Orofino - at The End of An Era-2021

Nonsectarianism (ris med)
in 19th- and 20th-Century

Eastern Tibet
Religious Diffusion and Cross-fertilization beyond the
Reach of the Central Tibetan Government
Edited by
Klaus-Dieter Mathes
Gabriele Coura
leiden | boston
For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

Contents
List of Figures vii

Notes on Contributors viii
Introduction 1
Klaus-Dieter Mathes
At the End of an Era: The Forgotten Story of 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse Chos
kyi dbang phyug (1909–1960) 18
Giacomella Orofino
Pha bong kha, Shugs ldan and the ris med Movement 33
Frédéric Richard
The Dge mang Movement: Rnying ma and Dge lugs Hybridity in 19th-Century
Khams 66
Douglas Duckworth
Uniting Dge lugs and Rnying ma Views: The ris med Philosophy of Blo bzang
mdo sngags Chos kyi rgya mtsho (1903–1957) 81
Adam S. Pearcey
“Neither Rnying ma nor Dge lugs”: The ris med Thought of Zhabs dkar tshogs
drug rang grol (1781–1851) 93
Rachel H. Pang
The Jo nang pas and the Others: Intersectarian Relations in Nineteenth and
Early Twentieth Century A mdo and Khams 117
Filippo Brambilla
Blo bzang mchog grub rgya mtsho, the Dge bshes of Dza 'go (A mdo): A Jo
nang Scholar Trained in the Dge lugs Tradition 165
Klaus-Dieter Mathes
Kong sprul Blo gros mtha' yas and the Bon Tradition: A Preliminary
Report 201
Gabriele Coura

vi contents
Ris med and Tibetan Alternative Modernity: Evidence from Karma Bkra shis
chos 'phel’s Catalogue (dkar chag) to the Dpal spungs Printing of the 7th
Karma pa’s Collection of Indian Mahāmudrā Works (Phyag rgya chen po'i rgya
gzhung) 217
Adam C. Krug
Index 245

At the End of an Era: The Forgotten Story of 'Jam
dbyangs Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang phyug
(1909–1960)
Giacomella Orofino
1 Introduction
During the first half of the twentieth century the Khams region became the
scene of several critical events that drastically changed its political and cultural
history on various levels.
In this short essay I would like to examine these events by focusing on a local
story about the dispute over the throne of Rdzong gsar monastery between
two sprul sku, considered to be different emanations of the same person: 'Jam
dbyangs Mkhyen brtse'i dbang po Kun dga' bstan pa'i rgyal mtshan (1820–
1892),1 the great and highly celebrated exponent and promoter along with 'Jam
mgon Kong sprul Blo gros mtha' yas (1813–1899),2 of the ris med eclectic cultural
renaissance during the nineteenth century.3
In studying this episode, I was inspired by the method of microhistory, a
term that entered historical usage around the seventies in some academic cir-
cles, especially those of Italian historiographers. It emerged in opposition to
the macroscopic historiographical model that had dominated the international
scene between the mid-fifties and mid-seventies.
The microhistory approach focuses on small units of research within larger
contexts. By reducing the scale of observation, microhistorians devote their
attention to what is usually kept hidden from the outside world, so as to reveal
the complicated function of individual relationships within their social set-
ting.4
Nevertheless, in historiography, as in cinematographic art, we need “a con-
stant back and forth between micro- and macrohistory, between close-ups and
extreme long shots, so as to continually thrust back into discussion the compre-
hensive vision of the historical process through apparent exceptions and cases
of brief duration.”5
1 On his life see Cousens 2002 and Kong sprul/Akester 2012.

2 See his autobiography in Kong sprul/Barron 2003 and more recently Gardner 2019.
3 Smith 2001: 235–272, see also Gardner 2019: 348–350 on the misrepresentation of the term ris
med among westerners.
4 Cf. Iggers 1997: 101–118; see also Magnússon 2003; Magnússon and Szijártó 2013.
5 Ginzburg 1993: 27.
© Klaus-Dieter Mathes and Gabriele Coura, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004466364_003

the story of 'jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse chos kyi dbang phyug 19
2 The Life of 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang phyug
The story I want to recount here begins in 1909 in the valley of Dge 'ug in the
Lcags ra (also Lcang ra) district of Sde dge region, with the birth of a child into
the Sngo rna tshang family, known by the local people as Dpa' mgo tshang, a
Khams pa family considered to be of noble and divine origins as it claimed as
its ancestor Rgod 'brang yul gyi lha, a legendary local deity.6
In 1911 Kaḥ thog Si tu Chos kyi rgya mtsho (1880–1925) and other high-
ranking religious authorities of the Rdzogs chen monastery honoured him as
an important reincarnation. At the same time, 'Jam dbyangs Blo gter dbang po
(1847–1914), a very influential master of Ngor Thar tse bla brang, together with
other eminent bla ma belonging to Sa skya and Ngor monasteries,7 recognised
him as the second emanation of Rdzong gsar Mkhyen brtse 'Jam dbyangs Chos
kyi dbang po (1894–1908). He in turn had been identified as the “bodily” rein-
carnation (sku'i sprul sku), or throne holder, of the great 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen
brtse'i dbang po Kun dga' bstan pa'i rgyal mtshan.
Also born in the valley of Dge 'ug, but in the Yar lha tshang family, Rdzong
gsar Mkhyen brtse 'Jam dbyangs Chos kyi dbang po had died of a sudden dis-
ease in 1908,8 at the age of 15. He was at the time receiving teachings from the
fifth Rdzogs chen Rin po che, Thub bstan chos kyi rdo rje (1872–1935) in Rdzogs
chen monastery. Before passing away he predicted both to Rdzogs chen Rin
po che and to his disciples that he would soon be reborn and that his mother
would be his present life sister.9
His death left the throne of Rdzong gsar vacant until 1913, when his nephew,
the four-year-old son of his sister who had been recognised two years prior as
his reincarnation, was officially enthroned at Rdzong gsar bkra shis lha rtse with
the name of 'Jam dbyang Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang phyug. Many important
dignitaries and religious personalities of Sa skya and Ngor monasteries and of
other Bka' brgyud and Rnying ma traditions held the solemn coronation cere-
mony, in the presence of a large crowd of devotees, donors and many people of
the area.10
6 Chos rgyal Nam mkha'i nor bu, 'Jam mgon bla ma mkhyen brtse'i dbang phyug kyi rnam
thar: 7.
thar: 9.
8 Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche 2017: x; Chos rgyal Nam mkha'i nor bu, 'Jam mgon bla ma mkhyen
brtse'i dbang phyug kyi rnam thar: 6. According to Smith 2001: 268 he died in 1909.
thar: 6.
thar: 9.

20 orofino
It is necessary at this point to recall that when the great 'Jam dbyangs
Mkhyen brtse'i dbang po died in 1892, his influence had been so powerful
among the Tibetans that at least eight coeval reincarnations were found, each
one (or in some cases more than one) connected to a specific aspect of his
being: body (sku), speech (gsung), mind (thugs), qualities ( yon tan) and activ-
ities ('phrin las).11 According to Gene Smith, the reincarnation of the body
aspect was at first recognized in Rdzong gsar Mkhyen brtse 'Jam dbyangs chos
kyi dbang po, after whose early death it was next recognized in Mkhyen brtse
Chos kyi dbang phyug. The reincarnation of the speech aspect was recognized
in Dpal spungs Mkhyen brtse Karma mkhyen brtse'i 'od zer (1896–1954), known
also as Be ri Mkhyen brtse. Three reincarnations were recognized as the ema-
nations of the mind aspect: Sa skya Phung po Mkhyen brtse Khri chen Ngag
dbang mthu stobs dbang phyug (1900–1950), Dil mgo Mkhyen brtse Rab gsal zla
ba (1910–1991), and Sras 'Phag mchog rdo rje (1854–1919). Two reincarnations
were recognized as emanations of the quality aspect: Rdzogs chen Mkhyen
brtse Guru tshe dbang (ca. 1897–ca. 1945) and Nang chen Mkhyen brtse Kun
bzang 'gro 'dul (died ca. 1945). Finally, the reincarnation of the activity aspect
was recognized in 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi blo gros (1896–1959).12
The latter was a child of undoubted talent, who was at that time associated with
Kaḥ thog monastery.13
In 1909 Skal bzang rdo rje, who had been treasurer of the great 'Jam dbyangs
Mkhyen brtse'i dbang po, sent a message to Kaḥ thog Si tu asking for help
because he thought that the Mkhyen brtse'i bla brang of Rdzong gsar monas-
tic settlement was in a state of decay, after the untimely death of the throne
holder reincarnation. Kaḥ thog Si tu, who was the nephew and disciple of the
great 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse'i dbang po, felt responsible for the property
that had belonged to his uncle14 and went to Rdzong gsar together with the
young sprul sku 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi blo gros. When they first
arrived at Rdzong gsar, they were not well received. According to the testimony
of O rgyan Thob rgyal Rin po che (b. 1951), a contemporary Tibetan bla ma, the
residents of the monastery did not even come out to welcome him.15
11 Smith 2001: 268–269.

12 Smith 2001: 268–269.
13 See his biography by Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche 2017.
thar: 9.
15 Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche 2017: 30.

Later, in order to fulfil Skal bzang rdo rje’s dying wish, Kaḥ thog Si tu presided
over the enthronement of 'Jam dbyangs Chos kyi blo gros in Mkhyen brtse'i bla
brang, during a ceremony attended by only a few bla ma and monks.16
And this is how it came about that two reincarnations were appointed to the
same throne.
For a period, it was agreed that, since 'Jam dbyangs Chos kyi dbang phyug
was still a child, 'Jam dbyangs Chos kyi blo gros would foster his religious edu-
cation while living in Mkhyen brtse'i bla brang of Rdzong gsar.
During this time, the child sprul sku showed himself to be a very contempla-
tive character as he preferred to sit in meditation in secluded places, such as
Shel phug, the hermitage of the precedent Mkhyen brtse, rather than dealing
with the administrative issues of the great monastery.17
In 1929 a critical situation arose regarding the control of the Mkhyen brtse'i
bla brang’s considerable wealth, which consisted not only of gold, precious
stones, valuable brocades and marvellous works of art but also of very large
estates.18
Rdzong gsar monastery was caught up in a power struggle between its two
treasurers (phyag mdzod), namely Ngag grags and Zhing skyong: the first sided
with 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang phyug, while the latter, who
was succeeded by Tshe dbang dpal 'byor, supported 'Jam dbyang Mkhyen brtse
Chos kyi blo gros.19
Two eminent authorities were called upon to resolve the issue: Mkhan chen
Sga Bla ma 'Jam rgyal (1870–1940),20 at that time mkhan po of Rdzong gsar
Khams bye bshad grwa, and Bya rgod Stobs ldan (1898–1960), an intriguing
political figure, as we will see below, who was sent to Rdzong gsar monastery
by the Sde dge court.21
After a period of uncertainty, it was decided that Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi blo
gros would remain at Rdzong gsar and that Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang phyug
would move to a new palace in Sde dge dgon chen. From then onward Sde dge

thar: 10.
18 Bayer 2019: 120.
thar: 10.
20 On this figure, see Jackson 2003: 54–60, 67–71.
21 Chos rgyal Nam mkha'i nor bu 2012: fn. 5, 150–153; Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche 2017: 34–
38.

22 orofino
dgon chen became his official residence22 and Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang
phyug became known as the Sde dge dgon chen Mkhyen brtse.23
To understand fully this episode, we need to change our angle of vision, cin-
ematically speaking, and pan out to the wider political situation in Sde dge
county in those times.
As is well known, the Khams region was extremely fragmented, as it com-
prised twenty-five autonomous or quasi-autonomous native principalities,
kingdoms, and other districts. The Sde dge kingdom itself shared borders with
no less than eight of these neighbouring principalities. This highly complex
political mosaic24 had contributed to the overall instability of the region over
the centuries. As mentioned above, in the first half of the twentieth century the
entire area went through a period of tremendous turmoil and profound trans-
formations that radically changed the face of the region.25
One of the protagonists of Sde dge’s local history is Bya rgod stobs ldan, the
emissary sent by the Sde dge court to Rdzong gsar monastery to settle the sprul
sku affair, as mentioned above. He was a notable personage who dominated the
political arena thanks to his charisma, guile and capacity to adapt to the new
sociopolitical transformations.26
He was the son of Bkra shis rnam rgyal, the chief minister of the nineteenth
king (tusi in Chinese)27 of Sde dge, 'Jigs med rtag pa'i rdo rje (1840–1896).28
When the king died, a conflict over the succession to the throne broke out
between the elder son 'Jigs med rdo rje seng ge (1877–1926) (known as A ja)
and his younger brother Ngag dbang 'jam dpal rin chen (known as Pa ba). The
second received support from the queen and some powerful ministers and
members of the local aristocracy, among which the chief minister Bkra shis
rnam rgyal who was, as we have seen, the father of Bya rgod stobs ldan.
thar: 11–12.
23 As it is confirmed by the Memories of a Journey in Search of the Buddhist Dharma in the
Land of Snow by Xing Suzhi. Cf. below: 25.
24 Gruschke 2004, Relyea 2015: 964.
25 Goldstein 1989, Wenbin 2002, Lin 2006, Wang 2011, Lawson 2013.
26 On the important political role that Bya rgod Stobs ldan played in Khams in those times
see Tsomu 2019.
27 For a brief survey of the use of the rather derogatory title of tusi (local leader) in Chinese
sources for the kings (rgyal po) of Sde dge and its rendering in Tibetan sources as a loan-
word (dusi) see Van der Kuijp 1988: 10. See also Tsomu 2015: 24–30.
28 On the Kingdom of Sde dge and the role of 'Jigs med rtag pa'i rdo rje during the Nyag rong
campaign by Mgon po Rnam rgyal and the immediate aftermaths see Tashi Tsering 1985,
Hartley 2013: 528–536, Tsomu 2015: 169–172.

The fraternal rivalry for the throne involved the Qing Sichuan authorities,
the Dga' ldan pho brang of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama and the Lha sa Amban,
who actively engaged in the succession struggle in order to strengthen their
political control of Khams. Finally, in 1908, when the Chinese general Zhao
Erfeng invaded Sde dge by a ruse, under the guise of settling the feud, both
brothers were disempowered. Ngag dbang 'jam dpal rin chen and his support-
ers fled to Mgo log and later to Lha sa, while his elder brother 'Jigs med rdo rje
seng ge received the hereditary civilian position of tusi but was exiled to 'Ba'
thang.
Following Zhao Erfeng’s execution by the Republican revolutionaries in 1911
and the collapse of the Qing Dynasty in 1912, the temporary Chinese rule ceased
and 'Jigs med rdo rje seng ge returned to Sde dge.29 However, the Sde dge king-
dom’s political apparatus had become too weak to assert its power. In 1918 when
the Central Tibetan troops invaded Khams, they occupied Sde dge, took 'Jigs
med rdo rje seng ge and his wife to Central Tibet and placed them under house
arrest. 'Jigs med rdo rje seng ge died in 1919 leaving a son, Tshe dbang bdud
'dul, who was not interested in power or politics. The latter was survived by his
queen, his daughters and his single male heir, U rgyan bdud 'dul (b. 1938), who
was still living in Tibet during the eighties.30
The waning of Sde dge kingdom led to the emergence of a new elite class
of political ambitious “strongmen,” of which Bya rgod stobs ldan is a perfect
example.31
As we have seen above, Bkra shis rnam rgyal, Bya rgod stobs ldan’s father,
had been one of the supporters of the younger rival prince Pa ba and for this
reason he was poisoned by his opponents, leaving Bya rgod stobs ldan orphan
at the tender age of ten. In 1908 the orphan child and his mother Tshe dbang
sgrol ma were compelled to go to Lha sa, where Bya rgod attended the famous
Rtse slob grwa school that prepared the children of Lha sa’s aristocracy to work
for the Dga' ldan pho brang’s government.
Here he became acquainted with future Dga' ldan pho brang’s members.
These new connections proved to be very useful in restoring Bya rgod fam-
ily power in Sde dge. When in 1929 he returned to his region, he was able to
regain his position as chief minister (gnyer chen). This was to be the start of
an important political career whereby he played a pivotal role in the historical
events of the area. He developed the concept of an independent Khams and
29 Teichman 1922:36–43; Hartley 1997: 54–56.

30 Thargyal, 2007: 188.
31 Tsomu 2019: 365.

24 orofino
joined the Chinese Nationalist Party (Guomingdan) with the idea of assum-
ing a leading role in a province that would have united the eastern regions of
Tibet.
He became involved in the “Khams pa rule of Khams” (Khams pas rang sde
rang dpon) launched by Mgar ra bla ma (also known as Nor bla Hu thug tu),
an influential bla ma of Ri bo che, and in 1936 Bya rgod stobs ldan participated
in the campaign against the Red Army led by Zhang Guotao and Zhu De, at
the time passing through Khams during their “long march.” He was injured and
captured in Dkar mdzes. During his imprisonment he was impressed by the fact
that instead of torturing him, the Red Army spared him and treated his wounds.
He had the opportunity of meeting with the leaders of the Chinese Communist
Party, striking up an unlikely friendship with Zhu de, the commander-in-chief
of the People’s Liberation Army.
Bya rgod was later elected as head of the Military Affairs Department of
the Central Tibetan People’s Government of the Chinese-Soviet (Khrung hwa
su'uwed bod pa dbus sde pa), a political entity created by the Red Army and
established in Dkar mdzes.32 He demonstrated great talent in mediating be-
tween the Communists and the Khams pa and both sides recognized his unde-
niable political skills. Bya rgod enjoyed great fame and prestige. Until 1960, the
year of his death, he took on several important roles within the Communist
government, thus becoming one of the most powerful Tibetan politicians of
his times.
Now to narrow our focus again and return to 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse
Chos kyi dbang phyug: in 1930 he had settled in his residence of Sde dge dgon
chen but spent frequent periods in strict retreat. The inevitable aftermath of
the rivalry between administrators went on for some time. It is known that
someone once tried to poison him when he was in the Padma shel hermitage,
thus forcing him to return to Sde dge dgon chen.33
His fame nevertheless soon spread. He became one of the most renowned
and venerated bla ma of Khams.
An interesting source of information on his life can be found in the Xueyu
qiufa ji—yi ge hanren lama de koushu shi (“Memories of a Journey in Search
of the Buddhist Dharma in the Land of Snow: The Oral Account of a Chinese
Monk”) by Xing Suzhi,34 a Chinese monk who went to Tibet in 1939 and stayed
32 Wenbin 2002: 71 (n. 226).

thar: 11.
34 Xing Suzhi 2008. I must thank Andrea Casetti and Valentina Punzi for their help in trans-
lating the Chinese text. A special thank goes to Lucia Galli for her valuable suggestions.

at Sde dge dgon chen as a guest of the king of Sde dge to learn Tibetan Bud-
dhism directly from Tibetan teachers.
As Gray Tuttle has already pointed out,35 esoteric Tibetan Buddhism was
enthusiastically received by the Chinese people in the Republican period (1912–
1949) when, for the first time in Chinese history, groups of Chinese monks went
to Tibet to receive Tibetan Buddhist teachings. Among those monks was Xing
Suzhi. In the introduction to his travel log (pp. 13–16) we read that he was born
in Nanjiin in 1916 and converted to Buddhism at a very young age, when he was
nine. When he was sixteen, he went to Chongqing to study the Tibetan lan-
guage at the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Institute (Hanzang jiaoli yuan). Xing Suzhi
became the personal secretary of Master Taixu (1890–1947), the monk known
for having revived Chinese Buddhism and President of the Chinese Associa-
tion of Buddhist Studies. In 1937 he went to Tibet to study Tibetan Buddhism
directly from Tibetan masters in order to spread Vajrayāna Buddhism among
the Han people. He travelled in Khams and met with the most eminent bla ma
of that time. Xing Suzhi narrated that, when in Sde dge, he studied more than
300 texts of the Sa skya tradition, and met with many important religious and
political figures, both Tibetan and Han, receiving help from them on his jour-
ney and in his studies. In 1945, after seven years of studying, he was awarded
the title of dge bshes lha ram pa. He was the first Chinese monk to receive
that title. He also translated the collected works (gsung 'bum) of Tsong kha
pa into Chinese. In 1949 he acted as mediator between the Lhasa government
and the Chinese pla and in the same year he founded the national elemen-
tary school of Lhasa. In 1950 he went to Hong Kong and emigrated to Seattle in
1959.36
In his diary (p. 106), Xing Suzhi recounts that he went to Rdzong gsar mon-
astery with a letter of introduction from the Sde dge king. According to him,
that was why he was treated so well: 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi blo
gros himself transmitted to him 167 different Vajrayāna esoteric teachings. In
the first period of his stay at Rdzong gsar, he received all the initiations of the
Sa skya school. Upon his arrival in Sde dge (p. 108), Xing Suzhi heard that a
master, known as the Sde dge Mkhyen brtse and renowned for his profound
expertise in Sūtra and Tantra and his great supernatural powers (Chin. shen-
tong, Skt. abhijñā), lived in the Sde dge dgon chen. The Chinese monk then
asked the king to introduce him to the great lama who accepted Xing Suzhi’s
request and transmitted to him all the teachings of the Hevajratantra. Every
35 Tuttle 2005.
36 Xing Suzhi 2008: 13–16.

26 orofino
morning Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang phyug explained to him the bskyed rim
and rdzogs rim practices, which according to the Chinese monk were porten-
tous and beyond thoughts (Chin. bukesiyi). In his account, Xing Suzhi shows
great appreciation for the teachings received, knowing that they could be trans-
mitted only to those who have a profound knowledge and stable faith.
While studying with Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang phyug, Xing Suzhi met
with Bya rgod stobs ldan who, according to his diary, was a great devotee of that
master and, like him, was at the time residing at Sde dge dgon chen in order to
receive his direct teachings.
Xing Suzhi highlights the salient facts of Bya rgod’s life (p. 108): he had fought
against the Red Guards and had been taken prisoner; he then became the head
of the finances (caizheng buzhan) of the Tibetan Division of the Soviet Chi-
nese Communist Party (chin. Boba suweiai zheng fu, tib. Bod pa'i sde pa) that
proclaimed the autonomy of the Sde dge region. The two men became close
friends. Incidentally, Bya rgod was one of the few Tibetans who had a camera
and a darkroom with all the necessary equipment to develop photos and he
allowed Xing Suzhi to use them.
A particularly curious detail in Xing Suzhi’s travel log is that the Chinese
monk had taken a photo of 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi blo gros; in his
opinion probably the first photo ever taken of the great Tibetan bla ma (Fig. 2).
Xing Suzhi recounts that, previously, people used to draw images of high priests
on canvas (thang ka). Initially he donated that photo to some Tibetan friends
who had asked him for it but, to his surprise, the news spread and every morn-
ing outside his room there was a line of hundreds of devotees, asking for a copy
of this photo. This episode gives the Chinese monk the opportunity to describe
the worship of images and relics common among Tibetan people. Furthermore,
his travel log contains the first and only photo we have of Mkhyen brtse Chos
kyi dbang phyug (Fig. 1).
Xing Suzhi lived for a while at Sde dge dgon chen’s residence, in a room
located in the same building as Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang phyug; the lat-
ter gave him hospitality and provided him with a housekeeper, so that he could
have all the time he desired to dedicate himself to the Buddhist practice. Xing
Suzhi describes Mkhyen brtse’s house and lha khang as very magnificent places,
full of coloured columns wonderfully carved.
On the basis of this account and others, we learn that Mkhyen brtse Chos
kyi dbang phyug alternated his stays between Sde dge dgon chen and secluded
places of hermitage. He spent most of his life in retreat, especially in Bde
mtshan ri khrod and Rgya bo ri khrod in the Sde dge area. Between 1940 and
1952 he made several pilgrimages to Central Tibet and A mdo, where he had
many students and was known as a great yogin and gter ston under the name

figure 1 更庆寺的更庆钦哲活佛. Dgon chen mkhyen

brtse sprul sku of Sde dge monastery. 'Jam dbyangs
Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang phyug’s photo taken
by Xing Suzhi
source: xing suzhi, 2008: 111
of He ka Gling pa. One of his principal gter ma is the Lha lung gsang bdag snying
thig; of the many others he discovered most were destroyed during the Cultural
Revolution.37
In 1945 Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang phyug went to Sga gling (or Sga len),
an ancient and holy monastery in the Sde dge region,38 to meet with Rig 'dzin
Kun dga' dpal ldan (1878–1951) who had his residence there. According to the
tradition, this monastery was one of the many founded by Lha lung Dpal gyi rdo
rje when he escaped to Eastern Tibet, after having killed Glang dar ma. It had
been the residence of Gling ras pa Padma rdo rje (1128–1188). The legend has it
that Sga A gnyan dam pa Kun dga' grags (1230–1303), a student of Sa skya Pan-
thar: 18–19, 35–37.
38 On the history of this monastery see Sga len dgon gyi lo rgyus: 456–457 and also Sde dge
rdzong dgon pa'i lo rgyus: 149–163.

28 orofino
figure 2 宗萨钦哲活佛法相. 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse

Chos kyi blo gros’ photo taken by Xing Suzhi
dita and himself teacher of Kublai Khan, while staying in this monastery, built
a temple dedicated to the cult of Mahākāla that is still one of the most impor-
tant lha khang in the Sga gling monastic settlement.39 The local lore holds that
it was called Sga gling (lit. “the sanctuary of Sga”) from the name of this master.
Another tradition proposes the different spelling Sga len (lit. remove the sad-
dle) and maintains it is derived from the place where Sga A gnyan dam pa had
removed the saddle from his horse to rest while on his way back from China.40
After Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang phyug’s meeting with Rig 'dzin Kun dga'
dpal ldan, it was decided to construct there another larger edifice to serve as
both their residence and a gathering place for their many disciples and devo-
tees. Following Kun dga' Dpal ldan’s death in 1951, Chos kyi dbang phyug came
back to Sga len in 1952 and began the restoration of its main Mahākāla temple.41
39 Donati 2011.
40 Cf. Sga len dgon gyi lo rgyus: 456; Sde dge rdzong dgon pa'i lo rgyus: 151.
thar: 18–19. In Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche 2017: 36 we find a different version based on the
oral remembering of Orgyan Tobgyal Rinpoche, according to which Sga len dgon pa had
been built anew in 1939 to install a residence for Chos kyi dbang phyug. This oral recount
does not correspond to historical evidence.

3 Conclusions
Let us now widen the angle again to take in the historical events in the region
in 1949. After Chiang Kai-shek and his government surrendered to the Com-
munists and fled to Taiwan, Chairman Mao established the People’s Republic
of China and reassessed China’s claim to sovereignty over Tibet. In 1950 the pla
invaded and with great difficulty captured Chab mdo.42 This was also thanks to
the participation of all the Khams pa Communist leaders, including Bya rgod
stobs ldan, the Spom mda' Brothers, 'Ba' pa Phun tshog dbang rgyal, G.yu ru
dpon and others.43
Between communist reforms and revolts, the most critical period of Tibetan
political history had started.
In 1956 revolts broke out in several areas in Eastern Tibet and heavy casu-
alties were inflicted on the Chinese occupation army by local Khams and A
mdo guerrilla forces. Attempts to disarm the Khams pa provoked such vio-
lent resistance that the Chinese decided to take more forceful measures. The
pla began bombing and pillaging local monasteries in Eastern Tibet, arresting
nobles, senior monks and guerrilla leaders and publicly torturing and executing
them to discourage the large-scale and damaging resistance they were facing.
Almost all the Tibetan bla ma of Khams were arrested and publicly accused.
In 1957 Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi dbang phyug, while in the retreat hermitage of
Shug lung, was forced by the Communists to first return to Sga len monastery
and then move to Khor lo mdo, where he was subjected to maltreatment and
humiliation. In 1959 he was arrested and brought to Sde dge prison where he
died in 1960. On the same day the sixth Zhe chen rab 'byams 'Gyur med bstan
pa'i nyi ma and Rdzogs chen 'Brug pa sku chen also passed away in Sde dge
prison.44 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi blo gros, who had fled to Central
Tibet and then to Sikkim in 1955, had died in Gangtok one year before, in 1959.45
Rdzong gsar dgon pa, the theatre of this story, was completely destroyed
in 1958. All the monasteries in Khams were razed. Hundreds of thousands of
Tibetans were killed.
A world which had been secluded for centuries was shattered.
An era, with its lights and shadows, had come to its end.
42 Raymond (in progress).

43 Goldstein, Sherap and Siebenschuh 2004: 136–139.
thar: 46.

30 orofino
figure 3 第二世宗萨钦哲降养却吉罗卓活佛. 'Jam

dbyangs Mkhyen brtse Chos kyi blo gros’ photo
taken by Xing Suzhi
Bibliography
Tibetan Sources
Chos rgyal Nam mkha'i nor bu. 'Jam mgon bla ma mkhyen brtse'i dbang phyug kyi rnam
thar nyung bsdus gu dog mun sel sgron ma. In Chos rgyal nam mkha'i nor bu'i gsung
'bum, 5: 1–55. Zhining: Mtsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 2015.
Sde dge rdzong dgon pa'i lo rgyus. Sde dge: Srid khros sde dge u yon lhan khang, 2003.
Sga len dgon gyi lo rgyus. In Khams phyogs sde dge rdzong gi dgon sde so so'i lo rgyus gsal
bar bshad pa thub bstan gsal ba'i me long, 1: 456–457. Peking: Krung go'i bod kyi shes
rig dpe skrun khang, 1995.
Secondary Sources
Bayer, Achim. 2019. The Life and Works of mKhan-po gZhan-dga' (1871–1927): rDzogs chen
Master and Educational Reformer of Eastern Tibet. Freiburg: Projekt Verlag.
Cousens, Diana. 2002. “The Visionary Lineages of Jamyang Khyentse Wangpo.” In Reli-
gion and Secular Culture in Tibet: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the Interna-
tional Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, edited by Henk Blezer, 129–142.
Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library 2/2. Leiden: Brill.

Chos rgyal Nam mkha'i nor bu. 2012. The Lamp That Enlightens Narrow Minds: The
Life and Times of a Realized Tibetan Master, Khyentse Chökyi Wangchug, translated
and edited from Tibetan to Italian by Enrico Dell’Angelo, translated into English by
Nancy Simmons. Berkeley: North Atlantic Books.
Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche. 2017. The Life and Times of Jamyang Khyentse Chökyi Lodrö:
The Great Biography by Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche and Other Stories, translated by
Drubgyud Tenzin Rinpoche and Khenpo Sonam Phuntsok and edited by Janine
Schulz. Boulder, CO: Shambhala.
Donati, Valeria. 2011. The Mahākāla Temple of Galingteng: The Restoration of Its Mural
Paintings. Rome: Asia Onlus.
Gardner, Alexander. 2019. The Life of Jamgon Kongtrul the Great. Boulder, CO: Snow
Lion.
Ginzburg, Carlo. 1993. “Microhistory: Two or Three Things That I Know about It,” trans-
lated by John Tedeschi and Anne C. Tedeschi. Critical Inquiry 20, no. 1: 10–35.
Goldstein, Melvyn C. 1989. A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951: The Demise of the
Lamaist State. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Goldstein, Melvyn C., Dawei Sherap and William R. Siebenschuh. 2004. A Tibetan Rev-
olutionary: The Political Life and Times of Bapa Phüntso Wangye. Berkeley, CA: Uni-
versity of California Press.
Gruschke, Andreas. 2004. The Cultural Monuments of Tibet’s Outer Provinces: The Qing-
hai Part of Kham. Bangkok: White Lotus Press.
Hartley, Lauran R. 1997. A Socio-Historical Study of the Kingdom of Sde–Dge (Derge,
Kham) in the Late Nineteenth Century: Ris-med Views of Alliance and Authority. m.a.
thesis. Indiana University.
Hartley, Lauran R. 2013. “The Kingdom of Dergé.” In The Tibetan History Reader, edited
by Gray Tuttle and Kurtis R. Schaeffer, 525–548. New York: Columbia University
Press.
Iggers, Georg G. 1997. Historiography in the Twentieth Century: from Scientific Objectivity
to the Postmodern Challenge. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press.
Jackson, David P. 2003. A Saint in Seattle: The Life of the Tibetan Mystic Dezhung Rin-
poche. Boston: Wisdom.
Kong sprul Blo gros mtha' yas and Richard Barron, tr. 2003. The Autobiography of Jam-
gon Kongtrul: A Gem of Many Colors. Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion.
Kong sprul Blo gros mtha' yas and Matthew Akester, tr. 2012. The Life of Jamyang
Khyentse Wangpo. New Delhi: Shechen.
Lawson, Joseph D. 2013. “Warlord Colonialism: State Fragmentation and Chinese Rule
in Kham, 1911–1949.” The Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 2: 299–318.
Lin, Hsiao-Ting. 2006. Tibet and Nationalist China's Frontier: Intrigues and Ethnopolitics,
1928–1949. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.
Magnússon, Sigurdur G. 2003. “The Singularization of History: Social History and Mi-

32 orofino
crohistory within the Postmodern State of Knowledge.” Journal of Social History 36,
no. 3: 701–735.
Magnússon, Sigurdur G. and Istvan M. Szijártó. 2013. What is Microhistory? Theory and
Practice. Abingdon: Routledge.
Raymond, Alex. (forthcoming). “October 1950: the Battle of Chamdo.” In The many wars
of the Ganden Phodrang, edited by Ryosuke Kobayashi and Alice Travers. Washing-
ton, dc: Lexington Books.
Relyea, Scott. 2015. “Yokes of Gold and Threads of Silk: Sino-Tibetan Competition for
Authority in Early Twentieth Century Kham.” Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 4: 963–
1009.
Smith, E. Gene. 2001. Among Tibetan Texts: History and Literature of Himalayan Plateau.
Boston: Wisdom.
Tashi Tsering. 1985. “Ñ ag-roṅ Mgon-po rnam-rgyal: A 19th Century Khams pa Warrior.”
In Soundings in Tibetan Civilization, edited by Barbara Nimri Aziz and Matthew Kap-
stein, 196–214. New Delhi: Manohar.
Teichman, Eric. 1922. Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press.
Thargyal, Rinzin. 2007. Nomads of Eastern Tibet: Social Organization and Economy of a
Pastoral Estate in the Kingdom of Dege, edited by Toni Huber. Brill’s Tibetan Studies
Library 15. Leiden: Brill.
Tsomu, Yudru. 2015. The Rise of Gönpo Namgyel in Kham: The Blind Warrior of Nyarong.
Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
Tsomu, Yudru. 2019. “The Rise of a Political Strongman in Dergé in the Early Twentieth
Century. The Story of Jagö Topden.” In Frontier Tibet: Patterns of Change in Sino-
Tibetan Borderlands, edited by Stéphane Gros. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University
Press.
Tuttle, Gray. 2005. Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China. New York: Colum-
bia University Press.
Van der Kuijp, Leonard W.J. 1988. “Two Early Sources for the History of the House of Sde
dge.” The Journal of the Tibet Society 8: 1–20.
Wang, Xiuyu. 2011. China’s Last Imperial Frontier: Late Qing Expansion in Sichuan’s
Tibetan Borderlands. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
Wenbin, Peng. 2002. “Frontier Process, Provincial Politics and Movements for Khampa
Autonomy During the Republican Period.” In Khams pa Histories: Visions of Peo-
ple, Place, and Authority, edited by Lawrence Epstein, 57–84. Brill’s Tibetan Studies
Library 2/4. Leiden: Brill.
Xing Suzhi (Luosen Zhenzhu). 2008. Xueyu qiufa ji—yi ge hanren lama de koushu shi
(Gangs ljongs su chos gtam rgyu), compiled and edited by Zhang Jianfei and Yang
Nianqun [Memories of a Journey in Search of the Buddhist Dharma in the Land of
Snow. The oral account of a Chinese monk]. Beijing: Sanlian Shudian.

Orofino - at The End of An Era-2021

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Orofino - at The End of An Era-2021

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Nonsectarianism (ris med)

in 19th- and 20th-Century

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

List of Figures vii

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

1 On his life see Cousens 2002 and Kong sprul/Akester 2012.

© Klaus-Dieter Mathes and Gabriele Coura, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004466364_003

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

11 Smith 2001: 268–269.

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

16 Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche 2017: 30.

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

29 Teichman 1922:36–43; Hartley 1997: 54–56.

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

32 Wenbin 2002: 71 (n. 226).

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

figure 1 更庆寺的更庆钦哲活佛. Dgon chen mkhyen

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

figure 2 宗萨钦哲活佛法相. 'Jam dbyangs Mkhyen brtse

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

42 Raymond (in progress).

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

figure 3 第二世宗萨钦哲降养却吉罗卓活佛. 'Jam

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV

You might also like