Professional Documents
Culture Documents
How Evangelicals From Two Chur
How Evangelicals From Two Chur
DOI 10.1007/s13644-014-0153-6
ORIGINAL PAPER
Cara Fullerton
Received: 29 May 2013 / Accepted: 6 February 2014 / Published online: 28 February 2014
Religious Research Association, Inc. 2014
Introduction
J. L. Peifer (&)
Baruch College, One Bernard Baruch Way, New York, NY 10010, USA
e-mail: jpeifer@baruch.cuny.edu
E. H. Ecklund C. Fullerton
Department of Sociology, Rice University, 6100 Main MS-28, Houston, TX 77005, USA
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report on climate change authored by the Royal Society (2010) synthesize where
consensus does and does not exist among scientists about the presence and extent of
climate change. Both documents stress that the state of the natural environment is a
pressing public concern, which demands immediate attention. There is a strident
debate swirling around these claims, however, among the American public.
With most scientists sounding the alarm of environmental degradation, it is
important to consider how individuals outside the scientific community respond.
While religion may be viewed as a force that conserves the status quo, it can also
spur societal change (Nepstad and Williams 2007) and indeed, there is a growing
body of research that links religion both to environmental apathy and concern (Boyd
1999; Djupe and Hunt 2009; Eckberg and Blocker 1996; Ellingson et al. 2012; Hand
and Van Liere 1984; Kanagy and Nelsen 1995; Sherkat and Ellison 2007; Truelove
and Joireman 2009).
Evangelicals are an important case for examining the relationship between
religious identity and environmental concern. They comprise a substantial portion
of the American public (Hackett and Lindsay 2008) and have frequently expressed
attitudes of environmental apathy (Boyd 1999; Eckberg and Blocker 1996; Hand
and Van Liere 1984; Sherkat and Ellison 2007). If meaningful strides are to be made
in the struggle to save the environment, it is important to focus on this sizable
segment of American society. We therefore analyze qualitative interview data to
answer the following research question: What narratives do Evangelicals from two
different congregations use to frame their relationship with the natural environ-
ment? There is growing evidence that progressive evangelical leaders are becoming
interested in issues of environmental concern (Danielsen 2013; Djupe and Gwiasda
2010; Kintisch 2006; Wilkinson 2012). But on the whole, and especially when
prompted to think about climate change, we find that evangelical leaders and laity
from the two congregations in our study readily expound a rhetoric of environ-
mental apathy, which we explore in depth.
Heeding calls to further explore within Evangelical differences (Danielsen 2013;
Farrell 2011; Smith and Johnson 2010), we analyze twenty interviews from
respondents who attend a predominately white Southern Baptist congregation and
twenty interviews from members of an African American Baptist congregation.
Through this qualitative analysis, we gain insight into how Evangelicals frame their
environmental concern and their environmental apathy. Our qualitative approach to
Evangelicalism and the environment advances existing sociological research, which
tends to rely on standardized ways of measuring religious beliefs (e.g., biblical
inerrancy). Through speaking with evangelical leaders and laity, we uncover richer
detail regarding the various evangelical beliefs that tend to foster environmental
apathy. It is important to note that our findings are not intended to generalize to all
American Evangelicals; rather we focus on two strategically chosen congregations
in order to better understand the various ways Evangelicals might frame their
relationship with the environment and to make comparisons across racial, political
and class dimensions within Evangelicalism. This approach helps structure a
research agenda examining the relationship between religious identities and
environmental care. We find a belief in a rigid hierarchy of God, then humans,
and then the environment; a belief in the sovereignty of God; and evangelical
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eschatology (beliefs about the end of the world) help generate narratives of
environmental apathy. There are differences between the two congregations in
environmental attitudes that appear to stem from political affiliation and socioeco-
nomic status (SES). But we find little evidence to suggest that religious beliefs
foster different environmental attitudes across the two congregations. We conclude
with implications that will aid policy makers and thought leaders in more effectively
encouraging Evangelicals to embrace environmental concern.
Literature Review
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stewardship can be defined as the belief that everything, (including the earth),
belongs to God and humans must take good care of things (Payton and Moody
2004). Similarly, Tarakeshwar et al. (2001) find that the theological belief that
nature itself is a transcendent, holy object is predictive of greater environmentally
supportive behaviors among Presbyterian U.S.A. elders and clergy.
While the majority of our forthcoming analysis follows the existing literature’s
focus on religious beliefs, we will also consider the importance of political
affiliation, race and SES. Our selection of congregations for analysis, one
predominantly white Southern Baptist (predominantly Republican and of higher
SES) and one African American Baptist (predominantly Democrat and of lower
SES), provides useful fodder for comparative analysis on these important
dimensions.
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accents the theological and denominational similarities between the two congre-
gations we study.
Recent research has emphasized that Evangelicals are not a homogenous group.
Farrell (2011) finds younger evangelicals are becoming more liberal than older
evangelicals across a variety of attitudes. More specifically, Smith and Johnson
(2010) find evangelical youth are more concerned about the environment. Recent
research on Evangelical elites highlights within-tradition differences in regards to
environmental attitudes (Wilkinson 2012; Danielsen 2013). Without exposing a
specific demographic fault line, these studies call for increased scholarly attention to
variance on important social attitudes within the evangelical tradition.
Acknowledging that we cannot capture each and every dimension of American
Evangelicalism, this article is the first that we know of that focuses on the role of
religion in shaping narratives about environmental concern across the important
social fault lines within Evangelicalism of race and SES. To help interpret our
findings on race and SES, we will borrow Mohai and Bryant’s (1998) varied
explanations for how race and SES relate to environmentalism. We also consider
political affiliation differences within Evangelicalism. Namely, numerous studies
find the more ‘‘liberal’’ an individual’s political ideology, the more environmental
concern (Coan and Holman 2008; Dietz et al. 2007; Jacques et al. 2008; Konisky
et al. 2008; Mohai and Bryant 1998). This is important, because we know that White
Southern Baptists are typically aligned with Republican politics (Green 2010).
Borrowing the three ways Evangelicals are typically defined (i.e., denominational
affiliation, identification and beliefs) we survey how existing literature relates
Evangelicalism with the environment, keeping in mind that this literature does not
use a consistent operationalization of the Evangelical category. For instance, some
studies focus on membership in conservative (Hand and Van Liere 1984) or
fundamentalist (Boyd 1999; Eckberg and Blocker 1996) denominations, generally
finding greater environmental apathy. For example, Boyd (1999) borrows the
National Opinion Research Center’s classification scheme of fundamentalist
denominations and finds those members ‘‘were significantly less likely to perceive
pollutants as posing danger to the environment than were members of moderate or
liberal traditions. The same was true of frequency of environmental behaviors;
fundamentalists participated in green behaviors less frequently than did moderates
and liberals’’ (p. 42).
In their survey analysis, Kanagy and Nelsen (1995) allow individuals to self-
identify as Evangelical. By this measure, they find Evangelicals are less likely to
support federal spending to protect the environment. Evangelical identity is
unassociated, however, with support for relaxation of environmental controls and
self-identification as an ‘‘environmentalist.’’ Smith and Leiserowitz (2013) find
those who self-identify as Evangelical are less likely to believe Global Warming is
happening, is caused by human activity, and are less worried about Global Warming
than those who do not identify as Evangelical. For instance, they find 61 % of
Evangelicals think Global Warming is happening, while 78 % of Non-Evangelicals
think so.
Many studies that focus on particular religious beliefs (e.g., biblical literalism)
are germane to our focus on Evangelicals. In their study on Tulsa, Oklahoma
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Selection of Congregations
Two Evangelical congregations in a major Southwestern city were selected for this
analysis; one predominantly white, middle-class Southern Baptist church and one
lower SES African American Baptist church. These congregations were deliberately
selected to enable a comparison of Evangelical congregations that vary by political
preference, race and SES. Both congregations fall under the Baptist family
umbrella, which accounts for 41 % of all Evangelical Protestants in the United
States (Pew U.S. Religious Landscape Survey 2008). By focusing on a Southern
Baptist and African American Baptist congregation for this study, we favor a
‘‘religious belief’’ approach to operationalizing Evangelicalism. To be clear, this
means not every interview respondent would necessarily self-identify as an
Evangelical and not everyone would agree that their denomination should be labeled
Evangelical. But since both congregations place similar theological emphasis on the
Bible as the Word of God, a personal relationship with Jesus, and evangelism, both
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qualify as evangelical congregations (Hackett and Lindsay 2008; Smith et al. 1998).
Despite these important similar religious beliefs, it is acknowledged that the African
American Baptist congregation is Pentecostal and therefore places heightened
theological importance on the outward manifestation of the Holy Spirit. In other
words, we acknowledge that there are important theological differences between the
two congregations but also acknowledge that such differences exist amongst
Evangelicals more generally.
The Southern Baptist Convention is the largest evangelical denomination,
accounting for more than a quarter of membership in Evangelical Protestant
churches and nearly 7 % of the overall adult American population (Pew U.S.
Religious Landscape Survey 2008). We selected a large Southern Baptist
congregation, with about 5,000 people attending three services each Sunday. This
mega church is located in a middle-class, commercial region of the Southwestern
city and its congregants are primarily white. Such demographics make this
congregation typical of Southern Baptist congregations in the south.
The African American Baptist congregation is located in an impoverished area
(not far away) of the same city. With about 175 in attendance on an average Sunday,
the church shoulders an impressive array of outreach programs that provides social
services to their local community. Most respondents from this congregation are
African American and tend to be lower income and less educated than Southern
Baptist respondents. We stress that the lower SES context of this congregation
means this case study does not represent all African Americans, but is indicative of
many (Lincoln and Mamiya 1990).
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deviate from the script as they saw fit. This allowed a certain degree of flexibility to
fully leverage the more open-ended nature of this qualitative research. The
following interview prompts generated the bulk of data we analyze in this article:
Does your faith tradition say anything about the environment? For example, the
kind of responsibilities Christians have to care for the earth? Does this affect how
you live?
What do you think about climate change? Do you think it is occurring? Why or
why not? In particular, do you think humans have a role in climate change? Why or
why not? How does your faith play into your thoughts on climate change, if at all?
Selection of Interviewees
All interviews were recorded, transcribed, and edited in preparation for analysis we
conducted to answer our central research question, which to reiterate is, what
narratives do Evangelicals from two different congregations use to frame their
relationship with the natural environment? One author culled all interview
transcriptions for data germane to our research question. Our research team
(including all authors on this paper) then systematically searched those data for
inductive patterns to emerge. Emergent themes were then discussed as a team to
ensure consistency, especially with team members that were participant observers.
We then decided to present these themes under the categories of environmental
concern or environmental apathy. To be clear, however, one respondent could utter
rhetoric of concern in one instance, and apathy in another.
In this study, we are fundamentally interested in the rhetoric or language
Evangelicals use when they are thinking about their relationship to the environment.
This type of analysis is appropriate, both theoretically and methodologically.
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Findings
Stewardship
1
AAB_Int2, administrative assistant, conducted 6/12/11.
2
SBC_Int9, oil company employee, conducted 07/29/11.
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3
SBC_Int17, college lecturer, conducted 12/13/11.
4
SBC_Int9, oil company employee, conducted 07/29/11.
5
AAB_Int11, printing company employee, conducted 07/24/11.
6
SBC_Int12, undergraduate student, conducted 10/14/11.
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Rev Relig Res (2014) 56:373–397 383
This woman sees recycling and not polluting as reasonable measures one ought to
take, but believes others take environmental concern to ‘‘the extreme.’’ This
represents a theme of moderation that came up in many interviews. In thinking
about environmental care, Evangelicals frequently found it important to avoid
extremism.
It is apparent that environmental campaigns to encourage recycling and
discourage littering have been effective among Evangelicals. They have accepted
both as legitimate, fostering a rhetoric of environmental concern. However,
extensive participant observations confirm that neither church had a formal
recycling program in their church building. A white pastor7 at the Southern Baptist
congregation acknowledged, ‘‘We as a church don’t even recycle. We as a staff do,
in our business office, but we don’t have recycling bins.’’ In these two
congregations, evangelical interest in recycling does not translate into an
organizational-level recycling program.
7
SBC_Int1, church leader, conducted 05/14/11.
8
SBC_Int11, student in medical field, conducted 10/06/11.
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A white school teacher from the Southern Baptist congregation9 summed up his
notion of stewardship with,
…don’t worship the creation. Bob Dylan said it, ‘‘you’re gonna serve
something. You’re gonna serve somebody. It may be the devil and it may be
the Lord but you’re gonna serve somebody.’’ I think that worship is service
with affection attached. And I’ve seen people with so much affection and
emotion over environmental issues on both sides of it and I’m like, ‘‘You’ve
now fallen into the prophecy of Romans 1 that says that you will worship the
creation instead of the creator.’’
The perceived sin in elevating the natural environment to God-like status
dampens excitement for environmentalism among Evangelicals.
Further emphasizing the low status of the natural environmental, Evangelicals
also explained that humans should take precedence over the environment. A 31-year
old white Southern Baptist10 succinctly explained, ‘‘We should be stewards of this
earth, but I will also say that our love for fellow humans should be greater than our
love for the earth, because God cares more about them than this place that we live.’’
A white Southern Baptist church leader11 in his 20s was a newly minted father at
the time of his interview.
I…believe that the value of human life is higher than the value of a whale or a
species of monkey or something like that. It really makes me kind of upset
when you have those commercials for people to donate to… some sort of
environmental thing when somebody could be donating to give money
towards a starving child, or children with AIDS… So, I feel like there is a
higher value on human life than there is on the planet… once again, you get
those extremes. You get some people who are way out here, and they’re like,
‘‘I’m doing Earth Day, and I’m going to go plant trees,’’ and all this stuff.
Though to the other extreme where they’re like, ‘‘Hey, let’s go hunting and
kill everything that we can see.’’… So you have those extremes. But I’d say
the majority fall into that middle.
When pressed to give a practical example of his middle of the road approach, this
same respondent stumbled a bit.
Yeah, that’s a good question. You know, I really don’t. I guess it means taking
care of the things that we’ve been given. Like I said earlier, we talked about
stewardship. So, everything from the things that God has given us… As a
Christian, I’m not going to finish my food and throw the bag of trash out the
window of my car while I’m driving down the street… But for me it doesn’t
mean that I’m out raising money… to stop whaling, or something like that.
This respondent has a well-developed conception of how one might take
environmentalism to an extreme position, providing the examples of raising money
9
SBC_Int15, teacher, conducted 12/10/11.
10
SBC_Int9, oil company employee, conducted 07/28/11.
11
SBC_Int4, church leader, 06/22/11.
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to stop whaling, celebrating Earth Day and planting trees. In addition to clarifying
how the environment ought not to be prioritized, he provides a couple examples of
how humans ought to be prioritized (donate money to help starving children and
children with AIDS). Both examples demonstrate the importance of the evangelical
hierarchy. In contrast, the above exchange demonstrates the respondent has a harder
time coming up with a positive example of environmental stewardship. He
eventually falls back on the ‘‘do not litter’’ leitmotif. This exchange exemplifies how
a well-articulated version of an evangelical hierarchy (God, humans and then
nature) is easily accompanied by a rhetoric of environmental apathy, as the
environment is at the bottom of the totem pole. It seems one reason Evangelicals are
wary of environmentalism is that it is perceived to easily upend this sacred
hierarchy.
Many scholars have borrowed the language of dominion from Lynn White’s
seminal thesis (Hand and Van Liere 1984; Sherkat and Ellison 2007; Woodrum and
Hoban 1994). This evokes destructive images of environmental degradation. When
Evangelicals reference humans’ superior position over nature, however, they tend to
speak in terms of needy children taking priority over ‘‘Earth Day’’ or ‘‘planting
trees.’’ In other words, helpless humans should be first in line. This creates a
different image than ‘‘dominion’’ language tends to evoke.
Thus far in this article, we have reported responses that mainly stem from our
first interview question prompt about whether the respondent’s faith tradition says
anything about the environment. If our inquiry had stopped there, we would have
gleaned a mixed bag of environmental concern (via stewardship and recycling) and
environmental apathy (via the hierarchy of God, humans and then the environment).
Our questions about climate change, however, elicited additional theologically
motivated avenues leading toward environmental apathy. We now turn to responses
that tended to stem from the interview prompt on climate change.
God’s Sovereignty
12
SBC_Int9, oil company employee, conducted 07/29/11.
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The black printing company employee13 from the African American Baptist
church said,
The Earth has been here a long [respondent emphasis, drawn out] time. It’s
gone through a whole [respondent emphasis, drawn out] lot of change. There’s
going to be changes whether or not we affect the climate change by our
pollution and everything. I’m not a scientist or nothing to know if that’s really
true, but I just know that the Earth has gone through a lot of changes over the
years. Biblically… I don’t think that He will allow us to destroy the Earth. All
those type of things are in His hands and in His control.
A white dentistry student14 from the Southern Baptist church added, ‘‘I don’t
worry about it [climate change] too much because ultimately I think God’s in
control… Jesus calmed the wind and the waves; I think He can handle a few
degrees. So I’m not too worried about it.’’
Unlike Wilkinson (2012), who observed a distinct lack of attention on
eschatology among her evangelical focus groups, our discussions of climate change
frequently drew Evangelical attention to the apocalypse. Some Evangelicals
interpreted environmentalists and scientists to be espousing a secular version of End
Times, or more specifically, a doomsday scenario brought on by catastrophic
weather events caused by climate change. This raises an interesting question. How
do Evangelicals respond to these two apocalyptic scenarios; the theological version
centered on Christ’s return to earth and the environmentalist version of human-
caused catastrophe? Are they at odds or complementary? How does their
combination affect evangelical rhetoric about the environment? A white 25 year-
old congregant15 from the Southern Baptist church noted,
Do I think we need to go, ‘Oh my Lord, the world’s going to end tomorrow?’
No.
Interviewer: Does your faith or the Bible affect how you think about that?
Yeah, I think definitely when you’ve got people up there claiming it’s the end
of the world because of the climate change; I definitely look at my faith and
say, ‘‘No.’’ The Bible clearly says that we don’t know the hour nor the time,
referencing scripture, when Christ is going to return.
This respondent seemed to assume that climate change could not be a cause of
catastrophic earthly damage because environmentalists and scientists slapped on
predicted dates of its occurrence. Because the Bible ‘‘clearly says that we don’t
know the hour nor the time,’’ this respondent insinuates that predictions of
catastrophe must be wrong.
Others Evangelicals, however, took a more complementary view of this
doomsday scenario and their own version of it. A black 57-year old mother16 of
two from the African American Baptist church wondered aloud,
13
AAB_Int11, printing company employee, conducted 07/24/11.
14
SBC_Int11, student in medical field, conducted 10/06/11.
15
SBC_Int7, marketing, conducted 07/27/11.
16
AAB_Int3, retired, conducted 06,24/11.
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What’s happening that we’re having- like yesterday I heard on the news it’s
snowing in Denver in June. I mean why is that happening? I mean, you know
what I’m saying? Science plays a big role in that to me. You know, the
tornadoes and all of the stuff that’s happening, again it is Biblical that it was
going to happen but I mean to me it’s interesting to find out why is this
happening like this.
A 50-year old white woman17 from the Southern Baptist church said,
Christ coming back and the world ending as we know it, it’s all part of it, it’s
gonna get hotter… the natural disasters, the tsunamis, the tornados, the
earthquakes, I mean stop and think about things that are ramping up, that are
changing the earth. It’s exactly what is supposed to… happen.
By viewing secular and evangelical doomsday scenarios as complementary,
some respondents seemed to assent that human activity could cause climate change
and that climate change could lead to serious environmental repercussions.
Nonetheless, belief in God’s sovereignty over the End meant some respondents
did not think their behavior could change the inevitable. A white member18 of the
leadership team at the Southern Baptist congregation said, ‘‘And in the end, I truly
believe that God is sovereign over that and we’re not gonna do anything to our
planet that He doesn’t allow to happen. And so, in the end, He’ll still rule and reign
over it. We can’t do any damage He wouldn’t allow us to do.’’
Whether or not an environmental doomsday scenario was in conflict with or
complementary to Evangelicals’ view on End Times, many Evangelicals told us
they were not fearful of the End. A white high school teacher19 in her 20’s (from the
Southern Baptist church) finds a sense of peace in God’s sovereignty.
I think that having faith and knowing the Lord gives me a… sense of peace,
where I don’t have to worry… I don’t know much about the climate change
and all of those theories. Like, if we can change it, you know? Like, so then if
I worried and then I wanted to try to change it, I feel like it could become
consuming to the fact that I’m like, ‘Oh my gosh, we could die soon, or the
earth could just not be…’ But I don’t have to worry about that, because God is
in control, ultimately.
This refusal to be worried or fearful about the End Times tempers an ostensibly
effective impetus for environmental concern. Respondents interpret the doomsday
scenarios uttered by environmentalists and scientists as fear-based persuasive
tactics, and felt theologically compelled to quell that fear. An African American
lecturer20 at a local college and attendee of the Southern Baptist church adds,
It all still comes back to this point of just believe in God and the Bible, we
believe that there’s a period of time which- we don’t know- that God has
17
SBC_Int16, administrative assistant, conducted 12/08/11.
18
SBC_Int3, church leader, conducted 06/08/11.
19
SBC_Int6, teacher, conducted 07/14/11.
20
SBC_Int17, teacher, conducted 12/13/11.
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ordained that the earth is going to be here, and then He says that when all
comes to end it’s going to all burn up anyway. So it is going to burn up
[laughs]… If I weren’t a Christian, there are a lot of things that I would be
really concerned about… because I don’t know the end. And as a Christian, I
feel like I already know how it ends, and if I know how the story ends, there’s
a lot of things I don’t worry about.
In a nutshell, Evangelicals tend to believe it’s not a matter of if the world will
end, but when and how. This means evangelical interpretation of secular doomsday
scenarios induced by human-caused climate change set off the following pathways
that lead to environmental apathy. Predicted dates of catastrophic events might
offend evangelical belief that no one knows the hour of Christ’s return, leading to
wholesale dismissal of the notion that humans have agency over climate change.
Secondly, even when accepting that human caused climate change might play a part
in evangelical versions of End Times, respondents held firm in their belief that God
is sovereign over the timing of the End, meaning human activity could not change
God’s mind about when the End will come. And to the extent that secular doomsday
scenarios lead to environmental concern via fear-based mechanisms, Evangelicals
may be more apathetic about the environment than non-Evangelicals, because they
find theological reasons not to be fearful.
21
SBC_Int7, marketing, conducted 07/27/11.
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Rev Relig Res (2014) 56:373–397 389
person for a little while, because it sounds cool and it makes us feel good
about ourselves and we go for it. Do I think that overall it’s as bad as they say
it is? No, I really don’t. I think a lot of it is hyped up. I think it’s magnified,
maybe a politician influences it.
A white Southern Baptist church leader22 echoes, ‘‘I think Al Gore got on his
little soapbox and wanted to become popular and, you know, his Inconvenient Truth
was just ridiculous.’’
It is not a stretch to link this evident disdain for Gore and/or his environmental
message to the conservative political preferences of most Southern Baptists. As one
leader23 in his 30’s from that congregation confirms, ‘‘Southern Baptists generally
are very Republican and so they view environmentalism as a Democratic issue and
they are very opposed to it.’’
Unlike these Southern Baptist respondents, a black American24 attending the
African American Baptist congregation alludes to Gore in rather neutral terms.
When you think about Al Gore years ago, he started talking about global
warming. But no one wanted to believe him. President Bush said he was crazy.
And, uh, Cheney-well he didn’t believe in it. But now we see with these
storms. They come up so quickly now. You know it’s amazing.
Aligning with existing literature that finds Southern Baptists to be closely aligned
with Republican politics (Green 2010), we find Southern Baptists unwilling to heed
calls for environmental concern because they are perceived to come from the liberal
side of the aisle. Counterfactually, consider the Evangelical response to Inconve-
nient Truth had a retired (and apolitical) sports hero relay the documentary’s vital
information instead of Gore. The neutral response from African American Baptists
helps us envision this counterfactual scenario. Namely, their relative comfort with
liberal politics mitigates this considerable obstacle, leaving more room for a rhetoric
of environmental concern.
22
SBC_Int4, church leader, 06/22/11.
23
SBC_Int1, church leader, conducted 05/14/11.
24
AAB_Int20, retired, conducted 02/16/12.
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25
AAB_Int19, church leader, conducted 08/11/11.
26
AAB_Int17, church leader, 08/09/11.
27
AAB_Int5, nurse, conducted 07/6/11.
28
AAB_Int6, medical field, conducted 07/8/11.
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Participant Observation
Dicussion
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how Evangelicals might frame their relationship with the natural environment. In
order to accomplish this, we focus on two congregations in the Southern United
States that espouse Evangelical beliefs.
Heeding calls to further examine within-Evangelical differences in attitudes
toward important societal issues (Danielsen 2013), this article focuses on two
evangelical congregations that vary by race, political leaning, and SES. In doing so,
we were able to compare how respondents with similar theological beliefs might
come to different positions on the environment. Our focus on evangelical beliefs of
stewardship, hierarchy, God’s sovereignty and eschatology did not result in any
identifiably congregational differences in terms of environmental attitudes. Instead,
respondents from both congregations articulated similar religious beliefs and
connected them to environmental attitudes in similar ways. This lack of difference is
a noteworthy finding.
We do not take issue with the general finding in existing literature that
Evangelicals tend to be more apathetic about the environment than non-Evangel-
icals. This is not to suggest, however, that Evangelicals are in no way concerned
about the environment. We find the concept of stewardship offers an adequate
framing that leads toward environmental concern. When our respondents make use
of this concept, they tend to emphasize that they feel responsible to God to use the
earth in a responsible fashion. When it comes to giving concrete examples of how
one ought to care for the earth, many respondents reported that they recycle and do
not litter. Through our analysis, it also became apparent that recycling and ‘‘not
littering’’ are safely confined to individual level choices, but evangelical rhetoric
steers clear of more system-level activity. Put another way, none of the respondents
were pressuring the city or even their church to adopt more comprehensive
recycling programs. This highlights how recycling and littering tend to be
interpreted by Evangelicals in individualistic terms which may be part of a broader
and particularly a white evangelical approach to not becoming involved in structural
societal change (Emerson and Smith 2001; Smith et al. 1998; Wilkinson 2012).
In contrast to the rather limited number of ways Evangelicals in our study frame
environmental concern, we outline a variety of ways our respondents leverage their
evangelical beliefs to evince environmental apathy. We elucidate a vivid
evangelical hierarchy of God, humankind and then nature. Whenever the natural
environment is given equal or greater status than humankind, Evangelicals in our
study cry foul. Of course, any hint of ‘‘worshipping’’ nature upends this hierarchy.
But this also means that when it comes to expending their time and resources,
Evangelicals think helpless humans must be first in line. As one respondent puts
this, ‘‘our love for fellow humans should be greater than our love for the earth,
because God cares more about them than this place that we live.’’ This ‘‘humans
first’’ mentality paints a different portrait than Lynn White’s ‘‘dominion over
nature’’ depiction. More practically, this implies that linking environmentalism with
the plight of helpless humans may be an effective way to garner more evangelical
support. This supports Schultz et al.’s (2000) finding that beliefs in Biblical
literalism are positively associated with anthropocentric concerns about the
environment (i.e., the concern that environmental damage will decrease the quality
of life for all humans).
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Ever since White’s thesis, sociologists found a comfortable entry into this
interdisciplinary debate on environmental concern. Convinced that beliefs matter,
sociologists tend to focus on beliefs of Biblical literalism, ‘‘dominion over nature,’’
and a dispensationalist view of End Times. Left out of this short list is a belief in the
sovereignty of God. The importance of this belief was elucidated when Evangelicals
confronted the notion that human induced climate change might result in
catastrophic damage to the earth. An eschatological belief that God alone
determines the Earth’s end means secular versions of doomsday scenarios are
likely to fall upon deaf Evangelical ears. More specifically, forecasting when the
earth will convulse made it too easy for Evangelicals in our study to reject the
message, and perhaps the messenger, due to theological beliefs regarding the
biblical passage that reads ‘‘about that day or hour no one knows…’’ (Matthew
24:36). More generally, our study suggests Evangelicals already saw doomsday
scenarios on the earth’s horizon, well before climate change became an issue of
public concern. Evangelicals in our study also find theological reasons to not be
fearful of the end of the World. This suggests that, ironically, if using religion as an
agent of social change for evangelicals is desirable then finding less dramatic ways
to talk about climate change might lead to more dramatic involvement among
Evangelicals. Additionally, future research should consider whether this belief in
God’s sovereignty and its link to environmental apathy is unique to Evangelicals.
In addition to our analysis of Evangelical beliefs and environmental concern, we
find differences in environmental attitudes when we consider political and SES.
Namely, conflating environmentalism with politically liberal agendas was an
obstacle to environmental concern for Southern Baptists, but not for African
American Baptists. The implications are obvious, and expand well beyond
politically conservative Evangelicals. For the sake of nudging Republicans to more
environmental concern, it would be good to depoliticize the environmental debate.
Finding some support for the ‘‘hierarchy of needs’’ thesis, we find some African
American Baptists in our study had low levels of scientific knowledge. This stunted
their expression of environmental concern, particularly when it comes to climate
change. This ‘‘stunted expression’’ is also reflected in the imbalance of fewer quotes
available for analysis stemming from African American Baptists interview data. It is
important to note however, that simply exposing Evangelicals to environmental
science knowledge does not necessarily lead to increased environmental concern.
This article has outlined various other factors that can work against this simple
causal story.
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Evangelicalism that are potentially quite distinct from our case study’s respondents.
In this vein, we welcome future research that more fully addresses variance within
the evangelical community and the religious landscape more broadly.
Much of the content analyzed in this article was in response to a question about
climate change. Given the societal prominence of this environmental issue, we feel
justified in focusing on it. We recognize, however, that it is not the only
manifestation of environmental concern. Future research should address how
Evangelicals react to other environmental issues, such as genetically modified food,
overpopulation, pollution, energy policy and land conservation. These specific
environmental issues might evoke different Evangelical examples of environmental
concern or unleash different forms of apathy. Better understanding of how particular
issues resonate with different audiences will allow for more effective environmental
outreach.
Conclusion
For those who wish to foster more environmental concern among Evangelicals, our
findings are instructive. While there are multiple avenues forward on this front, our
qualitative data enable us to address the importance of evangelical beliefs. We have
confirmed existing research that suggests stewardship is an important Evangelical
belief that lends itself to environmental concern (Boyd 1999; Kanagy and Nelsen
1995; Kanagy and Willits 1993; Kearns 1996; Shaiko 1987; Shibley and Wiggins
1997). We also find the following religious beliefs solidify a posture of
environmental apathy; rigid hierarchy of God, humans, and then the environment;
a belief in the sovereignty of God; and evangelical eschatological beliefs. Current
Evangelical interpretations of how these beliefs relate to the environment seem to
mount formidable obstacles in the way of enhanced environmental concern.
However, our observed lack of institutional support that could be ‘‘propping up’’
this evangelical apathy suggests Evangelicals might be at a critical tipping point, of
sorts, making a change of environmental attitudes more possible than previously
thought.
Acknowledgments We thank Henry Hancock, Sally Huang and Virginia White for providing valuable
feedback on early versions of the manuscript. We also thank Rice University Religion and Public Life
Program (RPLP) research fellows for their indispensable care and careful attention to the study. This
research was supported by the Jack Shand fund of the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion as well
as the Rice University Shell Center for Sustainability.
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