2 Applying Anthropology Since the earliest day of the dscpl Interested in using —oF ‘applying’ =| Applied anthropology has been use roles and activites. Raymond Fit practical purpose, term covering a wide range of role between members of a community they ae studying and outsiders and ty to interpret local culture and issues to outsiders, Thed, pologsts can ty to contribute to the formation of public opinion on issues relating toa smallscale community, through journalism or participation In other media, and thereby try to influence public policy. Finally, they ‘may participate dicety by helping to provide assistance to people they are studying during times of eri ‘More recently, applied roles have been seen as further di Applied Anthropology (1993), John van Willigen bas listed ato Imanager, change ageat anthropology, sometimes also termed ‘practising’ anthropology, thecefore came to be sen a the eld of enquiry concerned th the relationships between anthropological knowledge and the uses that knowledge in the world beyond anthropology’ (E. Chambers. place, or members of «local comminiy Some spied remained inside academia and work beyond academia. pletion has been. controversial fro itrases difficlt philosophical political an thelr work? When anthropological ‘commercial or military interests the disciplines traditional stance of pivilegt powerless and the marginalised? Applied anthropology tiewed as suspect by many within the discipline because o ‘Cold War mach ‘ged that applied anthropology, rely been effective in influencing wider polices and practices (Bennet 1996). Fo all these kinds of reasons, many in the academic establishment ave regarded applied anthropology as a rather dubious ofshoot of the discipline This chapter reviews the history of appli anthropology, outiey the different roles in which applied anthropologists have work In their own and in other societies, and discusses the eth Issues that arise from these. We then con anthropology bas played a part development. Finally we consider and question the long sn todstingush between applied and academic (r'pure) at 1 priory should be given to unded form of public anthropology that ‘unhelpful dichotomous way of thinkingod Deelopment plural eft and social change hough broadly similar stages In recognised that cultures interact _raualy replaced thot ofthe ev With the growth of functionals inthe twentieth century: eg to concern tself more with the means through which erentaned themselves than with the ways in which they cl Daring the 1905 the functionals perspective of modern dovhropelagy represented by the work of Arthur R, Radelie-Brown ang Brouislaw Malinowsii, emphasised the cements ofa society in the ways in which it reproduced and mai isl, The functionalist eschewed history. and paid very lite attent ‘The tendency to study societ if hey were static remained strong in the period wp tothe Second ‘War but was challenged by anthropologists interested in what ‘eulure contac’ inthe colonial terttores. Mainowsi hinsel, who had Bat made the case in 1929 in an aie ented Practical anthropology for anthropelogy to engage ‘etl beyond academia (Malinowski 929) He gradually moved a tis work fom the tribal economies of exchange systems and sige (nan append tohi3935 book Coral Gardens and Tei hd betrayed his enograpicprnepes by omitting deta of ‘ads had formed with colonial ofitals,misiona (Fannand Har, 21) Hehad deliberately focused on peo acne entifing withthe des of indirect rule used wit Epc then aged in The Dynamic of the duty aropolgts to make thems 28 ich formation and advice as possible to the a ‘Anping Anthro beginning communities and seeking ex Increasingly, change came tobe sen a -peatie (1964 241) pointed out: led im to adopt a view of culture as being completly indepen: ‘natura circumstances. As Bloch (1983: 126-28) ha argued, the view of ‘tur eld by these anthropologists led tothe predominance ofa cultural ‘elativism that held that itis wrong to evaluate one culture in ters ofthe ‘ales or knowledge of another: The dominance of cultural anthropologyAppbing Anthroplay fone “Anthropology and Development ° s ling those of another wh ns direct engagement wa a challenge tothe value ative as Eric Wolf (1964: 24) sugested Applied anthropology by defi ‘caltural lative, sce it does not reg “anthropology asthe equal of the culture to whi be applied. erage seastmay I sme anropologists were commissioned tou secunhon presciedazeas of govern ral bas “The implications of these debates are sil being felt among many pologss in academic departments around the wold: between th favour a more open-ended theoretical development of the “and those who, crudely speaking, might see anthropology as a rights for marginalised sections ofthe worlds population The evolution of applied anthropology oc ant-imperalist views, tended to view local, non Western culture as something to be defended, almost ost, against colonial power. tended to see anthropologist [Although its emergence was mainly contemporaneous, applied anthropology evolved differently in Britain and the United States. In roots of applied anthropology lay ~ like the discipline itself ~ in colonial power, while in the United States its origins were bound up with tae policies to control Native American populations. Inthe US, 4 Bureau of American Ethnology had been set up in 1879 as an arm of ofeispute as to how fara ‘ridence suggests that proba By contrast, applied antl shape in domestic rather than Mead and Robert Redfield worked ove! In Britain, the first se of the term is associated with Lane Fox Pi Jn 1881 (Howard, 1993: 369). ‘The British colonial system imposed structthe Harvard Basiness School, and official research studies of US rural ‘communities sponsored by Roosevelt’ Bureau of Agricultural Economic and Rural Welfare (Bennett, 1996). ogists to get involved in applied roleg assed by the lian Afi to increase Native American participation inthe management oftheir own economical and reverse resource depletion on thet lands. An Applied Anthropology Ui up in order to look int the creation of self-governing bodies, manage setlement patterns on newiy acquired lands, improve education policies, ‘ld loa morale nd make better we fexistnglocl institutions to bing about ‘economic rebabitation and socal control In political sirategy that had parallel with the British policy of inde rule, the aim was or this applied research to inform policy and practice under the new Act, based on ‘te necesito taking persistent Indian tudes into account in planing for thee socal and economic adjustment to dominant American value (HG. Barnet, 1956: 37)- In the late 1930, the Butea of Indian ‘Affi als embarked upon a large-scale natural resource survey withthe Department of Agriculture in which anthropologist alo played a ole Relationships that were created between applied anthropologists and smakers in the context of Native American airs also began to uence the mainstream of US anthropology. For example, the term uration was coined by US indiduals having diferent fan Reorganization Act ‘Acculturation was auseil concept in that it provided anthropologists with 4 framework for analysing change, but Cultural change was presented mainly in terms ofthe reorganisation of Aierent components across cultures, Emergent aspects of cul ‘the more subtle changes in relationships between different ins tended to be given less consideration, The emphasis on first-hand co «also overlooked the tremendous power ofthe media to influence culture without the need for any direct contact. logy Applied anthropology also ourised inthe busizess ey the fest pat ofthe twentieth Room studies, This phase moved the research from an anthropological ‘participant observation’ appro ‘on what workers actually di rather than simply on wht they sa {generated influential new insights ino the importance of formal selationships and interaction among the workforce, including the idea of the Hawthome effet’ in which workers were found to perform beter ‘hen researchers took an interest Far ealier than any comparable body ‘nBriain) and began publishing a wide range of articles * Loomis as among its founders. There was an intensification of anthropological engagement with various types of applied work during the Second World War. When the United States entered the war in 194 the government mad taken part in war activities (Mead, {ists worked in areas occupied by US fo ofthe Pai Islands, and were charged wtook place in th late 19608 and eary 39708. This was a prio Arhich the univers sector was underpin expansion nd ore, jobs were being created. Some soclly concerned anthrops Fepning to reject the confines of purely academic jn apply anthropological knowledge othe inprtnt domes oct ofthe day. Fr instance, during tis period there were ans {involved inthe US governments mass internment of Japanese Americans afer the attack on Pear! Harbour in 1941, Fearing nd collaboration with the ene! though none was ever charged wit as Marvin Opler, worked withthe a ‘corauthoring 3 hard-biting etal, 1969). Post-war applied anthropology - eer pl pecs ig ea a ‘After the Second World War, Brtae’s slow process of decolonisation was beginning to get under way and anthropology began to withdraw fr its ining colonial links, losing a major source of applied funding, The ogy’ official influence inthe new emerging postcolonial word faded, althou Informal links doubtless continued between anthropolog “Godatons were established Work, and the Be Anthropology and Practice (GAPP) was established i 98, Dising te fos an ongoing tackon higher edition bythe Thatcher rere Iedsome within the discipline to defend anthropcogy by -Ministey was established (Grillo, 1985: 16) At home, there were some anthropologists who brieiy developed new applied links with the world of business managers, but these soon petered out (Mills, 2006). Inboth the UK and the US, divergence between mainstream academic ‘opportunities outside eorty for those recent ‘once again, tensions between pure and applied anti GAPP became a refuge fr those wishing to engage: promoted a second-rate anthropologt anthropologists worked of Informed subject matter. Th discipline asa whole remained university departments ~ according to Lucy Matr (1969: 8) ~ ‘occupation for the halPbaked”. The discipline was also out of favoue with the new nationalist leaders ofthe former European colonies, who tended - sealenever seen before (Wi "anthropologist daring the Hlatoria doble Cotess logs responded by withdrawing from involvement in at ises through their work, treating towards a more Uelinested arena of academic’ ethnographic and theo For ample, while Mead and Releld had parsed practies anthro. log concerns wth domestic food and Toros there was a general move away from ap 79) decribe wt a return voyage otal tchnology and theoretical ntevest' that generally cartied athropoo from applied concern (cited in Rhoades, 3984: 3. At ines anthropology had also dwindled away bythe next Anthro wider sci gene the arial buby boomer era, and aset ofnew American Anthropological Associ (AAA) ethics guidelines that restricted work to only that which could be freely disseminated, making it very dif commercial settings (Baba, 2005). As in Br ‘expanded and many practising anthropol center academia and gain respectability. “Applied anthropology became aelatvey smal specialist interest often relegated to second ter status by anthropologists inthe elite universities. Some new doors opened during the 19705 forthe revitalisation of applied anthropology, particularly inthe development field. Organisations such as USAID began recruiting anthropologists, particularly those who had developed new methodological interests around the use of surveys, quantitative work, and impact ent and evaluation. Anthropol ists contributed to debates about the limitations of trickle-down theory and lobbied for more resources tobe channelled to low-income groups Nevertheless, the role and impact of anthropologists on devel theory and practice was marginal (Hoben, 1982: 356). Other ‘of knowledge about development, pat university departments ts took the opportunity to The Sorcerers Appr arguing that lead undertilised reso Belshaw elaborated an anthropological concept of ‘social that he argued coud be wsed asa tool to evaluate the effect socal system in delivering goods, services and ‘sa ofits people. But anthropology itself remained largely rooted with Appling seademic establishment. Inthe US, it was primarily based aris colleges a opposed to science campuses, isolated from oncerns of economics, management and agri Chicago anthropologist Sol Tax was an exception Tax developed the concept of setion anthropology’ from bis imvosereat “pmerican community, emphasising an activist approach move beyond the confines of both acader nd porsve a responsibil arith the acquistion of knowledge (Pog, 1979: 49). According to Ta, J anthropologist undertaking action anthropology has two goals: Yo felpa group of people to sole a problem, the process’ (Blanchard, 1979 438 allowing Javolvement ofthe anthropologist in community problem so approach emphasised the ned forthe anthroplog fings to both the acaderae andthe ‘native’ community. re frequently made to recrait nth icy, and they wer particularly een insugency work (oben. designed to develop a model for understanding and developing countries, starting with the case “There were clear links with dubious US foreign anthropology and counter insurgency was to re-emet the twenty-first century i the context ofthe scaled! war ont ‘we mill ce later on.> 4 Anthropology and Development havinga specialised contribution to make in the task of national social and mic development, anda government Department of Anthropology ‘in applied anthropology than in ‘pragmatist countries like Britain orthe United States: ‘The sub-eld of applied anthropology has therefore had apathy’ impact averall has been relatively small. Anthropology came: els and Salaminck (1 ‘dea ofa simple clear ‘thropoogy. and touched upon the domestic andeae ES (0984: 11). Another anthropologist who argu that anthro ake projects more people-centeed ws failure of development projects, a to help pot this ight. He viewed ant things went wrong, rater than ind implementation for the art the role some development antho- ‘controling urge of development, Projects were which the idea of socal engineering’ was dom as rational plans, but quickly became complic ‘omplex behaviours of real people around which straightforward rmaking boundaries could not easily be drawn ( ipation, gender equality, indigenous knowledge and which moved development thinking away fom be ould be linked in one large project. Despite ater conventional planning methods with a measure of comm potential of anthropology to render development more people-centred, ad she reassures us that if eoncentrateon the disasters, it is because they ‘hat anthropological knowledge might help to prevent on later ocasions) tite of ‘social development’ as a‘4 Anthropology and Development fond by antec thinking By he ate 9805 the for tnternational Development began expanding it ec ovement adviser, many of whom were anthropol i li ‘Aophing Antirpoogy 3 Economic Co-operation and Develop developed into train Development Report 2001 laid has become more managerialist and techn aid moved ‘upstream’ and the centrality of projects began to wane, Projects became characterised as unsustainable, ‘and uncoordinated and new ald management tools emerged to pro aid more directly to host governments inorder to ft into national po frameworks. For example, donors worked with governments ia ‘coordinated ways through consortia to develop poverty {nto which, it was decided, aid could be funnelled in and effective way. The mechanism of 'b tory objectives by forming a commor jum Development Goals adopted in6 Anthropology and Development supporting oppstion from local communities to the building of dam, the preservation of local culture inthe face of change o repression. these tine te eden fr antoplogis ‘When I was asked by whites what the Cree Indians wanted ‘simple answer, ‘a maintenance of the traditional way of| only reply: I don't know. They have conflicting wants! facilitating and supporting action simply speaking on behalf of them. At the gists have also worked to problematise tensions between universal rights and cu of those marginalised by development) as wel as. ‘munity-based development work) There had been relative Ii in NGOs in either the academic or practical worlds of development before this time. But bythe end ofthe decade ~ in keeping with the risi ising imperatives associated with the new neo! "and esearch contents, Anthropologists workin ‘ontribute both to community-level adsocacy advocacy work, Dilemmas of applied work ‘mounted a powerfulversity, the publisher and academic association in an attempt to the book coming ut. Writing later about th project that benefited thousand fuck resistance The reason, he suggests, is that those opposing his account, how tactfully itis phrased, the tath that antropelogits sinistators do not, on the whole, get along well tgethc’ These surfaced particularly inthe case of nthopoogses working in with government agencies, where prejudices, preconceptions on both sides tended to make attempted colabeation a rather from the ‘client relationship with society’ pursue bythe ‘establishment (Thurow, 1977, cited in Rhoades, 984: 4) anthropologists who did attempt tinBueace plicy on the and quickly became disillusioned. The resuitant pessimism about owed more according to Erve Chambers ‘policy scientists. Ieimplies learning good many other sills than those sociated with scientific enquiry. 1987: 320) ng the failure of planers ad practitioners to take notice of advice ofeed became a common trope within anthropoeg ‘al wrltings abou development For example, Richard Sslisbuy (197: 7) describes his belie tha ifn anthropologist simply communists the planners this would be fed into the design ad implementation72 Anthropology and Development proces ofthe project: ‘we soon found th prior perceptions, wh in confirmation of perceptions. tcism among some academic anthropol then apply outside academia. The a from m: around ethical codes of practice and this 0 discipline on an issue that is important toll concerned, Engaged anthropology in the twenty-first century Let us now move beyond the traditional, somewhat narrow defi the field of applied anthropology and consi wed en for pubic anthropology tnt engages a the tical work on development as ne atopy of development neds to more behind anthropology, ‘activist research and ‘protest anthropology Public anchropology ‘Today, old debates about ‘applied’ versus pure’ anthropology have beco Increasingly outmoded. Instead, there is renewed interest in wider = —Aihough centres of rtosal applied ntrople ~ ekengagementanthropolgts av withthe wolf poi. inn har‘and modes of activist engagement, He defines activist research as: ‘method through which we affirm a polit congenized group of people in struggle and allow to shape each phase ofthe process, from concep topic to data collection to verification and disemin (2006: 97) ‘In theorising this mode of applying anthropology, Hale seeks to _ 8) suggests that propor sch and cultural critique need each other a allies, but that—" rE Se egy entDeiopment Protest anthropology ‘One of the effects of the fina suggest tha this mode implies a by anthropologists that goes beyond simply ein ign wih pr movements, revolt, and upslsings' to being ‘full ledged participa ‘them (Maskowsky, 2013: 127). CCenir stage inthis shift has been the Occupy movement inspiration from mobilistions in thoods and women’s empowerment donors. Once agin, environmental degradation. Th ideas of anthropologist Davi (2013) fn particular have belped underpin the movement and inform public debate through his blogs and newspaper articles, and hei edited with originating the ‘wear the 9% slogan. Dissolving the boundaries? ‘The history ofthe applied subfield is central otha of the wider discipline ‘of anthropology itself. Despite the regular periods of tension that have be by taking roe ew fhe sts thks tnd deewing tent wo the growing pr Tied i ned or scl ui, anthropology, then where do we go with our explora and development?