British
Belvedere, Vienna 189 werbemuseum in Vienna. 1895 active citizenship. 1953 moved to Villeneuve
18 8 in the drafting studio of Wiener Mode. on Lake Geneva. 1953–1963 headed
Revolution in Vienna, 1930 Moved to Munich in 1896. 1897–1902 the Schule des Sehens at the Salzburg
Locomotive, 1926 Watercolor on paper staff member at the magazine Jugend. Sommerakademie.
Oil on canvas 45.7 × 61 cm Lived in Berlin beginning in 1897. Staff
59.9 × 99 cm Universität für angewandte Kunst member at Lustige Blätter and Das Literature: Heinz Spielmann,
Sammlung Pabst Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv kleine Witzblatt. Designed numerous Oskar Kokoschka. Leben und Werk,
179 19 0 posters. In 1911 taught at the workshop Cologne 2003.
for poster design at the Reimann
B

Klessheim Courier: Klessheim in School; from 1912 member of the Deut B
Girl Tying Back Her Hair, 1908

the Snow, c. 1926/27 scher Werkbund. From 1914, honorary Watercolor and pencil
Gray and colored pencil, charcoal Gustav Klimt member of the Verein der Plakatfreun- 43.7 × 30.4 cm
31.9 × 24.4 cm * 1862 Vienna de e. V.. After 1918, opened his own Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
Wien Museum † 1918 Vienna commercial studio in Vienna. Left the Kupferstichkabinett
19 1 Verein der Plakatfreunde e. V. on June 10 5
19, 1919. 1942 arrested for so-called ra-
Klessheim Courier: Klessheim in
B 1876–1883 studies at the Vienna Kunst- cial reasons and according to the po- B
Drama Komoedie. Sommer

the Snow, c. 1926/27 gewerbeschule. 1881 founder of the lice register of residence, “deregistered” theater in the Kunstschau, 1909
Charcoal and pencil Künstler-Compagnie together with his and sent to Minsk. Presumably mur- The so-called “Pietà.” Poster for the
32 × 24 cm brother, Ernst, and Franz Matsch. dered shortly thereafter. performance of his piece Mörder,
Wien Museum 1887/88 painted murals in the staircas- Hoffnung der Frauen at the Interna-
192 es of the Burgtheater in Vienna, and tionale Kunstschau, 1909
Ko – Ku 374
Color lithograph painter during World War I; returned under Karl Stauffer-Bern in Berlin and V
In Memory of Karl Liebknecht,

Sheet: 122 × 78 cm to Nötsch after the war. 1928–1943 Ludwig von Herterich in Munich. 1891 1919
MAK – Österreichisches Museum professor at the Württembergische moved to Berlin. 1895 participated in Woodcut
für angewandte Kunst / Gegenwarts- Akademie der bildenden Künste in the Freie Kunstausstellung. 1898–1903 35 × 50.2 cm
kunst, Vienna Stuttgart. After conclusion of profes- taught at the Künstlerinnenschule in Albertina, Vienna
117 sorship, returned to Nötsch. A 1944 Berlin. From 1899 member of the Ber- 60
air raid destroyed his studio and two lin Secession. 1904 stay in Paris; attend-
B
Der Sturm, New Issue, 1910/11
thirds of his works. ed the Académie Julian. 1908–1911 con- Vienna Is Dying! Save Its
B

Color lithograph tributed to the review Simplicissimus. Children!, c. 1920
Sheet: 70.6 × 47.5 cm Literature: Otmar Rychlik, Anton 1917 numerous exhibitions throughout Color lithograph
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kolig 1886–1950. Das malerische Werk, Germany in honor of her fiftieth birth- Sheet: 94.5 × 57 cm
Kunstbibliothek Vienna 2001. day. 1919 became the first female mem- Verein der Freunde of the Käthe
116 ber of the Preußische Akademie der Kollwitz Museum, Berlin
Kneeling Narcissus, 1920 Künste; was appointed to a professor- 141
The Visitation, 1912 Oil on canvas ship. 1921–1924 worked for Workers
Oil on canvas 93 × 65.5 cm International Relief. 1928 headed the V
The Volunteers, 1922/23

80 × 127 cm Belvedere, Vienna master’s studio for graphics at the Ber- From the cycle The War
Belvedere, Vienna 81 lin Akademie der Künste; compelled to Woodcut
11 3 resign in 1933. 1943 moved to Nordhau 35 × 49 cm
sen. 1944 moved to Moritzburg near Albertina, Vienna
The Painter Carl Moll, 1913 Dresden. 61
Oil on canvas Broncia Literature: Martin Fritsch (ed.), Käthe
128 × 95.5 cm Koller-Pinell Kollwitz. Zeichnung, Grafik, Plastik V
The Mothers, 1922/23

Belvedere, Vienna * 1863 Sanok (inventory catalog of the Käthe Koll- From the cycle The War
91 † 1934 Großwaltersdorf witz Museum, Berlin), Leipzig 1999. Woodcut
34 × 40 cm
Portrait of Nell Walden, 1916 V

March of the Weavers, 1897 Albertina, Vienna
Oil on canvas 1870 moved to Vienna. From 1881 stu- From the Weavers Cycle based 62
100 × 80 cm died painting under Josef Raab and on Gerhart Hauptmann
Berlinische Galerie ( permanent loan ) Alois Delug. 1885 attended Ludwig Etching, stipple engraving Germany’s Children Are Starving,
B

95 Herterich’s private school in Munich. 21.6 × 29.5 cm 1923
1892 exhibition in the Künstlerhaus in Albertina, Vienna Study for the poster
Nell Walden, 1916 Vienna, in 1893 in the Glaspalast in Mu- 58 Chalk lithograph (transfer print) on
From: Der Sturm, year VII, issue 9 nich, and in 1894 in the Kunstverein in Japanese tissue paper
(1916) Leipzig. Visited Hallein and Nuremberg, V

End, 1897 42.5 × 29.5 cm
Hand-colored lithograph repeated trips to Paris. 1908 participa- From the Weavers Cycle based Sammlung und Stiftung Rolf Horn in
Sheet: 40 × 30.8 cm ted in the Kunstschau in Vienna, mem- on Gerhart Hauptmann the Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with ber of the Klimt group. 1911 exhibition Etching, aquatint, emery Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf,
funds provided by the Senator for at the Galerie Miethke in Vienna to- 24.6 × 30.5 cm Schleswig
Cultural Affairs, Berlin 1978 gether with Heinrich Schröder. 1913 ac- Albertina, Vienna 14 0
cepted by the Bund Österreichischer 57
B
Claire Waldoff, 1916
Künstler. 1919 participated in the Son- The Survivors, 1923
B

Cover of Der Sturm, year VII, issue 9 derbund exhibition at Galerie Mieth- V

Revolt, 1899 Black and red brushwork and white
(1916) ke; invited to give the premier exhibi- Etching, stipple engraving, roulette, heightening on beige cardboard
Hand-colored lithograph tion of the newly founded artist’s asso- emery 54.2 × 71.8 cm
Sheet: 40 × 30.8 cm ciation Der Wassermann in Salzburg. 29.8 × 31.8 cm Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin
Berlinische Galerie, acquired Albertina, Vienna 1 39
with funds provided by the Senator Literature: Boris Manner (ed.), 59
for Cultural Affairs, Berlin 1978 Broncia Koller 1863–1934, Vienna
94 2006. Crushed – Poor Family, 1901
B

Left section of an original triptych Fr anz Kuhn
B
The Artist’s Mother, 1907
Etching, drypoint and aquatint on * 1864 Mistelbach
Oil on canvas cardboard † 1938 Munich
Anton Kolig 91 × 77.5 cm 23.8 × 20.3 cm
* 1886 Nový Jičín/Neutitschein Property of the Artothek des Bundes, Sammlung und Stiftung Rolf Horn in Following private drawing instruction,
† 1950 Nötsch in the Gailtal on permanent loan to the Belvedere, der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische studies under Rudolf von Larisch, Os
Vienna Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf, kar Strnad, and Heinrich Tessenow at
27 Schleswig the Vienna Kunstgewerbeschule be-
1904 to 1906 studies under Anton von 54 ginning in 1910. Active as an architect
Kenner and Erich Mallina at the Vien- in Bohemia and Moravia. Participated
na Kunstgewerbeschule together with Knocked Over, 1910
B
in the municipal building program of
Oskar Kokoschka. 1907–1912 studies K ät h e Kol lwi tz Line and softground etching on laid the City of Vienna; member of the
at the Vienna Akademie der Künste. * 1867 Kaliningrad / Königsberg and transfer paper Österreichischer Werkbund. Produced
1909 cofounder of the Neukunstgruppe. † 1945 Moritzburg 24.8 × 31.9 cm designs of architectural monuments in
1911 participated in the Special Exhi- Sammlung und Stiftung Rolf Horn in Vienna, Berlin, and Budapest for the
bition for Painting and Sculpture. 1912 der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Wiener Werkstätte.
received a stipend for France on the re- 1881/82 studies under the painter Gus Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf,
commendation of Gustav Klimt. 1912– tav Naujok and the engraver Rudolf Schleswig Literature: Monika Oberchristl (ed.),
1914 lived in Paris. Worked as a war Mauer. 1885–1889 studies in painting 56 Postkarten der Wiener Werkstätte. Mit
375 Ku – Le
einem Werkverzeichnis des Bestandes Verein Berliner Künstler, and in 1923, Lot t e L as e r s t e i n ing in contacts with the writers Ger-
der Grafischen Sammlung der the Reichsverbandes Berliner Künstler. * 1898 n
ear Kaliningrad/ hart Hauptmann, Max Halbe, and Arno
Oberösterreichischen Landesmuseen 1933 fled to Palestine, leaving behind Königsberg Holz. 1892 founding member of the
(exh. cat. Schlossmuseum Linz), his life’ s work. 1934 founded an art † 1993 Kalmar group Die Elf, from which the Berlin
Vienna, 2007. school in Tel Aviv together with Georg Secession developed in 1898. 1903 co-
Leschnitzer, as well as Israel’ s first as- founder of the Deutscher Künstler-
Brandenburg Gate, 1911/ 12
B
sociation of artists. 1969 returned to 1912 moved from Gdansk to Berlin, at- bund. 1907 bestowal of the title of
Postcard of the Wiener Werkstätte Berlin. Died in 1970 during a trip to tended the Chamisso School, studies professor by the Königliche Akademie.
no. 436 London. in art history. 1921–1927 one of the first
Color lithograph women to study at the Berlin Kunst Literature: Margrit Bröhan, Walter
14 × 9 cm Literature: Issai Kulvianski 1892–1970. akademie. 1924 met Gertrud Süssen- Leistikow (1865–1908). Maler
Oberösterreichisches Malerei, Arbeiten auf Papier, bach ( Traute ), who became a long- der Berliner Landschaft, Berlin 1988.
Landesmuseum Linz Skulpturen aus der Sammlung der term friend and preferred model. 1925
Berlinischen Galerie (exh. cat. first public success: the Prussian Min- From the Mark
Stadtschloss in Charlottenburg,
B
Berlinische Galerie / Willy-Brandt- istry for Science, Art, and Public Edu- Brandenburg, 1898
1911/ 12 Haus, Berlin), Berlin 1998. cation awarded a Ministerial Medal to Oil on canvas
Postcard of the Wiener Werkstätte students for the first time. Master stu- 150 × 200 cm
no. 444 My Daughter Kiki, 1927
B
dent under Erich Wolfsfeld. 1927–1933 Berlinische Galerie, acquired by the
Color lithograph Oil on canvas principal works featuring motifs from Berlin Senate
14 × 9 cm 127 × 96 cm metropolitan life, portraits. Banned 10
Oberösterreichisches Berlinische Galerie, acquired with from working in 1935; emigrated to
Landesmuseum Linz funds from the Stiftung Deutsche Sweden in 1937, active there as a por-
Klassenlotterie Berlin and with trait painter.
Märkisches Museum, 1911/ 12
B
funds supplied by the Senator for F r a nz L e n k
Postcard of the Wiener Werkstätte Science and Art, Berlin 1972 Literature: Anna-Carola Krausse, * 1898 Langenbernsdorf
no. 445 19 9 Lotte Laserstein ( 1998–1993 ). Leben † 1968 Schwäbisch Hall
Color lithograph und Werk, Berlin 2006.
14 × 9 cm
Oberösterreichisches In the Tavern, 1927 1912–1915 received instruction in dec-
Landesmuseum Linz RUDOLF von Oil on wood orative painting and lithography. 1915–
LARISCH 54 × 46 cm 1924 attended the Dresden Akademie,
Zoological Gardens, 1911/ 12
B
* 1856 Verona Private collection studies interrupted by military service.
Postcard of the Wiener Werkstätte † 1934 Vienna 2 02 1926 moved to Berlin. First solo exhi-
no. 446 bition at the art salon E. Richter in
Color lithograph Tennis Player, 1929 Dresden. Participated in the exhibi-
14 × 9 cm Studied at the Vienna Kunstgewerbe Oil on canvas tions of the Kunstschau in Berlin in
Oberösterreichisches schule. Worked as a typographer and 110 × 95.5 cm 1928 and 1929. Admitted to the Verein
Landesmuseum Linz font designer. 1902 appointed to the Private collection Berliner Künstler in 1929. 1930 solo ex-
Kunstgewerbeschule as an instructor in 2 49 hibition at the Galerie Neumann Nie
The Charlottenburg Mausoleum,
B
ornamental script and heraldry. Among rendorf in Berlin. 1933–1937 professor-
1911/ 12 his students were Erika Giovanna Klien, Evening Over Potsdam, 1930
B
ship at the Staatliche Kunsthoch-
Postcard of the Wiener Werkstätte Franz Kuhn, Johanna Reismayer-Frit- Oil on wood schule Berlin-Schöneberg. 1933–1938
no. 448 sche, and Otto Erich Wagner. 1903/04 110 × 205 cm annual participation in the exhibitions
Color lithograph developed the Plinius typeface, an an- Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, of the Carnegie Institute in Pittsburgh.
14 × 9 cm tiqua font, for the Austrian State Print- Nationalgalerie, acquired with support 1934 collaborated with Otto Dix on
Oberösterreichisches ing House. Beginning in 1910, taught from the Kulturstiftung der Länder, landscape paintings in Hegau. In 1935
Landesmuseum Linz at the Grafische Lehr- und Versuch- the Ernst von Siemens Kulturstiftung, an exhibition with Otto Dix took
sanstalt and beginning in 1920 at the the Federal State of Berlin, the place in Berlin. 1936 member of exec-
Vienna Akademie der Künste. Rudolf Federal Republic of Germany, and utive board of the Berlin Secession.
von Larisch was a founding member Wolfgang Wittrock 1937 accepted into the Preußische
Issa i K u lvi a nsk i of the Österreichischer Werkbund. 2 82 Akademie der Künste. 1938 gave up
* 1892 Janova teaching activities and moved to Orla
† 1970 London The Plinius typeface is used for the münde / Thuringia. 1959 moved to
Vienna texts of the present catalog, Schwäbisch Hall.
in a contemporary adaptation Wa lt e r L e is t i kow
1908 studies at the Art School in Vilnius ( Larish Alte ) by Radim Peško. * 1865 Bydgoszcz / Bromberg Literature: Susanne Thesing,
and at the Jewish Handicraft School. † 1908 Berlin Franz Lenk, Recklinghausen 1986.
1912 studies under Hugo Kaufmann, Literature: Otto Hurm, “Rudolf von
Max Liebermann, and Hermann Struck Larisch und die Wiener Secession: zu Rear Courtyards in Berlin, 1929
V

at the Hochschule für bildende Künste seinem 45. Todestag,” in: Guten- 1883 studies in painting and drawing Oil on canvas on plywood
in Berlin. 1914 exhibition at the Galerie berg-Jahrbuch, Mainz 1979, pp. 11–17. under Anton von Werner at the Hoch 113.5 × 94 cm
Gurlitt in Berlin. Conscripted as a sol- Rudolf von Larisch, Unterricht in schule für bildende Künste; dismissed Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
dier into the Russian army. 1915–1918 ornamentaler Schrift, Vienna 1905. after six months for lack of talent. funds from the Stiftung Deutsche
prisoner of war in Most; executed stage 1883–1885 private studies under Her- Klassenlotterie Berlin and the Senate
decorations for the camp theater. 1918 mann Eschke, and until 1887 under for Science and Art, Berlin 1976
returned to Berlin; studied at the Aka Hans Fredrik Gude. 1887 acquaint- 2 59
demie under Leo von König and Lovis anceship with Lovis Corinth. 1890–1893
Corinth. 1920 member of the Novem taught at the Kunstschule Berlin. Mem
bergruppe. 1922–1924 member of the ber of the Friedrichshager Kreis, result-
Li – Me 376
Fr anz Lerch exhibition Maler und Bildhauer der Ber Procession of Angels, 1904 Lu dwig M e i dn e r
* 1895 Vienna liner Secession at the Galerie Miethke Oil on canvas * 1884 Bierutów / Bernstadt
† 1977 New York in Vienna. 1914 cofounder of the Freie 89 × 229 cm † 1966 Darmstadt
Secession. 1917 retrospective exhibition Belvedere, Vienna, on permanent
at the Königliche Akademie der Kün- loan from the Universität für
1918–1926 studies at the Vienna Aka- ste. 1920–1932 president of the Preu angewandte Kunst, Kunstsammlung 1903–1905 studies at the Art School in
demie der bildenden Künste under ßische Akademie der Künste, honorary und Archiv Wrocław / Breslau under Hugo Schei-
Josef Jungwirth, Karl Sterrer, and president in 1932 / 33. Resigned from 32 nert and Karl Hanusch. 1905/06 broke
Alois Delug. 1926 first solo exhibiti- the Akademie in protest and received off his academy training and moved to
on. 1927–1938 member of the Hagen- a ban on painting and exhibiting. Berlin. 1906/07 attended the acade-
bund and the Vienna Secession. 1928 mies of Julian, Hubert, and Cormon
visited Karl Hofer in Berlin; intensive Literature: Max Liebermann. J e a n n e M a mm e n in Paris. 1907, after army physical, re-
preoccupation with Hofer’s work. Wegbereiter der Moderne (exh. cat. * 1890 Berlin turned to Berlin, where Max Beckmann
From 1931 his works were acquired by Art and Exhibition Hall of the † 1976 Berlin procured a stipend for him in 1911.
Austrian museums. 1938 proscribed Federal Republic of Germany Bonn/ 1912 founded the group Die Pathetiker,
from membership in the Hagenbund. Hamburger Kunsthalle), Cologne which then exhibited at Herwarth Wal-
1939 / 40 destroyed many of his pain- 2011. 1906 Académie Julian in Paris. 1908 den’s gallery Der Sturm. 1913 connec-
tings and emigrated to New York. Académie Royale des Beaux-Arts in ted with the circle around Franz Pfem-
1958 exhibited again for the first time On Schleswiger Ufer, 1894 Brussels. 1911 Scuola Libera Academi- fert’ s magazine Die Aktion. In 1914
in Austria at the Vienna Secession. Oil on canvas on wooden panel ca in the Villa Medici in Rome. Fled to the review Kunst und Künstler publis-
26 × 45.5 cm the Netherlands in 1914 after the out- hed his “Anleitung zum Malen von
Literature: Matthias Boeckl, Franz Private collection break of World War I. 1916 moved to Großstadtbildern” [ Instructions for Pain-
Lerch (1895–1977). Ein Beitrag 12 Berlin. 1923–1928 worked for fashion ting Metropolitan Images ]. Moved to
zur österreichischen Malerei der magazines, from 1924 to 1933 for the Dresden. 1916–1918 military service as
Zwischenkriegszeit und deren Hospital Garden in Edam, 1904
V
magazines Jugend, Simplicissimus, infantryman and translator. 1918 first
Fortwirken nach 1939, unpublished Oil on canvas Uhu, and Ulk. 1930 first solo exhibition solo exhibition with Paul Cassirer in
diploma thesis, Vienna 1985. 70.5 × 88.5 cm at the Galerie Gurlitt in Berlin. 1933– Berlin. Founding member of the Ar-
Belvedere, Vienna 1945 no exhibitions. After 1945, exhibi- beitsrat für Kunst and 1918/19 mem-
Girl with Hat, 1929 07 tion at the Galerie Gerd Rosen. 1948 ber of the Novembergruppe. 1924–1926
Oil on canvas participated in the exhibition Zone 5 taught at the Studienatelier für Ma
80 × 60 cm B
Self-Portrait, 1912
in the Galerie Franz in Berlin. 1949/50 lerei und Plastik in Berlin-Charlotten-
Belvedere, Vienna Oil on canvas designed stage decorations for the ar- burg. 1935 denounced as a “degener-
208 88 × 70 cm tist’s cabaret Badewanne. Beginning in ate artist.” 1939 emigrated with his fam-
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with the 1950s, developed the emblematic ily to London. 1940 / 41 internment on
B
Girl Asleep, 1930
funds from the Stiftung Deutsche and abstract style of her late works. the Isle of Man. 1953 returned to Ger-
Oil on canvas Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1986 many.
48 × 61 cm 06 Literature: Jörn Merkert (ed.), Jeanne
Wien Museum Mammen 1890–1976. Monografie und Literature: Ludwig Meidner.
206 Werkverzeichnis, Cologne 1997. Zeichner, Maler, Literat 1884–1966
(2 vols.) (exh. cat. Mathildenhöhe,
Erich Mallina Valeska Gert, 1928/29
V
Darmstadt), Stuttgart 1991.
* 1873 Přerov / Prerau Oil on canvas
M a x Li e be r m a n n † 1954 Vienna 60 × 44 cm B
Street in Wilmersdorf, 1913

* 1847 Berlin Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Sheet from the 4th portfolio, 1st
† 1935 Berlin funds from the Stiftung Deutsche volume of Die Schaffenden from 1918
1888–1894 attended teacher training Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1977 Drypoint
college at Opava / Troppau; worked as 236 41 × 31 cm
1866–1868 studies at the Faculty of a primary school teacher in Laimbach. Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
Philosophy of Berlin University; re- 1898–1902 studies at the Vienna School Music Hall Girls, 1928/29 funds from the Senate Department
ceived private instruction in painting of Arts and Crafts under Alfred Roller, Oil on cardboard for Cultural Affairs, Berlin 1990
from Karl Steffeck. 1869–1872 studies early work in the decorative style of the 64 × 47 cm 115
at the Kunsthochschule in Weimar. 1871 Vienna Secession. As contracted tea- Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
and 1872 traveled to the Netherlands. cher, took over the class on art educa- funds from the Stiftung Deutsche B
City Under Fire, 1913

1873–1878 lived in France. 1878 moved tion at the School of Arts and Crafts. Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1977 Indian ink and opaque white on paper
to Munich after a brief stay in Berlin. Illustrations for fairy tales, caricatures, 2 37 45.2 × 56 cm
1884 returned to Berlin. 1885 joined the and oil paintings. Cultivated a futuristic Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
Verein Berliner Künstler. 1892 founded and abstract style as early as 1904. As Chess Player, 1929/30 funds from the Stiftung Deutsche
the artist’s group Die Elf together with a Zen Buddhist, he had no interest in Oil on canvas Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1980
Walter Leistikow. 1891 large solo exhi- exhibiting. 1906–1930 professor at the 70 × 80.5 cm 130
bition at the Munich Kunstverein. 1894 Vienna Kunstgewerbeschule. Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
participated in an exhibition of the Paris funds from the Stiftung Deutsche The Church of the “Good
V

Salon. 1898 member of the Preußische Literature: Oswald Oberhuber (ed.), Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1985 Shepherd” on Friedrich-Wilhelm-
Akademie der Künste and founding Erich Mallina. 1873–1954 (exh. cat. 231 Platz in Friedenau, 1913
member of the Berlin Secession, be- University of Applied Arts, Vienna), Watercolor over pencil
came its president in 1899. 1904 chair- Vienna 1980. 61 × 43 cm
manship of the Deutscher Künstlerbund. Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin
1911 resigned as chairman of the Berlin 72
Secession, three years later definitive
withdrawal. 1912 represented in the
377 Me – Mo
Apocalyptic Landscape, 1913

V

Fr anz Metzner Literature: László Moholy-Nagy. Schöneberg. 1933–1945 banned from
Oil on canvas * 1870 V
šeruby / Wscherau Retrospektive (exh. cat. Schirn-Kunst working and exhibiting. 1946–1955 pro-
67.3 x 80 cm near Plzeň / Pilsen halle, Frankfurt), Munich 2009. fessor for art pedagogy at the Aca-
Private Collection, courtesy Richard † 1919 Berlin demy of Fine Arts in Berlin.
Nagy Ltd., London Glass Architecture III, 1921/22
V
133 Oil on canvas Literature: Rudolf Pfefferkorn,
Austrian sculptor in the tradition of 84 × 61 cm Otto Moeller, Berlin 1974.
Portrait of Felixmüller, 1915 symbolism and the Vienna Secession. Museum Wiesbaden
Apocalyptic Landscape (verso) Lived and worked in Berlin-Zehlendorf. 17 1 Street Noise, 1920
Oil on canvas 1897–1902 created designs for the Ro- Oil on canvas
115 × 80 cm yal Porcelain Factory in Berlin. From 62.5 × 75.5 cm
Berlinische Galerie ( permanent loan) 1896 maintained his own sculpture stu- Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
89 dio in Friedenau as an autodidact. De- Carl Moll funds from the Stiftung Deutsche
signs for architectural complexes. 1902 * 1861 Vienna Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1987
Doomsday, 1916 member of the Neue Gemeinschaft. † 1945 Vienna 181
Oil on canvas 1903 appointed to the Vienna School
100 × 150 cm of Arts and Crafts, where he taught un-
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with til 1906. Member of the Vienna Seces- Received instruction from the Vien-
funds from the Stiftung Deutsche sion. 1905 left the Secession together nese landscape painter Carl Haunold. Koloman
Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1980 with the Klimt Group. 1907 moved to 1880–1881 studies under Christian Grie ( Kolo ) Moser
135 Berlin. 1908 participated in the Wiener penkerl at the Vienna Akademie der * 1868 Vienna
Kunstschau. Many facade- and three- bildenden Künste. From 1881 onwards † 1918 Vienna
dimensional sculptures produced in student of Emil Jakob Schindler. 1897
Berlin ( Nollendorfplatz Cinema, Wein founding member and organizer of
Mor i z M e l z e r haus Rheingold, Bellevuestraße, Volks- the Vienna Secession. 1905 left the Se- 1885–1892 studies in design and pain-
* 1877 Bělá u Jevíčka / Albendorf bühne Bülow-Platz ) were destroyed cession together with the Klimt Group ting at the Vienna Akademie der bil-
† 1966 Berlin in World War II. after differences concerning Moll’s denden Künste. 1893–1895 studies at
appointment as artistic director of the the Vienna Kunstgewerbeschule. 1899
Literature: Maria Pötzl-Malikova, Galerie Miethke in Vienna. With Moll’s teacher and from 1900 professor at
Worked as a porcelain painter. 1902– Franz Metzner (exh. cat. Museum Villa help, the Klimt Group organized the the Vienna Kunstgewerbeschule. From
1907 studies at the Akademie in Wei- Stuck, Munich, et al.), Munich 1977. Kunstschau in 1908 and the Internatio 1895 active as an independent graphic
mar. 1908 moved to Berlin. 1909 par- nale Kunstschau in 1909. His activity artist for a number of publishers, initi-
ticipated in an exhibition of the Berlin B
The Dance, 1908
for the Galerie Miethke ended in 1912. ally for Martin Gerlach, later for Hugo
Secession, but was rejected by the jury Marble Moll functioned as an organizer and Bruckmann. 1897 founding member of
in 1910; became a member of the 87 × 124 × 14 cm promoter of artistic life in Vienna. the Vienna Secession and editor of the
Neue Secession. 1911 participated in an Belvedere, Vienna review Ver Sacrum. 1903 foundation of
exhibition of the Blaue Reiter. 1912 33 Literature: Tobias G. Natter / Gerbert the Wiener Werkstätte, artistic direc-
founded the Berlin Schule für Freie Frodl ( eds.), Carl Moll ( 1861–1945 ) tor until 1907. Glass designs for Loetz,
und Angewandte Kunst together with (exh. cat. Belvedere, Vienna), furniture designs for J. & J. Kohn, and
Georg Tappert. 1912 lived in Paris. Be- Salzburg 1998. fabric designs for Johann Backhausen
ginning in 1913, contributed to the maga- L ász ló & Söhne. Left the Vienna Secession to-
zines Der Sturm, Die Aktion, and Weiße Moholy- Nagy Birch Wood in the Evening Light, gether with the Klimt Group in 1905,
Blätter. 1913 Villa Romana-Prize for Flo * 1895 Bácsbarsod c. 1902 and the Wiener Werkstätte in 1907.
rence; his stay interrupted by the out- † 1946 Chicago Oil on canvas Participated in the Kunstschau and the
break of World War I. 1914 affiliated 80 × 80 cm Internationale Kunstschau in 1908 and
with the Freie Secession under Max Belvedere, Vienna 1909.
Liebermann. 1918 cofounder of the No- 1913 / 14 studied law in Budapest. 1914– 11
vembergruppe, chairmanship from 1922. 1917 military service. Began painting Literature: Maria Rennhofer (ed.),
From 1921 taught at the Reimann- in 1918; close contact with the artist’s Koloman Moser – Leben und
Schule and at the Hochschule für bil- group MA . Moved to Vienna in 1919 Werk 1868–1918, Vienna 2002.
dende Künste in Berlin. 1933 received and to Berlin in 1920. 1922 first solo Ot to Möl l e r
employment ban. 1945 resumption of exhibition at Herwarth Walden’s gal- * 1883 Schmiedefeld Woman’ s Portrait in Profile,
his work as an independent painter. lery Der Sturm in Berlin. Participated † 1964 Berlin c. 1910
in the Dada Congress. 1923 master in Oil on canvas
Literature: Moriz Melzer. Streben the metal workshop and head of the 50 × 50 cm
nach reiner Kunst. Werke von 1907 preliminary course at the Staatliches 1904–1907 studies at the Kunstschule Belvedere, Vienna
bis 1927 (exh. cat. Kunstforum Bauhaus in Weimar; later an assistant in Berlin under Philipp Franck, 1907 / 29
Ostdeutsche Galerie Regensburg), to Walter Gropius in Dessau. Begin- 08 under Lovis Corinth. 1911 and 1912
Regensburg 2007. ning in 1924, edited the Bauhaus books participated in the exhibitions of the Mountain Peak under Snow, 1913
together with Gropius. 1928 opened Berlin Secession. 1909 taught art at Oil on canvas, mounted on cardboard
Bridge – Town, 1923 independent studio in Berlin. 1930 par- schools in Berlin. 1915–1918 military ser- 38 x 40.5 cm
Oil on canvas ticipated in the Paris Werkbund exhi- vice. 1919–1932 member of the Novem Belvedere, Vienna
131 × 98.3 cm bition. From 1933 onwards collaborati- bergruppe. From 1920 worked together 28
Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin on with the advertising department of with Bernhard Hasler at the Zentralin-
17 3 the Jenaer Glaswerks Schott & Gen. stitut in Berlin on reforming art instruc- Young Man Standing, c. 1915
1934 emigrated to Amsterdam, to Lon- tion in schools. 1920–1940 lectureship Oil on canvas
don from 1935–1937, and finally to the in methodology and pedagogy at the 50.5 × 37.5 cm
USA. 1937 founded the New Bauhaus Hochschule für Kunsterziehung [ Aca- Belvedere, Vienna
in Chicago and the School of Design. demy for Art Education ] in Berlin- 30
Ne – Or 378
Friederike ( Fritzi ) Literature: Ernst Neuschul 1895–1968 was arrested in Brussels. Interned in the Portrait of Egon Schiele,
Nechansky- Stotz (exh. cat. Dům umění města, Brno / concentration camp Saint-Cyprien / 1910 / 11
* 1904 Opava/Troppau Museum Ostdeutsche Galerie Pyrenees; flight to Brussels. 1944 de- Oil on canvas
† 1993 Vienna Regensburg), Brno 2001. nounced, arrested, and deported to 46 × 44 cm
Auschwitz. Wien Museum
B
Two Weary Women, c. 1925
83
1920 studies at the Vienna Kunstge Oil on canvas Literature: Felix Nussbaum. Gemälde,
werbeschule under Rosalia Rothansl 100 × 120 cm Zeichnungen und Dokumente (exh. Scourging, 1913
V
in the textile workshop; 1921 / 22 in Berlinische Galerie, acquired with cat. Wilhelm-Lehmbruck-Museum, Oil on canvas
Franz Cizek’ s ornamental design class, funds from the Stiftung Deutsche Duisburg / Berlinische Galerie), 198 × 158.5 cm
thereafter studies in the department Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1978 Duisburg 1988. Private collection
of general studies under Victor Schu- 256 112
finsky and Adolf Boehm and 1924– The Folly Square, 1931
1926 enamel workshop under Josef Oil on canvas B
Ferruccio Busoni, 1916

Hoffmann. 1926–1938 ran a handicrafts 97 × 195.5 cm Oil on canvas
workshop (gold, silver, jewelry) in Vien- Hermann Berlinische Galerie, acquired with 80.5 × 80 cm
na 6, Mollardgasse, together with Eleo- Non n e nm ac h e r funds from the Stiftung Deutsche Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
nore Feichtinger, Auguste Schachner, * 1892 Coburg Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1975 Nationalgalerie
and Gerta Hammerschmid; worked for † 1988 London 279 110
the Österreichischer Werkbund. Ter-
minated her artistic activity in 1939. Organ Grinder, 1931 B
The Klingler Quartet, 1917

Studies in wood carving at the Dres- Oil on canvas Oil and tempera on canvas
Literature: Gerald Bast / Agnes den Kunstgewerbeschule and the Dres 88 × 73 cm 70 × 80 cm
Husslein-Arco / Harald Krejci / Patrick den Kunstakademie 1919–1938 lived in Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Belvedere, Vienna
Werkner (eds.), wiener kinetismus. Berlin as an independent artist. 1938 funds from the Stiftung Deutsche 111
eine bewegte moderne, Vienna 2011 emigrated to London. 1948–1970 in- Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1972
structor in modeling and pottery mak- 254 Six-Day Race, c. 1929
Abstract Composition, 1922 ing at the Morley College in London. Oil on canvas
Charcoal on transparent paper 73 × 86 cm
mounted on cardboard Literature: Stefan Jacob, Hermann Berlinische Galerie (on permanent
99 × 64 cm Nonnenmacher. Coburg 1892–1988 Max Oppenheimer loan)
Universität für angewandte Kunst London. Erna Nonnenmacher Berlin * 1885 Vienna 2 51
Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv 1889–1980 London. Leben und Werk † 1954 New York
17 7 in Texten, Bildern und Dokumenten, B
The Actor Emil Jannings, 1932

Stegaurach 2003. Oil on canvas
1900–1903 studies at the Vienna Aka- 80 × 65 cm
Farewell, 1928 demie der Künste under Christian Belvedere, Vienna
E r ns t N e usc h u l Mahogany wood Griepenkerl and Siegmund L’ Allemand. 99
* 1895 Ústí nad Labem / Aussig 104 × 38 × 19 cm Studied at the Prague Academy of
† 1968 London Berlinische Galerie, acquired with the Arts until 1906. 1908 returned to
funds from the Stiftung Deutsche Vienna; associated with the circle of
Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1981 artists around Oskar Kokoschka and Emi l Or l i k
Studies at the art academies in Vienna, 255 Egon Schiele. 1908 and 1909 partici- * 1870 Prague
Prague, and Kraków. 1918 enrolled at pation in the Kunstschau. Study trips † 1932 Berlin
the Hochschule für bildende Künste to France, the Netherlands, and Italy.
in Berlin. 1917 joined the Communist From 1911 lived in Berlin, promoted by
Party in Russia, and in 1919 the Ger- F e l i x N uss bau m Heinrich Mann and the brothers Cas- 1891–1893 attended the Munich Aka
man Communist Party. From 1919 mem- * 1904 Osnabrück sirer. 1912 assumed the artistic nom de demie and academic Engraving School.
ber of the Novembergruppe, participat- † 1944 Auschwitz plume “Mopp.” Exemption from mili- From 1897 worked for the Munich re-
ed in the Große Deutsche Kunstausstel tary service. 1915–1924 lived in Switzer- view Die Jugend. 1899–1905 member
lung and in the exhibitions of the Ber- land. 1924 acquaintanceship with Hans of the Vienna Secession, publications
lin Secession. In 1928 became a mem 1922/23 studies in painting and graph- Böhler. Solo exhibition in the Hagen- in the review Ver Sacrum. Traveled to
ber of ASSO. 1932 guest professor- ics at the Hamburg Kunstgewerbe bund. Further exhibitions in Zurich, Paris, London, and Amsterdam. 1900/
ship at the Hochschule für bildende schule. 1923 moved to Berlin. Studies Basel, Berlin, and Prague. 1926 moved 01 extended stay in Japan, preoccupa-
Künste. 1934 seizure of his works, flight at the Lewin-Funcke-Schule in the class to Berlin. Return to Vienna in 1932. tion with the Japanese woodcut. 1901
to Aussig / Ústí nad Labem in Bohe- of Willy Jaeckel. 1924 attended the 1938 emigration to New York. One return to Prague. 1904 moved to Vien-
mia. 1935 honorary member of the Vereinigte Staatsschule der Kunstaka year before his death, became a mem- na; appointed that year to a profes-
Moscow Artist’s Guild, professorship demie. 1927 first solo exhibition at Ga- ber of the Vienna Secession. sorship at the Staatliche Lehranstalt
at the Academy of Fine Arts in Khar lerie Casper. 1929–1933 participated in des Kunstgewerbemuseums in Berlin.
kov. Threatened with arrest for protest- exhibitions at the Berlin Secession. Literature: Tobias G. Natter (ed.), Moved to Berlin in 1905. 1908 full
ing the aesthetic doctrine of Socialist 1932 / 33 scholarship for the Villa Mas- MOPP Max Oppenheimer 1885–1954 member of the Berlin Secession (cor-
Realism in the Soviet Union. Fled to simo in Rome. His Berlin studio was (exh. cat. Jewish Museum Vienna), responding member since 1901); joined
Bohemia again in 1936. In 1938, after destroyed by an act of arson. Scholar Vienna 1994. the Freie Secession after the split of
the military occupation of the Sude- ship revoked prior to completion. 1933 1913. Member of the Preußische Aka
tenland, fled via Prague to London. /34 traveled to Alassio / Italy. 1935 emi- Portrait of Arnold Schönberg, 1909 demie der Künste. 1912 second trip to
Cofounder of the Freier Deutscher gration to Ostende / Belgium. 1938 par Oil on canvas the Far East. 1923 traveled to the USA.
Kulturbund. ticipation in an exhibition of the Freier 94.5 × 96.5 cm
Künstlerbund in Paris. In 1940 German Private collection, Zurich
troops entered Belgium; Nussbaum 93
379 Pa – Re
Literature: Eugen Otto (ed.), Emil Literature: Regine Schmidt/Angela B

The Artist’s Son on the Sofa, 1917

Lois Pregartbauer
Orlik. Leben und Werk 1870–1932. Pauser (eds.), Sergius Pauser Oil on canvas * 1899 Misselsdorf near Mureck
Prag, Wien, Berlin, Vienna 1997. 1896–1970. Ölgemälde (exh. cat. 90 × 120 cm † 1971 Vienna
Österreichische Galerie Belvedere, Von der Heydt-Museum Wuppertal
The Weavers, 1897 Vienna), Vienna, et al. 1996. 76
Poster for the Deutsches Theater 1916–1918 military service. 1920 / 21
Berlin touring in Prague and Lady in White, 1927 studies at the Technische Hochschule
at the Deutsches Schaupielhaus Oil on plywood and the Kunstgewerbeschule in Vien-
Color lithograph 81.6 × 61.1 cm Herbert na under Oskar Strnad. Private instruc-
76.5 × 103.8 cm Gemälde- und Skulpturensammlung Ploberger tion from Erich Wagner and Remigius
Staatliche
B Museen zu Berlin, der Museen der Stadt Nürnberg * 1902 Wels Geyling. 1931–1938 member of the Ha-
Kunstbibliothek 203 † 1977 Munich genbund, 1938–1945 member of the
Albertina,
V Vienna Künstlerhaus; advocate of the New
53 Luis Trenker with Camera, 1938 Objectivity. 1937 founding member of
Mixed media on hardboard 1921–1925 studies at the Vienna Kunst the cultural review Plan; 1946–1963
B
Portrait of Hermann Bahr, 1908
55 × 46 cm gewerbeschule under Franz Cizek, member of the Vienna Secession; serv
Oil on canvas Belvedere, Vienna Victor Schufinsky, and Adolf Boehm. ed as its president from 1956–1958.
97 × 52 cm 283 1925 stay in Paris, where he participat- Participation in numerous exhibitions,
Private collection, Berlin ed in the decoration of the pavilion for including the Brussels Universal Exhi-
05 the Universal Exhibition. 1927 moved bition of 1935, the Kraków Art Exhibition
to Berlin, participated in the autumn of 1943, and the Sao Paulo Biennale of
B
Portrait of Tilla Durieux, c. 1921

M a x Pec h s t e i n exhibition at the Berlin Akademie der 1951.
Etching * 1881 Zwickau Künste and contributed drawings to
32.6 × 24.9 cm † 1955 Berlin the reviews Querschnitt and Jugend. Literature: Andrea Martinek / Manfred
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with 1929 participated in exhibitions featur- Pregartbauer (eds.), Lois Pregartbauer
funds from the Senator for Science ing the art of the New Objectivity in 1899–1971. Ölbilder und Arbeiten auf
and Art, Berlin 1970 1900–1902 attended the Kunstgewer- Germany and the Netherlands. Free- Papier (exh. cat. Stadtmuseum Holla-
2 21 beschule in Dresden. 1906 joined the lancer and painter for the set design- brunn “Alte Hofmühle”), Vienna 2011.
artist’s group Die Brücke. 1907 stay in ers Ludwig Kainer and Ernst Stern,
B
Portrait of Elisabeth Bergner,
Paris, contact with the circle of the among others for the premiere of Im Railroad Crossing, c. 1922
V
c. 1925 Fauves. 1908 moved to Berlin, joined Weißen Rößl [ The White Horse Inn ] Oil on canvas
Water-based inks, black and colored the Berlin Secession. 1910 cofounder in 1930 under Max Reinhardt. 1933 35 × 75 cm
crayon, white heightening on paper of the Neue Secession. 1911 opened collaboration with Clemens Holzmeis Private collection
69.5 × 50 cm the school MUIM [ instruction in mod- ter on costume and stage designs for 2 57
Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin ern painting ] together with Ernst Lud- Max Reinhardt’s production of Faust
223 wig Kirchner. 1912 participated in the in Salzburg. 1934–1944 worked on film
Sonderbundausstellung in Cologne. 1913 productions by UFA, Terra, and Tobis.
dissolution of Die Brücke. 1914 journey In 1945 Ploberger left Berlin, losing his Johanna ( Hansi )
through Europe and the South Pacific. studio and the greater part of his work. Reismayer-Fritsche
Sergius Pauser 1916/17 military service. 1918 cofounder Stayed in Prague, Vienna, Linz, and * 1900 Vienna
* 1896 Vienna of the Novembergruppe. 1922 member Hamburg. Lived in Munich from 1950 † 1963 Vienna
† 1970 Klosterneuburg of the Preußische Akademie der Kün- until his death in 1977.
ste from 1923 professor. 1925 designed 1912–1917 attended a school for girls,
Studies in architecture and training at stage decor for Max Reinhardt’s Deut Literature: Katharina Weinberger (ed.), received vocal training until 1920. Pro-
the Malschule Fröhlich in Vienna. 1919– sches Theater in Berlin. 1933 banned Herbert Ploberger. Malerei – Graphik duced graphics for Adolf Loos as ear-
1924 studies at the Munich Akademie from exhibiting and working. 1937 ex- zum 100. Geburtstag (exh. cat. ly as middle school. 1920–1926, on the
der bildenden Künste. 1924 / 25 lived pelled from the Preußische Akademie Lebensspuren – Museum der Siegel advice of Loos, studied at the Vienna
in Waidhofen an der Ybbs. 1926 / 27 der Künste, defamed as a “degenerate und Stempel, Wels / Nordico – Kunstgewerbeschule under Josef Hoff
moved to Vienna, studied three month artist,” his works seized. Returned to Museum der Stadt Linz), Wels 2002. mann and Rudolf von Larisch, and in
at the Vienna Akademie under Karl Berlin in 1945, became a professor at Franz Cizek’s department of ornamen
Sterrer. From 1927, membership and the Hochschule für bildende Künste. Still Life, 1926 tal design. 1922 book cover and vi-
regular participation in exhibitions of Oil on canvas gnette designs for Leopold Wolfgang
the Vienna Secession. 1930 awarded Literature: Max Pechstein. Ein Expres- 56 × 72.5 cm Rochowanski’s publication Der Form-
the prize of the city of Vienna, in 1933 sionist aus Leidenschaft. Retrospektive Belvedere, Vienna wille der Zeit in der angewandten Kunst
the Grand Austrian State Prize. Regu- (exh. cat. Kunsthalle zu Kiel/Schleswig- 229 [ The Form Will in the Era of the Ap-
lar participation in biennales and exhi- Holsteinischer Kunstverein/Kunstforum plied Arts ]. From 1925 member of the
bitions in Germany, Switzerland, and Ostdeutsche Galerie Regensburg/ Self-Portrait ( With Ophthalmolo Österreichische Werkbund. Freelance
the USA. In 1935 his works were pur- Kunstmuseum Ahlen), Munich 2010. gical Teaching Aids ), 1928–1930 graphic artist, designed toys and lo-
chased by the Austrian Staatsgalerie Oil on wood gos. From 1927 assembled a collecti-
( Belvedere) and the city of Vienna. Pond Landscape (Krumme
V 50 × 40 cm on of arts and crafts. 1930 received a
Refused an appointment to the Karls- Lanke), c. 1912 Städtische Galerie im Lenbachhaus, prize for the brochure Im Auto nach
ruhe Art Academy in 1942. From 1943 Oil on canvas Munich Wien, designed for the committee on
head of the master class for portrait 49.5 × 72.5 cm 225 tourism. 1939 teaching assistant at Os
painting at the Vienna Akademie der Belvedere, Vienna wald Haerdtl’ s class on commercial and
bildenden Künste. 1944/45 impris- 80 industrial design at the Reichshoch
oned as “politically unsound.” 1945/46 schule für angewandte Kunst. Taught
head of the Akademie der bildenden textile design. From 1945, worked for
Künste; professor until 1966. Haerdtl as a modeler. Designed fol
ding screens and lighting fixtures that
Ri – Sc 380
were presented in 1947 at the First Aus- Pfemfert’ s Die Aktion. Avoided con- Egmon t Sc h a ef e r Balloon Seller, 1929
trian Art Exhibition; 1951–1959 again scription during World War I by going * 1908 Berlin-Niederschöneweide Oil on canvas
assistant at Haerdtl’s master class at to Zurich, where he joined the Dada † 2004 Berlin 191 × 110 cm
the Akademie für angewandte Kunst; movement. First solo exhibition in Zu- Belvedere, Vienna
succeeded Haerdtl after his death in rich. Published the art review Sirius to- 209
1959; became a professor in 1961. gether with Walter Serner. 1917 moved 1928–1931 studies at the Vereinigte
Literature: Gerald Bast / Agnes to Geneva; ran the Geneva branch of Staatsschule für freie und angewandte
Husslein-Arco / Harald Krejci / Patrick the Dada movement together with Ser Kunst in Berlin-Charlottenburg under
Werkner (eds.), wiener kinetismus. ner, in particular in 1919/20. 1918 de Emil Orlik. 1938 banned from work- Hugo Scheiber
eine bewegte moderne, Vienna 2011. veloped the Schadograph, a camera-less ing as a graphic designer. 1938–1944 * 1873 Budapest
photographic procedure. 1920–1925 worked as a laborer in a major Berlin † 1950 Budapest
Abstract Composition, c. 1923 lived in Rome and Naples, briefly in printing company. 1945–1958 freelance
Tempera, charcoal on paper Munich, Paris, and Berlin. 1925–1928 work as a draftsman; participated in
24 × 18.1 cm lived in Vienna, then returned to Ber- numerous postwar art exhibitions in 1887 instruction in painting, interrup-
Universität für angewandte Kunst lin. 1928–1943 numerous major exhibi- Berlin. 1993 honorary scholarship from ted by the need to support his family.
Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv tions in Germany and abroad. 1935– the Senate Department for Cultural Worked with his father as a scene
17 5 1942 worked as a merchandiser in a Affairs. painter in the Prater in Vienna. 1890
brewery. In 1942/43 Schad’s Berlin stu- returned to Budapest. Worked as a
dio was destroyed by an air raid. Moved Literature: Egmont Schaefer sign painter. 1898–1900 attended the
to Aschaffenburg in 1943, and to Keil- 1908–2004 (exh. cat. Ratskeller, School of Arts and Crafts in Budapest.
H e i n r ic h berg in 1962. Galerie für Zeitgenössische Kunst im 1919 exhibited with Béla Kádár in Vi-
Ric h t e r - Be r l i n Rathaus Lichtenberg / Galerie enna. 1920 moved to Vienna, became
* 1884 Berlin Literature: Rudolf Leopold / Michael Parterre Berlin / Berlinische Galerie / a member of the Viennese Hagenbund
† 1981 Berlin Fuhr (eds.), Christian Schad. Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin / and the Hungarian artist’ s associa-
Retrospektive. Leben und Werk im Akademie der Künste Berlin), Berlin tions KUT [ New Society of Artists ]
Kontext (exh. cat. Leopold-Museum, 2008. and UME [ Union of Contemporary
1902/03 studies at the Hochschule der Vienna), Cologne 2008. Artists]. 1922 moved to Berlin. Exhibi-
Künste in Berlin; expelled for exhibit- Street Scene, 1928
B tions in Herwarth Walden’s gallery Der
ing with the Berlin Secession without Portrait of the Writer Black crayon on brown laid paper Sturm; publications of his works in the
permission. 1910 cofounder of the Neue Ludwig Bäumer, 1927 61.7 × 48 cm art review bearing the same name. 1926
Secession, which split off from the Ber Oil on wood Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin exhibited at the Société Anonyme in
lin Secession. 1918 founding member 61 × 50 cm 2 39 New York. 1933 participated in the
of the Novembergruppe. Published Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Mostra Nazionale d’ Arte Futurista in
woodcuts in Walden’s Der Sturm; con- funds from the Stiftung Deutsche Rome. 1934 returned to Budapest.
tributed to Pfemfert’s Die Aktion. 1919 Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1989
cofounder of the Arbeitsrat für Kunst. 224 Otto Rudolf Literature: Georges Darany /
1916–1945 stage- and building designs Schatz Ernest Schmidt, Hugo Scheiber,
for film productions, including those Lola, 1927/28 * 1900 Vienna Leben und Werk, Basel 1982.
by Friedrich Wilhelm Murnau. 1933 Oil on wood † 1961 Vienna
defamed as “degenerate”; exhibited in 67 × 50 cm On the Tram, c. 1925
1937 in the exhibition “Degenerate Art.” Private collection Oil on cardboard
From 1945 produced theater decora- 200 1918–1920 studies at the Vienna Kunst 69 × 98 cm
tions for the Theater am Nollendorf- gewerbeschule under Oskar Strnad Ernst Galéria, Budapest
platz, Berlin. Maika, 1929 and Anton von Kenner. 1924 first exhi- 18 3
Oil on canvas bition in the Neue Galerie Otto Niren
Literature: Heinrich Richter - Berlin 65 × 53 cm stein, with whom he signed a contract.
(exh. cat. Kunstblätter der Galerie Private collection Connections with the Galerie Gurlitt
Nierendorf Nr. 32, Berlin), Berlin 1974. 2 01 in Berlin, the German Avalun-Verlag, Egon Schiele
and the Büchergilde Gutenberg [ Gu * 1890 Tulln
Our Beloved Lady of
V B
Civic Casino, c. 1930
tenberg Book Club ] in Berlin. 1925– † 1918 Vienna
Tauentzienstrasse, 1913 From: A Guide through Licentious 1927 the most important illustrator for
Oil on canvas Berlin, Leipzig 1931 the Gutenberg Book Club, for which
149 × 79.5 cm Pen and black ink, sprayed on paper Wilhelm Traeger and Karl Rössing were 1906 studies at the Vienna Akademie
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with 26.9 × 19.7 cm also active. 1929 collaboration with the der bildenden Künste under Christian
funds from the Stiftung Deutsche Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin Strom-Verlag. 1924–1938 member of Griepenkerl. 1909 participated in the
Klassenlotterie Berlin and the Senator 270 the Hagenbund, participated in many Internationale Kunstschau; founding of
for Science and Art, Berlin 1975 of its exhibitions. 1936/37 lived in New the Neukunstgruppe. 1911 first solo
10 0 B
Voo Doo, c. 1930
York. 1938–1944 banned from working. exhibition at Galerie Miethke in Vien-
From: A Guide through Licentious 1944/45 internment in a concentration na. Accepted into the Munich artists’
Berlin, Leipzig 1931 camp. From 1946 lived and worked in association Sema. 1911 / 12 lived in Kru-
Pen and black ink, sprayed on paper Vienna. mau and Neulengbach. 1912 returned
C h r is t i a n Sc h a d 26.9 × 19.3 cm to Vienna; exhibited at the Galerie
* 1894 Miesbach Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin Literature: Dietrich Kraft / Goltz in Munich, among others, along
† 1982 K
eilberg near 27 1 Matthias Boeckl (ed.), Otto Rudolf side works by Blaue Reiter artists, in
Aschaffenburg Schatz 1900–1961, Weitra 2010. Cologne together with members of
the Sonderbund, at the Viennese Ha
genbund and the Vienna Secession. 1914
1913 studies at the Munich Kunstaka solo exhibition at the Galerie Arnot in
demie. From 1915 contributed to Franz Vienna. 1915 called up for military ser-
381 Sc – Se
vice, worked in the Viennese adminis- Wilhelm Trübner and Hans Thoma ty of Creative Musicians ], whose ideas Fr anz Sedlacek
trative office. 1916 special Schiele issue among others. 1916 military service; are closely associated with the Vienna * 1891 Wrocław/ Breslau
of the Berlin review Die Aktion. 1917 discharged following a hunger strike. Secession. 1906–1908 friendship with † 1945 missing in Poland
organizer of the War Exhibition of the 1919 cofounder of the group Rih in Richard Gerstl. 1910 exhibited his ex-
Heeresmuseum in Vienna, which was Karlsruhe. Moved to Berlin, became a pressionist paintings in a Viennese book-
shown in a different form in the Nether member of the Novembergruppe, the shop. Began teaching outside of the 1910–1913 studied chemistry at the
lands, Sweden, and Denmark. 1918 Berlin Secession, the Berlin Dadaists, academy as a private lecturer. Founded Technische Hochschule in Vienna; com-
participated in an exhibition at the and the German Communist Party. the Verein für musikalische Privatauf pleted his studies after World War I.
Vienna Secession. Died of the Spanish Left the Novembergruppe in 1921. 1924 führungen [ Society for Private Musi- Autodidactic painter. 1913 founding
flu in October 1918. secretary of the Communist artist’s as- cal Performances ] in 1919, since his member of the artist’ s association
sociation Rote Gruppe. 1925 participat- works regularly caused protest in pub- MAERZ in Linz. 1914–1918 military ser-
Literature: Jane Kallir, Egon Schiele. ed in the exhibition Neue Sachlichkeit lic presentations. 1925–1933 directed a vice. 1921 curatorial position at the Tech
The Complete Works, New York 1998. in Mannheim. 1928 joined the ASSO master class at the Prussian Academy nisches Museum in Vienna; from 1937,
[ Association of Revolutionary Visual of the Arts in Berlin. Emigrated to the head of the department of chemistry.
Portrait of the Publisher Artists]. Worked for numerous reviews, USA in 1934. 1920 first participation in an exhibition
Eduard Kosmack, 1910 including Der Gegner, Der Knüppel, of the Vienna Secession. 1927–1938
Oil on canvas Die Rote Fahne, Der Eulenspiegel, and Literature: Hartmut Krones, Arnold Schön- member of the Vienna Secession, from
99.8 × 99.5 cm the Arbeiter-Illustrierten-Zeitung. 1933 berg. Leben und Werk, Vienna 2005. 1938 of the Künstlerhaus. 1939 inducted
Belvedere, Vienna moved to Rottenburg am Neckar, and for military service.
90 in 1935 to Stuttgart. Banned from exhib- L. H., c. 1909
iting or working. 1942 moved to Munich, Oil on canvas Literature: Elisabeth Hintner/ Andreas
Portrait of Dr. Oskar Reichel, 1910
B established contact with the White 42 × 57 cm Strohhammer, Franz Sedlacek
Pencil, watercolor, and opaque white Rose resistance group. Studio and Arnold Schönberg Center, Vienna 1891–1945. Monografie mit Verzeichnis
on paper apartment destroyed by an air raid. 96 der Gemälde, Vienna 2011.
44.5 × 31.5 cm After 1945, cofounder of the Neue
Kunsthaus Zug, Stiftung Sammlung Gruppe. 1946 participated in the Erste Defeated, 1919 The City, 1926
V
Kamm Allgemeine Deutsche Kunstausstellung Watercolor on paper Oil on wood
98 in Dresden. 35.7 × 25.6 cm 85.3 × 72.3 cm
Arnold Schönberg Center, Vienna Universität für angewandte Kunst
Hans Flesch von Brunningen,
B Literature: Götz Adriani (ed.), 97 Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv
1914 Rudolf Schlichter. Gemälde, Aquarelle, 261
Cover of Die Aktion, year IV, Zeichnungen (exh. cat. Kunsthalle
no. 30, 1914 Tübingen / Von der Heydt-Museum V
The Delayed Ghost in the Night

33 × 24 cm Wuppertal / Städtische Galerie im Fritz and the Drunkards, 1931
Berlinische Galerie Lenbachhaus, Munich), Munich 1997. Schwarz -Waldegg Oil on wood
147 * 1889 Vienna 55 × 82 cm
Jenny Seated, 1922 / 23 † 1942 Maly Trostinez extermina- Private collection
Self-Portrait, 1916
B Oil on canvas tion camp near Minsk 262
Cover of Die Aktion, year. VI, no. 86.5 × 65 cm
35 / 36, 1916 Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
33 × 24 cm funds from the Stiftung Deutsche 1907–1911 studies at the Vienna Aca-
Berlinische Galerie Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1989 demy of Fine Arts under Christian A rt h u r S ega l
14 6 2 07 Griepenkerl and Rudolf Bacher. 1913 * 1875 Iași / Jassy
participated in the autumn exhibition † 1944 London
Nude with Plaid Slipper, 1917
B
Margot, 1924 of the Künstlerhaus in Vienna. 1914/15
Watercolor and charcoal on paper Oil on canvas designed the staircases for the Techni-
45.7 × 29 cm 110.5 × 75 cm sche Hochschule in Berlin-Charlotten- 1892 studies at the Akademie der bil-
Kunsthaus Zug, Stiftung Sammlung Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin burg. Military service on the Galician denden Künste in Berlin. 1895 attend-
Kamm 19 8 and Italian fronts. 1921–1924 study trips ed the Académie Julian in Paris. 1896
10 4 throughout Europe. From 1922 mem- received instruction at a private school
Prussian Archangel, 1920 ber of the Hagenbund, its president in under Ludwig Schmid-Reutte and Frie
Portrait of the Poet Karl Otten
B See John Heartfield 1925 / 26. Received the Grand Austrian drich Fehr. 1899 moved to Munich, stud-
Cover of Die Aktion, year. VII, 152 State Prize in 1934. 1934–1938 lived in ied under Carl von Marr and Adolf
no. 43 / 44, 1917 Vienna as an independent painter, re- Hölzel at the Munich Art Academy.
33 × 24 cm gular participation in the exhibitions of 1904 moved to Berlin. 1909 and 1913
Berlinische Galerie the Hagenbund. 1938 excluded from participation in the exhibitions of the
14 5 Arnold Schönberg the official art scene and driven from Berlin Secession, and from 1910–1912
* 1874 Vienna his studio. 1942 deported and murdered. in the exhibitions of the Neue Berliner
† 1951 Los Angeles Sezession, which he cofounded. Publi-
Literature: Matthias Boeckl (ed.), Fritz cations in the review / exhibits in the
Ru dolf Schwarz-Waldegg. Maler-Reisen durchs gallery Der Sturm. 1914 emigration to
Sc h l ic h t e r Originator of twelve-tone music (along- Ich und die Welt (exh. cat. Jewish Muse- Ascona. 1916 exhibits at the Cabaret
* 1890 Calw side Josef Matthias Hauer) and of the um of the City of Vienna), Weitra 2009. Voltaire with the Zurich Dadaists. 1920
† 1955 Munich Second Vienna School. Beginning in returned to Berlin and founded a paint-
1890, studied violin and composition as Confession, 1920
B ing school. Membership in and at times
an autodidact. 1911 published his Har- Oil on canvas on the executive board of the Novem-
1906–1908 studies at the Kunstgewer- monielehre. Lived in Berlin in 1901– 117 × 88 cm bergruppe. Emigrated to Mallorca in
beschule in Stuttgart, and from 1911 at 1903 and 1911–1915. 1904 founded the Belvedere, Vienna 1933 and to London in 1936, opened a
the Karlsruhe Kunstakademie, under Verein schaffender Tonkünstler [ Socie- 138 school of painting in 1937.
Si – S t 382
Literature: Arthur Segal 1875–1944 teaching assistant at the Hochschule Literature: Max Slevogt. Die Berliner E r ns t S t e r n
(exh. cat. Cologne Kunstverein/ Haus für Bildende Künste Berlin. 1881 taught Jahre (exh. cat. Von der Heydt- * 1876 Bucharest
am Waldsee, Berlin/ Museum anatomy and proportion at the art Museum Wuppertal in cooperation † 1954 London
Ostdeutsche Galerie Regensburg), school of the Berlin Kunstgewerbemu with the Stiftung “Brandenburger
Berlin 1987. seum. 1883 participation in an exhibition Tor”/Max-Liebermann-Haus, Berlin),
at the Paris Salon. 1888 professor at Cologne 2005. Attended the Handelsakademie in Vi-
Abortion Act, 1931
V
the Akademie der bildenden Künste enna. From 1894 studied at the Mu-
Oil on jute in Berlin. 1889 participation in the jubi- Bruno Cassirer, 1911
B nich Kunstakademie under Nikolaus
72.5 × 91.5 cm lee exhibition for the hundredth birth- Oil on wood Gysis and Franz von Stuck. Published
Berlinische Galerie, acquired with day of the French Revolution. 1892 41 × 31.5 cm drawings in the reviews Jugend and
funds from the Stiftung Deutsche cofounder of the group Die Elf. In 1893 Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Simplicissimus; made appearances as
Klassenlotterie Berlin and from the requested to be allowed to leave the Nationalgalerie Tobias Loch, the quick painter, in the
Senator for Science and Art, Berlin faculty of the Akademie der bilden 92 political cabaret Elf Scharfrichter. Mem
1977 den Künste. Appointed a member of ber of the Munich Secession, the Dra
27 2 the Akademie der Künste. 1895 mem- matische Gesellschaft, and the Berlin
ber of advisory board for the review Secession. 1905 worked in Berlin, for
Pan. 1898 founding member of the Ber E uge n Spi ro the Lustige Blätter among others. 1906–
lin Secession. After 1901, participated * 1874 Wrocław / Breslau 1921 principal set designer for Max
R e n é e Si n t e n is again in the Große Berliner Kunstaus † 1972 New York Reinhardt at the Deutsches Theater in
* 1888 Kłoduko/ Glatz stellung. 1904 senate member of the Berlin. 1924 head of scenography at
† 1965 Berlin Royal Academy of Arts. the Großes Schauspielhaus; from 1918
1892 studies at the Königliche Akade- designed film sets and costumes as
Literature: Margrit Bröhan, Franz mie für Kunst und Kunstgewerbe in well. 1933 in Paris during the National
1907–1909 studied decorative sculp- Skarbina (exh. cat. Bröhan-Museum, Wrocław / Breslau. 1894 transfer to the Socialist seizure of power. 1934 worked
ture at the Kunstgewerbeschule in Berlin), Berlin 1995. Munich Akademie der bildenden Kün- in film in Hollywood before moving to
Berlin under Wilhelm Haverkamp. In- ste. 1897–1904 lived in Italy, Munich, London and working at the Savoy
terrupted her studies to work as a Behind Nollendorfplatz, 1885
B
and Wrocław / Breslau. Participated in Theatre, among others.
secretary for her father. From 1915 Watercolor on cardboard exhibitions at the Munich and Vienna
exhibited with the Berlin Secession; ac- 23 × 30.3 cm Secessions, and at the Deutscher Künst Literature: Ernst Stern, Bühnenbildner
quainted with the circle around the Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin lerbund. Member of the Munich Seces bei Max Reinhardt. Mit 80 Zeichnun-
Romanisches Café; Alfred Flechtheim 13 sion; designed covers for the review gen des Verfassers, Berlin 1955.
exhibited her works in Paris and New Die Jugend. 1904–1906 lived in Berlin;
York. 1917 married the painter Emil Ru- membership in the Berlin Secession, Revolution Day in Berlin, 1919
B
dolf Weiß. Close friendship with Joa- served on the executive board from Portfolio with six lithographs on
chim Ringelnatz. 1931 member of the Max Slevogt 1915 to 1935. 1906–1914 professor at the handmade paper
Berlin Akademie der Künste, taught * 1868 Landshut Académie moderne and the Académie Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin
at the Akademie until her dismissal in † 1932 Neukastel des Beaux-Arts in Paris. Exhibitions at
1934. In 1945 the majority of her works the Salon des Tuileries. Frequented the Strike in Mariendorf
were destroyed by bombs. 1947 pro- artistic circle of the Café du Dôme. Sheet 1
fessor at the Hochschule der Künste. 1885–1889/90 studies at the Munich 1914–1935 returned to Berlin. Became 30.5 × 48.5 cm
1955 full member of at the Akademie Akademie. 1889 attended the Acadé professor at the Staatliche Kunstschule
der Künste. mie Julian in Paris. 1890 settled in Mu- and member of the acquisitions com The Cars on the Ninth of
nich as an independent artist. 1892 mission of the Nationalgalerie. 1933 November
Literature: Renée Sintenis. Plastiken, member of the Munich Secession. 1894 banned from working and exhibiting. Sheet 2
Zeichnungen, Druckgraphik (exh. cat. member of the Freie Vereinigung. 1896 1935 – 1940 emigration to Paris. In 1941 35.5 × 48.5 cm
Georg-Kolbe-Museum, Berlin/ worked for the reviews Jugend and traveled to the USA. 14 2
Kulturgeschichtliches Museum, Osna- Simplicissimus. 1897 first solo exhibi-
brück/Ostdeutsche Galerie tion in Vienna. 1899 participated in an Literature: Wilko von Abercron, Orators at Potsdamer Platz
Regensburg; Museen der Stadt exhibition of the Munich and Berlin Eugen Spiro. 1874 Breslau – 1972 Sheet 3
Hanau/ Leopold-Hoesch-Museum, Secessions. 1900 trip to Paris, represent- New York. Spiegel seines Jahrhunderts, 32.5 × 48 cm
Düren), Berlin 1983. ed with a work at the German pavilion Alsbach 1990.
of the Universal Exhibition. 1901 ap- Schloßplatz
Portrait of Joachim Ringelnatz,
V
pointed to a professorship in Munich; The Dancer Baladine Klossowska Sheet 4
1923 moved to Berlin, from 1902 member (Merline), 1901 32.5 × 47 cm
Stucco of the Berlin Secession. 1906 designed Oil on canvas
33 × 21 × 23 cm stage sets and costumes for Max Rein 181.5 × 121 cm Panic in the Lustgarten
Belvedere, Vienna hardt’ s Kammerspiele [ chamber plays ] Berlinische Galerie, acquired with Sheet 5
10 6 for the Deutsches Theater. From 1914 funds from the Stiftung Deutsche 33.5 × 52.5 cm
worked as an official “war painter” on Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1982 14 3
the Western Front. From 1917 profes- 04
sor at the Hochschule für bildenden Shots at Brandenburger Tor
F r a nz Sk a r bi na Künste in Berlin, from 1914 member of Sheet 6
* 1849 Berlin the Preußische Akademie der Künste. 34.5 × 48.5 cm
† 1910 Berlin 1924 designed stage sets for a produc-
tion at the State Opera in Dresden.
Painted the music hall of the Neukas-
1865–1869 studies at the Akademie tel Castle ( Palatinate ).
der bildenden Künste in Berlin. 1871–
1877 study trip through Europe. 1878
383 Tr – We
Wilhelm Tr aeger Further trips to London, Paris, and Self-Portrait with Shaving Foam, W i l l i a m Wau e r
* 1907 Vienna various German cities. 1925 * 1866 Oberwiesenthal
† 1980 Ried im Innkreis Oil on canvas † 1962 Berlin
Literature: Lesser Ury. Zauber 82 × 62.8 cm
des Lichts (exh. cat. Käthe-Kollwitz- Belvedere Vienna, on permanent
1925–1933 studies at the Akademie Museum, Berlin), Berlin 1995. loan from a private collection 1884–1887 studies at the art acade-
der bildenden Künste in Vienna under 2 52 mies in Dresden, Berlin, and Munich.
Wilhelm Dachauer and Rudolf Bacher, (At the) Friedrichstraße Station,
B
Beginning in 1888, numerous trips
subsequently received teacher train- 1888 Still Life with Crested Grebe, abroad. Around 1900 edited and
ing at Vienna Technische Hochschule. Opaque color (grisaille) on paper 1928 worked for various reviews in Berlin
From 1933 art teacher in Upper Aus- and cardboard Oil on wood and Dresden and as an advertising
tria. 1935 member of the Oberöster- 65.5 × 46.8 cm 69 × 50 cm consultant for various companies. 1905
reichischer Kunstverein and the Vien- Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin Oesterreichische Nationalbank returned to Berlin, where he worked
na Secession, moved to Ried in 1936. 18 2 26 as a theater director from 1906–1914,
From 1974, president of the Oberös- among others for Max Reinhardt at the
terreichischer Kunstverein. Berlin Street Scene (Leipziger Still Life with Lid, 1930 Deutsches Theater. 1911–1916 movie
Straße), 1889 Oil on wood director. 1918 member of the Arbeitsrat
Literature: Troels Andresen / Dorte Oil on canvas 60 × 75 cm für Kunst and the Novembergruppe.
Kirkeby / Verena Traeger (eds.), 107 × 68 cm Sammlung Bodenseekreis, on per- Publications in Herwarth Walden’s re-
Wilhelm Traeger. Wien – Fredericia – Berlinische Galerie, acquired with manent loan from the Zweckverband view Der Sturm and exhibitions in the
Ried (exh. cat. Silkeborg Kunstmuse- funds from the Stiftung Deutsche Oberschwäbische Elektrizitätswerke eponymous gallery. 1919 first chairman
um), Silkeborg 1998. Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1978 (OEW) of the “International Association of
20 230 Expressionists, Futurists, Cubists, and
Vienna 1932, 1932 Constructivists,” ( from 1924 onwards
Portfolio with 41 linoleum cuts Two Heads, 1932 called Die Abstrakten ), which was
Private collection Oil on wood banned in 1933. 1928–1933 radio lec-
Rudolf Wacker 100 × 63 cm tures on art and radio plays. 1934 de-
Poster Artists
V
* 1893 Bregenz Belvedere, Vienna famed as “degenerate.” 1941 seizure of
Plate 1, 37.7 × 48 cm † 1939 Bregenz 2 27 his works and work ban. 1946 partici-
243 pation in the Erste Allgemeine Deut
sche Kunstausstellung in Dresden.
Tourism on Kärtnerstrasse 1909/10 attended the Fachschule für Otto Erich
Plate 36, 47.8 × 62.2 cm gewerbliches Zeichnen in Bregenz. Wagner Literature: William Wauer und der Ber-
244 1910/11 studies at the private painting * 1895 Klepácov-Blansko / liner Kubismus. Die plastischen Künste
school G. Bauer in Vienna. 1911–1914 Blanz-Klepatschow um 1920 (exh. cat. Georg-Kolbe-
People’s Coffeehouse in Vienna studies at the Weimar Kunstakademie † 1979 Vienna Museum, Berlin / Edwin-Scharff-Mu-
Plate 40, 49.1 × 62.1 cm under Albin Egger-Lienz and Walther seum, Neu Ulm), Cologne 2011.
245 Klemm. 1915–1920 prisoner of war in
Russia. 1920 returned to Berlin, main- Nephew of the architect Otto Wagner. Portrait of Herwarth Walden, 1917
Street Scene II ( Meidling, tained a studio on Mommsenstraße 1919–1923 attended teacher-training Bronze (recast 1981)
Tivoligasse) together with Otto Herbig, and estab- college in Vienna. 1922–1924 studied 52 × 32 × 35 cm
Plate 35, 42.8 × 53 cm lished contact with the circle of pain- at the Vienna Kunstgewerbeschule; Berlinische Galerie, acquired with
246 ters around Erich Heckel and with Paul attended the class on ornamental de- funds from the Stiftung Deutsche
Westheim, editor of the review Das sign by Franz Cizek and Rudolf von Klassenlotterie, Berlin 1981
Kunstblatt. 1923/24 lived in Vienna. Larisch, assistant to Cizek. 1925 par- 107
1924 settled in Bregenz; published an ticipated in the International Arts and
L e ss e r U ry article on Vienna in Das Kunstblatt. 1925 Crafts Exhibition in Paris. After Cizek’s
* 1861 Birnbaum founding member of the Bodensee retirement, Wagner was accepted by
† 1931 Berlin artist’s association Der Kreis. 1929/30 his successor Ceno Kosak, and at the Emi l Ru dolf W e iss
lived in Goslar and Berlin. Established same time taught at the Franz-Joseph- * 1875 Lahr / Baden
contact with the Galerie Neumann- Realgymnasium in Vienna. From 1935 † 1934 Meersburg
1879 studies at the Düsseldorf Kunst Nierendorf. 1931/32 stay in Switzerland. called himself Otto Franz. 1944/45
akademie and in 1879/80 at the Art 1933 joined the conservative Vater- military induction to Yugoslavia as a
Academy in Brussels. 1883 continued ländische Front party [ Patriotic Front ]. measure of punishment. 1949 returned 1893–1903 studies (among others) at
his training in Paris. 1882–1884 lived in 1934 Grand Austrian State Prize; ex- from wartime imprisonment, member the Großherzoglich Badische Akade-
the Flemish village of Volluvet. 1885 hibited in the German pavilion of the of the Vienna Secession. mie in Karlsruhe and the Académie
met Anton von Werner in Berlin, was Venice Biennale. 1936–1938 headed the Julian in Paris. During his studies and
rejected as his student. 1886 attended course in nude drawing at the Gewer- Literature: Otto Erich Wagner. thereafter, active as a designer, illus-
the Munich Kunstakademie was rec- beschule in Bregenz. 1937 left the Vater- Kinetische Zeichnungen (exh. cat. Anti- trator, and graphic artist. 1907 accept-
ognized by Fritz von Uhde. 1887 re- ländische Front. 1938 suffered a heart quariat Christian M. Nebehay 90), ed by the Berlin Secession. Active as a
turn to Berlin. Initially, close friendship attack after a house search and inter- Vienna 1985. teacher; appointed in 1910 as a pro-
with Max Liebermann, which ended in rogation by the Gestapo. fessor at the Berlin Kunstgewerbe
a quarrel in 1894. 1889 exhibited at Kinetic Space, 1924
V
schule, headed the class in decorative
the Galerie Friedrich Gurlitt. Between Literature: Rudolf Sagmeister (ed.), Graphite on paper mural painting and pattern design un-
1890 and 1909, trips to Italy, Holstein, Rudolf Wacker und Zeitgenossen. Ex- 101 × 100 cm til 1933. 1917 second marriage to the
Thuringia, and the Baltic Sea. 1893 pressionismus und Neue Sachlichkeit Universität für angewandte Kunst sculptor Renée Sintenis. 1922 accepted
member of the Munich Secession. From (exh. cat. Kunstverein Bregenz), Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv by the Preußische Akademie der Kün-
1914 member of the Berlin Secession, Bregenz 1993. 187 ste in Berlin. 1928 developed the Weiss-
becoming an honorary member in 1921.
We – Zi 384
Antiqua typeface. 1933 deprived of his Martha Alber attended the Vienna Literature: Richard Ziegler. Pastels
professorship by the National Socialists. School of Arts and Crafts and worked and Drawings 1922–35 (exh. cat.
for the Wiener Werkstätte. Runkel-Hue-Williams, London),
The Weiss-Antiqua typeface is used London 1991.
for the Berlin texts of the present Blouse of Johanna Staude, c. 1910
catalog. Silk Woman on the Street, c. 1929
V

Belvedere, Vienna Opaque color on paper
Literature: Emil Rudolf Weiss, 41 49.2 × 32.2 cm
Emil Rudolf Weiß über Buchgestaltung, Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin
Hamburg 1969. – Barbara Stark, 234
Emil Rudolf Weiss: Maler, Graphiker,
Buch- und Schriftkünstler, Hamburg Gus tav
1993. W u n de rwa l d
* 1882 Cologne
† 1945 Berlin
Kon r a d
W e s t e r m ay r 1896–1898 studied painting in Co-
* 1883 Ramsau near logne. 1899/1900 scene painter in Go-
B
erchtesgaden tha; from 1900–1907, theater painter
† 1917 Flanderns for a company in Berlin. 1904–1907
stage designer for the Royal State
Opera in Stockholm. 1907/08 member
1897–1901 received training as a stain- of the executive board of actors and
ed-glass artist in Munich, after which musicians at the Schauspielhaus in
he attended the Kunstgewerbeschule. Düsseldorf. 1909 worked at the Stadt-
1906 spent a semester at the Academy theater in Innsbruck. 1912–1917 deco-
of Fine Arts. 1907 transfer to Bruno rative painter for the Deutsches Opern
Paul’ s school in Berlin. 1910 student of haus in Berlin. 1915–1918 military ser-
Emil Rudolf Weiß. 1914 published in vice. From 1918 active as an independ-
the review Kunst und Künstler. 1915– ent artist in Berlin. 1924 first solo exhi-
1917 military service, died in Flanders. bition in the Landsberg art bookshop.
1925 and 1926 participated in the Große
Literature: Thieme-Becker, Allge- Berliner Kunstausstellung. Beginning in
meines Lexikon der bildenden Künstler 1935, ceased participating in public art
von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart, exhibitions. 1936–1943 earned a living
vol. 35, Leipzig 1926, pp. 449–50. by coloring promotional films for UFA
and Mars-Film.
Self-Portrait as Soldier, c. 1916
Oil on canvas Literature: Hildegard Reinhardt,
50 × 40 cm Gustav Wunderwald ( 1882–1945 ).
Berlinische Galerie, Gift of Uwe Untersuchungen zum bildkünstlerischen
Hesch and Winnetou Kampmann, Gesamtwerk, Hildesheim 1988.
Berlin 1981
131 Factory of Loewe & Co., 1926
V

Oil on canvas
61 × 71 cm
Berlinische Galerie, acquired from the
Wiener Senator for Federal Affairs, Bonn 1977
Werkstätte 258
Martha Alber
* 1893
† date of death unknown
Ric h a r d Zi egl e r
* 1891 Pforzheim
The Wiener Werkstätte (WW), found- † 1992 Pforzheim
ed in 1903 as a “productive coopera-
tive of craftspeople in Vienna.” Found-
ing members were Josef Hoffmann, Studied philology in Geneva, Greif
Koloman Moser, Fritz Wärndorfer. swald, and Heidelberg; earned a PhD
Close collaboration with the Vienna Se in 1919. Began producing book illus-
cession and the Kunstgewerbeschule. trations, woodcuts, and oil paintings.
Founded with the aim of pursuing the From 1925 active as an independent
merging of art and handicrafts in the artist in Berlin. 1933 – 1937 lived on the
spirit of the Gesamtkunstwerk, involv- island of Korčula. Moved to England
ing their own designs for furniture, fix- in 1937, and to Spain in 1963. Returns
tures, clothing, decoration, postcards, to Pforzheim at the end of the Eighties.
etc.
385
A u t ho r B i o gra ph ie s Leopold Museum in Vienna, Zwis mission for provenance research. methods of social network analysis
chen den Kriegen. Österreichische Main pursuits: the cataloging of be- and discourse theory. 2012: research
Kunst 1918–1938 (2007). Publications quests, scholarly research, and con- stipend from the City of Vienna to
on art of the twentieth and twenty- tributions to various exhibition and execute the project Der Wiener Dis
first centuries, including Die Rezep research projects at the Belvedere. kurs zur Avantgarde. Since 2013, re-
tion kubistischer Stilelemente in der search project assistant at the Bel-
Malerei der Zwischenkriegszeit in Ös vedere in the framework of the pro-
Agne s Hu ssle i n-Arc o
terreich (1993), as well as on Austri- ject Hagenbund: An International Net-
Ste ph a n i e A u e r
an exile art. Director of the Belvedere in Vienna work.
Art historian. Since 2007: curatori- since 2007; art historian, curator
al assistant at the Belvedere. Diplo- of numerous exhibitions on classi-
Markus Fel l i n g er Ale xande r Kl ee
ma thesis on Federico García Lorca’s cal modernist and contemporary
production as a visual artist. In ad- Has worked at the Belvedere since art; author and editor of scholarly Art historian. Since 2010, curator
dition to the topic of artistic person- December of 2010, initially as an as- publications. Opened the Viennese for late nineteenth- and early twen-
alities with dual talents, research sistant at the Center for the Creation branch of Sotheby’ s in 1981, and tieth-century art at the Belvedere.
foci include Austrian and Central of Catalogues Raisonnés; worked ran it until 2000. In 1988, assumed Founding member of the Adolf
European painting during the late on the production of catalogues rai- directorship of the Sotheby’ s branch- Hölzel-Stiftung in Stuttgart; a cata
nineteenth and early twentieth cen- sonnés for Josef Danhauser und es in Budapest and Prague. In the logue raisonné on Adolf Hölzel is
turies. Hans Makart; since August 2011 has 1990s, Agnes Husslein-Arco was di- in preparation. Numerous publica-
worked at the Belvedere as a cura- rector of European development at tions on Hölzel, Georg Karl Pfahler,
torial assistant in the area of art the Solomon R. Guggenheim Muse- and classical modernist artists; re-
Ral f B u r me i s te r
around 1900. um in New York; from 2001 to 2003, search focus on the nineteenth and
MA in German language and litera- director of the Rupertinum in Salz- twentieth centuries.
ture, PhD in cultural studies. Cura- burg; and from 2003 to 2005, found-
Rai n a l d Fra n z
tor and head of the Artist’s Archive ing director of the Museum der
Cle me ns Kl öckn er
of the Berlinische Galerie. Research Art historian. Born in Graz in 1964. Moderne in Salzburg. From 2002 to
associate with the following research Studies in Vienna, Munich, London, 2004, organized the expansion of Born in Cologne in 1982, studies
and exhibition projects: Profession Rome, Venice. Has worked since the M M KK – Museum Moderner there from 2004 to 2011 in art his-
ohne Tradition ( Berlin 1992), Raoul 1992 at the Austrian Museum of Ap- Kunst Kärnten in Klagenfurt am tory, classical archaeology, and clas-
Hausmann und seine Freunde ( Berlin plied Arts/Contemporary Art (MAK) Wörthersee. sical literature. 2006–2011: assistant
1998), Grotesk ! 130 Jahre Kunst der Frech- in Vienna. 1996–2011: acting direc- with the kunst:dialoge project at the
heit ( Frankfurt am Main, Munich tor of the library and Kunstblätter- Museum Ludwig, Cologne. 2010–
Chri sti an Jäge r
2003). Publication of the documen- sammlung (art on paper collection) 2011: research assistant at the Leo
tary estate of Hannah Höch as the of the MAK; beginning in 2000, Studies in literature; since 2001, as- pold-Hoesch-Museum, Düren. 2011–
edition series Hannah Höch. Eine Lebens commissioner on provenance; since sociate professor for modern Ger- 2013: trainee curator at the Berli
collage ( Berlin 1995 and 2002 ); coed- October 2011: director of the glass man literature at the Institute for nische Galerie; since August 2013,
itor of the biographic-bibliographic and porcelain collection, responsi- German Literature at the Humboldt- research associate. Exhibitions and
lexicon Raoul Hausmann (DDL, ble for cross-collection and EU pro- Universität zu Berlin. His habilita- publications on art of the twentieth
Reihe VI; Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt jects. Numerous exhibitions and tion was published in 2005: Mino and twenty-first centuries.
2012). Publications on Dada, Merz, publications, organizer of symposia, ritäre Literatur. Das Konzept der kleinen
Fluxus, and contemporary art. Cu- including Gottfried Semper und Wien Literatur am Beispiel prager- und sudeten- Thomas Köh l er
rator of the retrospective Hannah (Vienna 2005), and more recently deutscher Werke. Collaboration on the
Höch – Aller Anfang ist DADA! (Berlin, Leben mit Loos (Vienna 2008); par- DFG project Wien Berlin Feuille- Director of the Berlinische Galerie,
Basel 2007/2008). ticipation in international sympo- ton. Appointed a Max Kade Profes- Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst,
sia. Lecturer at the Institute for Art sor at the University of North Car- Fotografie und Architektur since
History at Vienna University, and olina at Chapel Hill and at Duke 2010. After studies in art history,
Co rne li a Ca bu k
at the Institute for Conservation University ( NC, USA ) in 2008. Re- classical archaeology, and Romance
Art historian and curator. PhD in and Restoration Science at the Uni- search foci include literature around studies in Paris and Frankfurt am
art history and ethnology at Vienna versity of Applied Arts, Vienna: his- 1800, the Weimar Republic, con- Main, Thomas Köhler earned his
University. Has worked at the Bel- tory of ornamentation. Since 2007: temporary literature, aesthetics and PhD from Darmstadt Technical Uni
vedere in Vienna, Institute for the president of the ICDAD (Interna- literary theory. Publications include: versity in 2003 with a dissertation
Creation of Catalogues Raisonnés, tional Committee of Decorative Arts Gilles Deleuze. Eine Einführung, Munich on Donald Judd. From 1994 to 1998,
since 2010. Author of Carry Haus and Design); since October 2011: 1997; with Erhard Schütz, Städte- he worked as a research assistant at
er, Monografie und Werkverzeichnis chairman of the Verband Österrei bilder zwischen Literatur und Journalis the Museum für Moderne Kunst in
(2012). Currently in preparation: Cat- chischer Kunsthistorikerinnen und mus. Wien, Berlin und das Feuilleton der Frankfurt am Main, and in 1996 was
alogues raisonnés for Carl Moll, Kunsthistoriker. Research foci: ar- Weimarer Republik, Wiesbaden 1999. a curator in residence at the Whitney
Marc Adrian ( jointly with Harald chitecture of the modern era, histo- Museum of American Art in New York.
Krejci), and Otto Rudolf Schatz. ry of ornamentation, applied arts, In 1996 / 97, he was program director
Max i mi li an Kai se r
Editor and author of Florentina Pa and early design. of 100 Days – 100 Guests at the docu-
kosta. Malerei seit 1989 (2013). Edi- Born in 1983, lives and works in menta X in Kassel. Since 1998, has
torial team at the Leopold Museum, Vienna. Studies in art history in taught at the University of Hildes
Ka t i n ka
Vienna, Florentina Pakosta (2011), Vienna. In 2008, worked on the re- heim, the University of Fine Arts in
G ra t zer- B au m g ä rtne r
exhibition texts and catalog contri- search project Nachlass Prof. Franz Hamburg (HBK), and NYU Berlin.
butions to Genderantagonismen und Born in Johannesburg, South Afri- Čižek. Jugendkunst/Kinetismus at the From 1998 to 2008, headed the De-
Rollenbilder in der Kunst von Florenti ca, in 1972. Studies in restoration Wien Museum. 2010: Mag. phil. at partment of Communication and
na Pakosta. Areas of activity include and art history in Florence and Vi- Vienna University with a diploma Visual Education at the Kunstmuse-
gallery management and curating gal- enna. Since 2007, research assistant thesis on Viennese Kineticism and um Wolfsburg, was acting director
lery activities, exhibition programs, at the research center of the Belve- the international avant-garde. Be- beginning in 2005. In 2008, assumed
and editions. First co-curator at the dere Vienna, member of the com- ginning in 2011, concerned with the directorship of the collection and ex-
Autho r Bi o g ra ph i e s 386
hibition program of the Berlinische Hart m u t K rone s Jani na Ne nt w i g Johann es Wa ßm er

Galerie. Since then, numerous ex-
hibitions and publications on mod- Studies in music education, Ger- Studies in art history, European eth- Johannes Waßmer, MA, born in 1983;
ern and contemporary art, includ- man language and literature, voice, nology, and communication science December 2010: completed studies
ing Nan Goldin: Berlin Work (2010) vocal pedagogy, and musicology. Has in Münster and Vienna. After an with distinction in modern and early
and Boris Mikhailov: Time is out of Joint taught since 1970 at the University internship at the Berlinische Galerie, German language and literature and
(2012). of Music and the Performing Arts, worked as a curatorial assistant on philosophy at the Heinrich-Heine-
Vienna, where he heads the Institut various projects, including the ex- Universität Düsseldorf; since 2007
für Musikalische Stilforschung [Mu- hibition Hannah Höch – Aller Anfang assistant and since 2012 research
C h r i s ti n a Ko rzen
sical Style Research Institute], with ist DADA! (2007). In 2009, earned assistant with the professorship in
Studies in art history in Freiburg departments in stylistic and perfor- a PhD with a dissertation on depic- modern German language and liter-
and Berlin. Master’s thesis on Wolf- mance practice, as well as the Arnold tions of the nude in New Objectiv- ature; research foci: World War I
gang Tillmans. From 2011 to 2013: Schönberg Center. Numerous publi- ity. As a freelance author, she has and literature, literature and literary
trainee curator and project assis- cations in the areas of performance written—alongside scholarly con- reviews in modernism and Expres-
tant at the Berlinische Galerie. As- practices in early and contemporary tributions—audio guides for inter- sionism, Martin Buber, Paula Buber,
sisted with the exhibitions Straßen music, musical symbolism and rhet- national exhibitions, most recently Hermann Hesse, and Stefan Zweig;
und Gesichter. Berlin 1918–1933; Das oric, as well as twentieth-century Max Ernst, Albertina in Vienna/Fon- PhD candidate working on The Ex-
Neue Berlin. Entwürfe für Regierungs- music (including music in emigra- dation Beyeler in Basel (2013). perience of Time and the Representations
bauten und Botschaften seit 1990; and tion). of History in the Literary Narratives of
Wien–Berlin. Kunst zweier Metropolen. He rmann Sc hlö sse r World War I.
Recent publication (2012): “Der Is a b el l e L i nde rmann
Kopfjäger Dolbin ist unterwegs. Eine Born in Worms in 1953. Studied Frank Wh itford
Studies in art history in Marburg
Spurensuche,” in: Straßen und Gesichter. German and English language and
Berlin 1918–1933 (exh. cat. Berlinische
and Berlin. Master’s thesis on the literature in Marburg and Sheffield, Born in 1941, senior member of
Galerie), Bielefeld/Berlin 2012. concept of entrapment and uncer- leading to a PhD. Lives in Vienna; Wolfson College, Cambridge. Au-
tainty as strategies in contemporary works as a feuilleton editor at the thor of various books on German
A lmu t K ra pf-Wei l er art. From 2011 to 2013, trainee cu- Wiener Zeitung (extra supplement). and Austrian art, including publica-
rator, and beginning in August 2013, Writes primarily on travel, the cul- tions on the Bauhaus, Gustav Klimt,
Art historian. After beginning as a project assistant at the Berlinische ture of the metropolis, European and Kokoschka. Organized the ex-
research assistant at the Österrei Galerie. Worked on the exhibitions literature of the twentieth and twenty- hibitions The Berlin of George Grosz
chische Galerie, now works at the Michael Sailstorfer. Forst, Manifesto Col- first centuries. Most recent publi- and Kandinsky: Watercolours for the
Academy of Fine Arts in Vienna. lage, and Wien – Berlin. Kunst zweier Me cations: Lesarten der Wirklichkeit. Liter- Royal Academy, London. Received
Numerous publications on twenti- tropolen. Recent publication (2012): atur, Wissenschaft und Philosophie im the Hawthornden Prize for Art Crit-
eth-century Austrian artists. 2007: “Frauen erobern die Straße oder: Der Spiegel journalistischer Rezensionen, Bre- icism in 1989. Lives in Cambridge
edited the writings of Hans Tietze Warencharakter weiblicher Groß men 2010. Die Wiener in Berlin. Ein and London.
and Erika Tietze-Conrat. stadterfahrung,” in: Straßen und Gesich Künstlermilieu der 20er Jahre, Vienna
ter. Berlin 1918–1933 (exh. cat. Berlini 2011.
Ha ra ld K re j ci sche Galerie), Bielefeld / Berlin 2012.
Wolf gang Sc hödde rt
Born in Linz in 1970. Studies in art
A n n el i e Lü t ge ns
history in Augsburg and Munich. Born in Cologne in 1964, studies in
Has lived in Vienna since 2000; Since April 2011, head of the depart- art history, town planning, and Euro-
works on twentieth-century Austri- ment of prints and drawings of the pean ethnology, master’s degree. Re-
an art. Curated and organized exhi- Berlinische Galerie. Studies in art ceived training in commercial deal-
bitions on Friedrich Kiesler for the history in Hamburg, where she ing in contemporary art parallel to
Museum für Moderne Kunst in earned a PhD in 1990 with a thesis his studies, and has since worked in
Frankfurt am Main and the Draw- on the Berlin artist Jeanne Mam- the area of communication and me-
ing Center in New York, as well as men. From 1992 to 1994, research diation – organizing exhibitions, pro-
on Maurizio Sacripanti at the Kies- assistant at the Hamburger Kunst viding consulting, and running his
ler Stiftung in Vienna. Member of halle, subsequently an art critic for own project space. Has worked as a
the Belvedere team since 2009; or- various newspapers and magazines curator for the Henry Moore Foun-
ganized the exhibition DYNAMIK! in Berlin. From 1996 to 2011, cu- dation in Leeds. In 1993, worked with
Kubismus, Futurismus, KINETISMUS, rator at the Kunstmuseum Wolfs- the French artist Christian Boltanski
an exhibition on Curt Stenvert, burg, where she worked on numer- on a publication on acquisitions by
Utopie GESAMTKUNSTWERK, and ous exhibitions and publications on art museums in the Rhineland be-
exhibitions on Roland Goeschl and twentieth-century art and photogra- tween 1935 and 1945. On the basis
Fritz Wotruba, as well as working phy. Lecturer at the Braunschweig of subsequent research into art com-
on a catalogue raisonné of Marc University of Art, the University of merce in modernism, came to Ber-
Adrian. Research foci: art and archi- the Arts Bremen, and the HU Berlin. lin in 2002 as a research associate
tecture of the interwar period, the Recent publications: Fliegend läuft der at the Ferdinand Möller Stiftung.
Viennese avant-garde of the 1950s Ball. Versuch über Fußball und Filmkunst, Since 2006: research associate in
and 1960s, and exile research with Munich 2010; Im Freiflug. Texte und the area of provenance at the Berli-
a focus on New York. Gespräche zur Gegenwart der Kunst, Mu- nische Galerie.
nich 2011; Straßen und Gesichter. Berlin
1918–1933 (exh. cat. Berlinische Ga
lerie), Bielefeld/Berlin 2012.
387
In de x Bing, Henry 196 Delpy, Egbert 89 –91 Felixmüller, Conrad 131,

Birkholm, Jens 65, 363 Delug, Alois 366, 374, 376 132, 167, 173, 174, 298, 366, 377
Birkle, Albert 278, 297, 363 Denis, Maurice 368 Fellner, Ferdinand 104, 105
Bismarck, Otto von 169 Derain, André 111 Ficker, Ludwig von 188, 371
Blaas, Carl von 372 Dicker-Brandeis, Friedl 203, Fidus ( Hugo Reinhold Karl Johann
A Blei, Franz 196, 368 223, 225, 247, 248, 251–254, Höppener) 53, 366
Blumenreich, Arnold 110, 111 325–329, 332, 333, 344, 364 Fink, Jodok 371
Alber, Martha 62, 384 Blumenreich, Leo 110 Diefenbach, Karl Wilhelm 366 Fischer, Johannes 262
Albert, Eugen d ’ 81 Boccioni, Umberto 190, 256 Diemen van / Galerie 256, 367 Flechtheim, Alfred / Galerie 15,
L’ Allemand, Siegmund 378 Böcklin, Arnold 92 Dietrich, Marlene 337 103, 108–111, 145, 342, 363, 382
Alt, Rudolf von 92, 93 Böckmann, Wilhelm 104 Dillenz, Richard 260–261 Flesch von Brunningen, Hans 168, 381
Altenberg, Peter 13, 186, 196 Böhler, Hans 378 Dix, Otto 155–158, Flöge, Emilie 10
Andri, Ferdinand 12, 40, 362 Boehm, Adolf 378, 379 177–181, 183–185, 243, 293, 316, Franck, Philipp 35, 367, 377
Arbus, Diane 346 Bode, Wilhelm von 103, 105 339–343, 345, 347, 348, 364, 375 Frank, Josef 194
Arnold, Ernst / Galerie 106, 107, 366 Boeckl, Herbert 83, Döblin, Alfred 187, Franz Joseph I. 21, 87, 169, 356
Arnot, Guido / Galerie 380 110, 142, 150, 363 190, 202, 203, 256, 258 Freud, Sigmund 21,
Arp, Hans 242, Bolzano, Bernard 81 Doesburg, Theo van 255, 82, 84, 114, 170, 267, 344, 346
243, 245, 246, 250, 259, 262 Bondi, Lea 108, 109 257, 262, 364 Fried, Alfred Hermann 115, 116
Attersee, Christian Ludwig 245 Born, Wolfgang 91 Dolbin, Benedikt Fred (B. F.) 14, Friedell, Egon 80, 370
Ausländer, Ninon 259 Bortnyik, Sándor 230, 363, 364 193, 255–259, 261, 280–285, Friedländer, Samuel 187, 190
Bosse, Abraham 103 349–354, 365, 370 Friedrich, Otto 30, 367
Brandeis, Pavel 364 Dollfuß, Engelbert 21 Fulda, Ludwig 197
B Braun, Nikolaus 299, 364 Donath, Adolph 103, 105, 106 Funke, Helene 109, 121, 261, 367
Brecht, Bertolt 253, 281, 352, 365 Drawe, Hermann 66, 67, 98–102, 365
Baader, Johannes 208, Breton, André 246 Dücker, Eugen 367
241, 243, 245, 362 Breuer, Peter 363 Duncan, Elizabeth / Schule 250, G
Baar, Hugo 39, 362 Broch, Hermann 21 251, 254, 373
Baargeld, Johannes Theodor 243 Brockhausen, Karl (Carl) 359 Duncan, Isadora 250 Gabo, Naum 230, 256, 259, 367
Bab, Julius 17, 19, 23 Bruckmann, Hugo 377 Dürer, Albrecht 103, 170 Galafrés, Elsa 30, 367
Bach, David Josef 194 Brücke, Ernst Wilhelm von 83, 85 Durieux, Tilla 57, 284, 351, 362, 379 Gallia, Gabrielle 30, 367
Bacher, Rudolf 381, 383 Brunngraber, Rudolf 21 Dvořák, Max 191 Gandara, Antonio de la 94
Bahr, Hermann 12, Buchholz, Erich 256 Gans, Fritz ( Friedrich Ludwig) 103
13, 32, 93, 96, 169, 174, 196, 368, 379 Burchard, Otto 243 Gaul, August 177
Baker, Josephine 347 Buschbeck, Erhard 261, 263 E Geller, Johann Nepomuk 40, 367
Ball, Hugo 242 Buschbeck, Ernst H. 191, 194, 195 George, Stefan 196
Balthus (Balthasar Kłossowski de Rola) Busoni, Ferruccio 146, 198–200, 378 Ebner, Ferdinand 371 Géricault, Théodore 111
343 Eckmann, Otto 88 Gerlach, Martin 377
Baluschek, Hans 12, Eckstein, Ferdinand 77, 370 Gerngross, Alfred Abraham 105
16, 46, 49, 159, 177, 296, 312, 362 C Egger-Lienz, Albin 176, Gerstenberg, Otto 103
Bantzer, Carl 366 180, 344, 345, 383 Gerstl, Richard 79,
Barlach, Ernst 57, 70, 177, 362 Caden, Gert 258 Ehrenstein, Albert 184, 131, 169–170, 197, 251, 367, 370, 381
Baron, Julius 104 Callot, Jacques 178, 179 187, 189, 196, 261 Gert, Valeska 295, 376
Barr, Alfred 267 Canetti, Elias 196 Ehrlich-Bauer, Bettina 16, Geyling, Remigius 379
Bartos, Armand 372 Čapek, Karel 14, 202, 255, 372 302, 347, 366 Gliese, Rochus 258
Baudisch, Paul 261, 263 Carrà, Carlo 190, 339 Ehrlich, Georg 109, 194, 278, 366 Glück, Heinrich 194
Bauer, G. / Schule 383 Casper, Jacques / Galerie 378 Eisenmenger, August 367, 371 Goebbels, Joseph 21
Bauer, Julius 353 Cassirer, Bruno 26, 135, 177, 378, 382 Eisler, Hanns 199, 352 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang v. 188, 199
Bauer, Mathias 104 Cassirer, Paul / Galerie 13–15, Ék, Sándor 262 Goldfarb, Samuel 111
Baum, Peter 241 26, 83, 95, 106, 108–111, 114, 177, Eloesser, Arthur 20, 23 Goll, Yvan 257, 258
Bäumer, Ludwig 286, 340, 346, 380 186, 188, 197, 362, 366, 373, 376, Éluard, Paul 246 Goltz, Hans / Galerie 342, 366, 381
Beckford, William 103 378 Ende, Hermann 104 Gombrich, Ernst 192, 195
Beckmann, Max 46, Chagall, Marc 171 Engelhart, Josef 26, Goya, Francisco de 176, 179
47, 177, 318–322, 343, 344, 362–363, Chirico, Giorgio de 339, 343 34, 64, 93, 102, 366 Gramatté, Walter 115, 129, 367
376 Cizek, Franz / Schule 14, Engerth, Eduard von 372 Greenwood, James 102
Beethoven, Ludwig van 82, 169, 373 84, 202, 218, 250, 251, 253, 254, Ernst, Max 243, 246 Griepenkerl, Christian 366,
Behne, Adolf 243, 246 256, 257, 259, 364, 366, 373, 378, Eschke, Hermann 375 367, 371, 377, 378, 380, 381
Bein, Alfred und Rosa Marie 105, 107 379, 383 Exner, Franz 81 Grimm, Gebrüder 181, 251
Belling, Rudolf 145, 258, 305, 363 Cocteau, Jean 337 Eysler, Edmund 197 Gropius, Walter 377
Benjamin, Walter 15, 17, 346, 348 Corinth, Lovis 13, Gross, Otto 196, 248, 253
Berber, Anita 250, 314, 363 27, 92, 94–96, 106, 109, 363, 375, Grossberg, Carl 347
Berend-Corinth, Charlotte 314, 377 F Grossmann, Janina 261
315, 363 Czeschka, Carl Otto 77, 79, 370, 372 Großmann, Rudolf 353
Berg, Alban 170, 198, 371 Faistauer, Anton 83, Großmann, Stefan 17,
Berg, Jimmy 199 122, 175, 192, 197, 366, 368 203, 267, 268, 352, 353
Bergner, Elisabeth 22, 285, 351, 379 D Fall, Leo 197 Grosz, George 14,
Biais, Maurice 105 Fehr, Friedrich 381 15, 173, 177, 179, 180, 202, 206, 210,
Bie, Oskar 26 Dachauer, Wilhelm 383 Feichtinger, Eleonore 378 216, 217, 228, 242, 243, 245, 246,
Bie, Richard 342 Däubler, Theodor 261 Feigl, Friedrich 261 254, 257, 258, 279, 316, 317, 338,
Bierbaum, Otto Julius 197 Dehmel, Richard 188 339, 342–345, 353, 367, 368, 372
Inde x 388
Grosz Galerie 108 Herzfelde, Margarete 243 Jungnickel, Ludwig Heinrich 162, Kokoschka, Oskar 9,
Gude, Hans Fredrik 375 Herzfelde, Wieland 243, 368 163, 175, 371 12, 13, 17, 83, 96, 109, 110, 114, 115,
Guhr, Richard 364 Herzl, Theodor 105 Jungwirth, Josef 376 134, 136, 143, 149, 152, 153, 169-171,
Gurlitt, Fritz / Galerie 104, Hevesi, Ludwig 95–97 176-186, 188–190, 192, 196, 197, 199,
108–111, 261, 366, 372, 375, 376, Heym, Georg 241 200, 251, 373, 374, 378
380, 383 Hildebrandt, Hans 247, 253 K Kolig, Anton 96,
Gütersloh, Albert Paris 12, Hildebrandt, Lily 247 127, 175, 176, 192, 197, 374
83, 129, 175, 197, 198, 200, 267, 273, Hille, Peter 241 Kádár, Béla 380 Kolisch, Gertrud
343, 351, 368, 370 Hiller, Kurt 186, 241 Kafka, Franz 196 see Schönberg, Gertrud
Gütersloh, Alexandra 273, 368 Hindemith, Paul 194 Kainer, Ludwig 379 Koller, Silvia 343
Gutfreund, Otto 256 Hirschwald, Hermann 86–88, 90, 91 Kalckreuth, Leopold von 92, 95 Koller-Pinell, Broncia 50, 343, 374
Gysis, Nikolaus 366, 382 Hitler, Adolf 21, 253 Kalhammer, Gustav 371 Kollwitz, Käthe 70–75,
Höch, Hannah 14, Kalvach, Rudolf 124, 372 92, 93, 95, 99, 164, 165, 177, 362, 374
202, 205, 207, 209, 211–215, Kampf, Arthur von 363 Komját, Aladár 262
H 243–250, 252–254, 343, 369 Kandel, Eric 114, 115 König, Leo von 375
Hoddis, Jakob van 241 Kandinsky, Wassily 171, Kortner, Fritz 19, 23, 283, 365
Haberditzl, Franz Martin 108, 110, 195 Hodler, Ferdinand 26, 78, 370 195, 197, 198, 200, 259, 262 Kosak, Ceno 383
Habermann, Hugo von 368 Hofer, Karl ( Carl) 15, Kanoldt, Alexander 289, Kosmack, Eduard 82, 115, 133, 381
Hackl, Gabriel von 362 26, 108–110, 274, 306, 343, 344, 339, 341, 372 Kracauer, Siegfried 15, 346, 386
Haerdtl, Oswald 379, 380 346, 370, 376 Kant, Immanuel 81 Kraus, Karl 9,
Halbe, Max 375 Hoffmann, Josef 27, Karger, Carl 42, 372 12, 13, 19, 20, 23, 80, 169, 171, 174,
Haller, Hermann 108 60–63, 77, 79, 81, 82, 86, 88–92, Karlinsky, Elisabeth 203 180, 186–190, 196, 245, 258, 370, 371
Hammer, Victor Karl 367 350, 370, 378, 379, 384 Kaselow, Emil 363 Krenek, Ernst 199, 347
Hammerschmid, Gerta 378 Hoffmann, E. T. A. 346 Kassák, Lajos 222, Kubin, Alfred 109, 110
Hanak, Anton 57, 368, 371 Hofmannsthal, Hugo von 20, 82, 368 245, 246, 255, 256, 260, 262, 263, Kuehl, Gotthardt 92, 93, 96
Handl, Willi 19, 23 Hollaender, Victor 197 364, 372 Kuh, Anton 22, 23
Hanusch, Karl 376 Höllering, Franz 352 Kästner, Erich 337 Kuhn, Franz 374, 375
Harta, Felix Albrecht 83, 160, 368 Hollitzer, Carl Leopold 76–80, Catzenstein, Franz Kulka, Georg 263
Hartel, Wilhelm von 105 280, 349–353, 370 see Matthiesen, Francis M. Kulvianski, Issai 270, 375
Hartlaub, Gustav Friedrich 266, Hollósy, Simon 367 Kaufmann, Hugo 375
267, 337, 338 Höllriegel, Arnold 359 Kemény, Alfréd 260, 262
Hasenauer, Karl von 370 Holz, Arno 375 Kenner, Anton von 374, 380 L
Hasler, Bernhard 377 Hölzel, Adolf 368, 371, 381 Kernstok, Károly 363
Hauer, Josef Matthias 81, Holzmeister, Clemens 379 Kerr, Alfred 13, 197, 284, 365 Laban, Rudolf 258
199, 346, 347, 381 Hopfer, Daniel 177, 178 Khnopff, Fernand 92 Lagerlöf, Selma 188
Haunold, Carl 377 Hopper, Edward 343 Kiesler, Friedrich 14, Lahm, Karl 359
Hauptmann, Gerhart 72, Horváth, Ödön von 196, 200 202, 231, 245, 255–259, 351, 354, Lalique, René 88
73, 93, 95, 351, 374, 375 Hubbuch, Karl 344 369, 372 Lang, Fritz 22, 346
Hauser, Carry 15, Huelsenbeck, Richard 202, Kirchner, Erna 83 Langer, Felix 359
83, 108, 109, 111, 176, 178, 255, 256, 203, 242, 245, 262, 368 Kirchner, Ernst Ludwig 82, Larisch, Rudolf von 373–375,
294, 303, 338, 342–344, 347, 348, Hugnet, Georges 246 83, 104, 115, 117, 120, 124, 125, 127, 379, 383
369 Humplik, Josef 295, 371 140, 141, 172, 173, 177, 345, 369, 372, Laserstein, Lotte 16,
Hausmann, Raoul 14, 379 267, 272, 304, 334, 375
118, 130, 131, 196, 200, 202, 206, Kisch, Egon Erwin 14, 196, 200, 356 Laske, Oskar 176
208, 211, 213, 227, 241–246, 248, I Klabund, Alfred Henschke 357, 359 Lasker-Schüler, Else 14,
249, 345, 362, 366, 368, 369 Kläger, Emil 98–102, 365 186–190, 197, 225, 241, 258, 364
Hausmann, Victor 242 Impekoven, Leo 105 Klages, Ludwig 259 Lazarsfeld, Paul Felix 21
Haverkamp, Wilhelm 382 Isepp, Sebastian 192 Klee, Paul 262 Lefler, Heinrich 367
Heartfield, John 14, Itten, Johannes 83, Klein, César 258 Léger, Fernand 256, 257, 259
179, 180, 202, 203, 206, 207, 243, 109, 110, 199, 220, 247, 248, 253, Klemm, Walther 383 Lehár, Franz 197
245, 252 – 254, 344, 345, 368 256, 261, 347, 364, 371 Klemmer, Robert 245 Leistikow, Walter 12,
Hecht, Ben 243 Klien, Erika Giovanna 84, 26, 36, 95, 375, 376
Heckel, Erich 83, 203, 226, 232–240, 247–251, 253, Lenk, Franz 311, 375
109, 115, 127, 242, 255, 261, 367, 368, J 254, 257, 373, 375 Lenya-Weill, Lotte 22, 281, 353, 365
369, 383 Klien, Walter 253 Lerch, Franz 15, 274, 276, 346, 376
Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich 81, Jack the Ripper 181, 182 Klimt, Ernst 373 Leschnitzer, Georg 375
84 Jacob, Heinrich Eduard 359 Klimt, Gustav 10, Lesk, Alexander 365
Hegemann, Werner 171, 174 Jacobsohn, Siegfried 245 12, 13, 20, 26, 27, 29, 48, 92, 95, 99, Lessing, Julius 87
Heim, Emmy 248 Jaeckel, Willy 154, 176, 177, 371, 378 101, 109–111, 114, 169, 170, 368, Lewin-Funcke, Arthur / Schule 242,
Heine, Thomas Theodor 58, 68, 369 Jahoda, Georg 371 370, 371, 373, 374, 377 378
Helbing, Hugo 106 Jahoda, Marie 21 Klinger, Julius 59, 373 Lhermitte, Léon Augustin 95
Heller, Hugo 82, 197 Janco, Marcel 242 Klinger, Max 373 Licht, Julius Gustav 103, 105–107
Helmer, Hermann 104, 105 Jannings, Emil 138, 378 Klossowska, Baladine ( Merline) 31, 382 Licht, Stephan von 105–107
Hennings, Emmy 242 Jaschke, Franz 45, 371 Klutsis, Gustavs 252 Lichtenfels, Eduard Peithner von 367
Herbart, Johann Friedrich 81, 82, 84 Jettel, Eugen 26, 27, 41, 366, 371 Knirr, Heinrich 362 Liebermann, Max 26,
Herberholz, Wilhelm 364 Johanson, Karl 262 Koch, Alexander 88 27, 33, 34, 38, 92, 94–96, 106, 109,
Herbig, Otto 345, 383 Jung, Franz 368 Kohn, Jacob und Josef 61, 370, 377 177, 197, 366, 367, 375–377, 383
Hermann, Hans 106 Jünger, Ernst 345, 348 Liebknecht, Karl 21, 74, 167, 366, 374
Herterich, Ludwig von 374 Lindner, Gustav Adolf 82, 84
389 In d ex
Linke, Karl 198, 200 Morgenstern, Christian 197 Peithner von Lichtenfels, Eduard 367 Roters, Eberhard 339
Lissitzky, El 258, 262 Morris, William 86 Péri, László 256 Roth, Joseph 22, 196, 200, 202, 203
List, Wilhelm 78, 370 Moser, Koloman 27, Pfemfert, Franz 186–188, Rothansl, Rosalia 378
Loos, Adolf 12, 51, 52, 77, 78, 84, 86–92, 350, 370, 190, 197, 244, 366, 368, 376, 380 Rühle, Otto 252
78, 92, 99, 101, 171, 178, 182, 371, 377, 384 Picabia, Francis 243 Rühm, Gerhard 245
188–190, 196, 248, 363, 370, 379 Mühsam, Erich 15, 17, 76, 241, 370 Picasso, Pablo 343 Ruskin, John 86
Lorenz, Rudolf 109–111 Müller, Leopold Carl 367 Piloty, Carl Theodor von 372 Rysselberghe, Théo van 26
Lorre, Peter 283, 365 Müller, Robert 261, 356, 359 Piscator, Erwin 255, 368
Lücken, Iwar von 293, 340, 365 Munch, Edvard 179, 241 Pisko, Gustav / Kunstsalon 105,
Ludwig II. 372 Musil, Robert 21, 92, 96, 193, 196, 368 108, 109 S
Lueger, Karl 20 Muther, Richard 94–96 Pissarro, Camille 172
Luxemburg, Rosa 21, 167, 366 Muthesius, Hermann 27, 28 Planck, Max 114 Salvendy, Frieda 109, 261
Mutz, Richard 90 Ploberger, Herbert 15, Sander, August 337
287, 290, 339–341, 379 Schachner, Auguste 378
M Pocsdorff 79, 370 Schad, Christian 15,
N Poglayen-Neuwall, Stephan 342 84, 199, 266, 270, 271, 286, 323,
Mach, Ernst 182 Polgar, Alfred 15, 340, 343, 345, 346, 348, 380
Mahler, Alma 178 Nauen, Heinrich 364 17, 196, 202, 203, 204, 344, 348, Schad-Rossa, Paul 95
Mahler, Gustav 20, 197, 198, 347 Naujok, Gustav 374 350, 352, 355, 356, 359 Schaefer, Egmont 296, 380
Mahrholz, Werner 359 Naumann, Paul Hermann 364 Popowa, Ljubow Sergejewna 255 Schaeffer, August 105, 106
Makart, Hans 12, 85 Nebehay, Gustav 110, 363 Popper, Karl Sir 21 Schatz, Otto Rudolf 277,
Malevich, Kazimir 255 Nechansky-Stotz, Friederike (Fritzi) Prampolini, Enrico 256, 257, 263 341, 343, 346, 347, 380
Mallina, Erich 54, 374, 376 224, 378 Pregartbauer, Lois 310, 379 Scheffler, Karl 109, 111, 359
Mammen, Jeanne 292, 295, 376 Neumann, Ernst 368 Preis, Max 359 Scheerbart, Paul 197
Mánes, Josef / Mánes Association of Neumann, Jsrael Ber / Galerie Scheiber, Hugó 202, 229, 380
Fine Arts 256 Neumann-Nierendorf 261, Scheinert, Hugo 376
Mann, Heinrich 378 339, 340, 346, 363, 369, Q Scheu, Robert 187, 189, 190
Mann, Thomas 369 375, 383 Schiefler, Luise 115, 172
Marinetti, Filippo Tommaso 187, Neumann, Max 363 Quinz, Matheo 353 Schiele, Egon 12,
190, 257, 262 Neumeyer, Alfred 342 82, 83, 96, 110, 114, 115, 128, 133,
Markowitz, Alfred 194 Neuschul, Ernst 16, 309, 378 138, 143, 168–170, 175, 197, 251,
Marr, Carl von 381 Nierendorf, Karl Galerie Nierendorf R 346, 378, 380, 381
Marx, Karl 21, 102, 252 (später Neumann-Nierendorf) 15, Schindler, Emil Jakob 93, 377
Matsch, Franz 373 103, 339, 340, 346, 364, 369, 375, Raab, Josef 374 Schinkel, Karl Friedrich 169
Matthiesen, Francis M. ( Catzenstein, 383 Raffaëlli, Jean-François 95 Schlaf, Johannes 197
Franz ) / Galerie 109, 110 Nirenstein, Otto 109, 110, 380 Rathe, Kurt 256–259 Schlemmer, Oskar 183, 257, 259
Máttis-Teutsch, Janos 261 Nitsch, Hermann 245 Rathenau, Walther 21, 174 Schlichter, Rudolf 207,
Mauer, Rudolf 374 Nolde, Emil 193 Redlich, Alexander 359 243, 266, 269, 275, 317, 339–341,
Mebert, Richard 364 Nonnenmacher, Hermann 308, 378 Reich, Amalie 366 368, 381
Medunetsky, Konstantin (Kasimir) Novotny, Fritz 194 Reichel, Malvine 111 Schmalhausen, Otto 243, 246
262 Nowak, Willi 110 Reichel, Oskar 109–111, 138, 381 Schmeling, Max 305, 363
Meidner, Ludwig 115, Nussbaum, Felix 307, 330, 378 Reimann, Albert / Schule 373, 377 Schmeller, Alfred 343
119, 132, 151, 158, 160, 161, 171, 172, Reinhardt, Max 106, Schmid-Reutte, Ludwig 381
174, 176, 197, 366, 368, 376 197, 282, 347, 350, 351, 353, 354, Schmidt, Paul Ferdinand 190
Meier-Graefe, Julius 169, 174 O 363, 365, 368, 379, 382, 383 Schmidt-Rottluff, Karl 242, 367
Melzer, Moriz 221, 377 Reismayer-Fritsche, Johanna (Hansi) Schmutzer, Ferdinand 103
Menke, Hermann 83 O’Neill, Eugene 256 222, 375, 379 Schneid, Otto 194
Menzel, Adolph von 106 Obronski, Willi 105 Rembrandt van Rijn 103 Schneider, Otto 260, 261, 263
Metternich, Klemens Wenzel Lothar Olbrich, Joseph Maria 27, 370 Rheiner, Walter 174 Schnitzler, Arthur 344
von 81 Oppenheim, Albert Freiherr von 103 Ribarz, Rudolf 362 Schönberg, Arnold 82,
Metzner, Franz 13, 56, 377 Oppenheimer, Max 12, Richter, Emil / Kunstsalon 375 135, 137, 170, 171, 174, 188, 194,
Meunier, Constantin 26, 94, 95 82, 83, 96, 128, 135, 138, 146–148, Richter, Hans 200, 255, 259, 262, 372 196-200, 365, 367, 371, 378, 381
Meyerhold, Vsewolod Emiljewitsch 189, 196–200, 244, 305, 347, 378 Richter-Berlin, Heinrich 139, 380 Schönberg, Gertrud (geb. Kolisch)
255, 257 Orlik, Emil 9, Riemerschmid, Werner 358, 359 197, 198, 200
Meyrink, Gustav 346 26, 32, 69, 93, 197, 284, 285, Rilke, Rainer Maria 82 Schönberg, Mathilde 170,
Miethke, Hugo Othmar / Galerie 95, 349–353, 365, 367, 369, 378, 380 Ringelnatz, Joachim 76, 198, 200, 367
108–111, 170, 197, 374, 376, 377, 381 Osborn, Max 342 108, 144, 370, 382 Schreker, Franz 199
Miethke-Gutenegg, Otto Maria 109 Ostwald, Hans 102, 171, 174 Rippl-Rónai, József 363 Schrödl, Anton 367
Minne, George 26 Otten, Karl 168, 381 Robert, Eugen 255 Schufinsky, Victor 378, 379
Missmann, Max 22 Ozenfant, Amédée 343 Rochowanski, Leopold Wolfgang 253, Schulte, Eduard 105
Modigliani, Amedeo 172 256, 257, 259, 373, 379 Schur, Ernst 91
Moholy-Nagy, László 83, Roda Roda, Alexander 197 Schwarz-Waldegg, Fritz 163,
219, 256, 258, 260, 262, 372, 377 P Rodenberg, Julius 19, 20, 23 176, 345, 347, 348, 381
Moll, Carl 12, Rodtschenko, Alexander 255, 262 Schwitters, Kurt 245,
26, 27, 37, 93, 109, 134, 197, 198, Passarge, Walter 263 Roessler, Arthur 83, 109 256, 262, 369, 372
200, 374, 377 Paul, Bruno 384 Roh, Franz 339, 342 Sedlacek, Franz 312,
Möller, Ferdinand 103, 106–108 Pauser, Sergius 272, 336, 340, 379 Roller, Alfred 372, 376 313, 343, 346, 347, 381
Möller, Otto 202, 228, 377 Pechstein, Max 13, Rosen, Gerd / Galerie 369, 376 Segal, Arthur 324, 364, 381, 382
Monet, Claude 92 123, 126, 177, 179, 242, 379 Rössing, Karl 380 Segantini, Giovanni 26, 94
Inde x 390
Serner, Walter 196, Traeger, Wilhelm 300, 301, 380, 383 Wiesenthal, Grete 295, 371
199, 243, 244, 246, 380 Trenker, Luis 336, 379 Wigman, Mary 352
Servaes, Franz 12, 96 Trenkwald, Josef Mathias 371 Wilder, Billy 22
Sheeler, Charles 343, 347 Trübner, Wilhelm 381 Wilhelm II. 26
Simmel, Johannes Mario 253 Twain, Mark 169, 174 Winter, Max 99
Simmel, Walter 253 Tzara, Tristan 242, 246 Wittgenstein, Karl 91
Simon, André / Galerie 108 Wolfradt, Willi 342
Singer, Franz 247, 248, 344, 364 Wolfsfeld, Erich 375
Sinsheimer, Hermann 359 U Wolgemut, Michael 178, 179
Sintenis, Renée 108, 109, 144, 382, 383 Wölfflin, Heinrich 367
Skala, Franz 261 Uhde, Fritz von 95, 106, 383 Wolzogen, Ernst von 196, 197
Skarbina, Franz 26, 38, 95, 96, 382 Uitz, Béla 255–258, 260, 262, 263 Wörlen, Georg Philipp 111
Slevogt, Max 27, 92–96, 135, 177, 382 Újvári, Erzsi 245 Wunderwald, Gustav 310,
Soffer, Hans 109, 111 Ullmann, Marianne ( My) 203 341, 346, 384
Soyfer, Jura 199 Umansky, Konstantin 255, 262 Würthle, Karl Friedrich / Galerie 108,
Soyka, Otto 187, 189 Umbo ( Otto Maximilian Umbehr) 109, 111, 245, 342, 344, 345
Spiller, Else 99 356
Spiro, Eugen 31, 382 Ury, Lesser 42,
St. Genois d’Anneaucourt 345 44, 95, 103-106, 109, 111, 383 Z
Stark, Adele von 372
Staude, Johanna 29, 62, 373, 384 Zehme, Albertine 198
Stauffer-Bern, Karl 374 V Zemlinsky, Alexander 197, 199
Stefan, Paul 200 Zepler, Bogumil 197
Steffeck, Karl 376 Vaszary, János 363 Ziegler, Richard 294, 384
Steinmetz, Ludwig 251 Velde, Henry van de 88 Zille, Heinrich 99
Stenberg, Georgii und Vladimir 262 Viertel, Berthold 196, 247, 258 Zimmermann, Robert von 82
Stéphanie of Belgium 372 Vogeler, Heinrich 252, 254 Zirner, Katharina 109, 261
Sterrer, Karl 376, 379 Vogelsang, Otto Kurt 60, 370 Zuckerkandl, Victor 88
Stevens, Halsey 200 Voglmayr, Emilie 81 Zuckerkandl, Berta 11, 17
Stern, Ernst 166, Voll, Carl 95
349–351, 353, 363, 379, 382
Stoecker, Adolf 20
Stoessl, Otto 187, 189 W
Stokowski, Leopold 200
Stollberg 77, 370 Wacker, Rudolf 16,
Stonborough, Jerome 90, 91 176, 180, 244, 266, 288, 289, 291,
Stonborough-Wittgenstein, 306, 341 – 345, 348, 383
Margarethe 57, 90, 91, 368 Waerndorfer, Fritz 86, 370, 384
Storck, Josef von 362 Wagner, Ernst 261
Strasser, Arthur 26 Wagner, Otto 92, 364, 370, 383
Straus, Oscar 197 Wagner, Otto Erich 232, 375, 379, 383
Strauss, Richard 197, 199 Wagner, Richard 169
Strnad, Oskar 366, 374, 379, 380 Walden, Herwarth 12–15,
Strobel, Heinrich 359 17, 83, 144, 171, 178, 182, 186–190,
Struck, Hermann 375 196, 200, 241, 256, 364, 366, 369,
Stuck, Franz von 382 371, 373, 376, 377, 380, 383
Süssenbach, Gertrud 375 Walden, Nell 136, 374
Szamár, Zöld 364 Waldmüller, Ferdinand Georg 93
Szilágyi, Jolán 262 Waldoff, Claire 136, 374
Wasservogel, Martin 111
Wassilko, Vera 345, 346
T Wauer, William 144, 383
Webern, Anton 199, 371
Tagger, Theodor 263 Wedekind, Franz 197
Tappert, Georg 377 Weigel, Helene 22
Tatlin, Wladimir Jewgrafowitsch 202, Weill, Kurt 352, 353
203, 206, 368 Weininger, Otto 182
Tesar, Ludwig Erik 189 Weintraub, Stefan 347
Tessenow, Heinrich 374 Weiß, Emil Rudolf 382–384
Thannhauser, Justin 103 Wellesz, Egon 174, 199
Thoma, Hans 381 Werfel, Franz 282, 352, 353, 365
Thorak, Josef 363 Werner, Anton von 12,
Thun-Hohenstein, Leo von 81 26, 104, 337, 375, 383
Tietze, Hans 110, Westermayr, Konrad 159, 384
114, 115, 191–195, 257, 258, 278, 347, Westheim, Paul 83,
349–352, 366 181, 182, 184, 341, 342, 348, 383
Tietze-Conrat, Erica 191-194, 366 Wickhoff, Franz 191
Titzenthaler, Waldemar 19, 104 Wiegele, Franz 192
Toch, Ernst 199 Wiener, Oswald 245
391
Pictu re cre di ts © Bauhaus Archiv, Berlin: 247 310 rechts, 313 © Wien Museum: 84 bottom, 251
© Kai-Annett Becker: 19, 22, 31-33, 44, © Christel Lehmann, Berlin: 49 © Hans Zurucker: 339
© 2013 for the illustrations of Johannes 46 left, 53, 65, 70 right, 103 bottom, 118, © Lindenau Museum Altenburg: 131 left © Zweckverband Oberschwäbische
Baader, Max Beckmann, Rudolf Belling, 130, 136, 144 right, 145, 151, 154, 158, 159, © Mina Maier: 344 top Elektrizitätswerke (OEW) / Photo
Albert Birkle, Otto Dix, Benedikt Fred 161, 168, 182 bottom, 206, 208, 212–217, © MAK: 89 mid, 90 Werkstatt Franz-Josef Stiele-Werder-
Dolbin, Josef Engelhart, Conrad Felix- 241 bottom, 248, 270 left, 275, 279–284, © MAK (Georg Mayer): 62 left, 153 mann: 291
müller, Albert Paris Gütersloh, Carry 285 left, 286, 289 right, 292, 293, 298, 299, © Museum Associates/LACMA/Art
Hauser, Raoul Hausmann, Thomas Theo- 305, 307–309, 318–320, 330, 352 Resource NY/Scala, Florence: 183 top From se c ond a r y l itera ture
dor Heine, Hannah Höch, Karl Hofer, © Belvedere, Wien: 29, 30, 34, 37, 39–41, © The Museum of Modern Art, New
Hugo Höppener (Fidus); Johannes Itten, 42 right, 45, 50–52, 54, 56, 57, 62 right, 63, York/Scala, Florence: 192, 258 © DADA. Zurich, Berlin, Hannover,
Willy Jaeckel, Anton Kolig, Käthe Koll- 64, 108–111, 121, 122, 126, 127 left, 129 left, © mumok, Sammlung Paul Kövesdi, New Cologne, New York (exh. cat. Centre
witz, Issai Kulvianski, Wladimir Wassilje- 131 right, 133, 134, 138 right, 144 left, 147, 149, York: 222 left, 230 left Pompidou Paris, National Gallery of Art
witsch Lebedew, Franz Lenk, Jeanne 150, 160 right, 162, 163, 170 top, 222 right, © mumok, Schenkung Oswald Washington, The Museum of Modern
Mammen, Ludwig Meidner, László Moholy- 273, 276-278, 289 left, 232 right, 290, 294 Oberhuber: 328 right, 329 Art New York), Washington 2005, p. 98:
Nagy, Felix Nussbaum, Herbert Plober- left, 295 left, 303, 306, 300, 301, 336, 343 © mumok, Sammlung Dieter und 243
ger, Iwan Puni, Arnold Schönberg, Renée © Georges Bodmer: 135 right Gertraud Bogner: S. 81 bottom © Charlotte Behrend-Corinth, Lovis
Sintenis, Eugen Spiro, Otto Erich Wagner, © Herbert Boswank, Dresden: 177 © Museum Wiesbaden: 219 Corinth. Die Gemälde, Munich 1992, p.
William Wauer, Richard Ziegler: VG bottom © New York Psychoanalytic Society and 451, Nr. 272: 96 top
Bild-Kunst, Bonn und VBK, Wien © bpk: 178 bottom Institute Archive: 83 top © Hanne Bergius, Montage und
© 2013 for the illustrations of George © bpk / Bayerische Staatsgemälde © Neue Galerie New York: 172 Metamechanik. Dada Berlin – Artistik von
Grosz: Estate of George Grosz, Princeton, sammlungen: 94 top © Oesterreichische Nationalbank: 21 Polaritäten, Berlin 2000, p. 391: 244 top
N.J./VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn; John Heart- © bpk (Knud Petersen): 105 bottom, 260, 261 top, 261 bottom, 262, © Gesellschaft zur Förderung moderne
field: The Heartfield Community of Heirs/ © bpk / Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 263, 82 top, 84 top Kunst (ed.), Die Kunst unserer Zeit (exh.
VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn; Oskar Kokoschka: Dresden (Jürgen Karpinski): 93 top © Österreichische Friedrich und Lillian cat. Künstlerhaus, Wien) Vienna 1930:
Fondation Oskar Kokoschka/VG Bild- © bpk (Klaus Göken): 129 right Kiesler-Privatstiftung: 255 top, 256 top, 347 top
Kunst, Bonn; Christian Schad: Christian © bpk (Dietmar Katz): 59–61, 69, 152 257 © Agnes Husslein-Arco/Alfred Wei-
Schad Stiftung Aschaffenburg/VG © bpk (Jörg P. Anders): 92 bottom, 120, © Österreichisches Theatermuseum dinger (ed.), Kokoschka. Träumender
Bild-Kunst, Bonn; Otto Umbehr (Umbo): 135 left, 143 right, 146, 173 top, 253 Wien: 350 bottom Knabe – Enfant terrible (exh. cat.
Phyllis Umbehr/Galerie Kicken Berlin/ © bpk (Roman März): 334 © Privatsammlung Salzburg: 302 Belvedere, Wien) Weitra 2008, p. 204:
VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn © Brücke Museum, Berlin: 125, 127 right, © Dr. Erich Raithel: 347 bottom 183 bottom
© 2013 for the illustrations of Herbert 140, 141 © Rheinisches Bildarchiv Köln: 94 © Eva Karcher, Otto Dix (1891-1969).
Boeckl: Nachlass Herbert Boeckl; © Cecil Higgins Art Gallery, Bedford: bottom "Entweder ich werde berühmt oder
Nikolaus Braun: Andrew Duncan Braun; 177 top © Monika Runge: 272 right berüchtigt", Cologne 2002, p. 61, 70: 184
Philipp Franck: Nachlass Philipp Franck; © Christie’s Images Ltd/Artohthek: 174 © Sammlung Leopold, Wien/ Leopold © Emil Kläger, Durch die Quartiere des
Naum Gabo: The Work of Naum Gabo © Claudia Dannenberg: 71 Museum: 10, 170 bottom, 244 bottom Elends und Verbrechens. Ein Wanderbuch
(Nina & Graham Williams); Erich Heckel: © Deutsches Historisches Museum, © Sammlung Pabst, Wien: 226 aus dem Jenseits, Wien 1908, unpaged:
Nachlass Erich Heckel, Hemmenhofen; Berlin (S. Ahlers): 68 © Stefan Schiske/ Lehr Berlin: 274 left 101 bottom
Lily Hildebrandt: Alexandra Hildebrandt; © Vera Eisenberger KG, Wien: 176 © Michael Setzpfandt, Berlin: 38 right, © Peter Noever (ed.), Der Preis der
Josef Humplik: Stadtgemeinde Purkers- © Ernst Galeria, Budapest: 229 166 top, 196 right, 294 right Schönheit. Zum 100. Geburtstag
dorf; Lajos Kassák: Kassák-Museum, © Fotostudio Bartsch, Berlin: 165 © Bernd Sinterhauf, Berlin: 155 right, 156, der Wiener Werkstätte (exh. cat. Museum
Budapest; Franz Lerch: Peter Lerch; © Fotostudio Otto, Wien: 128, 234, 157, 179 für angewandte Kunst / Gegenwarts-
Ludwig Meidner: Ludwig-Meidner-Archiv, 274 right © Staatsgalerie Stuttgart: 95 bottom kunst, Wien), Ostfildern-Ruit 2004: 86
Jüdisches Museum Frankfurt a.M.; Moriz © R. Friedrich: 164 right © Städtische Galerie im Lenbachhaus: © Olaf Peters (ed.), Otto Dix (exh. cat.
Melzer: Renate Kneifel; Otto Möller: © Galerie Bassenge, Berlin: 96 bottom 95 top, 287 Neue Galerie, New York, Museé des
Christoph Möller, Diessen/Ammersee; © Galerie Schlichtenmaier, Stuttgart: 297 © Stiftung MUSEION. Museum für Beaux-Arts, Montréal), Munich/Berlin/
Ernst Neuschul: Khalil Norland, Mischa © Willard Golovin: 191 moderne und zeitgenössische Kunst London 2010, p. 158: 345 top
Neuschul; Hermann Nonnenmacher: © Graphisches Atelier Neumann, Wien: Bozen: 197 bottom © Renée Price (ed.), Egon Schiele. The
Nachlass Hermann Nonnenmacher; 288 © Stiftung Museum Kunstpalast, Ronald S. Lauder and Serge Sabarsky
Sergius Pauser: Dr. Wolfgang Pauser; Max © Markus Hawlik: 178 top, 207 left, 356 Düsseldorf: 48 Collection (exh. cat. Neue Galerie New
Pechstein: Max Pechstein Urheberrechts- © Heeresgeschichtliches Museum, Wien: © Stiftung Stadtmuseum Berlin: 42 left, York), Munich 2005, p. 237: 346 top
gemeinschaft Alexander Pechstein; 344 bottom. 58, 119, 164 left, 166 bottom, 221, 269, 296 © Marie-Agnes von Puttkamer, MOPP.
Egmont Schaefer: Berliner Kabinett e.V.; © IMAGNO/Austrian Archives: 21 top, right, 285 right, 323 Max Oppenheimer 1885-1954. Leben und
Rudolf Schlichter: Viola Roehr- von 357, 83 bottom © Studio Walter Bayer: 272 left malerisches Werk mit einem Verzeichnis
Alvensleben, München; Arthur Segal: John © IMAGNO/Franz Hubmann:20 © Tate Gallery London: 173 bottom, 340, der Gemälde, Vienna/Cologne/Weimar
A. Segal; Wilhelm Träger: Verena Träger; © Institut für Zeitungsforschung, 346 mid 1999, p. 143: 347 mid
Gustav Wunderwald: Ludwig Ziller; Dortmund: 256 bottom. © Theaterwissenschaftliche Samm- © Willy Rotzler (ed.), Johannes Itten.
Max Missmann: Potsdamer Platz: Michael © Birgit und Peter Kainz, faksimile lung, Universität zu Köln: 255 bottom Werke und Schriften, Zurich 1978, p. 136:
Rutschky; Postkarten Haus Vaterland: digital: 218, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240 © The Trustees of the British Museum: 199
Gebr. Hartkopf GmbH, Berlin © Kirchner Museum Davos: 83 mid 103 top © Klaus Schröder (ed.), Neue Sachlichkeit.
© Walter Klein: 338 © ullstein bild, Berlin: 106 Österreich 1918–1938 (exh. cat.
Pho to cre di ts © Bertram Kober, Leipzig: 314, 315 © Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg: 88, 91 Kunstforum Bank Austria, Wien) Vienna
© Renate Kühling: 70 left, 321, 322 © Universität für angewandte Kunst 1995, p. 157: 346 bottom
© Albertina, Wien: 72-77, 80, 92 top, 169, © Christina Korzen: 353 Wien, Kunstsammlung und Archiv
198, 349, 350 top, 351 top © Kunsthaus Zug (Alfred Frommen- 124 left, 222 right, 223–225, 232 left, 233, If in spite of our thorough research any
© Architekturmuseum TU Berlin: 87 willer): 78, 79, 138 left, 142, 143 left, 312 right, 325–328 left, 332 individual illustrations have not been
© Arnold Schönberg Center, Wien: 155 left, 182 © Von der Heydt-Museum Wuppertal: correctly attributed or acknowledged, we
82 bottom, 137, 197 top. © Kunsthaus Zürich: 220, 241 top 117, 123, 167, 348 offer our apologies and would appreciate
© Atelier/Archiv Attersee: 245 © Landesarchiv Berlin: 104 © Wenzel Weis, reproduction by Birgit any information that will allow us to
© Auktionshaus im Kinsky, Wien: 341 © Manfred Lebeau, Bad Homburg: and Peter Kainz, faksimile digital: 181 rectify the matter in future editions.
Vienna – Berlin Ex h i b i t i o n (Coincidence), Klöckner ( Experience), Cover illustrations
Krapf-Weiler, Krejci, Lindermann,
The Art o f Two C it ies Directors Lütgens (Modern Women Artists), Edition of Berlinische Galerie and
Fro m Sc hiele t o Grosz Agnes Husslein-Arco, Vienna Schlösser, Biographies, List of works Prestel
Thomas Köhler, Berlin Kate Vanovitch: Work titles Front: Herbert Ploberger
Self-Portrait ( With Ophthalmological
Curators Production Teaching Aids ), 1928–1930, Städtische
Berlinische Galerie Alexander Klee, Vienna Andrea Cobré, Cilly Klotz Galerie im Lenbachhaus, Munich
Landesmuseum für Moderne Ralf Burmeister, Berlin Back: Sergius Pauser
Kunst, Fotografie und Architektur Annelie Lütgens, Berlin Printing and binding Lady in White, 1927, Gemälde- und
October 24, 2013–January 27, 2014 Kösel GmbH & Co. KG, Krugzell Skulpturensammlung der Museen der
Curatorial assistants Stadt Nürnberg
Belvedere, Vienna Stephanie Auer, Vienna
February 14–June 15, 2014 Markus Fellinger, Vienna Edition of Belvedere, Vienna
Christina Korzen, Berlin Front: Otto Rudolf Schatz
This book is published in conjunction Isabelle Lindermann, Berlin Library of Congress Control Number Ballon Seller, 1929, Belvedere, Vienna
with the exhibition of the same name. is available; British Library Catalo- Back: Herbert Ploberger
Belvedere guing-in-Publication Data: a catalogue Self-Portrait ( With Ophthalmological
Prinz Eugen-Straße 27 record for this book is available from Teaching Aids ), 1928–1930, Städtische
A – 1030 Vienna the British Library; The Deutsche Galerie im Lenbachhaus, Munich
www.belvedere.at Nationalbibliothek holds a record
of this publication in the Deutsche Marbled paper
Berlinische Galerie Nationalbibliografie; detailed Aurelia Markwalder
Alte Jakobstraße 124 – 128 bibliographical data can be found
D – 10969 Berlin under: www.dnb.de If in spite of our thorough research
www.berlinischegalerie.de any individual illustrations have not
Prestel books are available worldwide. been correctly attributed or ac-
Please contact your nearest book- knowledged, we offer our apologies
seller or one of the above addresses and would appreciate any infor-
for information concerning your mation that will allow us to rectify the
Pu b l i c a t i o n local distributor. matter in future editions.
Editors Prestel Verlag, Munich

Agnes Husslein-Arco, Vienna A member of Verlagsgruppe Random
Thomas Köhler, Berlin House GmbH
Ralf Burmeister, Berlin
Alexander Klee, Vienna Prestel Verlag
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Burmeister, Franz, Gratzer-Baum-
gärtner, Jäger, Kaiser, Klee ( Secessi- All rights reserved
ons), Klöckner ( Expressionsm), Printed in Germany
Korzen, Krones, Lütgens (Dada and
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Waßmer, List of works Berlinische Galerie, Berlin; Prestel
Ian Pepper: Introduction, Burmeister Verlag, Munich · London · New York
( Dada), Cabuk, Fellinger, Klee 2013; the artists and the authors

Vienna Berlin The Art of Two Cities From Schiele To Grosz

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Vienna Berlin The Art of Two Cities From Schiele To Grosz

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Vienna – Berlin

Edited by Agnes Husslein-Arco, Thomas Köhler,

The exhibition in the Berlinische Galerie has been sponsored by the

8 Pre fa c e Agnes Husslein-Arco, Thomas Köhler

11 In t ro d uctio n Ralf Burmeister, Alexander Klee, Annelie Lütgens

19 The Old Imperial City and the Newcomer Hermann Schlösser

Ag nes Husslein-A rco, Thomas Köhler

Berlin and Vienna: Two metropolises connected by more than a common

fig. 1/2 Postcard from Gustav Klimt

Hope and Promise: Vienna-Berlin

Ra l f Bu r m e i ste r, Ale xa n d e r Kle e, Annelie Lütgens

of questions to Vienna in a comparative analysis.3 This not only suggests

“There, where Joachimsthalerstraße intersects with Kurfürstendamm, they

ning journalistic production of writers like Benedikt Fred Dolbin or Egon

history-laden architectural monuments. Ber- nothing essential need change in Vienna — as

The Weimar Republic was similarly charac-

The founding of the Vienna Secession in 1897 was preceded by a dispute

“The spirit of the Wiener Werkstätte is repeated on

Otto Friedrich Otto Friedrich

M a x Lieberman n Josef Engelhart

Ferdinand Andri Johann Nepomuk Geller

Lesser Ury Carl K arger

Fr anz Jaschke

Broncia Koller- Pinell

Koloman Moser Koloman Moser

Fr anz Metzner

Josef Hoffmann Wiener Werkstätte

Sleeping Corner under a Spiral Staircase

Vienna Canal near the Chain Bridge

Camping in the Shaft

Sammlung und Stiftung Rolf Horn in der Stiftung Schleswig-

Kä the Kollwi tz

Kä the Kollwi tz K ä the K ollw it z

Kä the Kollwi tz

Kä the Kollwi tz K ä the K ollw it z

Carl - Leopold Hollitzer Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

Carl - Leopold Hollitzer Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

Kunsthaus Zug, Stiftung Sammlung Kamm

Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

A l exand e r K le e as advantageous during the Metternich era,

be guided by intuition.20 Extroverted and all of which are distorted, exaggerated.”22

Ra in a ld Franz Vienna Handelsgericht (Commercial Court)

The history of the Hohenzollern Kunst- nich, in a neo-Renaissance style, whereby

St. Louis and at the Purkersdorf Sanatori- thropomorphic compositions by Koloman

and her new husband Jerome Stonborough Wiener Werkstätte.29

Ma rku s Fellinger Naturalism and Impressionism

A Proletarian in the Temple To begin with, it is useful to circumscribe

Is a be lle Lindermann less, which he developed as hand-colored

Wo l f gang S c hö d d e rt in Frankfurt am Main, Albert Freiherr von

Katinka Gratzer-Baumgärtner Flechtheim seemed to feel that the Galerie

Nervous City—Nervous Self.

the representation of exaggerated body features, such as eyes or hands,

1 Oskar Kokoschka, Mein Leben, Munich 1971, p. 119.

“The hustle and bustle that is the signature of Berlin’s

E rnst Ludw i g Ki r chn er

Rudolf K ALVACH Er n st L udw ig K ir ch n e r

Anton Kolig Er ich Hecke l

Albert Paris Gütersloh Wa lter G r a m att é

Conra d F el i x mü l l er Richard Gerstl

Ma x S lev og t Max Oppenheimer

Oskar Kokoschka Oskar Kokoschka

Otto Friedrich Otto Friedrich

M a x Lieberman n Josef Engelhart

Ferdinand Andri Johann Nepomuk Geller

Lesser Ury Carl K arger

Fr anz Jaschke

Broncia Koller- Pinell

Koloman Moser Koloman Moser

Fr anz Metzner

Josef Hoffmann Wiener Werkstätte

Kä the Kollwi tz

Kä the Kollwi tz K ä the K ollw it z

Kä the Kollwi tz

Kä the Kollwi tz K ä the K ollw it z

Carl - Leopold Hollitzer Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

Carl - Leopold Hollitzer Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

Carl - Leopold Hollitzer

E rnst Ludw i g Ki r chn er

Rudolf K ALVACH Er n st L udw ig K ir ch n e r

Anton Kolig Er ich Hecke l

Albert Paris Gütersloh Wa lter G r a m att é

Conra d F el i x mü l l er Richard Gerstl

Ma x S lev og t Max Oppenheimer

Oskar Kokoschka Oskar Kokoschka

Arnold Schönberg Arnold Schönberg

Egon Schiele Max Oppenheimer

He in r ich R ichter - B e r lin

Egon Schiele Oskar Kokoschka

Ludwig Heinrich Jungnickel

Ludwig Heinrich Jungnickel Fritz Schwarz -Waldegg

Egon Schiele Egon Schiele Egon Schiele

Ha nna h Höch Rudolf Schlichter and

George Grosz an d Othe r s

Ha nna h Höch an d Raou l H au sman n

Ha nna h H öch

Erika Giovanna Klien

Raou l H AUSM ANN

Otto Möller Geor ge G r os z

Sándor Bortn yik N a um G a b o

Otto Erich WAGNER Erika Giovanna Klien

Erika Giovanna Klien Erika Giovanna Klien

Erika Giovanna Klien

Erika Giovanna Klien

Erika Giovanna Klien

Erika Giovanna Klien

Erika Giovanna Klien

Erika Giovanna Klien

Erika Giovanna Klien

Ra l f Bu r m e i ste r ing Weimar was read aloud; finally, Johan

A n n e li e Lü tg e n s tivity.”2 This ambivalent attitude—apprecia

Ru do l f Schl i chter

Iss a i Kulvian sk i C h r ist ia n Sch a d

C hr i sti an Sch a d

Albert Paris Gütersloh

H a ns Ba luschek F r anz Sedlacek

Friedl Dicker Friedl Dicker

Lo tte Lase r ste in

Ja n i na Ne nt w i g as the functional Bauhaus furniture, the po