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A HISTORY OF WOMEN'S WEIGHTLIFTING AT THE OLYMPIC LEVEL IN THE
UNITED STATES

Matthew B. Fraze
B.A., California State University, Stanislaus, 2003

THESIS

Submitted in partial satisfaction of

the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE

1Il

KINESIOLOGY
(Sport Performance)

at

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO

SPRING
2009
 ©2009

Matthew Boyd Fraze

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
11
A HISTORY OF WOMEN'S WEIGHTLIFTING AT THE OLYMPIC LEVEL IN THE
UNITED STATES

A Thesis

by

Matthew Boyd Fraze

Approved by:

---==a::--:-<,.__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,,__ _, Committee Chair

Maureen Smith, PhD

, Second Reader
_H_arry es~,-E"""""d_D_e--- ---
__Th_lo.,,,._d_o_,.ri_d....

111
Student: Matthew Boyd Fraze

I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University

format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to

be awarded for the thesis.

- - ~ - - ~ ~ ~ ~ - - ~ - ' Graduate Coordinator ~ Cf 2-oo o/

Maureen Smith, PhD Date

Department of Kinesiology

lV
 Abstract

of

A HISTORY OF WOMEN'S WEIGHTLIFTING AT THE OLYMPIC LEVEL IN THE

UNITED STATES

by

Matthew Boyd Fraze

The purpose of this study was to write a history of women's weightlifting in the

United States. At the same time, this study has addressed the social constraints which

prohibited purposely and/or inadvertently the inclusion of women in the sport of

weightlifting in the Olympic Games. There have been few published accounts about the

history of women's weightlifting and its development in the United States. Therefore, this

study used newspaper articles and periodicals to review the important figures and events

in American history which lead up to the first competition and women's weightlifting

admittances into the Olympic Games. This study contributed to the breadth of historical

knowledge of obstacles women weightlifters faced in trying to compete in the United

States and the Olympic Games.

, Committee Chair
-M-r-a-.iif-e.....,i.....n_S_rm
__th-,-P-hD
_ _ __

V
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Abstract ..................................................................................................................................... v

Chapter

1. IN"TRODUCTION ................................................................................................................ 1

Statement of Purpose............................................... :.................................................... 2

Significance of the Study ............................................................................................. 2

Scope ofthe Thesis ...................................................................................................... 2

Definition ofTerms ...................................................................................................... 3

2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE .............................................................................................. 5

The Organization of American Weightlifting ............................................................. 6

Women's Physical Activity and Sports in the United States ...................................... 8

The Development of Women's Competitions ................................................ 9

From Play Day to NCAA····································:--······································· 13

The Participation of Women in the Early Olympic Games .......................... 18

Gender and Sports ...................................................................................................... 19

The Delicate Female Argument .................................................................... 19

Femininity vs. Athletism: Complexities in Gender Definitions ................... 20

Summary..................................................................................................................... 23

3. METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................................. 25

VI
4. HISTORY OF WOMEN'S WEIGHTLIFTING LEADING UP TO NATIONAL
COMPETITION ..................................................................................................................... 27

Women's Weightlifting before Sanctioned Competition.......................................... 28

Women's Weightlifting's First Sponsored Competition by the AAU ..................... 31

Women's Weightlifting's First Official Sanctioned National Championship ......... 33

5. THE HISTORY OF WOMEN'S WEIGHTLIFTING'S FIRST WORLD

CHAMPIONSHIP .................................................................................................................. 37

A Personal Experience ofa World Champion Female Weightlifter ....................... .42

6. THE HISTORY OF WOMEN'S WEIGHTLIFTING'S ADMISSION TO THE

OLYMPICS ............................................................................................................................ 45

Women's Weightlifting's Problem with Drugs ........................................................ 46

International Weightlifting's Drug Problem ................................................. 48

Women's Weightlifting's Drug Problem ...................................................... 51

Women's Weightlifting and Definitions of Femininity ............................................ 53

Female Weightlifter Challenged Gender Definition of Fragility ................. 54

The IOC's Problems with Women's Weightlifting .................................................. 57

7. THE HISTROY OF FIRST US WOMEN'S WEIGHTLIFTING TEAM IN THE

OLYMPICS ............................................... ,................................................. :.......................... 60

8. CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................. 65

Directions for Future Research .................................................................................. 68

References ............................................................................................................................... 70

vu
 1

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

Weightlifting has been an international competitive sport for over 100 years.

Currently, the sport of weightlifting is practiced in approximately 130 countries.

Weightlifting is often called Olympic Weightlifting or Olympic lifting. The sport of

weightlifting consists of two lifts, which are the snatch and the clean and jerk. The snatch

entails "lifting a barbell from floor to arm's length overhead in one continuous motion"

(Drechsler, 1998, p. 1). The clean and jerk "involves lifting a barbell from the floor to the

shoulders in one continuous motion and then, in a second motion, bringing the weight to

arm's length overhead" (Drechsler, 1998, p. 1). Weightlifting is, by far, the "greatest test

of strength in all of organized athletics" (Drechsler, 1998, p. 1).

In the sport of weightlifting, women have competed for a relatively short amount

of time compared to men. Weightlifting made its Olympic debut as a male sport at the

1896 inaugural Olympic Games in Athens, Greece. The event consisted of various forms

of one-handed and two-handed lifts. The first women's national senior weightlifting

competition was held in Waterloo, Iowa on May 23, 1981 (Glenney, 2007). In the

beginning, the women's Nationals were held separately and it was not until April 30 to

May 2, 1988 in St. Louis, Minnesota that the women's nationals were combined with the

men's Nationals. Women's weightlifting made its debut at the 2000 Olympic Games in

Sydney, Australia.
 2

Statement of Purpose

The purpose of this thesis was to write a history of the sport of women's

weightlifting in the United States from its first competition until it appears in the Olympic

Games. This investigation will review the important figures and events in American

history which lead up to the first competition and the additional figures and events which

helped women's weightlifting gain admittance into the Olympics.

Significance of the Study

There have been few published accounts about the history of women's

weightlifting and its development in the United States. There is significant literature

documenting the participation of men in weightlifting, but these accounts do not directly

include the history of women's weightlifting. There are selected accounts pertaining to

general information on women in weightlifting and accounts which focus on specific

points in time but none focusing on the whole story. This work will contribute to the

breadth of historical knowledge of weightlifting in the United States by recounting the

experiences and obstacles women faced in trying to and competing in the United States

and eventually the Olympics.

Scope of the Thesis

The scope of this research will include the use of written sources on women's

weightlifting before the first national competition in 1981, the time period before the first

international competition in 1987, and the first Olympic competition in 2000. Newspaper

articles, non-peer reviewed periodicals from the period under review, and personal

correspondences with those who could be contacted will be used. This research focuses
 3

on the history of women's weightlifting and the social obstacles leading to the 2000

Olympics. Limited coverage of the sport of weightlifting may hinder the ability to

address all aspects of the history. Additionally, limited access to the International

Olympic Committee historical records may cause some areas to not be fully addressed.

Definition of Terms

Calibrated Olympic Barbell - A barbell that has been standardized in size, dimension,

and weight for use in Olympic, national, and international competition.

Calibrated Weights-A weights that have been standardized in size, dimension, and

weight for use in Olympic, national, and international competition.

Calisthenics - Exercises consisting of using only the body for resistance.

Clean & Jerk - A lift in the sport of weightlifting where an athlete lifts a barbell in one

consistent movement from the floor to shoulder and then to a full arms lockout

position overhead.

German Gymnastics - Exercises and movements for building the body and national pride

using equipment similar to what modern-day gymnasts use.

Indian Clubs - Indian exercise device originally made of wood, which resembled a

modern day bowling pin. It was used in a swinging manner.

Hegemony- Cohen (1993) defined hegemony as the influence of specific beliefs that

supersede public consciousness in social and political circumstances which help

dominant groups preserve their power influence and/or control over subordinate

groups. Based on Cohen's (1993) definition of hegemony it is possible to argue a

men are the dominant force to the extent that males can dictate cultural
 4

perspectives and control cultural perspectives of females into a position and/or

perspective favorable masculine ideals.

International Federation Weightlifting- The IWF is the governing body overseeing

world competition and organization of the sport of weightlifting.

International Olympic Committee - The IOC is the governing body overseeing world

competition and organization of the Olympic Games.

Olympic bar - Generic name for a bar fashioned after calibrated Olympic bars but cannot

be used in competition.

Olympic Weightlifting or Olympic Lifting- Common name for the sport of weightlifting,

deriving form weightlifting being a venue at the Olympic Games.

Patriarchal System - A system of order where the line of authority goes through the male

member in the organization.

Snatch - A lift in the sport of weightlifting where an athlete lifts a barbell in one

consistent movement from the floor to a full arms lockout position overhead.

Swedish Gymnastics - Exercises and movements for building the body using equipment

similar to what modem-day rhythmic gymnastics.

USA Weightlifting - The USAW is the governing body overseeing national and local

competition and organization in the US for sport of weightlifting.

Weightlifter - An athlete in the sport of weightlifting

Weightlifting- The sports sanctioned by the Olympic and International Weightlifting

Federation, which consists of the snatch, and clean & jerk lifts.
 5

Chapter 2

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

According to the International Weightlifting Federation the sport of weight lifting

dates back to ancient Egyptian and Greek societies (IWF, 2006; Webster, 1976). The

IWF indicated weightlifting gained international prominence in the nineteenth century at

the first modem Olympic Games in 1896, where it was one of the original sports offered.

The first international championships were held five years later in 1891, in London

(Webster, 1976). According to Bonini (2001), the first international federation was the

Amateur Atleten Weltunion (AAW) in 1905, which oversaw international wrestling and

weightlifting. Weightlifting was separated from wrestling and reorganized into the

Weightlifting Union in 1912. Weightlifting is currently presided over by the International

Weightlifting Federation. The first federation to provide an international championship

was the British Amateur Weight-Lifting Association (BAWLA) (Bonini, 2001). It was

this first sponsorship and oversight by the BAWLA which helped begin the process of

standardization of contests, which propelled the contest of lifting weight to the sport of

weightlifting and led American strongmen to form it first weightlifting organization.

The sport of weightlifting went through several changes in events and apparatus

use. According Kutzer (1976) the Official Report of the 1896 Athens Olympic Games

there were two events; weightlifting with both hands and weightlifting with one hand.

Kutzer (1976) clarified that weightlifting with one hand was actually 10 separate lifts.

The subsequent Olympic Games weightlifting events varied from competition. In the
 6

1932 Olympic Games the lifts were standardized into three lifts: the snatch, the clean and

jerk, and the press (Webster, 1976).

The international weightlifting federation was formed in 1920, which created and

established a model for national federations. The international federations clarified three

significant problems of the past: the problem of world champion status, the

standardization of comparable lifts, and the creation of rules and regulations for proper

competition. All three of these problems plagued the sport of weightlifting prior to and at

the beginning of standardized competitions.

The Organization of American Weightlifting

The United States did not officially enter a weightlifting team until the 1932

Olympic Games, but individual American citizens competed in all but the first Games in

the sport of weightlifting (Kutzer, 1976). In the 1932 Olympic Games, the lifts were

refined to three competitive lifts and were standardized for the purpose of equal

competition and judging (Webster, 1976). In 1932, the United States created a national

governing body for amateur sports, and appointed Bob Hoffman as head coach, who

became the father of American weightlifting (Fair, 1996).

In 1888, the Amateur Athletic Union (AAU) was formed in America to oversee

amateur sports. The problem with the AAU was that it was greatly preoccupied with

track and field. However, in 1902, the Milo Barbell Company was formed by Alan

Calvert and Philadelphia quickly became the "mecca" for weightlifting in North America

(Webster, 1979). George Jowett, a prominent figure in the strongmen community and a

popular writer for the physical culture magazines of the day, wanted a national
 7

organization specific to weightlifting. Calvert and Jowett express their sentiments about

national organization to the public through magazines. Eventually Calvert and Jowett got

together to become the driving force for a national federation for weightlifting. The result

was the formation of the American Continental Weight-Lifters Association (ACWLA).

This brought consistency to strength events put on by the ACWLA (Webster, 1976). The

ACWLA was modeled after the British Amateur Weight-Lifting Association.

Weightlifting in America started to move from spectacle to sport. Fair (1996)

indicates that sanctioned lifts were actually drawn from strongmen events and most of the

athletes competing in weightlifting were really strongmen. Due to infighting between

Calvert, Jowett, and others the ACWLA did not last. In the 1930's, the Milo Barbell

Company went down during the infighting, making the way for Hoffman to acquire the

Milo Barbell Company (Klein, 1935). Fair (1996) wrote that in the process of saving the

fledgling company, Hoffman also saved weightlifting.

Hoffman changed the name of the company to The York Barbell Company and

created the York Barbell Club, which became the training ground for the United States

Olympic Weightlifting team (Webster, 1976). Hoffman's club attracted weightlifters

from all over the country who later held national and world titles in weightlifting. Even

though Hoffman led a colorful life and had many disagreements with those in the

weightlifting community, Fair (1996) believed it cannot be disputed that it was Hoffman

who put the United States firmly into international weightlifting competition, thereby

solidifying weightlifting as a sport worthy of national recognition.

 8

Women's Physical Activity, and Sports in the United States

At the tum of the century, the idea of women's involvement in sporting activities

was founded on aesthetic standards of women's roles in the home.

Boyhood and manhood have ... for ages long been both tested and produced by
athletic sports ... The case is very different for women. They were not
predominantly the hunters or fighters. They cared for home. (Gulick, 1906, pp.
158-159)

The home played a pivotal role in defining gender. Women were expected to be soft,

gentle, and dependant upon men. For this reason, Hugo Rothstein advocated the Swedish

gymnastics over the German system in 1853 because German gymnastics was felt to

develop excessively the figure in complete opposition to the true perception of female

attraction and refinement (Guttmann, 1991).

McCrone (1988) explained the reasoning, men were believed to be first in sports

and athletics because they had natural combative instincts deriving from past history as

warriors and hunters. Furthermore, men had physical formations which perfectly adapted

them to such pursuits with the right temperamental qualities. Current thought at that time

believed women could not compete because they insufficiently lack these qualities

(McCrone, 1988). Guttmann (1991) specified women believed they had to use beauty as

a weapon essential to struggle for survival; the capturing of a husband. Female physical

educators promoted forms of proper calisthenics as way to improve a female's pleasing

features, which enhanced her prospects at marriage. Guttmann (1991) conversely

indicated sports were thought by physical educators to ruin the feminine look, lessen her

appeal, and consequently hinder the female in the stereotypical pursuit of matrimony.
 9

Guttmann (1991) pointed out that many doubted those athletic females who

overcame the odds of athletism and were able to find a husband ran the chances of

damaging their reproductive organs and thereby rendering them permanently infertile.

However, a few physical educators did not totally rule out sports. Professor Dudley A.

Sargent, of Harvard's Hemenway Gymnasium, felt that calisthenics, and sports were

physically and psychologically beneficial for both genders. According to Guttmann

( 1991 ), Sargent dismissed the widespread apprehension that all sports transformed

females into masculine creatures, but still had misgivings about vigorous competition for

women. Even though Sargent favored the participation in sports he still held to the

common gender bias arguments as to why females were not capable of vigorous

competition (Guttmann, 1991). The era of the transformation before and during the turn

of the century believed that women could exercise if and only if the activities held to the

defined areas of appropriate feminine activities, which did not include sports for women.

The Development of Women's Competitions

The participation of women in sports prior to the late nineteenth century was

considered pastime or leisure activity. During this period a few educators, who later were

recognized as pioneers, introduced and encouraged women to participate in exercise and

physical activity. Catherine Beecher preferred calisthenics for treatment of body

distortions and the promotion of graceful movements. The Young Women's Christian

Association introduced summer camp programs in the summer of 1874 and began using

calisthenics in 1877. Seven women's colleges in the east, during the 1870's, included

exercise and good health habits as part of attending their colleges. Vassar College, one of
 10

the seven, had calisthenics but only used sports considered as "feminine" as part of their

curriculum.

Beecher, who became a well-known advocate for physical education and exercise

for women, might have pushed the progression of women's participation in sports if it

were not for her conservative views. Beecher felt the suffrage movement could secure

"far safer, less objectionable, and more efficient method[s], than those they are now

pursuing" (Beecher, 1851, p. 23). Beecher was clearly influenced by the current societal

beliefs, which placed women at a lesser status than men. In fact, Beecher often had men

read or perform her speeches.

According to Welch (2004), the seven college conference of women's schools

was called the seven sister institution. These colleges recognized the need for physical

activity, but only activities which were considered "feminine". Women participated in

calisthenics, archery, croquet, shuttlecock, and horseback riding. In The Century

Magazine (Festivals in America Colleges for Women, 1895), a writer indicated the

disparity between male and female activities. Men spent mo~t of their activity time

engaged in athletics, however, women put on festivals and pageants. Nevertheless, these

seven colleges pushed the boundaries of women's inclusion in°physical education by

erecting gymnasiums and started the trend for other colleges to follow. By the turn ofthe

century these colleges helped elevate the status of women (Welch, 2004).

At the turn of century, participation in sports became a component of women's

activities at colleges (Dudley & Kellor, 1909). Competition levels varied, some colleges

allowed intercollegiate programs while others only offered interclass competition.

 11

However, intercollegiate sports were halted in the 1920's in favor of play-days, sports­

days, and interclass games. As colleges moved away from competition based programs

organiz.ations outside educational affiliation emerged and provided sportswomen

opportunities for competition: Individual sports created associations for women.

Women's sports outside of educational institutions in the 1870s allowed women

the opportunity for competition. Some of the first sports to hold championships for

women were tennis, bowling, archery, and golf. One of the conditions for participation

was the women dress as "ladies". According to Clay (1887), the Philadelphia Cricket

Club held the first national title championships for women in 1887. The American

Bowling Congress was created in 1895 and clubs began to appear in upper social class

areas. Competitive leagues were also formed for women. It was thought at the time that

bowling was a good source of exercise for women (Bisland, 1890). In 1879, the National

Archery Association organized and, according to Smith (1927), its first tournament was

open to both genders. Golf was another appropriate sport open for women (Rice, 1931 ).

Under the direction of the Amateur Golf Association or United States Golf Association,

national tournament championships for women were held in 1895.

The first opportunity for American women in international competition was

offered by the Women's Swimming Association of New York (WSA) (Lerch & Welch,

1979). The WSA sent swimmers and divers to represent the United States in the 1920,

1924, and 1928 Olympics. In 1912, the Amateur Fencer's League of America held the

first women's national championships (Amateur Fencers' League of America, 1923).

 12

Later in 1924 when fencing became part of women's Olympic events the AFLA provided

the preparation and selection of women to the national team.

The first team sport played by women in college was basketball (Welch, 2004). In

1893 at Smith College, the first interclass game was played under the direction of Senda

Berenson. The game of basketball was subsequently adopted by physical training schools

(Guttmann, 1991). The women who graduated from these schools helped introduce and

spread basketball throughoutthe country. Soon after women's basketball was introduced,

rule changes were established to curtail the physical harshness and the vigorous physical

demands of the game. Female physical educators at the time believed the game of

basketball was too strenuous, brought about aggressiveness, and did not develop the

delicate demeanor in which young women should conduct themselves. In 1899 at the

Physical Training Conference a basketball committee was organized to standardize rules

for women's sports in educational institutions (Berenson, 1903). The purpose was to

harmonize the sport of basketball and the proper feminine ideal.

In 1901, Constance Applebee introduced field hockey as a team sport for women

(Applebee, 1934). In 1922, Applebee assisted in organizing the United States Field

Hockey Association. The participation of women in the sport of field hockey did not

experience ridicule by physical educators as other sports did because the style of play did

not cross gender lines. Additionally, women were directly engaged in the establishment

and management of the sport. Nevertheless, in 1930's, a large number of women physical

educators disapproved of highly organized athletic programs. They felt highly organized

programs did not serve the masses and catered to only a few elite persons. They used the
 13

argument that women did not have the physical stamina to sustain high levels of exertion

and still maintain their station in life. This was supported by an article in the New York

Times in 1921:

every girl has a large store of vital and nervous energy upon which to draw in the
great crisis of motherhood. If the foolish virgin uses up this deposit on daily
expenditures of energy on the hockey field or tennis court, as a boy can afford to
do, then she is left bankrupt in her great crisis and her children will have to pay
the bill (as cited in Cohen, 1993, p. 117).

From Play Day to NCAA

Unlike men's sports programs that had gone through the process of gaining a

national organizing body, women's programs lagged far behind. The Athletic Conference

of America College Women (ACACW) became the first, which formed in 1917, and later

in 1933 became the Athletic Federation of College Women (AFCW) (Somers, 1916). The

AFCW encouraged the Women's Athletic Association to have a friendly working

relationship with women's departments of physical education. However, from the

AFCW' s inception it was opposed to interscholastic and intercollegiate competition for

women because of its close association to the educational establishment (Welch, 2004).

In 1923, the Women's Division of the National Amateur Athletic Federation was

established. Later In 1927, The Committee on Women's Athletics, in the Amateur

,.

Athletic Union, was changed to section status at the American Physical Education

Association Convention. The creation of the Athletic Federation and the alteration in

status of the Committee on Women's Athletic was partially due to the 1922 Women's

World Games and the entry of an American track and field team for high school girls and

college women (Von Borries, 1941 ). However, with the increased opportunity came
 14

objections. In the 1920 Olympics, the women's team participated in what was considered

an extremely competitive atmosphere. Female physical educators voiced objections and

concerns on the bases of perceived overexertion during competition, neglect of the

masses, and the over-emphasis on winning (Addington, 1923). As the Amateur Athletic

Union improved opportunities for competition for women by having added women's

swimming in 1914, and women's track and field in 1922 women's physical educators

voiced concerns that women's competition was developing the same problems as men's

competitions.

The National Amateur Athlete Federation's creation of the Women's Division in

1923 was in response to dissatisfaction with the misconduct of men's athletic programs

and similar developments developing in women's programs (Sefton, 1941). The

Women's Division encouraged opportunities for athletic participation regardless of skill

level; however they opposed highly organized competition including the Olympic Games

and all other international contests (Wayman, 1932). During the Women's Division 17-

year existence the focus on competition was based on enjoyment, development of good

sportsmanship, and the building of character. The organization shunned activities which

encouraged record breaking, championships, spectator involvement, and/or the singling

out of athletes based on skill level (Wayman, 1932). The Women's Division attracted

memberships from schools, colleges, and universities throughout the country because its

ideals resonated with female educators.

Early in 1929, the tide began to change and some women began to favor highly

organized competition. The shift started with the involvement of the Women's Division
 15

of the NAAF sponsorship of the American Olympic trials in preparation for the 1932 Los

Angeles Olympic Games (Welch, 2004). By 1940, women in colleges and universities

held play-days, sports-days, and interclass competition, but female physical educators

limited activity levels by rules allowing limited mobility and lessened the competitive

nature of the sports activities (Welch, 2004). However, play-days, sports-days, and

interclass competition lead to intercollegiate and professional female sports.

In 1940, the merger of the Women's Division of the NAAF and the National

Section for Girls and Women's Sports established a position on competition by

renouncing highly organized forms of competition and promoting activities which

provided equal opportunity for all skill levels (Waterman & Atwell, 1941). The

interruption of a second world war caused many physical educators to leave coaching

positions to join the war effort. As a result of the merger and the second world war,

interscholastic sports declined in the late 1940's (Welch, 2004).

In 1958, representatives from the Tripartite Committee, made up of the Division

for Girls and Women's Sports, the National Association for Physical Education for

College Women, and the National Federation of College Women, acknowledged that

sports and athletic programs did not meet the needs of a growing population of highly

athletically skilled college women (Welch, 2004). Through the efforts of the Tripartite

Committee, women's physical educators officially recognized the necessity to provide

sports competition for women who had high levels of skills and abilities (Welch, 2004).

The Tripartite Committee became the National Joint Committee on Extramural Sports for

College Women.
 16

By 1962, the National Joint Committee on Extramural Sports for College Women

(NJCESCW) created standards for hosting and officiating state and national events. The

primary purpose of the NJCESCW was to uphold standards of conduct for intercollegiate

sports events (Ley & Jernigan, 1962). The NJCESCW found two problems surrounding

collegiate sports for women. First, they found that very few women were qualified to

coach highly skilled athletes. Second, the NJCESCW found that the demand for officials

exceeded the number in place (Welch, 2004).

In 1963, the problems found by the NJCESCW were addressed by the National

Institute on Girls Sports. The National Institute on Girls Sports was developed from the

Division for Girls and Women's Sport, and the Women's Board of the United States

Olympic Development Committee, cosponsored the idea of creating a National Institute

on Girls Sports. The idea was to increase the participation of girls and women in sports

through more girls and women participating and creating more programs. From 1963 to

1969, the National Institute on Girls Sports developed five programs designed to teach

men and women how to instruct basic skills and how to coach highly skilled women and

girls. The sports were diving, fencing, gymnastics, canoeing, kayaking, track and field,

skiing, figure skating, basketball, and volleyball (Jernigan, 1967; 1969). This became a

national effort to help women teach and coach gifted female athletes.

In 1965, the NJCESCW disbanded and the Division for Girls and Women's Sport

assumed the role of setting standards and overseeing women's sports (Scott & Ulrich,

1966). In 1966, a new organization was formed called the Commission on Intercollegiate

Athletics for Women (CIAW) (Scott & Ulrich, 1966). The CIAW hosted national
 17

championship events in golf and tennis, and added championships in gymnastics, track

and field. In 1971, the CIAW was terminated because of the exploding growth of

women's sports and the need to reorganize in response to the growth (Welch, 2004).

The DGWS created the Association for Intercollegiate Athletics for Women

(AIAW) in 1971 (Welch, 2004). The AIAWin 1974, the DGWS became the National

Association for Girls and Women in Sport (NAGWS) under the direction of the

American Alliance for Health, Physical Education, and Recreation. The AIAW

recognized it had different goals than the other alliances and, in 1979, separated from the

NAGWS. For a short period, women's sports were governed by a body, which revolved

around sports and not physical education.

The AIA W lacked the financial funding to compete with the NCAA and by 1981,

the AIAW folded due to the NCAA's campaign to control women's sports and the federal

government's withdrawal of its financial support (Morrison, 1993). The premise of the

NCAA for taking over women's athletics was that it could do a better job and reap the

financial rewards.

Prior to the NCAA control of female athletics coaches came from the ranks of

teachers of physical education who volunteered or were asked by their departments to

coach teams. With the introduction of Title IX and the take over by the NCAA, women's

sport increased tremendously. The increase in the number of sports and teams created a

void in coaching positions for female teams. Acosta and Carpenter (1992) found that as

coaching position for female teams increased the number of female coaches decreased.

Acosta and Carpenter (1992) went on to theorize that some female physical education
 18

teachers who had not coached sports previous to Title IX were tentative to leave their

positions, while other female teachers might not have accepted the structure and

organization of women's athletic programs. Nevertheless, the legislation of Title IX and

the inclusion of women's sports into the NCAA was evidence that progress was being

made for women in sport. Inequalities for women still existed in collegiate and national

sports, but Title IX created a legislative process to work toward equality for women in

sport.

The Participation ofWomen in the Early Olympic Games

Baron de Coubertin, the founder of modem Olympics was opposed to the

participation of women. He was so opposed that, according to Leigh (197 4 ), Coubertin

fought for thirty years to exclude women in the Olympic movement and believed

spectators would not want to watch women athletes compete. Spears (1976) indicated a

major set back to women in sport was the sight of six runners collapsing after the 800-

meter race in the 1928 Olympics. This incident was viewed as evidence of the physical

weakness of women. Adams (2002) concluded that women's participation in the

Olympics has been marginalized due to the perceived limitations of women's bodies by

the governing body of the Olympics. Adams (2002) points out that women's participation

was restricted or made available on the bases of what the governing body determined as

proper feminine activities. Appropriateness of sport played a great role in engineering the

type of events, the level of events, and the perception of events in which women were

allowed to compete. Adams (2002) pointedly discerned that social ideals were the litmus
 19

test on what was appropriate for women. Nowhere was athletic skill or ability used to

evaluate event inclusion for women in the Olympics.

Gender and Sports

The important social issues pertaining to the acceptance of women's weightlifting

in the Olympic Games and the United States revolved around gender identity. Two

pertinent issues were the "delicate female argument" and "femininity vs. athleticism".

These two social issues were really about definitions of how/what women should be as

defined as by mainstream society.

The Delicate Female Argument

The study of the development and participation of women in athletics and sports

revolved around two related social issues. The first issue was the voluntary and/or

involuntary exclusion from sport play. This is the idea that women either chose not to

participate in provided programs and/or sport programs limited or excluded women

because of predefined social standards (Therberge, 1989). The second issue, which

reinforces and supports the first issue of exclusion, was the belief that the frailty and

inferiority of women rendered them incapable of vigorous physical activity (Therberge,

1989). This is not a new ideology or belief, that women hold some lesser station in

physical prowess, but serious or formal recognition of this bias did not come under

scholarly scrutiny until the 1960's. Halsey (1961) and Coffey (1965) did research on

psychological issues of attitude toward female athletes. Although disparity in experiences

and conditions of women athletics were identified in these early studies, clear personality

or motivational patterns could not be found for female athletes, teams, individual athletes,
 20

or specific sports in regards to social attitudes toward women athletes (Birrell, 1988). The

research studied social bias towards women athletes and if women were really too frail

and inferior participate in sport. ·

Harris (1980) explained the contradiction between athleticism and femininity was

so tremendous that many women chose not to participate in sports. Those women who

did choose participation frequently experienced demoralizing conflict between their roles

as athletes and womeri. Del Ray (1977), Felshin (1974), and Griffin (1973) reasoned that

female athletes resolved their conflict and lessened societal dissonance by becoming

apologists. Female athletes reverted to apologizing for their involvement by emphasizing

their femininity with makeup, jewelry, pastel colors, discussing boyfriends at public

events.

Femininity vs. Athletism: Complexities in Gender Definitions

Connell (1987) put forth that idea that masculine images are created and

encouraged systematically in and through sports. Essentially sport is a male preserve,

which contributes to the construction of gender identities and gender relations. Males

participate in sport that is what makes them male, while females who venture into sport

do so at the peril of their own gender identity. A critical component of the definition of

masculinity is sports. It is of no surprise that males are at the top of the h~gemonic power

structure of sports.

Preserving the hegemonic power structure was particularly crucial if women were

seen as a threat by giving the perception they were moving into traditional male worlds

and privileges. Messner (1988), Lenskyj (1986), Peiss (1986), and Hargreaves (1985) all
 21

elaborate on historical periods where alterations were made in male and female

relationships concerning gender ideology. Men determined what was in the realm of

masculinity and what was not. The struggle over women's participation and association

in sport transpire at exactly those same times and places when male hegemony was

endangered by the social changes insisted upon by equality. As women increased the

demand for admission into formerly exclusive male areas such as higher education,

religion, and business tension resulted about the proper roles of men and women. The

surrounding conflicts in gender roles created by women's push for equal access and

equality made it arduous for women to secure an equitable access to sports.

As women gained admission into formerly exclusive male areas, sport becomes a

contested terrain. The major contested issues were who should be allowed to participate,

to which gender does sports belong, and which gender's views should prevail and what

should count as sport. Such issues reveal the very nature of the arguments surrounding

sport, an area where gender relations generally favored men. Where activities are

fashioned, preserved, and openly celebrated as male. It is therefore conceivable to say

women's participation in sports was seen as form of intrusion, which disrupted the logic

of male ownership of sport. Male ownership of sport believed women should be

prohibited from sport because women were the defenders of humanistic values which

emanated from the home (Carroll, 1986). Furthermore the highly favored values of

tenderness and compassion found in the home directly contradicted military and political

values inherent in sport (Carroll, 1986). It was believed the introduction of women and

their humanistic values of the home confused the inherent nature of sport. Male
 22

ownership of sport believed sports were the "living arena for the great virtues of

manliness" and ·the introduction of women was an intrusion on that area where men could

prove themselves (Carroll, 1986, pp. 91-98).

No matter the argument put forth, every fight came down to the construction and

disagreement of gender definitions. Willis (1982) contended that sport presented clear

evidence of the construction of gender definitions because sport seemed to be

autonomous, outside the realm of real life and real social situations, meaning society

believes sport is set apart by its self outside social ideologically defined essential for

natural existence. By taking sport out of the real world, it allowed for arguments to focus

differences between men and women which were resolved in the real world. Bryson

(1987) clarified the pursuit to maintain masculine hegemony by inferiorly defining of

female activities to male activities or sport. Bryson (1987) made the distinction that sport

offered ritual support for male dominance by linking masculinity to highly valued and

visible skills, which encouragingly endorse the use of aggression, force, and violence.

The consequences of the societal practice, which reinforced the production of the

ideologies of male dominance over females, were based on the ability of males to engage

superiorly in acts of aggression, force, and violence in sports. The added use of

inferiorisation of women's sports by attaching physical acts common to males is another

way of using the male supremacy logic. It created a divide in physical and biological

differences and ignored societal or cultural created ideology.

Hargreaves (1986) further reinforced the hegemonic power structure to assert its

power. She concentrated on the use of muscles as an indication of gender differences and
 23

the argument put forth by male supremacy that the ideology of female inferiorism is

because males carried and exhibited more muscle. This belief of male supremacy was

promulgated though the extensive use of images of man's physical strength and linking to

natural superiority. Hargreaves (1986) noted that the perceived muscularity of male

image is because of lifting weights. The main point of this exploration into the argument

of male supremacy is that an enormous amount of societal pressure must work to create

the illusion that gender differences are based in physicality and biology. The arguments

surrounding feminism vs. athletism are steeped in the preservation of hegemony with

one-sided arguments favoring only males. It is not surprising to see the social

consequences were favoring one gender over the other.

Summary

In the early 1900's strongmen desire for an honest competitive environment

pushed for organization (Fair, 1993). The creations of a national organization lead the

United States to full fledged participation in the Olympic sport of weightlifting. It can

clearly be seen that most of, if not all, innovators in the development of weightlifting and

the promoters of events associated with weightlifting were male.

The idea of women's involvement in sporting activities originated in aesthetic

standards and conceptions, founded on male and societal beliefs of women's roles in the

home. The argument of maternal roles and physical beauty were standards with which

physical educators and society defined appropriate physical activity for women. These

beliefs held that women were not capable of vigorous activity/competition.

 24

The evolution of female activity into a diversification of sports governed by a

national body proved to be a struggle. It was clearly seen there was difficulty in defining

acceptable sporting activities for women and what level of competiveness was allowable

for female sports. The important gender issues pertaining to the acceptance of women's

weightlifting in the Olympic in the United States revolved around definition

discrepancies of gerider. The pertinent issues were the "delicate female argument" and

"femininity vs. athleticism". These social issues were really about definitions of what

women should be and not what they were capable of.

 25

Chapter 3

METHODOLOGY

The purpose of this research was to examine the history of women's weightlifting

in the United States until their entrance at the Olympic Games in 2000. The data

collection for this study has come from periodicals reports and media outlet articles

chronologicalizing past events. These sources were obtained through examination of

journal articles, periodical reports, and newspaper articles. The secondary sources for this

research came from articles written by researchers of sports history, sport sociology, and

physical education history. Information from Olympic and weightlifting organizations

came from the internet or direct communication. Although primary sources accounts

were sought and desired, the secondary sources were very useful in background

information and historical data when primary sources were not available.

A review of the significant events and people leading up to the first women's

national weightlifting competition is presented in chapter 4. This chapter specifically

included the allowable forms and venues women were allowed to participate in the

relative form of weightlifting of the time. Chapter 5 includes the history of women's

struggle to enter world competition in weightlifting and the role American female athletes

played. It comprises of historical reports pertaining the period. Chapter 6 includes the

history of the of women's weightlifting gaining acceptance into the 2000 Olympics

Games in Sydney, Australia. This chapter covers the important people, athletes, and

events, which helped or hindered women's acceptance. Chapter 7 covers the American
 26

women's weightlifting team experience at the 2000 Olympics Games in Sydney,

Australia. Chapter 8 draws conclusions based on the research found and where the next

step of research could go.

This thesis progresses from the pioneers and the breakthrough female athletes

who drew attention to the need for competition. Data came from result information and

media articles garnered from local and national media outlets. Finally, conclusions were

drawn to explain or address relevant social issues.

 27

Chapter4

HISTORY OF WOMEN'S WEIGHTLIFTING LEADING UP TO NATIONAL

COMPETITION

Women have struggled with fitting into the acceptable definition of societal roles

and this has carried over to their struggle to find access and sponsorship in weightlifting.

The trends of acceptance and access for women is sports are defined by influential events

and issues which have changed ideology, shaped public opinion, and affected social

values. The events and issues influential are social movements, institutions, wartime

ideology, the feminist movement, media, economic, education, politics, science, and

technology (Hargreaves, 1994). All of these issues are strengthened and troubled by the

fortified concepts of dominate societal voice, a construct which has detrimentally affected

the recording of the history of women's sports participation in society. This dominant

societal voice in America society is defined as white, middle class, and male reflecting

gender stratification founded in traditional patterns of male hegemony (Connell, Messner,

& Sabo, 1990). The sport of women's weightlifting in America is no exception.

Additionally, the low status of the sport of weightlifting in the America mainstream of

sports also places it further into anonymity. Weightlifting and specifically women's

weightlifting has lost much of its history because much of its history is hidden or lost in

the memories and archives of the weightlifting community. In its struggle to survive as a

sport very little attention has been devoted to collecting or preserving relevant material

for both men and women.

 28

Women's Weightlifting before Sanctioned Competition

Female athletes and forward thinking sponsors have historically been the

standard-bearers in the push to gain access to the modem Olympic Games. As

competitors they have consistently advocated for the development and recognition of

women's weightlifting. Women's pathway into the sport of weightlifting has not been

one major event crystallized in the collective memory of American history, but a series of

small events sporadically over time. The major problem of women's weightlifting history

is the lack of recorded history and of the relative obscurity of the sport of weightlifting.

Jan Todd, former national recorder holder in powerlifting, the step child sport of

weightlifting, and noted historian of iron sports, has worked relentlessly to recreate the

history of women's activities in pre-weightlifting activities. Todd gathered the histories

of women's lifting activities through personal interviews with those involved and

garnering partial historical accounts and placing them in history.

The pre-birth of the sport of weightlifting started in the strongwomen shows of.

the late 1800's and early 1900's. These women appeared with regularity in the popular

sporting publications of the time and Vaudeville (Todd, 1996; Todd & Todd, 1987).

Female strength athletes of the time were large; some over two hundred pounds, carried

considerable amounts of body fat, and are very large framed (Todd, 1992b). These

athletes were in opposition to the current standards of femininity which defined women

as fragile and inferior to men and were therefore seen as entertainers or freaks of nature.

Early strongwomen supported the societal belief that when women participated in lifting
 29

weight they became masculine and unladylike. Ivy Russell was the first person to

challenge that belief.

Ivy Russell was purported to be the first women to push for organized

participation in the sport of weightlifting by advocating for a championship event for

women (Todd, 1992b). She lived in Surrey, England at the turn of the 20th century and

began lifting weights as therapeutic treatment for her tuberculosis. At 125 pounds,

Russell was extraordinarily strong and muscular for a women her size. Russell, according

to Todd (1992b), was well known in the 1930's in Great Britain as a result of

appearances in posing and weight lifting entertainment exhibitions circuits of the era, and

appearances in the popular fitness publication Health and Strength. Russell cleaned and

jerked 176 pounds at a body weight of 125 pounds in 1925 at an entertainment exhibition

(Todd, 1992b). Over the next fifteen years, during numerous entertainment exhibitions

Russell made lifts of 93 pounds in the clean and jerk and 410.5 pounds in the deadlift at a

body weight of 134 pounds (Todd, 1992b).

Russell's success in entertainment exhibitions and shows of strength created the

desire to do more than give demonstrations of strength, Russell wanted the right to

compete against other women. In May 1932, in a letter to the editor in the publication

Health and Strength magazine, Russell asked the British Amateur Weightlifting

Association (BAWLA) to allow women compete in organized competition (Todd,

1992b). Todd (1992b) believes this is the first attempt by any female to fight for equal

athletic opportunity at the amateur level in the sport of weightlifting. The effort of

exerting pressure on the BAWLA through her letter to the editor paid off and Russell got
 30

her chance. Later that year the BAWLA approved a sanctioned woman's meet for the

''Nine Stone Ladies Champion of Great Britain" (Day, 1932; Lowry, 1932). Russell and

Tillie Tinmouth were the only two women to compete. Russell won the competition and

the title of''Nine Stone Ladies Champion of Great Britain" (Day, 1932; Lowry, 1932).

Prior to Russell most strong women were represented by women over the 200-

pound mark. Ivy Russell's success in strength exhibition shows and her divergence from

predecessors in size, appearance, and athletic body eased the way for a governing Sport

Federation to sanction a weightlifting competition. These women were in direct

contradiction to turn of the century societal norms of what women's involvement should

have been in sporting activities. They perpetuated the current belief of the time, that

women who lifted weights could not maintain the aesthetic standards and conceptions of

women's roles in the home.

Russell broke the mold of the stereotypical strength women since she conformed

to social ideals of size and appearance making it a little more easer for society to accept

her entrance into the male world of weightlifting. However, her ability to bring women

closer to full acceptance into the world of the sport of weightlifting did not come without

a price. Russell was of average size (125 pounds) and displayed a large quantity of

muscularity compared to those of her time but despite her leanness she still had relatively

large breasts, a feature Todd (1992b) pointed out was atheistically pleasing at that time.

The public's fascination with the bosom as a symbol of femininity has influenced
the history of women's weight training and bodybuilding. Fears that women
would injure their breasts in too-vigorous sports such as basketball and field
hockey gave way in strength training to a fear that women would "lose" their
breasts by becoming too muscular (Todd, 1992b, p. 13).
 31

Russell was able to introduce the concept of women being able to compete in the sport of

weightlifting, but she was not able to overcome societal gender and sexuality standards

governed by male superiority for acceptance into a governing sport association.

Weightlifting events for women would continue to exist in exhibitions and one-time

events with varying lifts depending on the female athlete's best lifts.

There were no pushes for women in the United States for weightlifting

competition at the Olympic level in the 1930's. Weightlifting was in its infancy and

barely able to represent itself as a sport in the United States. Additionally there were no

standardizations of lifts and rules for competition outside of the Olympic Games and

even those lifts varied (Kutzer, 1976). The 1932 Olympic Games codified the lifts and

had just set out the standardization procedures for future Olympic Games. Furthermore in

the 1930's, women physical educators disapproved highly organized athletic programs,

feeling highly organized programs did not serve the majority women and only

accommodated an elite few. They used the argument that women did not have the

physical stamina to sustain high levels of exertion and still maintain their station in life.

In the 1930's the governing bodies of women's athletics encouraged opportunities for

athletic participation regardless of skill level. However, they opposed highly organized

competition, which included the Olympic Games and other international contests

(Wayman, 1932).

Women's Weightlifting First Sponsored Competition by the AAU

During the era of America's weightlifting supremacy a number of women began

to train in weightlifting for the sport of weightlifting. In the early 1940's Jean Ansorge, a
 32

gymnasium instructor of Grand Rapids, Michigan began training women in weightlifting.

In 1943, Ansorge hosted and sponsored an All-Girl Weightlifting Meet where ten women

competed, all of whom where trained and coached by Ansorge. The odd contest contested

of three lifts the press, squat, and deadlift (Todd, 2001). Later that same year, Ansorge

and her brother sponsored a meet for an All-Girl Weightlifting Championship Contest for

the state of Michigan. At this meet 16 women competed and the contest resembled a

men's weightlifting meet, using the three lifts which were included in the Olympic

Games, the press, snatch, and the clean and jerk.

It was several years until women's weightlifting received recognition from an

organizing athletic governing body. Due to the hard work of Abbye "Pudgy" Stockton

and husband, Les Stockton, the Amateur Athletic Union (AAU) sanctioned women's

weightlifting. Prior to the AAU sanctioning a meet, Stockton was asked to do lifting

exhibitions where she performed the three Olympic lifts. At one event at YMCA in 1941,

she was well received by the crowd. That event generated the desire for competition in

the sport of weightlifting (Todd, 1992a). Additionally, one of Stockton's trainees, a track

and field athlete, worked hard on the Olympic lifts and did a guest appearance at the 1945

Junior National Weightlifting Championships, where she cleaned & jerked 170 pounds

(Todd, 1992a).

With the support of her husband and other women trainers, Stockton petitioned

the AAU and was granted a weightlifting event. The Pacific Coast Women's

Weightlifting Championships of 1947 in the Southwest Arena in Los Angeles was the

first sanctioned event by the AAU. Nine women competed in three weight divisions. A
 33

year later, a second contest, Southern California Open Women's Lifting Championships,

was held where five women competed (Todd, 1992a; Todd, 2001). Over the next two

years, two other events were held in Southern California and finally in 1950, the AAU

sanctioned an official National Weightlifting Championship 1950. Seven women

attended and competed. "Shirley Tanny had the highest total of all contestants, with lifts

of 47.2 kilograms (105 pounds) in the press, 52.6 kilograms (117 pounds) in the snatch,

and 68.4 kilograms (152 pounds) in the clean and jerk" (Todd, 2001, p. 1261). A small

number of women around the globe began practicing the Olympic Lifts and a women's

national championship was held in Singapore in 1952 (Todd, 2001, p. 1261).

During the 1940's and 1950's American women were able to get their first

sanctioned meets by a governing sport association, the first competitions called a

national championship, and other countries held national competitions. All the events had

small venues, little attendance, and were sporadic in schedule. There was no organized

stratification of competitions, ranking system of athletes, and standardization of

competitive lifts or meet requirements. The societal beliefs of feminine behavior and the

physical education/athletic philosophy of proper female activity and competition

contributed to the early struggle sport of women's weightlifting. The sport of

weightlifting challenged every philosophy, guideline, and physical active structure

created by the physical education/athletic governing bodies of the time.

Women's Weightlifting First Official Sanctioned National Championship

Women's weightlifting was gaining prominence and major support within

national governing bodies during the 1960's. During the mid 1970's, Bill Clark, the AAU
 34

weightlifting chairperson for the Missouri Valley region, had a daughter who trained in

weightlifting. According to the AAU and in the International Weightlifting Federation

(IWF) rules, weightlifting was clearly defined as a male only sport, Clark felt it was

unfair for women to be denied the chance to compete against one another (Todd, 2001).

In February 1976, Clark held his first weightlifting meet for women. Clark advanced

women's weightlifting in two ways. First, he continued to include women's divisions in

the meets he hosted for the next five years. Second, Clark kept track of the women's

records at those meets. Clark strongly promoted and sponsored women's weightlifting

throughout the heartland of America.

The result of Clark's interest, support, and promotion of women's weightlifting

was that it sparked the interest of Mabel Kirchner Rader, wife of Iron Man Magazine

publisher Peary Rader. The Raders' were a remarkable couple "as numerous plaques in

their home attest, they are the only couple to have been inducted into the Hall of Fame in

the three sports of weightlifting, body building and power lifting. Mrs. Rader is the only

women in the hall of fame for weightlifting and body building" and held the distinction

of being a pioneer for women all three iron sports (Allen, 1987, p. 1). Rader "was the frrst

female national-level referee in the US and was the first chairperson of the AUU's

women's weightlifting committee" (Drechsler, 1998, p. 537). Rader presided over

women's weightlifting first national championships in 1981 (Drechsler, 1998).

Rader believed women ought to be permitted to compete in weightlifting. She

used her standing as a writer and wife of Iron Man Magazine publisher Peary Rader to

influence Murray Levin, who was the president of the United States Weightlifting
 35

Federation (USWF). Rader was a strong supporter for women's participation and by the

late 1970's, several dozen women were involved even though there was no official

recognition and no rules for women lifters (Todd, 2001, p. 1262). Levin felt that if they

did not do something as a national federation they would get sued. During the early

competitions women weightlifters suffered humiliation just to be able to compete. Many

male athletes and officials "were opposed to the women lifting•and so they made them

weigh in while nude in front of male judges" (Todd, 2001, p. 1262). Levin, feeling the

pressure, put the issue of women's participation on the agenda in 1980. After a heated

discussion and vote, women were allowed into the United States Weightlifting Federation

by a small majority (Todd, 2001).

Shortly after the vote allowing women to compete, Levin selected Rader as head

of the committee to set up rules and procedures for the participation of women in national

and local competition. Rader quickly took steps to begin a newsletter for women's

weightlifting "and to search for a sponsor for the first national championships for

women" (Todd, 2001, p. 1262). Rader wrote letters and made phone calls in 1980 as a

personal mission "to promote the idea of a women's national championship event"

(Allen, 1987, p.1).

The road to a national competition was not easy, Rader found it difficult to find a

host for the first women's nationals. She finally found a sponsor in Joe Waddell, a gym

owner in Waterloo, Iowa, who hosted the first United States Women's National

Championships (Glenney, 2007). Thirty-five women signed up for the meet and 29

women attended on 23 May 1981 in Waterloo, Iowa. The best lifts were made by Judy
 36

Glenney who lifted in the 67.5 kilo (148 pound) class. Glenney made a 75 kilos (165

pounds) snatch and a 97.5 kilos (214.5 pounds) clean and jerk. Glenney was pound for

pound the best lifter in the meet.

The United States women's weightlifting program sustained a continued growth

in popularity in the 1980's. The second national championships were held in 1982 on 4

April in St. Charles, Illinois. Forty-six lifters attended the meet. The third was held in

Milwaukee, Wisconsin on May 21, 1983 with sixty competitors. Inspired by the growth ·

of the sport, Rader spearheaded the push, along with help from Levin and Glenney, and

went worldwide with the campaign for international recognition of women's

weightlifting.
 37

Chapter 5

THE HISTORY OF WOMEN'S WEIGHTLIFTING'S FIRST WORLD

CHAMPIONSHIPS

The road to full Olympic participation for women in the sport of weightlifting

started with Mabel Rader's campaign, but the major force to move women's weightlifting

from a national event to a world competition came when Judy Glenney made it her

personal mission to see her sport added to the Olympic Program. Glenney was the driving

force behind women getting into the Olympics. Glenney used her world champion status

as a platform to the push the issue of inclusion of women into the IWF.

Glenney was appointed women's chairperson at the 1983 national championships,

where she succeeded Rader and continued the campaign. As an international champion,

Glenney presence in the media helped resolve concerns of societal perspectives of

women's ability to compete in the Olympic lifts and still retain a sense of femininity.

Glenney was quoted in the newspapers in the 1980's as an ardent support of using the

Olympic lifts to become better athletes. Glenney stated, "Women are just beginning to

realize their strength potential ... In track and field, they are using weight work to increase

strength and endurance (Alfano & Rogers, 1986, p. A27). She believed women would do

better in weightlifting "if they approach lifting as a technical sport which has to be

mastered" (Alfano & Rogers, 1986, p. A27). Glenney voiced her disagreement with

mainstream views that the sport of weightlifting masculinized the female frame. Glenney

stated that she never felt "strange being a woman lifting weights," and that she was "not a

'macho' type" off the platform she felt "feminine and comfortable in a skirt and heels"
 38

(Alfano & Rogers, 1986, p. A27). Mabel Rader's ability to campaign through phone calls

and letters got weightlifting leadership to allow national and international competition

(Allen, 1987). Glenney's ability to compete as a national and world champion while at

the same time retain her femininity as defined by society, was an example of what ·

women could achieve. Glenney's world class ability gave her the international credibility

to argue the case of acceptance of the sport of weightlifting in the Olympic Program.

The IWF Technical Committee met in Moscow in October of 1983 to discuss ·

many things, including the topic of their inclusion into the sport at the international level.

The meeting was attended by the presidents of the continental technical committees and

the members of the European Committee. Some members regarded the idea of women's

weightlifting as a temporary movement, despite ongoing women participation for several

years in some IWF member countries. However, after the long debates "it was

unanimously decided to recommend the admission of women's weightlifting to the

Executive Board" (Schodl, 1992, p.156). Some members did not desire to be described as

"spoiled-sport, voted against their own conviction" anticipating that the conversion from

"theory into practice" would be troublesome and fail in transition (Schodl, 1992, p.156).

However the Executive Board allowed for women's weightlifting events to be included

into it's charter. IWF agreed to sanction and control women's competition but did not

recognize women's records for international competition and did not sanction world

championship events.

During the 1980's women's weightlifting spread throughout the US and around

the world. As Women's participation spread throughout the world, most women had to
 39

compete in the men's weight classes. As women's weightlifting increased, championship

meets were held by countries throughout the world but were not recognized by the IWF. -

In 1985, the Chinese hosted a Wave Cup Women's Weightlifting Invitational which

showcased 140 women weightlifters and 23 different teams. "Approximately 1,000

women were 'taking regular training' in various parts of China at that time" (Todd, 2001,

p. 1263). The communist sport system of sports domination for political purposes

superseded definitions of femininity. China was on a mission to prove their system of

government created the best athletes and gender was secondary to communist superiority.

Women in Norway competed in men's competitions in 1980 and 1985, even

though they only had a small number of women who participated. The Norwegian

Weightlifting Federation accepted the records set by women in the current male weight

classes. Australia followed suit and began allowing women to compete in the mid-1980s.

By 1985 Australia had 25 women ranked nationally in men's weight classes. In that same

year Australia sent 29 women to the British Women's Weightlifting Championships. In

1986, 36 Indian women attended India's first women's nationals.

In 1986 an adequate quantity of medical certificates and approvals were produced

for International competition. Female athletes had to prove their gender before

competition was allowed (Schodl, 1992). At the 1986 Pannonia Cup Championships in

Budapest, Hungary, women weightlifters were permitted to compete in the international

meet as a warm up event to the men's World championships (Glenney, 2007). Even

though they were allowed to compete it was not sanctioned as a world championship for

women. Because of the successful level of competition and international representation,

 40

IWF agreed to sanction a world championship for women (Glenney, 2007). The

participation was a trial experiment where women weightlifters had to prove themselves

worthy of international competition. This was the first international "step towards

competitive weightlifting practice of the women" (Schodl, 1992, p.156).

Glenney wrote about this major step forward ''the skies were not exactly ablaze

with fireworks on this historic day" (Schodl, 1992, pp. 156-157). In attendance were 23

women from five nations and "for the first time, women competed internationally in

weightlifting (Schodl, 1992, pp. 156-157). Schodl felt the world was skeptical at first and

feared there would be a poor audience for the women "however, there was a very

enthusiastic crowd to cheer the women on" (Schodl, 1992, pp. 156-157). Glenney hoped

"a World Championship may be on the horizon in the near future" and believed "the IWF

and the women have firmly established a great relationship and we look forward to many

international events" (Schodl, 1992, pp. 156-157).

After the success of the Pannonia Tournament in Budapest in 1986, Glenney was

appointed as coordinator of women's weightlifting by the IWF. The success of the

tournament assured that at least ten nations would participate in a world championship.

The IWF agreed to sanction an event in 1987. With the backing of the IWF, Murray

Levin, president ofUSAW, along with Glenney arranged to host the first sanctioned

international women's weightlifting meet in October in Daytona Beach, Florida (Laham,

1987).

It was at this meet Glenney made up her mind that women could compete in the

Olympics in weightlifting (Glenney, 2007). Glenney felt the women competitors reflected
 41

the proper enthusiasm for the sport and that each athlete was a great ambassador of the

sport of weightlifting (Glenney, 2007). Former IWF President Schodl (1992) wrote of the

meet, "What the weaker sex had to offer onstage was weightlifting at its best and suitable

enough to persuade even the pessimists. The premiere was so convincing that the

question of a world championship could be answered in a positive way" (Schodl, 1992,

p.157).

The successful participation of female athletes at the first World championship

meet led the IWF to add the world championships for women as an annual calendar

event. Finally, women began to break "out of the mold where weightlifting is only for

men in dirty old gym" (Kearny, 2000, p. 7). Glenney's personal mission was to "get

women into the Olympics ... That'sJ,een a lifelong dream" (Kearny, 2000, p. 7).

Following the success of the world championships, IWF General Secretary Tamas

Ajan wrote a letter to Glenney thanking her for her participation in putting on the event,

but then in a unexplained move released her of her duties as women's coordinator and

representative of the IWF. With Glenney's unexplained release, women's weightlifting

lost its female perspective in the IWF. Todd (2001) stated "while Glenney was no doubt

disappointed about women losing their somewhat limited voice with the IWF, she was

not displeased about the first Women's World Championships in Daytona" (p.1263). The

first Women's World Championships hosted 22 countries for a total of 100 lifters. China

was the dominant team winning 22 gold medals, four silvers, and one bronze. The United

States women's team regained what the men had lost, a place on the medal platform.

While the US men's teams could not even place in international competition, the
 42

women's US team placed second in the overall standings, winning four gold medals,

seven silvers, and seven bronze. After the successful competition IWF President Schodl

wrote Glenney a letter commending her on the conduct of the women in the contest and

"praised her for her work on behalf of women" (Todd, 2001, p. 1263).

Subsequent women's world championships have been held annually increasing in

participation each year. The sweeping success with its possible implication on the future,

"as a natural consequence, as early as after the first championships, it was unavoidable

that one should flirt with the idea of an eventual inclusion in the program of the Olympic

Games" (Schodl, 1992 p.157):

With proven success record of several women's world Championships including

Jakarta (1988), Manchester (1989), Sarajevo (1990) and Donaueschingen (1991), "the

participation in women's weightlifting quickly spread to all divisions of the sport" (Todd,

2001, p.1264). Women competed all over the world at the junior and master's levels

along side their male counter parts.

A Personal Experience of a World Champion Female Weightlifter

Even though women's weightlifting achieved international recognition in

Budapest, Hungary the struggle for equality was far from over. Marcelle Leclerc, a

Canadian female weightlifter, was a prime example of how women were treated.

Marcelle was brought into train with the Men's National Canadian Weightlifting Team.

However, being on the team and part of the team are two different issues. In an interview

for The Globe and Mail, a Toronto based newspaper, Leclerc indicated she was keep

segregated by her coaches and trainer from her male counterparts. She said, "They don't
 43

like me to share the same room with the rest of the guys because they think people will

wonder and think it's strange" (Masse, 1986, p. D3). Because of the imposed separation,

Leclerc maintained a respectful, silent distance and retreated when possible from her

male counterparts, "even though she is the only woman weightlifter good enough to

have...been brought in to train with the national team" (Masse, 1986, p. D3).

However, "the rude awaking ofjust how nonchalant the world is to female

weightlifters came after she won the women's world tournament in Budapest" (Masse,

1986, p. D3). Leclerc "came out of the plane expecting something - anything. But no one

was there, not one" (Masse, 1986, p. D3). Leclerc said she felt like a million dollars on

the plane trip home. She had just lifted a 75.5 kilos snatch and 70 kilo clean &jerk, over

42.5 kilos more than the next closest lifter. Upon her return home, not even her parents or

friends or anyone for that matter showed up to welcome her home. Furthermore, after

leaving the airport arriving at her home, "she lives with fellow lifter and boy friend Payer

and his family - she said everyone was nonplussed: 'They gave me a bowl of soup and

told me to get some rest after the flight"' (Masse, 1986, p. D3). Leclerc had proven

herself to be one of the strongest women in the world and no one cared. Leclerc told the

reporter that she felt like crying about her reception or lack thereof every time she

thought of it (Masse, 1986, p. D3). The ironic part of her story came a few months after

her return when her boyfriend Louis Payer "won a silver medal in the 75-kilogram class

at the Commonwealth Games, there was hooting and hollering all over Montreal when

the news came in" (Masse, 1986, p. D3). Leclerc said Payer did not "even do the best he

could have done. He didn't lift as many kilos as he usually does and they still organized a
 44

big party for him and kept talking about how great he had done" (Masse, 1986, p. D3). It

is not surprising that Leclerc felt like a second-class citizen and that resented the disparity

in treatment by society, her family and coaching staff. However, in spite of practically no

support, no media coverage, and a lackadaisical attitude from her follow male

counterparts Leclerc trains with, she persisted in a sport she loves.

The sport of women's weightlifting might have been raised to an international

level, but still it suffered from obscurity. Women's weightlifting has always struggled for

acceptance and agreement with the definition of societal roles. It was only when women

matched societal measurements did women's weightlifting progress. The pressure for

equality and fair levels of representation only carried over to access and sponsorship

when the athletes represented the ideal definition of womanhood. Because the sport of

women's weightlifting did not re-enforce the constructed gender roles of the dominant

societal hegemony, a large amount the history has been relegated to obscurity and

remains poorly documented because women's weightlifting challenged definitions of

femininity and masculinity.

 45

Chapter 6

THE HISTORY OF WOMEN'S WEIGHTLIFTING'S ADMISSION TO THE

OLYMPICS GAMES

The first and second Women's World Championships of 1987 and 1988 in

weightlifting allowed women to dream and hope of someday competing in the Olympics.

Deb Nelson, the spokesperson for the U.S. Weightlifting Federation, publically opened

the door to the discussion in 1988 when she was quoted in newspapers saying:

'"Women's weightlifting isn't an Olympic Sport yet ...There hasn't been a women's

world championship until this past year, at Daytona (Fla.). Some people think there's a

chance it could become an Olympic sport in 1992, but I think 1996 might be the best

hope" (Gilbert, 1988, p. C7). With public support from the US Weightlifting Federation

for the dream of an Olympic appearance the media started to report how a sport could

gain access to being placed on the list for admittance. "According to the Olympic

Charter, a... sport must be 'widely practiced' on at least three continents by 25 nations for

men's sports, three continents and 35 nations for women's sports. 'Widely practiced'

means there must be organized national championships or organized international

participation" (Jeansonne, 1988, p. E2).

The process of gaining admittance for new sports was definitely slanted towards

the men. In addition, women's weightlifting was not the only sport trying to gain
admittance; dog-sled racing, motorcycling, orienteering, jai alai, racquetball, roller

skating, water skiing, tug-of-war, surfing, trampoline and aerobics, just to name a few,

were vying for a spot (Jeansonne, 1988, p. E2). It is easy to see how women's
 46

weightlifting could get lost in the shuffle. However, women's weightlifting was noticed,

the problem was how they were noticed. 1bis chapter discusses the two main reasons

why the road to Olympic participation was not a smooth transition from international

competition. The first major problem is drug problems in women's weightlifting. The

second major problem was Sexism. Women weightlifters had to overcome traditional

definitions of femininity and how they should act and compete before being allowed to

compete in the Olympics.

Women's Weightlifting's Problems with Drugs

The introduction of drugs severely set back the women's program from gaining

access into the Olympics. As early as 1953, Bob Hoffman had become preoccupied with

a "search for ways to alter the body's chemistry to induce more efficient muscular

growth" with "an increased emphasis on human physiology rather than the human spirit

as a means to improved lifting performance" (Fair, 1987, p. 181). This search by

Hoffman started American weightlifters in their pharmacological search for chemical

pathways to develop strength.

The impact of drugs on weightlifting has been significant on both men's and

women's weightlifting. The action of some weightlifters affected the decisions by the

IWF and IOC on the future of weightlifting and women's possible involvement in the

Olympics. Furthermore, it was during this time the body of coaches who trained women

were athletes themselves, and they developed the social beliefs on how to interact with

women and the sport of weightlifting.

 47

In the 1960's American men's weightlifting realized it was not always going to be

on top in the world or the Olympic competition. The Soviets were strong and getting

stronger. The epicenter of America weightlifting, the York Barbell club, fell victim to

the "Soviet mystique" and looked to pharmacological sources of improvement like

steroids to help regain world predominance. However, the side effect with the

pharmacological aids was the introduction the drug counterculture into the York Barbell

Club and subsequently American weightlifting. Fair (1999) indicated the new generation

weightlifters began to demonstrate of camaraderie with the youth of the counterculture

movement in America (Fair, 1999). It was this camaraderie with the counterculture that

introduces the use of recreational drugs.

The consequences of drug abuse mixed with weightlifting led athletes to deviant

behavior associated to drugs and sexual promiscuities (Fair, 1999; Starr, 1997). Athletes

claimed drug usage increased sexual drive and urges and lowered inhibitions and they

became preoccupied with sex and engaged in many extramarital affairs (Fair, 1999).

Drug abuse of all kinds and sexual depravity were common place at the York Barbell

Club (Fair, 1999).

Obviously, York Barbell Club members were not the only weightlifters to engage

in drug abuse and deviant behavior, nor did the entire club participate in such behavior.

The older generations of York lifters were ardent advocates of non-drug use, moral

values, and mental toughness (Fair, 1999). Regrettably, the American public came to

associate weightlifters with the use of drugs, including steroids, and their deviant side

effects.
 48

The problem for female weightlifters was this generation of male weightlifters

became the coaches who trained the next generation of lifters, male and female, during

the time when women were trying to gain access to the sport of weightlifting. Many of

these coaches as athletes participated in drug related sexual promiscuities which

contributed to their opinions on the role women should play in weightlifting. It was a

common belief among these athletes now coaches that it was "most relaxing to be with a

member of the opposite sex just prior to a contest" (Starr, 1981, p. 27). Coaches believed

that "ladies have the ability to soothe the rough spots, temper the high spirit and act as a

balm to the many real and imagined problems facing" the male athlete (Starr, 1981, p.

27). The challenge for female weightlifters was to be viewed as athletes and not support

devices to soothe the male ego before competitions. The introduction of drugs into the

sport of weightlifting became a stumbling block to women because the drug culture

perpetuated the practice of male weightlifters treating and viewing women as only good

to "satisfy [both] sexual and psychic need" of male weightlifters (Starr, 1981, p. 27). It

was hard to break through the stigma of women being sexual objects and emotional

supporter and instead for men to see them as equal competitors on the weightlifting

platform.

International Weightlifting's Drug Problem

While the United States weightlifting program struggled with drug abuse among

its male lifters, the IOC had its hands full with nations pursuing drug enhancement

programs. In 1970, Sports Il./ustrated published an article on the state of weightlifting

prior to the 1970 World Championships in Columbus, Ohio. Ryan (1970) examined the
 49

potential reasons for success of the Soviet program, concluding "many weightlifters use

anabolic steroids to build their muscle mass and increase their recuperative powers"

(Ryan, 1970, p. 33). During that World Championship nine weightlifters were

disqualified and then later reinstated due to drug testing and procedural problems

(Kutzer, 1976). The IOC became frustrated with the state of men's weightlifting and

attempted reign in a sport losing control. The inclusion of Women's weightlifting into the

Olympics was not an option because of the IOC drive to end the drug epidemic in

weightlifting.

The IOC struggled with procedures and the ability to test for the right drug.

Because of the desire of national federations to win at any cost the IOC had to place itself

in the position of enforcer. At the 1976 Olympics Games, Bulgaria's men's team

forfeited their gold, silver, and bronze medals when they were disqualified after testing

positive for anabolic steroids (Kutzer, 1976). The 1980's were no different, at the 1983

Pan Am Game's male lifters tested positive for the presence of excessive testosterone

(Fair, 1999). In 1984, Soviet male weightlifters in Toronto were caught with 12,000

steroid tablets (Strossen, 1993). Members of the Bulgarian weightlifting team were

disqualified for the presence of diuretics in 1988 (Drechsler, 1993, p. 27). The communist

countries were not the only ones, Canadian lifters failed drug tests in 1988 and British

lifters were kicked off their 1992 Olympic team for failed drug tests (Jollimore, 1993, p.

D7).

Juan Antonio Samaranch, the IOC President, had grown tired of the constant

problems of policing the sport of weightlifting. In order to get the IWF to step up and
 50

take control, "Samaranch told the IWF if there were further doping scandals he'd no

longer support the sport's inclusion at future Olympics" (Jollimore, 1993, p. D7). The

IWF responded to the IOC and ordered and paid for 260 weightlifters to take drug tests at

the 1992 Olympics in Barcelona. (Jollimore, 1993, p. D7).

In an effort to address the problem ''the IWF began [in] 1993 with an all-new slate

of weight categories" (Jollimore, 1993, p. D7). The old records were thrown out.

Furthermore, the IWF adopted bylaws which suspended the entire team of any nation

from international competition for a year if three or more lifters failed drug tests within a

12-month period. Even with the new bylaws and the new weight classes, the IWF still

had drug problems. The national federations circumvented team suspensions by paying

the IWF fines for failed drug tests (Jollimore, 1993, p. D7). National federations who

refused to pay the fines after failed tests were not allowed compete in World

Championships (Jollimore, 1993, p. D7).

The struggle of the IWF to clean up the sport and IOC taking a hard line on drug

testing almost ended the sport of weightlifting in the Olympic Games. Furthermore, the

sport was still tainted with reputation of drug laden athletes drawing unwanted attention

from the IOC. As long as the men's division was attracting negative attention from the

IOC, women's weightlifting could not gain admission to a sport on the verge of getting

dropped by the IOC. Theresa Brick, a Canadian female lifter, stated it best about the sport

of weightlifting's constant drug problems affect on women's weightlifting gaining

Olympic status, "I'd love to compete at the Olympics in weightlifting. But they're having
 51

such a hard problem with men's weightlifting, why would they want to bring in women's

weightlifting?" (Jollimore, 1993, p. D7).

Women's Weightlifting's Drug Problem

In the middle of the men's drug epidemic the women fell prey to the same

problems with the IWF. At the 1988 women's world weightlifting championships, the

Chinese won all of the nine bodyweight categories. "This is remarkable enough, of

course, but what was never made public was that when the lab work was done on the

urine samples, all nine of the women tested positive for steroids" (Todd & Hoberman,

1992, p. C 14). As a result, the IWF faced a political crisis in two areas of competition.

With drug enhancement playing a greater role in world competition the IOC continued

the threat, hoping if they expelled the worst offenders, drug use would fade away. "In any

case, the IWF was apparently so fearful of the firestorm sure to follow the news that

every woman who won a world title in 1988 was on drugs that it deep-sixed the results"

(Todd & Hoberman, 1992, p. C14).

Even though the IWF covered up the test results they had to act in order to show

its displeasure in some way. The IWF contacted the Chinese Weightlifting Federation

and notified them that none of the female athletes who failed the drug tests would be

'welcome' at the next World Championships in 1989. Furthermore the IWF cancelled the

Chinese winning bid to host to the 1989 World Championships (Todd & Hoberman,

1992, p. C14).

The Chinese responded by winning in each of the nine bodyweight categories, as

they had in 1988, with the exact same weights for the snatch and the clean & jerk. Some
 52

believe "such result is outside the limits of coincidence, residing instead in the category

of supremely confident nose-thumbing" (Todd & Hoberman, 1992, p. C14). Some

believe that with the fall of the Soviet Union China has been left as "the major country

which still uses sports as a propaganda tool (the message of which is that its system

produces the strongest people in the world)" (Todd & Hoberman, 1992, p. C14).

The use of sports in the political agenda of the Chinese government and the quick

rise of the Chinese female athletes has them linked to East German female domination

which was attributed to drug enhancement. It did not help that the Chinese modeled

themselves after the East German sports machine and hired former East Germany trainers

(Hughes, 1994). The Trainers admitted to putting ground down steroids into the food of

children athletes on states orders but denied taking such methods to China (Hughes,

1994).

The history of failed drug tests and the continued suspicion of drug use in "

women's international competition has been a major stumbling block. The negative

image of men's weightlifting led to "the talk of kicking weightlifting out of the

Olympics" (Weiner, 1996, p. 5C). As a result, the IWF imposed the harshest standards

and sanctions for drug use of any sport federation associated to the Olympics. The top­

three finishers of each weight class and random athletes were tested at international

meets. All athletes who qualified for the Pan American Games and world championship

had to submit to tests which could detect steroid usage in the previous eight months

(Weiner, 1996, p. 5C).

 53

Men suffered the potential loss of their sport and women faced the possible future

of never getting the chance. The introduction of performance drugs in the sport of

weightlifting created one of the biggest challenges for women. "The use of drug in

weightlifting became a Pandora's Box. Once it was opened, there was no stopping the

rampant use" (Starr, 1981 p. 86). The fight to bring women into the sport of weightlifting

was put on the back burners as the IWF fought to keep the sport in the Olympics.

Women's Weightlifting and Definitions of Femininity

Conventionally, society has defined gender roles to restrict and direct females to

be passive, gentle, delicate, and submissive. The challenge for women weightlifters has

been how to conform to societal defined gender roles and develop traits associated with

successful weightlifting which often clash with gender norms. For instance, assertiveness,

competitiveness, physical power, strength, and dominance are traits needed for success in

weightlifting; however, society has defined these as male characteristics (Sabo, 1985). As

a result females had been encouraged to avoid weightlifting or more likely had been

funneled into sports which retained the femininity of its participants. The permissible

characteristics for femininity in sport were activities or sports which were aesthetically

pleasing and which extenuate the female form where the activity placed female's bodies

in positions which reinforced femininity. Secondly, the sport had to be controlled to

protect female athletes from overexertion. The female who had collapsed after races or

received injuries from contact reinforced societal definitions of what women were

capable of.
 54

The societal characteristics of acceptable activities for females denied women

equal access to opportunities, not only to traditional sports participation but to the sport

of weightlifting in the Olympic Games. The consequence of this discrimination was that

the femininity of female weightlifters was often questioned because it defied the cultural

expectation of female athletics. Women were supposed to be fragile and not capable of

strong power exertions. The minimal numbers of female weightlifters were denied the

benefits of participation in the largest organized venue of the Olympics because they did

not fit into the prescribed acceptable gender roles of femininity. Weightlifting has

garnered very little, if any, national recognition and is therefore considered a marginal

sport; if female weightlifters are marginal status of a marginal sport, their voice is almost

never heard. The final discriminatory used by the Olympic Games to slow the access of

female weightlifters was the proper societal relationship of women to men.

Female Weightlifters Challenged Gender Definition ofFragility

Despite being excluded from the Olympic Games, women weightlifters compete

in the United State Weightlifting Federation (USAW). In 1994, Cassie Clark, at agel5;
. '. - ' -

challenged the barrier of inequality "by becoming the first women to be selected for a

men's weightlifting squad" (Goodbody, 1994, p. Cl). Clark competed in and won the

female under-50kg class at the US junior nationals in Missouri, which earned her a place

on the men's national under-17 squad. Clark won with a lift 1½ times (about 165 lbs) her

body weight.

Clark's opportunity to train alongside her male counterparts on the US national

team was unprecedented. The coaching director of the USAW, Lyn Jones said: "She is
 55

blonde, blue-eyed and quite a little knockout. The rest of the squad will be encouraged by

her presence. I am sure there will be a lot of showing-off' (Goodbody, 1994, p. C 1).

However, this excitement for Clark to be a member of the team did not come without

reservation or qualification. Jones statements emphasized Clarks femininity and Jones

touched on his concern whether Clark "might be able to handle the amount of training"

(Goodbody, 1994, p. Cl).

Even though Clark was young and not a newcomer to weightlifting, she

understood what it took to train, compete, and win. Clark started weightlifting at the age

12 and had trained five times a week on a regular basis for quite some time. Britain's

national women's coach, commenting on Clark's ability to train alongside her male

teammates, noted that, "men and women have more similar strength levels in the lighter

bodyweights and if women have the same training programmes as men, the advantage

starts to narrow" (Goodbody, 1994, p. Cl). The leadership in weightlifting began to

recognize that gender played a smaller role than previously believed.

Even though the leadership in the weightlifting community realized women had

earned a place in competition, the US Olympic Committee was stuck on the stumbling

block of gender stereotypes. It was believed women and weightlifting went "together like

men and dance. Gender-role stereotypes clash amid uncomfortable images. Muscle

mixing with mascara [was] scorned much like boys bothering with ballet" (Weiner, 1996,

p. 5C). Weightlifting was not "considered to be ladylike" (Weiner, 1996, p. 5C). The

USA W believed women had a right to compete and petitioned the US Olympic

Committee (USOC) to "include women's weightlifting at the 1996 Atlanta Games"

 56

(Weiner, 1996, p. C5).However, the USOC lacked the courage, and "faced with a list of

30 sports," did not back women's weightlifting, instead recommended "to the

International Olympic Committee's (IOC) program commission that bowling,

racquetball, taekwondo and triathlon- all for men and women- and women's softball

join the Atlanta program" (Weiner, 1996, p. C5).

Women weightlifters and their supporters believed "female lifters ... [had]

softened the sport and broaden its accessibility" (Weiner, 1996, p. C5). To add insult to

injury the talk of adding beach volleyball to the Olympic program compounded female

weightlifter frustration. Sibby Flowers, after winning her seventh national weightlifting

championship was, asked at the meet by a reporter what she thought of volleyball getting

into the Games. Flowers "rolled her eyes when beach volleyball was mentioned"

(Tierney, 2000b, p. 3). Undeterred, "Flowers and fellow Georgian lifter Robin Byrd

briefly talked to Samaranch at an official dinner in March in Atlanta, where the IOC held

a week of meetings at the site of the 1996 Games. 'He asked us about how many women

were lifting, kind of looked at us, then gave us a kiss on the cheek,' Flowers said"

(Tierney, 2000, p. 3).

John Coffee, Flowers and Byrd's weightlifting coach responded that "it's a world

cultural thing that women are supposed to fit traditional roles, and weightlifting is not one

of those traditional roles" (Tierney, 2000b, p. 3). Soon after the Atlanta Games, the IOC

announced "women had been admitted to the Sydney Olympic" (Tierney, 2000b, p. 3).

The push to get women into the Olympic Games took a decade from the first introduction

of international competition. In the process of gaining access to the Olympics the IWF
 57

had to compromise the total number athletes in the weightlifting venue. In November

1996, the IOC, voted to agree to allow women weightlifters into the Olympics on the

stipulation that the combined total number of male and female weightlifters would not

surpass 250 at any given Olympics Games. In order to remain within the IOC restrictions,

the International IWF in 1997 reorganized the weight classes and accredited eight weight

classes for men and seven for women. Finally, after 100 years of competition in

weightlifting women would be given the opportunity to compete for the first time at the

Sydney, Australia Olympic Games in 2000.

Women's weightlifting fought a long and hard battle to gain admission to the

Olympic program. They slipped in with little fan fare. The media paid little attention to

the entrance of the sport and ignored the opportunity to examine the struggle of women's

weightlifting entering the Olympic program. McCallum (2000) reported, the IWF made

an effort to welcome female lifters and that on the first night of competition at the Sydney

Olympics the IWF gave each female competitor and female fan a red rose as welcoming

gesture.

The IOC's Problems with Women's Weightlifting

There are two main reasons why the road to Olympic participation was not a

smooth transition from international competition. The first major problem was the drug

problems in women's weightlifting. Through IWF's and the IOC's continued work in

developing testing procedures they have increased their ability to find those athletes and

countries who try to circumvent the rules of fair play with performance enhancing drugs.

The second major problem was sexism. Women weightlifters had to overcome dominant
 58

definitions of femininity and how they should act and compete before being allowed to

compete in the Olympics. Women's weightlifting has not overcome sexism nor will it in

entirety. As long as society is controlled by homogony, sexism will exist.

In the sixth international symposium for Olympic research, Adams (2002) found

that women's participation in the Olympics has been marginalized because of

preconceived physical limitations of women's bodies by the IOC. Adams (2002) pointed

out that women's participation was restricted or made available on the bases of what the

IOC determined was proper for feminine activities. Appropriateness of sport played the

greatest role in what types of events were included, the level of events, and number of

women allowed to compete. Adams (2002) pointedly discerned that social ideals were the

litmus test on what was appropriate for women. Nowhere was athletic skill or ability used

to evaluate event inclusion for women in the Olympics.

A prime example of the bias by the IOC was at the 113 th IOC session (IOC, 2002)

where Anita DeFrantz the chairwomen of the Women and Sport Commission had words

with a Samih Moudallal, a member of the Marketing, Cultural and Olympic Educational

Commissions. DeFrantz hadjust presented her commission's report on the statistics of

women in the Olympics as athletes, coaches, officials, administrative and how they could

increase. Moudallal responded by indicating that the issue of increase was not about

quotas, limits, or aims, but ability or competence of talents given by God in carrying out

responsibility and/or activities (IOC, 2002). Continuing Moudallal furthered his point that

health issues should be studied first before women practice certain sports. He specifically

stated wrestling and weightlifting should be studied and indicated women were created
 59

for certain activities and men others. Moudallal followed this statement up with a

question to DeFrantz: "Had the working group studied the effects of certain physical

activities in the physiology of women" (IOC, 2002, p. I 0). As long as there are members

of the IOC Commission who have preconceived ideas based on the preconceived ideals

of what women abilities are, there will be sexism in weightlifting.

 60

Chapter 7

THE HISTORY OF THE FIRST US WOMEN'S WEIGHTLIFTING TEAM IN THE

OLYMPICS

The US sent its first women's team of hopefuls to the 2000 Sydney Games. The

team consisted of Robin Byrd-Goad (48 kg class), Cheryl Haworth (75+ kg class), Cara

Heads-Lane (75 kg class), and Tara Nott (48 kg class). All placed well in the contests and

two medals were won. Robin Byrd-Goad finished 5th in the 48kg weight class and Cara

Heads-Lane finished 7th in the 75 kg weight class. Cheryl Haworth won a bronze medal

in the 75+ kg weight class and Tara Nott (48 kg weight class) won America's first

women's gold medal in weightlifting. This was the first gold medal for the United States

in weightlifting at the Olympic since 1960.

Tara Nott at 106 pounds and 5 foot I inch was the second-ranked women's

weightlifter in the United States. Nott was the four time national champion and at the last

three world championships prior to the 2000 US Olympic Trials she had finished in the

top IO in the world in her weight class (Paige, 2000, p. C 17). Nott was built to be a

weightlifter, in her first competition she qualified for nationals. Her second weightlifting

competition was National Championships where she took first place in her weight class.

Nott became the first American women to lift twice her body weight in competition. Nott

became the first American woman to win a gold medal in weightlifting at the Pan

American Game (Groke, 2000a, p. D8).

Tara Nott's debut at the women's first appearance at the Olympic was

outstanding. Nott won the fight for the silver medal with Indonesia's Raema Lisa
 61

Rumbewas by weighing less (Mihoces, 2000, p. E7). Rumbewas and Nott had the same

weight lifted total of 407.9 pounds and in cases of a tie the lighter lifter wins. Nott stayed

in the sauna just a little longer than she had in the past and she went into the competition

the lightest she had ever been (Mihoces, 2000, p. E7). In addition to being the first

American women to medal in the Olympic she was the first American, of either gender,

to win a medal in weightlifting in the Olympics since 1984 (Groke, 2000b, p. D1). Nott

was elated and USA weightlifting was again asserting itself as a world contender.

However, the Olympics were not over for Nott. In the process of filming a

commercial for the Olympics, Nott received a phone on a borrowed cell phone from Jim

Fox, the executive director of USA weightlifting. Nott was told in the phone call by Fox

that she was the new Olympic champion (Groke, 2000b, p. D1). lzabela Dragneva of

Bulgaria who had out lifted Nott by 12 ¼ pounds a few days earlier was found with traces

of a banned diuretic in her system and was forced to forfeit the gold medal (Groke,

2000b, p. D 1). Nott became the first American of any gender to win a gold medal since

1960 (Paige, 2000, p. Cl 7).

At the first appearance of women's Olympic weightlifting the stereotypes of

women lifting weights were changed and reinforced. Many in the world think

weightlifters had ''to grunt and be big and hairy" (Paige, 2000, p. Cl 7). Nott and her

fellow competitors in her weight class dispelled at least part of that belief. Nott was not

anything close to being big and hairy but she did admit to "grunt a little bit" (Paige, 2000,

p. Cl 7). Judging by her size, most people did not believe Nott was a weightlifter. They

continued to ask if she was a gymnast, but when told she was a weightlifter "they kind of
 62

shake their heads and smile" (Mihoces, 2000, p. E7). Opening day "kind of opened the

eyes of some people around the world and in the US," and Nott was just "excited to be

part of it" (Mihoces, 2000, p. E7).

Cheryl Haworth, the first ranked US lifter was just under 300 pounds and 5 foot

10 inches competing in the super-heavy weight class. Haworth was treated a little

differently in the media than her lighter teammate, thereby reinforcing the stereotype of

weightlifting and women. Nott had the trouble of convincing the public she was a

weightlifter, while Haworth had to answer questions about how she felt about her size

and "her ability to lift nearly 300 pounds" (Curtright, 1999, p. 02).

Still, Haworth became the darling of USA weightlifting when the 17 year old

"became the youngest American weightlifter ever to win an Olympic medal" (Guidera,

2000, p. Al). Haworth won a bronze medal in the 75 kg+ weight class at the Sydney

Olympic Games. Taking a conservative approach to ensure a medal, Haworth's coach

Mike Cohen increased in small increment weights to avoid failed attempts. Haworth went

six for six in her lifts. Cohen watched the starting attempts in both the sna~ch and the

clean & jerk of Haworth's closest rivals and put Haworth's attempt well within her

strength range, but high enough to secure the bronze. Cohen understood that catching the

two top lifters "was a formidable task" (Tierney, 2000c, p. E7). While the attempts were

within Haworth's ability she surpassed her personal best in competition by 11 pounds in

the snatch. When asked by the media about the conservative approach she indicated she

"could have done more...but I listen to my coach ... [and] I had no problems with that"

(Tierney, 2000c, p. E7).

 63

However, there was a point of nervousness in the competition. Carmenza Delgado

of Colombia was battling very hard for a spot on the podium. Haworth's final attempt in

the snatch was 125 kg and Delgado's was 115 kg. This put a 10 kg gap between the

bronze medal and fourth place. Haworth's first attempt at the clean and jerk was 140 kg,

taking her out of contention for silver or gold. Meiyuan Ding of China opened with 157 .5

kg and Agata Wrobel of Poland started with 150 kg. Haworth and her coach Cohen

stayed the course and put her second attempt at 142.5 kg. However, Delgado tried to

make up ground by pushing her second attempt at 145 kg and closed the gap to 7.5 kg in

total weight lifted. Haworth's parents struggled when Cohen had Haworth take her third

attempt at 145 kg. Haworth's parents thought their daughter should have pushed to 147.5.

They were "afraid we were gonna give that medal away" (Tierney, 2000c, p. E7).

However, the 145 kg lift matched Haworth's best effort and Cohen's conservative plan

paid off. Haworth made the attempt and "for the first time all day, she broke into a smile

and raised clenched fists" (Tierney, 2000c, p. E7). The 10 kg difference was too much for

Delgado to close. She failed on her third attempt to better 145 kg. Delgado ended with a

115 kg snatch, and 145 kg clean &jerk for total of260 kg. Haworth ended with a 125 kg

snatch and a 145 kg clean & jerk, which gave her total of 270 kg, winning the bronze

medal. When asked if Haworth could have done more, the answer was yes, but "the

Olympic bronze was more important" (Tierney, 2000c, p. E7). The US weightlifting team

needed medals. That was the plan and to Haworth's credit she put her personal best aside

to make sure she medaled.

 64

The US Women's weightlifting team made quite a good showing at the 2000

Olympic. Only four women per team were allowed and the US team placed in the top ten

in the three weight classes entered. Nott and Haworth both won medals. The dream and

hope of someday competing in the Olympics in the sport of weightlifting had arrived, but

equal coverage had not. Robin Goad was the third American lifter but because she placed

5th in the same weight class as Nott her story was passed by to cover the gold medalist.

Cara Heads-Lane placed 7th to far down the ranking to receive coverage. The coverage

focused on the medalist and not the runners up.

The IWF stated in their official publication, in the letter from the President

section, just prior to the Olympics, that women's weightlifting has reminded the world of

its rightful claim for an official existence (Tamas, 2000a). The letter argued that because

of a decade of successful history in World Championships it earned them right to the

Olympic Games (Tamas, 2000a). The IWF was proud of the fact that women's

weightlifting made a grand debut with 85 athletes from 47 countries (Tamas, 2000b). The

official publication of the Olympic movement stated the most significant landmark in

weightlifting history was 2000 Olympic Games in Sydney because of the introduction of

a women division (Sports Profiles, 2003). They continued by stating that the IWF did not

rest on its laurels, instead pushed for and got 10 more athlete positions into the 2004

Olympics (Sports Profiles, 2003). At the 2004 Olympic in Athens, Greece the number of

positions for women weightlifters increased to 90 (Tamas, 2004).

 65

Chapter 8

CONCLUSION

The pioneers in the sport of women's weightlifting were the strongwomen of the

past. Their feats of strength were large spectator draws. However, it was not their ability

to compete or lift which brought the public; it was their size and weight. Reports read

more like advertisement to come see the vaudeville shows where the women performed.

Ivy Russell broke the mold of the stereotypical strongwomen of 200 pounds and appears

masculine. Russell conformed to social ideals of size and appearance making it a little

more palatable for the media to cover her accomplishments. Russell was average size

(125 pounds), but displayed muscularity and despite her leanness still had relatively large

breasts. Todd (1992b) indicated Russell's large breast was aesthetically pleasing at that

~ime. In reality the crowds came to see if Russell still looked like a female. The coverage

focused on the "fear that women would 'lose' their breasts by becoming too muscular"

(Todd, 1992b, p. 13). The coverage of women lifting weights was not as a sport but only

as form of entertainment. Even after women were allowed to compete in the Olympics

the stories still center on gender, body size, and whether an athlete is feminine or not

(Krenske & McKay, 2000). The coverage given to women's weightlifting is limited, just

as it was in the beginning.

The sport of weightlifting, both men's and women's, was a marginal sport and

was not covered well by the media. The female weightlifters who competed gained

support from their male counterparts, coaches, and organizers. However, the media
 66

barely covered the men's events so it was not uncommon for either gender's champion to

go unannounced. Additionally, the visible strength and muscularity of women

weightlifters challenged the perceptions of what the public desired. Weightlifting was not

"considered to be ladylike" (Weiner, 1996, p. 5C).

International weightlifting has been a competitive sport for over 100 years and

practiced in approximately 130 countries. Women have competed for a fairly short time.

Even though weightlifting made its Olympic debut as a male sport at the 1896 inaugural

Olympic Games in Athens, Greece it was not until 1981 in Waterloo, Iowa that the first

women's national senior weightlifting was held. Women first international sanctioned

competition was held in 1987 in Daytona Beach, Florida. Women weightlifters were

finely able to compete alongside men in 1988 in St Louis, Minnesota when nationals

were finally held in conjunction. Women's weightlifting made its debut at the 2000

Olympic Games in Sydney, Australia. Women have waited a long time to see themselves

in weightlifting at the Olympic, they have fought through discrimination, gender bias,

and through it all they have lifted well.

The USAW recognized the presence of women in weightlifting in 1981 with its

first national championship and combined the national championships with the men's in

1988. After seeing the successful competition and enough athlete participation in United

States national competitions the IWF held its first international competition in Daytona,

Florida in 1987. In 1996 the IOC agreed to allow women's weightlifting introduced to the

Olympics after IWF agreed to limit the number of athletes and increase the range in

weight classes (Weiner, 1996).

 67

Although female weightlifters are able achieve their dream of Olympic

competition the coverage for the sport remains marginal. Tara Nott, who competed in the

2000 Olympics, is a perfect example. Nott, who competed in the 48 kg class, was

frequently asked if she was a gymnast. People were amazed when she said she was a

weightlifter (Barron, 2000). Nott indicated most people think she was too small to be a

weightlifter. Nott enjoyed changing ''the perception of what weightlifters are supposed to

look- big, hairy guys" (Groke, 2000b, p. D1). The media's focus on Nott's size and

feminine appearance over shadowed that fact she could lift twice her body weight and

supported belief that as long as women accommodated masculine ideals they could gain

entry to masculine defined activities, such as weightlifting (Krenske & McKay, 2000).

In contrast, Cheryl Haworth, Nott's 300 pound teammate, had to answer

questions from the media about her largeness of her size, what she liked to eat, and how

big her muscles were (Guidera, 2000; Kennedy, 2002; Tierney, 2000a). Women

weightlifters who maintain stereotypical definitions of femininity receive media coverage

which reinforces their femininity, while those who do not are covered in different ways.

The American media placed most of it emphasis on the 'pixies' of women weightlifting

lending readers to believe "many of the top females weightlifters weigh about 110

pound" (Zipp, 1999, p. 1). The American media seemed to forget there are seven weight

classes with top female lifters in each.

The media always made femininity an issue in the stories they wrote about the

women weightlifters. Cheryl Haworth when asked about the different types of media

coverage she received, indicated it did not bother her. Haworth said she is a weightlifter
 68

who's "not trying to be small" only "trying to be strong" (Guidera, 2000, p. Al).

Haworth believed ''this will show people that they can find something they're good at no

matter what size they are ... some people just need have to look a little farther than others"

(Guidera, 2000, p. Al). The media chose to focus on Haworth's size and not what made

her a great athlete.

Women weightlifters were persistent in pursuing a sport they loved and had the

desire to compete at the highest level. They were unafraid to enter weight rooms where

"weightlifting is only for men in dirty old gyms" (Kearny, 2000 p. 7). The US women's

weightlifting team of 2000 is an example of what women can accomplish if they persist.

Tara Nott said it best ''the Olympics are a good platform to show what women can do"

(Zipp, 1999, p. 1).

Directions for Future Research

There were several obstacles in writing about the history of women's

weightlifting in the United State and the inclusion of women's weightlifting in the

Olympics. The major limitation was the lack of material available. Very few newspapers

reported on the sport. When coverage happened it reported the results of who won and

how much weight was lifted. Few details were provided on the experience of the event.

Any detail given was about the size, resemblance to femininity or lack thereof for the

athletes.

Even though there were limited sources to writing about women's weightlifting,

there has been one sport historian who has written extensively about the plight of women

and weight training. Jan Todd has documented women's history in weight training,
 69

powerlifting, and early strongwomen. Todd's writings were very helpful in the

background research of women who lifted before they were allowed into the sport of

weightlifting. While most of her writings were not about the sport of weightlifting they

did give a historical perspective of what women did in the weight room, strength shows,

and the few exhibition competition/shows which happened early in the history of

women's weightlifting. Without Todd's research this thesis could not have happened.

Further research could gather personal histories of women weightlifters·

experiences on and off the platform. The personal histories of all the women who

competed would provide a better historical perspective on what happened and how it

affected the women involved. Additionally, researching the IOC proceedings and

committees meeting minutes surrounding the debate and decision for allowing women

into weightlifting would shed greater light on the gender issues in the Olympics and how

women were perceived in weightlifting.

 70

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