BABG-171: UNDERSTANDING B.R.

AMBEDKAR

Tutor Marked Assignments

Course Code: BABG-171

Assignment Code: ASST /TMA /July 2021-22
Total Marks: 100

Assignment-I

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Answer the following in about 500 words each.

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1. Describe Ambedkar’s notion of an ideal society. 20
2. Discuss Ambedkar’s economic analysis of the caste system. 20

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Assignment-II
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Answer the following questions in about 250 words each.
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3. Discuss Ambedkar’s ideas on India’s pre colonial economy. 10

4. Describe Ambedkar’s ideas on citizenship. 10
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5. Discuss Ambedkar’s understanding of Buddhism. 10

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Assignment-III
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Write a note on the following in about 100 words each.

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6. Ambedkar’s social democracy 6

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7. Poona pact 6
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8. Ambedkar’s view on social justice 6

9. Ambedkar’s contribution towards gender equality in India 6
10. Small landholding 6

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 ASSIGNMENT SOLUTIONS GUIDE (2021-22)
BABG-171: UNDERSTANDING B.R. AMBEDKAR
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Assignment-I
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Answer the following in about 500 words each.
Q1. Describe Ambedkar’s notion of an ideal society.
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Ans. B. R. Ambedkar's Vision of a Society Based on Liberty, Equality And Fraternity: From
‘Annihilation of Caste’, drafted in 1936, an undelivered speech by the principal architect of the Indian
Constitution, who dedicated his life to reforming society.
I would not be surprised if some of you have grown weary listening to this tiresome tale of the sad
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effects which caste has produced. There is nothing new in it. I will therefore turn to the constructive
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side of the problem. What is your ideal society if you do not want caste, is a question that is bound to
be asked of you. If you ask me, my ideal would be a society based on Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.
And why not?
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What objection can there be to Fraternity? I cannot imagine any. An ideal society should be mobile,
should be full of interest channels for conveying a change taking place in one part to other parts. In an
ideal society there should be many interests consciously communicated and shared. There should be
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varied and free points of contact with other modes of association. In other words, there must be social
endosmosis. This is fraternity, which is only another name for democracy. Democracy is not merely a
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form of government. It is primarily a mode of associated living, of conjoint, communicated

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experience. It is essentially an attitude of respect and reverence towards one’s fellow men.
Any objection to Liberty? Few object to liberty in the sense of a right to free movement, in the sense of
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a right to life and limb. There is no objection to liberty in the sense of a right to property, tools and
materials, as being necessary for earning a living, to keep the body in a due state of health. Why not
allow a person the liberty to benefit from an effective and competent use of a person’s powers? The
supporters of Caste who would allow liberty in the sense of a right to life, limb and property, would
not readily consent to liberty in this sense, inasmuch as it involves liberty to choose one’s profession.
But to object to this kind of liberty is to perpetuate slavery. For slavery does not merely mean a
legalized form of subjection. It means a state of society in which some men are forced to accept from
others the purposes which control their conduct. This condition obtains even where there is no
slavery in the legal sense. It is found where, as in the Caste System, some persons are compelled to
carry on certain prescribed callings which are not of their choice.
Any objection to equality? This has obviously been the most contentious part of the slogan of the
French Revolution. The objections to equality may be sound, and one may have to admit that all men
are not equal. But what of that? Equality may be a fiction, but nonetheless one must accept it as the

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governing principle. A man’s power is dependent upon (1) physical heredity; (2) social inheritance or
endowment in the form of parental care, education, accumulation of scientific knowledge, everything
which enables him to be more efficient than the savage; and finally, (3) on his own efforts. In all these
three respects, men are undoubtedly unequal. But the question is, shall we treat them as unequal
because they are unequal? This is a question which the opponents of equality must answer.
From the standpoint of the individualist, it may be just to treat men unequally so far as their efforts
are unequal. It may be desirable to give as much incentive as possible to the full development of
everyone’s powers. But what would happen if men were treated as unequally as they are unequal in
the first two respects? It is obvious that those individuals also, in whose favour there is birth,
education, family name, business connections and inherited wealth, would be selected in the race. But
selection under such circumstances would not be a selection of the able. It would be the selection of
the privileged. The reason, therefore, which requires that in the third respect (of those described in the
paragraph above) we should treat men unequally, demands that in the first two respects we should

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treat men as equally as possible.
On the other hand, it can be urged that if it is good for the social body to get the most out of its
members, it can get the most out of them only by making them equal as far as possible at the very

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start of the race. That is one reason why we cannot escape equality. But there is another reason why
we must accept equality. A statesman is concerned with vast numbers of people. He has neither the

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time nor the knowledge to draw fine distinctions and to treat each one equitably, i.e. according to
need or according to capacity. However desirable or reasonable an equitable treatment of men may
be, humanity is not capable of assortment and classification.
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The statesman, therefore, must follow some rough and ready rule, and that rough and ready rule is to
treat all men alike, not because they are alike but because classification and assortment is impossible.
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The doctrine of equality is glaringly fallacious but, taking all in all, it is the only way a statesman can
proceed in politics—which is a severely practical affair and which demands a severely practical test.
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Q2. Discuss Ambedkar’s economic analysis of the caste system.

Ans. DR.B.R.Ambedkar was among the most outstanding intellectuals of Indian in the 20th century.
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He is known for his intellect. According to Antonio Gramsci, he is an outstanding example of an

organic intellectual, that is, one who represents the interests of an entire social class. Born in a socially
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backward caste, educated along the lines the western system, rational in outlooks and somewhat
rebellious in mentality and temperament
Ambedkar came at the appropriate moment in British-ruled India to assume the natural leadership of
his kinsmen and participated in social movement and got involved in founding the constitutional
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edifice of the country. As regards the emancipation of the backward classes, first he criticized the
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caste Hindus for their political and economic backwardness and stood as the unrivalled champion of
the depressed classes, and dedicated his life to the cause of their amelioration.
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Prof.A.K.Sen remarks,
“ Ambedkar is the Father of Economics. He is a truly celebrated champion of the underprivileged e
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deserves more than what he has achieved today. However, he was a highly controversial figure in his
home country, marvellous though it was not the reality. His contribution in the field of EC
marvellous and will be remembered forever.”
In the present environment, there is a need to incorporate the transformational thoughts in the
current policies and strategies for the growth and development of the country. In the later section,
many issues about growth and development based on the Ambedkar‘s thoughts are discussed. His
thoughts are the foundations for social, economic, political, religious and cultural aspects of the
society.
There are several institutions in the economy of any country. Taking into consideration their duties
and responsibilities being performed by them, they are classified into economic institutions, political
institutions, religious institutions, social institutions, legal institutions, cultural institutions, and so
and so forth. In the traditional ideology of the thought, caste is a social institution.

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It has been originated to perform social duties and responsibilities, and it has a strong religious base.
Thus caste as a social institution discharges both the social as well as religious functions. Nobody has
looked at the caste system as an economic institution.
Even nobody thought of caste system can be an economic institution, which provides the framework
of an economic system and performs the number of economic functions. It can perform the economic
functions of the economic institutions like production, distribution, consumption, allocation, and
utilization of the productive resources and distribution of the goods and services among the people in
the society as a whole.
It is the Dr B. R. Ambedkar, a unique personality in the world, who had an innovative approach
looking towards the caste system, that caste is not only a social institution but prominently it is an
economic institution. Hence it performs the number of economic functions, and it is, therefore, an
economic organization.
It is, therefore, Dr.Ambedhkar started with studying the origin, mechanism, and development of

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castes in India and ends with the annihilation of the caste system in his very commendable research
work for the seminar and conference presidential address.
He is of the opinion that caste system in India is an economic institution, and more importantly, it

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performs the number of economic functions in the society, which are dominantly economically
exploitative to the depressed and backward communities like Dalits in India. He has examined how

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the caste system is an economic institution, the economic functions it performs, its exploitation of the
backward and deprived communities in India, and more importantly how the annihilation of the
caste system is possible.
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It is against this overall background, the present study endeavours to examine the economic, social,
political analysis of the systems for inclusive growth and development provided by Dr B. R.
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Ambedkar.
He had presented various thoughts on social, economic, political etc. Equality, like liberty, is a
prominent political ideal of the present-day world. The French Revolution (1789) was fought for
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―liberty, equality, fraternity‖. They constitute the voice of the oppressed, the voice against injustice
and the voice for changing unfair social conditions. The problem of equality and inequality has
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figured in political thought since the earliest times.

Aristotle discovered that inequality was a cause of revolution in many a state. He defined justice as
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treating equals equally and unequal unequally. This was a typical statement in that it insisted on
recognition and maintenance of existing inequalities in society-between master and slave, between
rich and poor, between morally superior and inferior, and so on. There is no doubt that large
inequalities of wealth, prestige, and power have always remained a prominent and almost universal
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feature of social structure throughout human history.

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Assignment-II
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Answer the following questions in about 250 words each.

Q3. Discuss Ambedkar’s ideas on India’s pre colonial economy.
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Ans. Thoughts of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar for Indian Economy: Dr. Ambedkar represented problem of
physical and economical exploitation of rural poor through his movements. His struggle against the
prevailing land tenure system called Khoti was best example of his thoughts of equilibrium.
Indian economy is mixed economy and has impact of social, political and economical changes before
and after independence. Dr. Ambedkar has given new socio and political view to Indian economics.
Dr. Ambedkar decided to “changeover from economics to law and politics” as he remarked in the
preface of the Indian edition of The Problem of the Rupee in 1947.
He clearly told “continued devaluation of the Indian currency which while was good for Indian
exports, was not good for the Indian economy. Increasing and decreasing values of gold and silver
has been problematic issue to decide exchange rate.” At that time gold and silver coins are use as a
currency. It troubles to fix standard of gold coin exchange with silver coin or foreign currency due to
change in price of these metal. Ambedkar’s writings took all this and argued stridently for a proper

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gold standard with gold currency as he was highly critical of the gold exchange standard though the
latter received powerful theoretical support from all the then leading authorities including John
Maynard Keynes. Neither was Ambedkar a votary of deliberate lowering of the exchange rate
whether planned or unplanned. He told that low exchange rate increases exports and boosts internal
prices. In the current situation globalization and privatization are mostly affecting factors to economy.
Govt. is supporting to increase export. This benefits the trading classes at the expense of the poorer
people at home.
The main point he makes is that an alien government cannot be expected to use the funds it has to the
betterment of the people. As he made it clear: “if the Executive in India did not do certain things most
conducive to progress it was because by reason of its being impersonal and also by reason of its
character, motives and interests it could not sympathies with the living forces operating in the Indian
Society, was not charged with its wants, its pains, its cravings and its desires, was inimical to its
aspirations, did not advance education, disfavored Swadeshi or snapped at anything that smacked of

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nationalism, it was because all these things went against its grain”. That means this is must to use the
fund for betterment of people. If the Govt. could not concentrate to proper use of fund, it will be
misuse of fund and slow growth rate of society. In the current scenario political clashes and

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corruption is increasing problem for Indian economics. If central or state government launches
scheme for upliftment of poor and backward but channel of middlemen and politician deduct most of

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the part of provided fund.
Economy needs public finance for human beings living in society require certain things like roads,
law and order, defense, disaster management, infrastructure, etc. Citizens in democratic forms of
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government are promised by their elected representatives to improve their welfare by judicious
provision of such public goods and services, and they place their trust in the government by
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delegating authority to take taxation and expenditure decisions. When the citizens are thus not in a
position to comprehend clearly the consequences of government action, it is so easy to mislead them
by false claims. Hence it becomes all the more necessary for the government to be faithful to the
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original intentions. For example, if a certain sum is allotted to agriculture sector to improve its
facilities without specifying the item of expenditure, a more faithful way of spending would be on
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Agricultural laboratories, crop loans, canals, dams, agriculture market, warehouses and other items of
agriculture rather than on frivolous things such as expensive offices, air conditioned meeting hall,
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public places in village, etc.

Dr. Ambedkar stressed on maximum utilisation of public funds. He said that economic wisdom
becomes a paramount necessity in the context of a just utilisation of public funds. But mere apparent
faithfulness to the original intentions and wisdom are not sufficient in themselves for public
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expenditure to achieve social well-being. The importance of the third canon of public expenditure
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takes a special meaning here. ‘Economy’ in public expenditure does not simply mean a low level of
public spending, but it is the intelligent use of funds so that every paise fetches the most benefit.
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Those in charge of public funds must strive to evaluate alternative methods of achieving the
objectives and see to it that leakages do not occur. The canons emphasise that the expenditure
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decisions should closely relate to the specified objectives and the available resources besides ensuring
economy, efficiency and effectiveness in the implementation of government decisions, schemes,
projects, etc. Public funds are asset of country it is in large scale but due to corruption and political
pressure it does not reach completely to the end beneficiaries.
While the determination of the aggregate level of expenditure is a matter of overall policy based on
the democratic willing of the people, allocation of that total among competing demands and the
manner of utilisation fall within the domain of these canons. In the present context of high fiscal
deficits, a rigorous application of the Ambedkar canons can help reduce the quantum of public
expenditure.
In his paper ‘Small holdings in India and their remedies’ published in 1918, he takes on a problem
that is still haunting Indian agrarian system. As he argued, land is only one of the many factors of
production and the productivity of one factor of production is dependent upon the proportion in

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which the other factors of production are combined. In his words: “the chief object of an efficient
production consists in making every factor in the concern contribute its highest; and it can do that
only when it can co-operate with its fellow of the required capacity. Thus, there is an ideal of
proportions that ought to subsist among the various factors combined, though the ideal will vary
with the changes in proportions”. From this he proceeds to say that if agriculture “is to be treated as
an economic enterprise, then, by itself, there could be no such thing as a large or small holding”. He
concludes that “Industrialisation of India is the soundest remedy for the agricultural problems of
India”. This can generate adequate surplus that will also eventually benefit the agricultural.
Industries need raw material and most of it available from agricultural production. It increase
demand and agriculture become surplus. Most of the population is engaged in farming in India.
Hidden unemployment in agriculture and dependency of increasing population can become problem
for an economy. Industrilisation a positive solution proceeded by him He hoped that his study of
economics will lead to useful policy conclusions. Thus policy oriented welfare issues interested him

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more than studying the technical aspects of the discipline to demonstrate economic theorems. This
however does not mean that he did not show any regard for theoretical conclusions derived by
others. Indeed it is significant that his knowledge of economic theory was amazingly up-to-date. Not

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only was his reading of contemporary economic literature wide and deep, he applied whatever that
was in the cutting edge of the discipline to concrete situations, very imaginatively. Just to give an

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example, in a paper he wrote in 1918, he refers to the contributions that appeared in the American
Economic Review.

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Q4. Describe Ambedkar’s ideas on citizenship.
Ans. Democracy, for Ambedkar, meant an associated life. It was the process of endosmosis that
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linked the individuals with the groups. He opined that democracy is an arrangement in society where
on the one hand there is enough space to change the society and on the other hand, there is common
interest shared by the group. When the state becomes authoritative and ignores the society then the
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location of society becomes important. Only a democratic society can recognize the right of freedom
and equal opportunity to its citizens and advance personality development of not just the citizens but
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also the society on the whole. Thus democracy for him was essentially a form of society rather than a
form of government. Ambedkar used Dewey’s concept of associated life to form the basis of his
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definition of citizenship.
Using the Deweyian term, “social endosmosis”, Ambedkar said that there is a blockage in the process
of social endosmosis in the Indian society because the society is compartmentalised on the basis of
caste system. The Indian society followed the varnashram dharma which was predetermined by birth.
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This resulted in isolation between various castes and the impregnation of an anti-social spirit, which
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affected the spirit of fraternity amongst the citizens of the state.

In Annihilation of Caste, Ambedkar writes that people do not become a society by merely living in
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proximity with each other. Caste prevented people from integrating into a unified society. The caste
was decided by birth and was based on the occupational stratification. These castes existed in
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watertight compartments where the Brahmins, Vaishyas, Kshetriyas and Shudras although practiced
the same varna system but they were not allowed to intermarry amongst each other. The Brahmins
hegemonised the varna system but they practiced untouchability and exclusiveness. The similar
attitude was imitated by the Kshetriyas and the Vaishyas. On the other hand, shudras had no other
option than to live in seclusion. This way Ambedkar believed that inspite of following the same
Varna system and being the part of the Hindu religion, the catses were secluded from each other and
formed a distinct group identity in themselves resulting in the restriction of mobility and proximity
with each other. In the Round Table Conference, Gandhi on these lines opined that since the
‘untouchables’ were a part of the Hindu community and lived in proximity, thus there was no
requirement for a separate electorate for the Untouchables. However Ambedkar outrightly rejected
Gandhi and added that since there was a conflict of like-minded groups, thus endosmosis was
impossible. Ambedkar believed that the Brahmanic hegemony was so strong that the protection of the

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distinctiveness of the practice of custom and occupation, food habits, endogamy of each jati would
offer a bottleneck to the consolidation of the real integration of castes in a society based on fraternity.
In the Southborough Committee on Franchise, he demonstrated the significance of caste. He
maintained that the group interest of a higher caste mars the freedom of the lower group. Therefore,
in the interest of the depressed classes, he called for franchise to provide access to public property
such as wells, schools and temples and also to provide recognition and identity to all. He promoted
universal adult franchise.
The isolation of the lower classes and exclusiveness of the higher, had cultivated an antisocial spirit
that had shunned the development of the society. In the manuscript, “Away from the Hindus”
Ambedkar stated that the social isolation of the ‘untouchables’ could only be dissolved by the
establishment of kinship. Society is based on citizenship while religion is based on kinship. Ambedkar
advocated Buddhism. In a letter to Gandhi he wrote, “I was born as a Hindu but shall not die like
one.”10 He found Hinduism sickened by the staunch conservative closed minded beliefs which

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sprang from graded inequality determined by birth. Thus, he took to Buddhism and considered it as a
liberation theology under Navayana which was a new vehicle for a new journey towards
emancipation and a new identity. In the second Dhammachakra Pravartan in 1956, he applied

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Buddhism to the larger political life of society. Ramesh Kamble11 in his article “Contextualizing
Ambekarian Conversion” examined that Ambedkar not only saw the principles of equality, liberty

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and fraternity in Buddhism as privileges but also saw Buddhism as a critique of the Brahmanic
chaturvarnya system which was antithetical to Buddha’s conception of righteous moral order. But
largely, in the complete reading of Buddha and his dhamma, Ambedkar discovered the constituents,
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processes and objects of the society that he wanted to establish through his counter hegemonic
struggle. Thus conversion was one of the most important tools for the struggle through which
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religious, spiritual and political aspects had to be transformed.
In reformulating the Buddhist tradition, Ambedkar objected to the prevalence of dukha and linked it
to social economic exploitation. For him the objective of life was to be a liberated individual. In fact,
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for Ambedkar, religion played an important role in the matter of society and education. It enhanced
personal purity and social strength. It contributed to the common good. Thus, Ambedkar considered
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religion essential for man and society. He considered religion as an integral part of social life and
legacy.
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Another theory that held importance for Ambedkar was Robertson Smith’s theory of kinship that he
applied to understand the social and psychological aspect of the history of identity formation of the
tribes, untouchables etc. He opined that kinship allows the society to be responsible and stand against
wrong that occurs. Kinship thus, instils morality and fraternity. Ambedkar therefore stressed upon
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the inter caste marriages as he believed that in the process of establishing the kinship the dalits could
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incorporate themselves in the other community which is free from the caste grid system. While
quoting “Introduction to Social Psychology”12 written by John Dewey and J H Tuffs, Ambedkar
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stated that kinship is the antithesis of isolation. The untouchables entering into kinship shall be able
to drift away from isolation.
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But Ambedkar had doubts that they would be completely free while they were under the hierarchical
Hindu order. He often quoted Herbert Aptheker who demonstrated how the Afro-Americans in spite
of actively participating in the Civil War were cheated of their rights. Ambedkar feared that the
Untouchables would meet a similar fate.
The problem was not only social in nature. It also had deep impact on the economy. Thinkers like
Saroj Giri in his Marxist reading of Ambedkar saw him as a Marxist sympathiser who viewed caste as
a class struggle. If one compares Ambedkar and Fanon one observes that just as the Western
capitalism monopolised the resources similarly, in the caste system Brahmanism hegemonised the
Hindu culture leading to the introduction of exclusionary character in occupation, food, marriage,
touch etc. Ambedkar saw the laws of Manu and the invisible hands of the market excluding and
discriminating against the broken people. Therefore he followed the Marxist method of socialism to
bring about emancipation in the society. Like Locke, Ambedkar stood for both political and economic

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liberalism. The only point in which he differed from Marx was that he wanted to avoid bloodshed to
bring a change in society. He rather wanted changes in the society through parliamentary means.
Ambedkar knew that merely passing of laws would not suffice in upholding democracy and
protecting citizen’s rights. He opined that since the practice of caste system is so deeply embedded in
the Indian society and so very normalised in the day-to-day practices, any attempt by the
Untouchables to claim their citizenship rights shall be put down as has been common in history.
Thus, while drafting the Indian Constitution, he mandated the reservation policy so as to promote
social endosmosis. He believed that free and equal opportunities must be available to all individuals.
As a government is an association of citizens, they should have a role in determining as well as
obeying the laws. In his famous work Annihilation of Caste,13 Ambedkar thus tried to integrate the
civil rights of the excluded group through persuasion as well as by direct affirmative action. He had a
two-pronged approach to deal with the problem.
• The humanistic approach to restore the dignity of an individual

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• The approach based on social efficiency.
Ambedkar was a progressive radical who was an ardent votary of freedom. He saw freedom as a
positive power which strengthened people to make their choices. The right to choose is an important

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aspect of empowering the citizen. Heading the drafting Committee, Ambedkar said it is necessary to
make political democracy a social democracy as well. Thus Ambedkar’s understanding of citizenship

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is based on the theory of one-manone-vote. Under the universal adult franchise, irrespective of caste,
creed, colour or sex, all citizens enjoy the right to vote for their representative in the elections that is
held every five years. The value of each vote is the same. All citizens play an important role in
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deciding the fate of the government. Since all citizens are important units in the state Ambedkar
stressed on the importance of education. He raised the slogan “Educate, Agitate and Organise” to
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release humanity from bondage. He believed that cultivation of the mind would lead to ultimate
freedom from any form of exploitation. It would lead to the ultimate path of human existence. It
would influence social conscience and humanity in a positive way leading to the establishment of
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social justice.
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Q5. Discuss Ambedkar’s understanding of Buddhism.

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 Assignment-III
Write a note on the following in about 100 words each.
Q6. Ambedkar’s social democracy.
Ans. Ambedkar not only conceptualized democracy suited to Indian conditions but also fought for
realization of the ideals of democracy. He addressed the question of social dynamics arising out of the
functioning of a democratic government in an undemocratic society. He articulated the concerns of
people who were deprived of basic civil rights.
To understand his conception of democracy, we have to look into his writings, speeches, struggles
and his involvement in nation-building (through his participation at various levels in the British
Indian government and Independent India). In his efforts, we may find his quest for real democracy.
Social equality, freedom, associated living, just social order and moral governance are recurring
themes in his writings and his struggles for liberation of the oppressed. Ambedkar defines democracy
distinctly, addressing historical, political and social specificities of India and puts it in a philosophical

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way. He views democracy as a desired moral principle of governance and suggests mechanisms to
enrich it for the common good. In other words, Ambedkar aspires to nurture the culture of
democracy in all spheres of life. For him it is not just an ideal but also a social necessity to build a

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good society.
Democracy is based on the doctrine of one man one value. The fundamental principle of modern

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democratic states is the recognition of the value of the individual. It is based on the belief that each
individual has but one life, and full opportunity should be accorded to each to attain his maximum
development in that life. Neither of these propositions can be said to be part of the accepted
philosophy of aristocracy of India. 80 E
According to Ambedkar, a democracy is quite different from a republic as well as from a
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parliamentary government. The roots of democracy lie not in the form of government, parliament or
otherwise. Before adopting parliamentary democracy in India, Ambedkar had critically evaluated the
functioning of parliamentary democracy in the West. He identified that wrong ideologies and wrong
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organisations were responsible for the failure of democracy in the western countries that had adopted
democracy as a form of government. The rulers were always drawn from the ruling class and the
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class that was ruled never becomes the ruling class. So democracy did not fulfill the hopes it held out
to the common man of ensuring to him liberty, property and pursuit of happiness.
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Socialism is an alternative to parliamentary democracy and many countries had adopted this form of
government. However, Ambedkar was critical of this form of government and identified it with
dictatorship. Ambedkar upholds parliamentary democracy over socialism by giving a new meaning
to democracy. He extended the spirit of democracy from political to include both social and economic
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domains. His conception of state socialism internalized the principle of socialism and carried it
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through the democratic form of government. He favoured state socialism without dictatorship and
with parliamentary democracy. He prescribes state socialism through the law of constitution. His
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vision of democracy is to strike a balance between equality and liberty so that associated living in a
pluralistic society is ensured.
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Ambedkar explains that parliamentary democracy rests on four premises:

• The individual is an end in himself.
• The individual has certain inalienable rights, which must be guaranteed to him by the
Constitution.
• The individual shall not be required to relinquish any of his constitutional
• rights as a condition precedent to the receipt of privilege.
• The state shall not delegate powers to private persons to govern others.

Q7. Poona pact.

Ans. Poona Pact, (September 24, 1932), agreement between Hindu leaders in India granting new
rights to Dalits (low-caste Hindu groups then often labeled “untouchables”). The pact, signed at
Poona (now Pune, Maharashtra), resulted from the Communal Award of August 4, 1932, a proposal

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by the British government which would allot seats in the various legislatures of India to the different
communities in an effort to resolve the various tensions between communal interests. Dalit leaders,
especially Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, supported the proposal, believing it would allow Dalits to
advance their interests. Mahatma Gandhi, on the other hand, objected to the provision of an electorate
for the Dalits separate from the Hindu electorate, which in his view would weaken India in its bid for
independence. Though in prison, Gandhi announced a fast unto death, which he began on September
18.
Ambedkar refused to abandon his support for separate electorates until Gandhi was near death. He
and the Hindu leaders then agreed to the pact, which declined separate electorates but gave increased
representation to the Dalits within the Hindu electorate for a 10-year period. Ambedkar complained
of blackmail, but the pact marked the start of the movement against “untouchability” within the
Indian nationalist movement.

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Q8. Ambedkar’s view on social justice
Ans. In the ancient Indian approach, justice was concerned with the performance of duties, not with
the notion of rights. In ancient Indian tradition, there were two approaches ‘Dandaniti’ and ‘Dharma’,

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which were concerned with justice. ‘Dandaniti’ was very close to the modern notions of justice (law
and punishment). It suggested the legal aspect of justice. Dharma was another name for the code of

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duties and justice was nothing but virtuous conduct with dharma. Thus, like Platonic justice, the
Hindu tradition linked justice with performance of duties prescribed by dharma.
The modern approaches to justice are broadly Liberal and Marxist approaches. The Liberal argument
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is that the individual’s rights and liberty are necessary for a just society, while the Marxist approach
relies upon equality for a just society. The latter believe that unless and until the existing inequalities
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in society are removed, society will not be just. The basic premises of justice are liberty, equality and
rights.
The concept of social justice emerged out of a process of evolution of social norms, order, law and
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morality. It laid emphasis upon just action and created space for intervention in the society by
enforcing rules and regulations based on the principles of social equality. The term ‘social justice’
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consists of two words: one is social and the second is justice. The term ‘social’ is concerned with all
human beings who live in society, while the term ‘justice’ is related to liberty, equality and rights.
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Thus, social justice is concerned with ensuring liberty, providing equality and maintaining individual
rights for every human being in society. In other words, securing the highest possible development of
the capabilities of all members of the society may be called social justice.
Being a multi-dimensional concept, social justice has been viewed by scholars of law, philosophy and
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political science differently. The term is quite comprehensive. Social justice is a bundle of rights; it is
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the balancing wheel between the haves and have-nots. It has a great social value in providing for a
stable society and securing the unity of the country. In general, social justice may be defined as ‘the
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rights of the weak, aged, destitute, poor, women, children and other under-privileged persons’.
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According to Professor R.M.W. Dias, ‘Justice is not something which can be captured in a formula
once and for all; it is a process, complex and shifting balance between many factors’. The tasks of
justice are ‘the just allocation of advantages and disadvantages, preventing the abuse of power,
preventing the abuse of liberty, the just decision of disputes and adapting to change’ (Dias, 1985).
Justice may be natural justice or distributive justice. Social justice is basically a term that provides
sustenance to the rule of law. It has a wider connotation in the sense that it includes economic justice
also. It aims at removing all kinds of inequalities and affording equal opportunities to all citizens in
social as well as economic affairs. Thus, the aim of social justice is to remove all kinds of inequalities
based upon caste, race, sex, power, position and wealth and to bring about a balance between social
rights and social controls.

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Q9. Ambedkar’s contribution towards gender equality in India.
Ans. A woman is the full circle within her is the power to create, nurture and transform – Diane
Mariechild
In ancient India, women enjoyed a very high position but gradually their position degenerated into
merely objects of pleasure meant to serve certain purpose. They lost their individual identity and
even their basic human right. Empowerment is a multi-faceted, multi-dimensional and multi-layered
concept. Women’s empowerment is a process in which women gain greater share of control over
resources material, human and intellectual like knowledge, information, ideas and financial resources
like money - and access to money and control over decision-making in the home, community, society
end nation, and to gain ‘power’. According to the Country Report of Government of India,
“Empowerment means moving from a position of enforced powerlessness to one; of power”. But,
from time immemorial, the women in this land of ours were treated as a sort of thing. Her placing in
the society was not at par with other human beings. She has no rights. She cannot move nor do

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anything at her will. In Hindu Shastras, she has been branded just like animals or some Objects of
enjoyment. From the verses of Ramayana as written by Tulsi Das, Dhol, ganwar, shudra, pashu, naari
- Ye sab tadan ke adhikari”, In ‘Manusmriti’ the ancient Hindu Code-book, the status granted to

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women is quite visible and she was put to the lowest rug of humanity as she was treated at par with
the animals and slave by the proprietors of Hindu Dharma. Such was the placement earmarked to our

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mothers, sisters and even great grand mothers that humanity was ashamed of. That is why Dr.
Ambedkar, the father and architect of Indian Constitution, was of the firm opinion that until and
unless, we defy the Hindu Dharma-Shastras, nothing much can be changed. In the name of sanskaras,
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the Hindu women are tied to bondages of superstitions, which they carry till their death. They are
also responsible for inculcating certain wrong notions learnt through baseless traditions and
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preaching of the Shastras, in the budding minds of their offspring.
The operations of caste both at the systemic level and at the functioning of patriarchy, the growing
caste / class divide in feminist political discourse makes Ambedkar’s view on women's oppression,
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social democracy, caste and Hindu social order and philoshopy, significant to modern Indian feminist
thinking. Although Ambedkar proved, himself to be a genius and was known as a great thinker,
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philosopher, revolutionary, jurist – par excellence, prolific writer, social activist and critic and strode
like a colossus in the Indian sociopolitical scene unto his death, his thoughts never received adequate
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attention in the generality of Indian society just because he was born as an untouchable. However, the
contemporary social realities warrant close examination of the wide range of his topics, the width of
his vision, the depth of his analysis, and the rationality of his outlook and there essential humanity of
his suggestions for practical action. Hence, for Indian women’s movement Ambedkar provides a
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powerful source of inspiration to formulate a feminist political agenda which simultaneously

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addresses the issues of class, caste and gender in the contemporary sociopolitical set up, which still
keeps conservative and reactionary values in many respects, particularly on gender relations. The
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writings and Speeches of Ambedkar show what values India should develop and how they would
modernize its social and political institutions. Ambedkar saw women as the victims of the oppressive,
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caste- based and rigid hierarchical social system.

Q10. Small landholding

Ans. The gradual shrinking in size of land holdings since 1970s has posed a serious challenge in
achieving economies of scale in agriculture operations, the Economic Survey said on Friday.
The gradual shrinking in size of land holdings since 1970s has posed a serious challenge in achieving
economies of scale in agriculture operations, the Economic Survey said on Friday.
“The small and marginal land holdings — less than two hectare — account for 72% of land holdings
and the small and marginal farmers have low bargaining power, since they have very little
marketable surplus and are price takers in a market,” the survey has stated. For improving
agricultural productivity of small-scale farming, the survey has said that the controversies on the
adoption of high-yielding varieties and genetically-modified (GM) seeds need to be resolved and

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extended to all crops, not just mustard. The Genetic Engineering Appraisal Committee (GEAC) of the
environment ministry has already approved commercial cultivation of the high-yielding GM mustard
variety; however, a final decision is yet to taken by the government.
On volatility in agricultural commodity prices, the survey has noted that the farmer faces price
uncertainties across years owing to supply and demand fluctuations, speculation and hoarding by
traders. “The price risks emanating from an inefficient agricultural produce market committees
markets are severe for farmers in India since they have very low resilience owing to the perishable
nature of produce, inability to hold produce, hedge in surplus or shortage scenarios or to insure
against losses,” the survey has noted.

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