Jones Port3 Draft3

JONES COMPREHENSIVE PAPER 1
Portfolio Three Comprehensive Paper
Abbey C. Jones
College of Education and Human Development
George Mason University

Introduction
Most academics and practitioners in international education are familiar with Edward
Hall’s (1976) Cultural Iceberg model. Using the analogy of an iceberg, Hall demonstrates that
most aspects of culture, including values, perceptions, and beliefs are often hidden below the
surface. Hall suggests that only about 10% of culture is overt, with the vast majority of cultural
practices hidden below the surface.
As researchers, it is our responsibility to bring our thoughts, beliefs, and frameworks to
the surface to provide transparency in our work and enhance the quality of the work itself; we
cannot leave these pieces hidden below the surface. In considering my own work, there are
certain frameworks to bring to the surface so that others may see the work in its entirety and so
that pieces of my essential beliefs are not hidden from view.
My passion for research in the field of study abroad has only strengthened throughout my
time as a doctoral student, and my experiences, coupled with the knowledge I have gained, have
brought about further questions worthy of investigation. I have discovered an affinity towards
exploring the lived experiences of students in study abroad contexts to better understand how
they interpret their experiences with the host community through the lens of their own identity.
As the concept of study abroad emerged from the white upper class (Hoffa, 2007), those from
marginalized communities may view their study abroad experiences with a different lens. I hope
to bring that interpretation to the surface to grow this body of knowledge and help bring
awareness and better the experiences and learning opportunities for all students.
As study abroad is not an isolated or mutually exclusive field, a theoretical framework is
not appropriate, rather, I will be using Maxwell’s (2013) conceptual framework theory. To do
this, I will be integrating theoretical elements from several fields, including education,
psychology, tourism management, anthropology, and sociology.
Identity Development
Psychosocial identity development theory is typically linked to the foundational work of
Erikson. Erikson (1902-1994) was a German -American psychoanalyst and developmental
psychologist, whose work focused primarily on psychosocial development. His work was
modeled after Freud’s (he studied with Freud’s daughter, psychoanalyst Anna Freud) (Erikson
Institute, 2022), and Piaget’s stages of cognitive development (Piaget, 1964/2003) but focused
more on the identity of the self and personality, dabbling also in religion and sociocultural
aspects of identity development (Erikson Institute, 2022).
His most well-known work Identity: Youth and Crisis (1968) outlines a model of identity
development that begins in infancy and continues throughout adulthood. Erikson’s theory on
identity development is epigenetic, he models it off what he considers the natural progression of
physical and cognitive development. Erikson, noting that infants pass through similar stages in
becoming children and subsequently adults, theorized that psychosocial identity development
functioned in much the same way. Erikson postulated five stages of psychosocial identity
development leading to adulthood and three further stages of adulthood. The upwards movement
from one stage to the next is marked by what Erikson called a crisis, or a dilemma involving an
individual or relational identity that must be resolved before moving forward. Erikson considered
these stages as a natural progression, much like physical growth and development.
Table 1
Erikson’s Eight Stages of Development (1968)

______________________________________________________________________________
Stage Age Crisis
I Infancy Trust v. Mistrust

II Toddler Autonomy v. Shame and Doubt
III Preschool Initiative v. Guilt
IV School-Age Industry v. Inferiority
V Adolescence Identity v. Identity Confusion
VI Young Adulthood Intimacy v. Isolation
VII Middle Adulthood Generativity v. Stagnation
VIII Older Adulthood Integrity v. Despair
Erikson believed that identity development was at the heart of psychosocial development.
He saw it as core to psychosocial growth and development, though he believed it to mostly take
place unconsciously. He also saw it as culminating in an expansion of understanding of ourself in
relation to the world, moving from solely the maternal figure to the context of mankind,
anchored “in nothing less than his [the individual’s] sociogenetic evolution” (p. 41).
The study of identity development emerged during the mid-20th century with the works of
Marcia and Erikson (Deschamps, 1982). Marcia (1966) further developed Erikson’s work by
testing Erikson’s stages of identity development at the adolescent and early adulthood levels.
Marcia based the achievement of the participants’ identity status off their commitment in areas of
occupation and ideology. This study proposed four possible outcomes to Erikson’s identity crisis
(see Table 2) rather than Erikson’s two outcomes (identity achievement or retention), including
diffusion, moratorium, foreclosure, and identity achievement. Unfortunately, there are flaws in
the study methods that call its reliability and validity into question. First, all 80 participants were
males enrolled in history, religion, and psychology courses at one university. Further, Marcia
only measured the presence of a crisis and commitment to identity achievement based on three
categories: occupation, religion, and politics. Overall, these design weaknesses may have been
acceptable given the historical context of the work itself (e.g., small number of females attending
college at that time), but this study only further exacerbates the narrowness of identity
development theory.
Table 2
Marcia’s Possible Outcomes to Identity Crisis (1966)

________________________________________________________________
Strategy for managing moment of identity Definition
development (crisis)
diffusion not making an effort towards identity growth
moratorium considering alternative possibilities to
previous values
foreclosure remaining committed to values that were
developed prior to the crisis
identity achievement establishing meaningful commitments to
values
While Erikson’s work is considered to be one of the first scientific explorations into
identity development, his theory has not stood the test of time, and has since been augmented by
other paradigms. Several critiques have emerged that have challenged Erikson’s theory. First, the
concept of maturity and adulthood has changed drastically with the expanded moratorium that
has developed, creating a kind of emerging adulthood marked by time spent in higher education
programs rather than moving straight to the work force (Schwartz et al., 2012). This stage of
“emerging adulthood” (p. 3) also allows for more time and development before marriage,
parenthood, and other traditional markers of adulthood. Further, these traditional markers are no
longer germane. In infancy and childhood, the primary caregiver is no longer seen as being
limited to the traditional maternal figure. Further, Erikson’s crisis in young adulthood, isolation
v. intimacy, would traditionally be marked by marriage, but evolving social norms make these
markers less relevant. Erikson’s theory is also western by design and does not address cross-
cultural views of identity development (Schwartz et al., 2012). Other theories of identity
development have also emerged, including the constructivist narration theory (Murphy-
Shigematsu, 2000), which ascribes to a more fluid concept of identity development,
understanding that an individual’s sense of identity is dynamic and may not develop in a purely
linear fashion.
Collective Identity
The concept and definition of identity is problematic for scholars. Identity is both
biologically and socially constructed and created and maintained by both individuals as well as
the society and communities in which they live (Brubaker & Cooper, 2000). Skin tone may be a
result of biological and genealogical heritage, but racial identity is defined by social constructs
that have been perpetuated over many generations. Whiteness also affords privileges and powers
and allows one to be viewed as part of a majority, regardless of the racial makeup of the
community in which someone is located (Tajfel, 1981).
Our individual identities stem from our relationships to collectives (Pierce, 2012). For
example, I define myself as a novice academic based on my positioning in the field, my growing
experiences, and my comparison of myself to others who have been working and researching far
longer than myself. Horwitz and Rabbie (1982) write that “subjects’ evaluations of their own
personal characteristics parallel their feelings of being ‘a part’ of [a] group” (p. 258). My
research, writings, and behaviors help me label myself as a novice academic. I make choices
such as writing on the weekends which strengthens my identification based on my knowledge of
the behaviors of other academics and scholars. I take pride in being a part of this community and
work to strengthen this aspect of my identity.
Pierce writes that “self-confidence, self-respect, and self-esteem— developed through the
internalization of intersubjective relations to others, represent the foundation upon which
personal identity is built (2012, p. 60). My collective identities, be they part of my genetic
makeup or social lifeworld, are the foundation of my personal identity. But then how do we
define collective identity and what are its implications? As a social constructionist, I use Jasper
and McGarry’s (2015) concept of collective identity. They write:
A collective identity is an act of the imagination, a trope that stirs people to action by
arousing feelings of solidarity with their fellows and by defining moral boundaries
against other categories. It involves both cognition and emotions and can ultimately be
traced to the universal need for attachment to others. It may be based on shared structural
positions, especially class, nation, age, race-ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation, but
these never automatically construct identities. There is always a great deal of ‘identity
work’ that creates, sustains, and transforms identities. (p. 1-2)
I employ this definition for several reasons. First, it emphasizes the idea that identity spurs action
based on beliefs and feelings of solidarity with others. Further, it addresses our innate need for
attachment and belonging as social beings. It also considers the dynamic and changing nature of
identity and the idea that we are constantly “doing” identity work as part of our daily living.
Collective identities can be both positive and problematic. Collective identity can
promote pride, social values, and revitalize positive traditions (Tajfel, 1981). It can also protect
individuals from the negative effects of discrimination against their ingroup(s) such as
psychological distress and negative self-concept (Branscombe et al, 1999; Rivas-Drake et al.,
2014; Sellers et al., 2003; Smeekes & Verkuyten, 2014; Smith & Silva, 2011). They can also,
however, increase stress levels and stereotype threat (Williams et al., 2014). These potential
negative associations with collective identity may lead people from minoritized populations to
seek positive opportunities to strengthen their sense of self and rebuild their identity perspective
to protect against future negative experiences regarding their collective identity.
In considering study abroad contexts, minoritized students may be seeking these positive
experiences to strengthen their collective identity through international education. As a
constructionist I view identity as dynamic and changing, based on context, experience,
environment, and other macro and micro sociocultural phenomena. For minoritized students,
abrupt changes sociocultural contexts (such as a study abroad context) in which they find
themselves may be unsettling and may challenge their beliefs surrounding their individual and
collective identities. Being in a study abroad context wherein American minoritized students see
themselves as part of a majority where they can participate in traditions and daily living
experiences that strengthen their sense of self in relation to the collective may be helpful in
promoting self-esteem, self-respect, and self-confidence. By promoting these factors, they may
also experience increased protection against discrimination. Cheung Judge (2016) noticed that
minoritized students studying in Zimbabwe claimed their “Africanness” (p. 247) through various
actions wherein they attempted to blend in with the local context. Students did this through
eating with their hands, mimicking those in the host community, purchasing local beauty
products, and at local markets through their dress, discussions, and haggling (Cheung Judge,
2016). The students wanted to claim positive aspects of their African heritage by emulating those
in the host community and used physical actions to demonstrate their knowledge of and
connection to the host culture in an attempt to be viewed as insiders rather than British visitors.
Wanting to blend in and be seen as authentically African came into conflict, however,
with their desire to also be seen as British visitors. In a children’s hospital, the Black students
wanted to be treated as exciting and novel, as they saw the White students were; they, too,
wanted to be seen as unique and novel. There is an innate tension between wanting to blend in
and wanting to stand out. Comp (2008) writes:
Heritage seekers are excited about studying in the “motherland” and believe they will fit
in with the people and culture of their ancestors on arrival. Many believe they will
immediately identify with the host society and that their acceptance into the community
will grow throughout their sojourn. (p. 31)
Cheung Judge’s work demonstrates the dichotomy minoritized students faced; in some instances
it was advantageous to shed their British identity to blend in and feel accepted as part of the host
community, while in others the students wanted to claim their British identity and be identified
as guests within the community. There is a desire to be a part of both collectives and navigating
this within a study abroad context provides an opportunity to evaluate one’s identity in new
ways.
Ethnic-Racial Identity
As previously stated, identity development is often viewed as a narrow field of research,
with initial research involving primarily White male students in higher education settings.
Phinney (1989) is credited with expanding Erikson’s theory of identity development and
exploring how it related to minority adolescents. She first applied Erikson’s theory with Marcia’s
addition of the four outcomes (diffusion, moratorium, foreclosure, and identity achievement),
using “assessments and in-depth interviews” (p. 34) to gauge the identity development of Asian-
American, Black, Hispanic, and White 10th graders at urban high schools. Phinney’s research
determined that within each of the three minority groups, over half of the students were in
diffusion/foreclosure of their identity stage; they were not making positive gains in their identity
development and were resigned to their current sense of self and were not motivated to change;
they felt stuck. This finding was disconcerting, but salient themes of challenges emerged from
the research that allow researchers and practitioners to reflect upon and develop strategies and
interventions to assist these students.
Within the interview data, Phinney discovered some of the central challenges that
adolescents faced were different, based on their ethnic-racial identity (ERI). Asian students she
interviewed focused on the pressure they felt to achieve academically. Black female students
discussed the challenges they faced with White standards of beauty. Black male students stated
they worried about future job discrimination and the “need to distinguish themselves from a
negative image of Black adolescents” (p. 44). Hispanic students also pointed out sentiments of
discrimination and the struggles they faced in both separating and melding their home culture(s)
with American customs (Phinney, 1989). Phinney’s work demonstrates that minoritized students
face additional hurdles in their individual and collective identity development, as they are asked
to resolve tensions of historically negative and harmful stereotypes associated with their ERI
while developing a positive sense of self and collective pride within the groups to which they
belong.
Students still face the same challenges in the pressure they feel to lean into or divorce
from their stereotyped ERI (Rivas-Drake & Umaña-Taylor, 2019). This is what led me to this
research, particularly within study abroad contexts. For several years I led study abroad
programming for high school students through an international non-profit organization.
Facilitating student engagement with local communities within different cultural and linguistic
contexts became a passion of mine, and I initially saw these kinds of experiences as universally
beneficial for students. During one evening debriefing session after spending the day in the local
community with a group of high-school students in South Africa, one Black male student made a
comment that shifted my view on student experiences within study abroad contexts. He
commented on how within the context of South Africa he felt as though he was only being
judged for being American male; that he did not feel that he was being judged for being a Black
American male. Other minoritized students began nodding their heads in agreement. Another
Black student began talking about what it is like living as a Black person in America; the student
talked about clothes he wore to look less intimidating and how he won’t put his hands in his
hoodie/pants pockets while walking down the street. This was a critical moment for me as a
study abroad program facilitator and as a researcher and scholar; this was the first time I had
considered that students’ study abroad experiences may be different (and privileged) based on
their ERI and other sociocultural circumstances.
Neville and Cross (2017) revisited ERI and the ways in which Black men and women
experienced what they call a “racial epiphany,” (p. 103) or an experience or series of experiences
that brought about “conceptualizations of Black racial identity” (p. 103) within the participants
that results in “racial awakening” (p. 106). Using Cross’s (1971) Negrescence model of Black
consciousness (table 3), which includes five stages of development of Black consciousness, they
found that racial awakening was often spurred by personal experiences, education, or activism.
These experiences led to increased racial activism and pride (2017, p. 102).
Table 3
Cross’s (1971) Stages of Black Consciousness

______________________________________________________________________________
Stage Description
Pre-encounter Description of identity to be changed

Encounter Event(s) that trigger change
Immersion-Emersion Old and new identity struggle for dominance
Internalization New identity is habituated
Internalization-Commitment New, sustained platform/identity
Unlike Erikson, Marcia, and Phinney’s stages of identity development, according to
Neville and Cross, these stages do not necessarily occur over the course of a lifetime— one
specific event may trigger the entire process in a short period of time, for example, participating
in sports as a child and being discriminated against during a game or through reading about
Black historical figures in a book (p. 104). Neville and Cross write that “sometimes these [racial
awakening] experiences occurred in their country of origin, and for others it occurred when they
traveled abroad” (p. 104). Racial awakenings may occur in the home context for some students,
but for others a shift to a different geographical and sociocultural context may help trigger
changes in one’s racial (collective) ERI. The purpose of my research is to determine how the
different contexts that study abroad provides shifts minoritized students’ understanding of their
own ERI. Knowing that ERI and other sociocultural perspectives affect a student’s
understanding of self in relation to their lifeworld, different contexts may have a profound
impact on how they experience their ERI. Understanding racialized experiences, or race-based
experiences (Glover et al., 2022) within these contexts can help those in the field better facilitate
experiences with minoritized students, providing them with support and engaging them in
specific experiences that help promote a positive ERI and identity development.
Unlike the previous developmentalists, within a constructivist approach it is recognized
that growth and development are not always be linear and do not always move in a one-way
trajectory. Much research has been done more recently that incorporates a constructivist
approach into identity development theory. Out of the field of psychiatry came the theory of
constructive narration (Murphy-Shigematsu, 2000) This theory postulates that humans structure
their lives and identities in narrative form, based on their experiences and contextual knowledge
(p. 375). Narration, however, is subject to change as the storyteller chooses, either through
conscious or unconscious decision-making. There is also a sense of control within the
constructivist narrative approach, as the storyteller can choose future experiences that affect how
they view the past and can create new narratives based on these experiences. Outside of the
medical field, this theory posits that individuals can create experiences that help them understand
the past in a more positive or neutral light and/or help them view themselves more positively.
Using this theory to frame minoritized students’ experiences within study abroad, this
demonstrates that students may be seeking positive experiences and connections in the visited
location to help them reframe their identity and potential past negative experiences within their
race, ethnicity, or religion. They also may be seeking to build or rebuild their ethnic, racial, or
religious identity altogether, relying on experiences within the study abroad opportunity to help
them create narrations built on feelings of pride and connection.
Stories as Research: A Method
In thinking about research methods, my ontological perspective as a social constructionist
and my interpretive epistemological lens guide my approach. I believe there is much to learn
from not only direct observation, but also from listening to the interpretations of others’
experiences. While students may have the same experience in a physical location during a study
abroad experience, they may interpret it very differently based on their personal understanding of
the world— what lies below the surface of their cultural iceberg. Cheung Judge’s (2016)
exploration of the racialized experiences of high school study abroad students demonstrates that
race mediates experiences within study abroad contexts. In her phenomenological and narrative
research with a racially diverse group of British students who studied in Zimbabwe, she provides
an example of the differences in interpretations students have based on their ERI. While at a
children’s hospital, the Black study abroad students felt ignored by the children, as they seemed
to prefer to interact with the White study abroad students, seeing them as foreign and viewing the
Black students with much less interest, seeming indifferent to the Black students and excited and
intrigued by the White students. All the study abroad participants attended the same hospital and
worked in the same ward together, but had vastly different interpretations in engaging with the
local community.
In her research on site, Cheung Judge observed this behavior, but her post-trip interviews
with students detailed how the students felt about the experience. This not only served to validate
her suspicions, but also provided deeper, more meaningful context to the experience itself
through the eyes of the students. The students’ recollection of their time at the hospital also
helped them process the event and put verbalize their interpretations. Below are two examples of
students’ post-trip interviews and their recollections and interpretations of their experience at the
children’s hospital.
Table 4
Student insights from post-trip interview (Cheung Judge, 2016, p. 246)
Pseudonym, Age Quotation

Peter, 16 I was thinking, like—why did that happen? Don’t they think that
we’re from the same place and we’re coming to do the same thing?
[...] Like, he didn’t believe that I was from England, because of my
colour.
It didn’t really add up to me... they think—that hugging up to white
people, they will get more. Because white tourism and white tourist
Benny, 17 people normally come and give them things. And the black people are
more like—the strong—and abusive ones. So it made sense in a way...
it hurt me, but—just had to deal with it.
These insights from students demonstrate the differences they noticed in how they were treated
by the children at the hospital. The Black study abroad students felt that they were treated
differently and that the patients at the hospital were less excited by their arrival because they
look the same as those in their home communities and therefore interpreted the experience as
negative as a result of their ERI. Here, the act of storytelling through the lens of interpretive
phenomenology helped the Black students reflect on their experiences and interpretations of
those experiences, share their thoughts, and better understand their relation to their lifeworld.
Ricoeur and Valdes (1991) note the power storytelling and sharing can have for people in
marginalized communities, writing that “such narrative approaches often operate as means of
delineating and even theorizing under- or unrepresented lives” (p. 87). Using storytelling as a
source of empowerment, minoritized students can share their experiences with the broader
community. The sum of their individual stories and experiences creates a narrative from which
those in the field can learn. In this way, storytelling becomes an act of resistance against the
hegemonic perspective of the typically white, female, middle-class study abroad student
(Institute of International Education, 2019). It becomes a way not just to recount occurrences and
happenings, but to dynamically participate in the broadening of perspectives within the field of
study abroad and international education.
Critical Event Narrative Inquiry

Critical event narrative inquiry is well suited to study abroad contexts, as critical events
typically occur within community (Mertova & Webster, 2020). They can also be viewed as
emancipatory, as the storytellers not only choose what narratives are critical to them and which
to share, but also determine the meaning they have (Gough, 1997). Critical event narrative
inquiry methods “form a seamless link between theory and practice” (Mertova and Webster,
2020, p. 30) that allows researchers to capture many voices and enhance our understanding of a
singular experience, thus providing us with differing perspectives that enhance our understanding
of how participants may be interpreting that experience.
Narrative inquiry as a research method has many valuable uses, providing both
participants and researchers with the opportunity to co-construct narratives from sometimes
seemingly isolated events. There can be specific benefits to using narrative inquiry in research,
including the ability to see a story holistically, the possibility to organize and reorganize
information in ways that make sense to a variety of audiences, and the opportunity to make
meaningful connections between sometimes seemingly disconnected events (Mertova &
Webster, 2020). Narrative inquiry is often associated with the telling of life stories but can be
used in other circumstances to promote the understanding of experience (Mertova & Webster,
2020).
Mertova & Webster (2020) outline the use of narrative inquiry to explore critical events
that occur within certain circumstances or within someone’s lifetime. But how do we know
which events are critical and which are not? They define a critical event as one that has a lasting
impact on the storyteller as well as is “almost always a change experience, and it can only ever
be defined afterwards” (2020, p. 60). What is important to notice is that the storyteller
determines whether an event is critical, not the researcher or listeners. This places of power of
determination back into the hands of participants, creating a more balanced power structure
between the researcher(s) and participant(s). As a researcher observing an event through a
phenomenological lens, I may assume that an event is critical to the learning or overall
experience of participants in a study abroad context, but the participants ultimately determine
what events they consider to be critical, or to have changed their worldview or perspective.
Using Interpretive Phenomenology as a Lens
To better understand the lived experiences of marginalized students within study abroad
context, phenomenology can be utilized alongside narrative inquiry as an ontological and
methodological perspective. Phenomenology, or the science of phenomena (Heidegger,
1962/2008) encapsulates the idea of getting back to the essence of the phenomena itself. The
goal of phenomenology is to see phenomena in a new light and to “help us acquire a new
horizon” (Kim, 2012, p. 645), using bracketing to put preexisting judgments, understandings,
preconceptions, and ideas aside to be able to experience the phenomena with a new awareness,
attention, and “pure-seeing” (Creely, 2021, p. 2). This kind of reflexivity on the part of the
researcher helps the researcher separate themselves and their own understandings so that they
can more clearly understand the phenomena from the perspectives of participants. Using an
interpretive phenomenological analysis (Prosek & Gibson, 2021) researchers are better able to
“reflect more deeply on the way students make sense of their lived experiences, focusing on their
feelings, perceptions, interpretations, and meaning” (Kim, 2012, p. 631).
Using interpretive phenomenological analysis to understand the data that comes from
narrative inquiry methods has several advantages. Narrative inquiry by itself as a method of data
collections and analysis focuses purely on the experience of the individual itself; the data
collected is not meant to be generalizable or compared to others’ narrations. Using interpretive

phenomenological analysis, however, allows the researcher to look across narratives for insights
that may be both similar and unique. Phenomenology allows researchers to place value on
individual stories and perspectives while also deriving “some common meaning of the
phenomenon” (Prosek & Gibson, 2021, p. 169).
In study abroad research, phenomenology is often utilized as its goal is to examine the
essence of a phenomenon. In this case, the phenomenon may be a study abroad experience
holistically, or it may be looking at certain aspects of the study abroad experience, such as
experiences with host families or experiences interacting with the host community. Wherein
narrative inquiry looks at individual experiences and does not compare them, phenomenology
allows researchers the opportunity to look across stories and data for themes and build a
compound, multifaceted description of the experience (Kılınç et al, 2020). Phenomenology also
interprets how individuals make meaning within their world and in specific experiences
(Moustakas, 1994). van Manen (1990) writes that:
The point of phenomenological research is to “’borrow’ other people’s experiences and
their reflections on their experiences in order to better be able to come to an
understanding of the deeper meaning or significance of an aspect of the human
experience, in the context of the whole human experience.” (p. 62).
Here, van Manen explains that the phenomenon itself is situated within the wider context of a
lifeworld, including local and global histories and cultures. Phenomenology allows for
researchers to take these wider contexts into consideration, whereas narrative inquiry attempts to
focus on the individual as much as possible. As the study abroad context connects both the
student’s home and host culture, considering these complexities when examining a phenomenon
is vital.
Storytelling and Research as Empowerment
Research will always contain a power imbalance between researcher(s) and participant(s)
(Foucault, 2019). Participants are not powerless—they control what information is shared as well
as how it is shared and (hopefully) how it is interpreted by the researcher(s). However, an
acknowledgement of the power imbalance that exists and consistent reflection upon it as well as
the reflexivity of the researcher(s) can help control this imbalance and moderate it. That being
said, one of my goals as a researcher is to use the power of my academic voice to “pass the mic”
and share the arena of that voice.
Storytelling can be an emancipatory and empowering process, as it gives storytellers a
means to “explain pivotal life events, justify choices, examine reality, and find meaning in
experience” (Grassley & Nelms, 2009, p. 2447). The act of storytelling provides a way to ground
context and concept, a chance to bond with others, and a way to educate (Grassley & Nelms,
2009). Storytellers are no longer a statistic or number; the depersonalization that all too often
occurs in capitalistic, data-driven societies is diminished when we place value back on the
individual and their experiences within their lifeworld.
Banks-Wallace (1998) identified six major functions of storytelling in examining the
emancipatory potential of storytelling. They identified “a) contextual grounding, b) bonding with
others, c) validating and affirming experiences, d) venting and catharsis, e) resisting oppression,
and f) educating others” (p. 17) as ways that storytelling could provide both emancipation and
empowerment. Within study abroad contexts, these six functions could help both researcher(s)
and participant(s). Through grounding and reflection, participants may better see the critical
nature of certain events and how they shaped their lifeworlds while also helping researchers
understand what experiences may be critical and why. Through bonding with others and sharing
experiences with the broader community, participants can both affirm their experiences as well
as discuss their frustrations in the hopes of improving the experience for others. This may also
allow participants to better resist oppression and educate others regarding the challenges within
the field. These functions, while not balancing the scale, do help to better distribute power
between participants and researchers within the research process to create more equitable
circumstances.
Current Research of Racialized Travel Experiences
Study Abroad
While extensive research has been done on access and barriers to study abroad as well as
the impact study abroad experiences have on students upon return, there is a dearth of research
regarding the lived experiences of students who participate in study abroad. The research that has
been conducted, however, clearly demonstrates the complexities, particularly that minoritized
students experience regarding their ERI. The research almost exclusively looks at the
experiences of African American and Black students, and while this population does have a
complex and painful history regarding race relations in the United States, it is important to note
that other minoritized populations could benefit from knowledge regarding their experiences
within study abroad contexts. This only exacerbates the lack of information currently available to
both researchers and practitioners.
Reported Positive Aspects Experienced by Minoritized Students
Students did report having positive racialized experiences during study abroad. Students
reported an increase in their interest and commitment to diversity, as well as feeling better
prepared to adapt culturally in different environments (Jackson, 2006; Sweeney, 2014). They
also reported an increased understanding of cultural diversity and a commitment to American

cultural values such as independence that helped foster a successful study abroad experience
(Jackson, 2006).
Many of the studies found that students felt as though they were free from the stereotype
of being African or Black American and, like my student several years ago, reveled in the fact
that they were being judged as being American rather than African or Black American (Carew,
1993; Gearhart, 2005; Jackson, 2006, Sweeney, 2014). The students felt that they had more
“feelings of freedom and safety while abroad that they did not possess at home” (Sweeney, 2014;
p. 30), pointing to their fear of racialized violence in the United States.
With the lifting of their racialized stereotype, students found that they developed new
connections to their American identity. Students discovered that overseas, being American
became their primary identity, whereas the students reported identifying as Black or of African
decent first at home in the United States. One student reported that “My hosts referred to me as
the ‘American…’ Yet nothing in my experience had allowed me to think of myself in that way.
At best I was a hyphenate: an African American. Some derivative of the ‘real thing’ (Lazard,
1997, p. 222). Students discovered that ERI is not always primarily identified in the same way;
students in Kenya discovered that while in the host country, race was more broadly identified to
include home districts and different ethnic groups (Gearhart, 2005), which helped them redefine
their ERI and had a positive effect on their overall ERI development (Day-Vines et al., 1998).
For minoritized students in some study abroad situations, they experience feeling a part
of the racial majority for the first time. One student noted that she felt as though she could better
understand what privilege meant and how it would feel instead of being in the minoritized,
oppressed population (Sweeney, 2014). It is important to note here that there is not a complete
switch from majority to minority (and vice versa) regarding overall racialized experiences. Even
though White students may find themselves in the minority regarding population size, they still
hold the majority of the power and their experience should not be equated to that of an African or
Black American in the United States (Sweeney, 2014).
Some students recollected feeling more connected to their heritage, ethnicity, and/or race
as a result of their study abroad experience. This is extremely nuanced, as some students also
found that their expectations were not met regarding feeling connected and blending in with the
local culture and people (Gearhart, 2005). Some students did have feelings of connection with
other students and with the community, often through a mediator such as music (Jackson, 2006)
or through visits to cultural sites, such as the slave castles in Ghana (Sweeney, 2014). Even
African and Black American students who studied abroad in a White majority host location
found that they met other Black individuals from the community and abroad, which helped them
connect to their heritage and ERI (Jackson, 2006).
Reported Negative Aspects Experienced by Minoritized Students
Minoritized students did, however, experience challenges regarding their race and ERI
during study abroad. Students reported being the only minority student withing their study
abroad group, thus causing increased isolation and difficulty reflecting with others on certain
experiences (Jackson, 2006). This did encourage some students to find community in other ways,
but they often felt the “colorblindness” (Jackson, 2006, p. 166) of majority peers within their
group was unsupportive and even harmful at times. One student even viewed this colorblindness
as a “hostile act” (p. 167), feeling as though other students were intentionally stripping her of her
chosen identity. The students also reported some challenges in communicating with White
American students while overseas. Racial tensions occurred during difficult times that often
included difficult conversations and emotion regarding race and American history. Minoritized
students also experienced heightened amounts of jokes that they felt were hurtful regarding their
race or unwanted questions regarding race and culture. The purpose for this is multilayered: for
some students, this may be the first time they are living in close proximity to someone of a
different ERI. This creates what students feel like are opportunities for communication that may
not may not be appropriate. In examining this through a critical race lens, White students may
also be operating from a place of privilege wherein they feel comfortable asking questions and
making comment and jokes that are not appropriate (Sweeney, 2014).
One of the disappointments cited most often among minoritized students was the lack of
connection they felt related to their ERI and the host country. The students often found that
instead of blending in with members of the local community, they often were still recognized as
American either because of their language, dress, mannerisms, or the fact that they were
traveling with a group of predominantly White students (Gearhart, 2005). Students often felt
pressure to feel connected to the location and community, as their racial identity tends to be
primary in American culture and they felt that by removing that aspect, they would be seen as
part of the community itself. One student wrote that “I feel like this is my one opportunity to
learn about/have a first hand experience with my roots” (p. 3). This pressure often led to
disappointment as students found that they were grouped with White students and seen as
American and not local.
The students also reported having difficulty with the poverty that they sometimes
witnessed in other locations. They felt a sense of discomfort knowing that they may share a
similar ERI with the local host community but that their socio-economic status and quality of life
regarding items like housing, education, and medical care was much higher due to living in the
United States (p. 6). They were surprised to discover that they had more in common culturally
with the other White American students than they did with the local host community, which
challenged their identity.
The Nuances of Identity in Different Contexts
The stories from Gearhart (2005), Jackson (2006), and Sweeney’s (2014) work with the
racialized experiences of minoritized American study abroad students demonstrate the
complexities that ERI brings to the forefront for students. Students experienced confusion from
the multiplicities they experienced—at some points being relieved to not be seen as Black or
African, but at other times wanting to feel more connected to that part of their identity. The
students saw first-hand the complexities of ERI and how it plays out in different contexts,
relating to stereotypes (both positive and negative), language, socio-economic status, and culture
within and beyond their study abroad groups. At times it was advantageous for the students to be
viewed as a part of their American group/culture, but at others they hoped to be accepted as part
of the local community. These racialized experiences play out in tandem, creating a tension that
minoritized study abroad students must grapple with that their White counterparts do not.
Volunteer Tourism
Volunteer tourism, or voluntourism, is a form of alternative travel wherein individuals
pay to engage in various types of volunteer work with a host community (Kipp et al., 2021). It is
similar to study abroad in that it is an alternative form of tourism and travel that boasts unique
opportunities for connection with the host community. Some study abroad programs are based
off the central concepts of volunteer tourism, but are often referred to as service learning,
community engagement, or community leadership programs. Within study abroad, these types of
programs offer students the opportunity to engage in service or charity work while also gaining
academic credit either through additional course work, projects, or from the onsite work itself. At
its best, volunteer tourism promotes sustainable projects in the local community, grows the local
economy (via job creation or influx of resources into the community), allows for an equitable
exchange of knowledge, goods, or services between the host community and tourists (Freidus,
2017) and provides volunteers extended opportunities to “reevaluate their privileged positions or
reject interpretations of their experiences that conflict with their original perspectives” (Kipp et
al., 2021, p. 59). At its worst, volunteer tourism promotes inequitable power structures,
reinforces negative stereotypes, and furthers the privileging of the volunteers by taking resources
away from the local economy to better serve the experience of the volunteers themselves
(Bandyopadhyay, 2019; Bandyopadhyay & Patil, 2017; Everingham & Motta, 2022; Freidus,
2017).
Volunteer tourism (VT), or “voluntourism” (Gellweiler & Higson, 2017) grew out of the
secularization of mission work, often associated with Christian missionaries who traveled to
colonized and free states to conduct charity work and convert the local community to their
religious beliefs (Bandyopadhyay, 2019). Today, approximately 200,000 volunteer tourists, 90%
of whom are White females travel to the Global South with ambitions to “develop the Third
World” (Bandyopadhyay & Patil, 2017, p. 646). This relationship is problematic for a number of
reasons. First, by romanticizing poverty and taking the power of control and decision-making
away from the local community, volunteer tourists and the organizations with which they work
prolong the stereotype of the helpless and infantile Global South that is incapable of helping
itself and creating solutions independently, a view that has been engineered to hide issues of
power and “ease guilt” (Everingham & Motta, 2022). Further, it solidifies the idea that the
Global South both needs and wants the interference of the Global North by reinforcing the
Global North’s capacity to “act and save” (Bandyopadhyay & Patil, 2017, p. 651).
Regarding identity development, volunteer tourism also has a complex relationship with
race and power. It often perpetuates systems of power that further minoritize populations within
and beyond the Global South. It creates feelings of superiority within volunteer tourists, and they
even report feeling like celebrities within the host community (Freidus, 2017). With intentional
moments built in for critical reflection, however, volunteer tourism can help tourists unlearn
harmful stereotypes. Everingham and Motta (2022) provide an example of local children at a
community center reading in their home language to the tourists and helping them learn and
practice the host language. They write that this created a feeling of “discomfort” (p. 234) in the
tourists, as they became the recipients of help and services rather than the donors. This created a
valuable opportunity for them to reevaluate their racialized experience with the host community
and come to see even the local children as having knowledge from which they could learn.
Unfortunately, volunteer tourism on its own does not often have time build in for critical
reflection and group discussion. This creates an environment where neocolonialism can easily
run rampant, furthering harmful stereotypes of local communities and of marginalized
communities globally, promoting feelings of superiority within the tourists, and ultimately,
unfortunately, doing more harm than good in both relationships and the community
(Bandyopadhyay, 2019). In her work, Spivak (1988) criticizes the Global North for consistently
silencing the Global South, which, all too often, continues through study abroad students,
volunteer tourists and the organizations with which they work. This furthers inequitable race
relations on a global scale, perpetuating stereotypes that are then left for minoritized populations
to surmount.
There is a dearth of scholarly work on the racialized experiences of minoritized volunteer
tourists, as the vast majority are White. However, the Peace Corps has published stories and
information relating to the experiences of minoritized volunteers within different host
communities. A post on their website from February 2020 entitled Diverse perspectives: The
African American/Black volunteer experience outlines some of what they list as being positive
connections to racialized volunteer experiences. As the website is meant to encourage
applications to the Peace Corps the website cannot be considered unbiased, but it does provide
examples that match with the research from other fields, including study abroad. The story lists
several themes that have been reported before in relation to racialized experiences or
marginalized volunteers in host communities, including a desire to “come home” and connect
with their ERI as well as altering previously held negative stereotypes and understandings of the
host community and their understandings of systemic poverty in the Global South.
In one example provided on the page, however, one of the returned Peace Corps
volunteers discusses the challenges she faced in Kosovo. In this story, Amber recounts the
challenges she faced as she felt pressure to be the “face of Black America” during her Peace
Corps experience (Peace Corps, 2020). She mentions that she was often asked about her
racialized experiences back in the United States, the political climate, and if she knew Black
American celebrities such as Beyonce. In the post, Amber focuses on using moments such as
those as opportunities to educate and learn, but the fact that she labels these experiences as
“challenging” (Peace Corps, 2020) suggests that she didn’t find these experiences to be
enjoyable.
Another post from the Peace Corps website (2017) was written by Ashia Gallo, who
identifies as a Black American volunteering in Mozambique. The picture she paints for readers
(and potential future volunteers) is also warm and focuses on the positive aspects of being a
Black American volunteer. She discusses the connection she feels with her ERI. She writes:
From the second I landed on this continent, I felt it. My guardian angels, my ancestors,
whatever you personally call it: they knew I was here. And I was overcome with emotion
and elation…I could envision my great-great-grandfather in a field, wiping the sweat
from his brow and wondering what it felt like to feel dignity as a man. (Gallo, 2017)
Though Ashia doesn’t state that her family has a direct ancestral connection to Mozambique, she
points out the connection she feels to being there, even discussing how she could imagine her
great-great-grandfather farming there. She also mentions her ability to blend in with the local
community, writing that “if I simply shut my mouth on public transportation or at a local
market I am easily mistaken for a host country national and ignored. Sometimes this is
awesome!” (Gallo, 2017). However, she does also state that sometimes she does not want to
blend in, but would rather be seen as another American volunteer, writing that “people act as if
I’m lazy, stupid, or plain invisible. It hurt a lot at first, especially when I saw fellow White
volunteers get that compassion” (Gallo, 2017). As was demonstrated in Cheung Judge’s (2016)
work, again the differences in how minoritized volunteers navigate their racialized experiences,
at times finding it comforting to blend in and at others wishing to have the same experiences as
their White colleagues is seen.
Looking beyond the Peace Corps website, a blog was found wherein a former Peace
Corps leader and Black American (choosing only to list their initials as identification) lists some
of the challenges they faced. This post specifically lays out some of the different interpretations
of the same experience based on ERI, including “Although they were treated with kindness and
given undue attention, some whites were still uncomfortable being a minority” and “[the]
orientation we had did not prepare us for the heartbreaking colonial mentality of many of the
Ghanaians. But, only the black participants found this as letdown...the white students saw it as
proof that we live in a superior country” (MEL, 2018). Here the discomfort of the White students
is noted, despite the fact that the author felt they were respected and received positive attention.
Further, the author notes that some of the White students may have interpreted the trip
holistically as an example of the superiority of the Global North, perpetuating harmful
stereotypes of the Global South being in need of saving (and the Global North as the only group
that can provide this assistance). It is important to note that this blog entry only represents the
interpretation of one person, and its authenticity cannot be verified, but the similar points the
author makes in comparison to other academic works lends credence to the perspective it
provides.
SYNTHESIZE HERE
Birthright Travel
Another travel opportunity for adolescents and young adults framed around identity
development is the Jewish birthright trip. These are also typically short-term trips, lasting a few
weeks, though some organizations offer semester and year-long trips (Cohen, 2008, p. 10).
Birthright Israel is a non-profit organization that since 1999 has organized Jewish birthright trips
for over 750,000 young adults ages 18-32 (Birthright Israel, n.d.). Birthright Israel states that
their goal in conducting birthright trips is to “ensure the future of the Jewish people by
strengthening Jewish identity” (Birthright Israel, n.d.). The trip consists of religious and non-
religious activities and themes, including Israeli history, tours of businesses, and visits to a
Shoah (Holocaust) heritage site. The organization lists the trip as being both “cultural and
spiritual” (Birthright Israel, n.d.). This is in line with Judaism being both a religion and an
ethnicity as Judaism recognizes all Jewish people as descending from modern-day Israel,
marking Judaism as an ethnicity, just as one would consider many people with ancestors from
Italy as being Italian (American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise, 2020). Cohen (2008) has
completed extensive independent research on Jewish birthright trips and his book entitled Youth
Tourism to Israel: Educational Experiences of the Diaspora provides readers with a unique look
into birthright tourism. He recognizes the specific struggles minoritized adolescents today must
overcome in relation to their ethnic-religious ERI. He writes that “minority adolescents must
navigate between two systems to develop their own identity, which is often a hybrid or
hyphenated identity [both individual and ethnic-religious]” (p. 60). Birthright trips are unique in
that the student has a known historical/ancestral connection to the trip’s location. Cohen writes:
While most youth travel to exotic locations involves a search for identity in
cultures totally different from the one in which they were raised, young Jews
visiting Israel…rather are trying to assert their own identity within the culture
inherited from their families. (p. 73)
This is interesting to note for study abroad and brings an important fact to light: minoritized
students seeking to strengthen their collective ERI may require additional supports to meet this
goal. Each of these groups is hoping to gain something different from their travel; non-ERI
travelers are expanding or solidifying their individual identities while ERI- oriented travelers are
examining both their ancestral roots and how they as individuals fit into that narrative. While
there is some overlap in identity development concepts within both of these groups, ERI seeking
students may require additional support in strengthening their ERI entering the host community
as an outsider and navigating their identity as both an insider and outsider.
Cohen found that certain trip characteristics did seem to increase overall success,
enhancing their effectiveness of ERI development and retention. Students reported that
homestays with an Israeli family and more time spent with Israeli youth helped them be more
successful despite the shorter duration (p. 109). This is important to note, as it appears to
demonstrate that more intense, direct, and relational work within the host community supported
student growth and success; these connections can be mimicked in the study abroad world.
While this data comes from a satisfaction survey (not from an assessment of learning targets or
goals) it points to important features that academics and practitioners can keep in mind that aid in
student growth and their students’ feeling of success.
SYNTHESIZE HERE
Conclusion
The goal of this paper, and my future research, is to explore how minoritized
students interpret their study abroad experiences. Through an interpretive phenomenological lens
and narrative inquiry methods, minoritized students will be able to share their interpretations of
study abroad experiences, providing them a space to engage in dialogue to better understand the
needs of minoritized students in study abroad contexts. Their perspectives will help researchers
and practitioners better understand the goals of minoritized students in study abroad contexts and
provide opportunities for reflection and facilitation that promote positive ERI development, thus
strengthening minoritized students’ self-confidence, self-respect, and self-esteem (Pierce, 2012).
Previous research in the field shows the challenges minoritized students face
regarding their ERI in host communities. At times they want to be seen as part of the host
community, shedding the negative stereotypes they face in their home context. In some
circumstances, however, it is advantageous to be seen as an outsider in the host community to
receive positive attention as a visitor and compassion as new situations are navigated.
Minoritized students can use their knowledge of the host community along with behaviors to
influence whether they are viewed as an insider or as an outsider, but they often find this to be
beyond their control, as their collective ERI is determined by society’s comparison of them
against their knowledge of collective groups. This leaves them in a space between identities—not
quite an insider but also not quite an outsider.
In my future research, I hope to explore this liminal space minoritized students find
themselves in. Research to date has explored this space with Black and African American
students, but other minoritized groups have yet to be heard. Using research as a source of
empowerment and emancipation, I hope to create space for other minoritized student groups to
share their lived experiences within study abroad contexts so practitioners and researchers can
better understand the challenges they face and be better equipped to help them navigate these
complex contexts.
.
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JONES COMPREHENSIVE PAPER 1

Portfolio Three Comprehensive Paper

College of Education and Human Development

George Mason University

practices hidden below the surface.

As researchers, it is our responsibility to bring our thoughts, beliefs, and frameworks to

that pieces of my essential beliefs are not hidden from view.

As study abroad is not an isolated or mutually exclusive field, a theoretical framework is

psychology, tourism management, anthropology, and sociology.

Psychosocial identity development theory is typically linked to the foundational work of

Erikson. Erikson (1902-1994) was a German -American psychoanalyst and developmental

aspects of identity development (Erikson Institute, 2022).

Erikson’s Eight Stages of Development (1968)

I Infancy Trust v. Mistrust

II Toddler Autonomy v. Shame and Doubt

III Preschool Initiative v. Guilt

IV School-Age Industry v. Inferiority

V Adolescence Identity v. Identity Confusion

VI Young Adulthood Intimacy v. Isolation

VII Middle Adulthood Generativity v. Stagnation

VIII Older Adulthood Integrity v. Despair

place unconsciously. He also saw it as culminating in an expansion of understanding of ourself in

Marcia’s Possible Outcomes to Identity Crisis (1966)

Shigematsu, 2000), which ascribes to a more fluid concept of identity development,

community in which someone is located (Tajfel, 1981).

such as writing on the weekends which strengthens my identification based on my knowledge of

work to strengthen this aspect of my identity.

internalization of intersubjective relations to others, represent the foundation upon which

and McGarry’s (2015) concept of collective identity. They write:

work’ that creates, sustains, and transforms identities. (p. 1-2)

to protect against future negative experiences regarding their collective identity.

experiences to strengthen their collective identity through international education. As a

constructionist I view identity as dynamic and changing, based on context, experience,

and wanting to stand out. Comp (2008) writes:

will grow throughout their sojourn. (p. 31)

As previously stated, identity development is often viewed as a narrow field of research,

interventions to assist these students.

programming for high school students through an international non-profit organization.

their ERI and other sociocultural circumstances.

Cross’s (1971) Stages of Black Consciousness

Pre-encounter Description of identity to be changed

Encounter Event(s) that trigger change

Immersion-Emersion Old and new identity struggle for dominance

Internalization New identity is habituated

Internalization-Commitment New, sustained platform/identity

Unlike Erikson, Marcia, and Phinney’s stages of identity development, according to

Unlike the previous developmentalists, within a constructivist approach it is recognized

conscious or unconscious decision-making. There is also a sense of control within the

them create narrations built on feelings of pride and connection.

Stories as Research: A Method

In thinking about research methods, my ontological perspective as a social constructionist

Student insights from post-trip interview (Cheung Judge, 2016, p. 246)

Pseudonym, Age Quotation

study abroad and international education.

Critical Event Narrative Inquiry

of how participants may be interpreting that experience.

meaningful connections between sometimes seemingly disconnected events (Mertova &

between the researcher(s) and participant(s). As a researcher observing an event through a

Using Interpretive Phenomenology as a Lens

context, phenomenology can be utilized alongside narrative inquiry as an ontological and

methodological perspective. Phenomenology, or the science of phenomena (Heidegger,

feelings, perceptions, interpretations, and meaning” (Kim, 2012, p. 631).

collected is not meant to be generalizable or compared to others’ narrations. Using interpretive