2015 Bookmatter JewishResistanceToRomanianizat

Notes
Chapter 1
1 Jean Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania (Lincoln and Jerusalem:
Nebraska University Press, 2011), 39–44; Roland Clark, European Fascists and
Local Activists: Romania’s Legion of the Archangel Michael: 1924–1938 (unpub-
lished Ph D dissertation, Pittsburgh University, 2012); Dennis Deletant, Hit-
ler’s Forgotten Ally: Ion Antonescu and His Regime 1940–1944 (Houndmills/
New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 33–36; Rebecca Haynes, Romanian
Policy Towards Germany: 1936–1940 (London: Macmillan, 2000); Armin
Heinen, Legiunea ‘Archanghelui Mihail’ (Bucureşti: Humanitas, 1999);
Andreas Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol şi Mareşalul Antonescu: Relaţiile
Româno-Germane 1938–1944 (Bucureşti: Humanitas, 1994); Keith Hitchins,
România: 1866–1947 (Bucureşti: Humanitas, 1996); Radu Ioanid, Evreii sub
regimul Antonescu (Bucureşti: Hasefer, 1998), 23–29; Constantin Iordachi,
Charisma, Politics, and Violence: The Legion of the Archangel Michael in Inter-
war Romania (Trondheim: Norwegian University of Science: 2004).
2 Holly Case, Between States: The Transylvanian Question and the European Idea
During World War II (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009); Deletant,
Hitler's Forgotten Ally, 52–101; Hitchins, România, 454–493.
3 Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 71–75; Deletant, Hitler’s For-
gotten Ally, 128–129; Armin Heinen, România, Holocaustul şi logica violenţei
(Iaşi: Editura Universităţii “Alexandru Ioan Cuza” din Iaşi, 2011), 64–66,
121–126, 203; Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol şi Mareşalul Antonescu, 278–
286; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 88, 116–117, 124–126.
4 See, for instance, Ronit Fisher, “Between Ethnic Cleansing and Genocide:
An Alternative Analysis of the Holocaust of Romanian Jewry,” Yad Vashem
Studies, no. 40–1 (2012), 180–183.
5 Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 179–562; Jean Ancel, The
Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2007), 361;
Deletant, Hitler’s Forgotten Ally, 102–229; Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol şi
Mareşalul Antonescu, 278–286; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 13–406;
Heinen, România, Holocaustul şi logica violenţei, 51–110, 121–214.
6 Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 486–509; Deletant, Hitler’s
Forgotten Ally, 205–215; Heinen, România, Holocaustul şi logica violenţei,
91–107; Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol şi Mareşalul Antonescu, 278–286; Raul
Hilberg, Exterminarea evreilor din Europa, vol. I (Bucureşti: Hasefer, 1997),
691–697; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 387–388.
7 In my study, I use the concept of Romanianization as reflected in the Anto-
nescu regime’s discourse and legislation: the project which envisioned the
exclusion of “foreigners,” especially of Jews, from Romanian economic life,
by seizing their real estate, jobs, and businesses and the creation of an ethnic
191
192 Notes
Romanian bourgeoisie. I am not examining the confiscations and extor-

tions of mobile properties (such as money, jewelry, furniture), which have
been investigated thoroughly by others, especially Jean Ancel and Radu Ioa-
nid. Historian Keith Hitchins has argued that, while both Antonescu and
the Iron Guard wanted to Romanianize the economy, only Antonescu had a
clear plan about the goal of Romanianization, namely to build a strong and
independent middle class as the backbone of Romania. Hitchins, Romănia,
477; for an analysis of the Iron Guard’s position on the development of an
ethnic Romanian bourgeoisies, see Radu Ioanid, Sabia Arhanghelului Mihail:
Ideologia fascistă în România (Bucureşti: Diogene, 1994), 156–167.
8 For more details on the failed proto-Romanianization conducted by the
Goga government, see Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 25–38;
for a recent investigation of interwar “Romanian economic nationalism”
as a factor that blocked the development of the country’s economy in the
1920s and 1930s, see Bogdan Murgescu, România şi Europa: Acumularea deca-
lajelor economice: 1500–2010 (Iaşi: Polirom, 2010), 250–259; for the impor-
tance of Romanianization among Antonescu’s domestic projects, see Trei
ani de guvernare: 6 Septembrie, 1940–6 Septembrie, 1943 (Bucureşti: Monito-
rul Oficial şi Imprimeriile Statului, Imprimeria Naţională, 1943), 143; Ion
Calafeteanu (ed.), Iuliu Maniu-Ion Antonescu: Opinii şi confruntări politice
1940–1944 (Cluj-Napoca: Dacia, 1994), 52–55.
9 Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 135–136; Lya Benjamin
(ed.), Evreii din România între anii 1940–1944, vol. I, Legislaţia antievreiască
(Bucureşti: Hasefer, 1993), LXXIV; Vladimir Solonari, Purifying the Nation:
Population Exchange and Ethnic Cleansing in Nazi-Allied Romania (Baltimore
and DC: John Hopkins University/USHMM, 2010).
10 Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 86–107; Ioanid, Evreii sub
regimul Antonescu, 33.
11 The removal of some categories of Iron Guard Romanianization agents,
such as the Romanianization commissars, started a few days before the
Rebellion, in January 1941.
12 Ancel, The History of the Holocaust, 181–182; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Anto-
nescu, 33.
13 “In order to defend the idea of justice” stipulated the preamble of the law
that instituted more Romanianization panels at the Appeals Courts. See
Nicolae Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare (Bucureşti: Editura Ziaru-
lui Universul, 1942), 142; see also Arhivele Naţionale ale României (ANR),
Colecţia Documente Comunităţi Evreieşti din România (CDCER) 19/1941,
p. 45; Ministerul Economiei Naţionale (MEN)-Direcţia Secretariat (DS)
48/1940, pp. 108–109; Ottmar Traşcă (ed.), Chestiunea evreiască în documente
militare române 1941–1944 (Iaşi: Institutul European, 2010), 457; on the offi-
cial reluctance to adopt “extreme measures” for the Romanianization of
businesses, see MEN-Direcţia Organizări Profesionale Servicul Firme (DOPSF,
10/1941, pp. 61–81; Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in România, 182; Mar-
cel Dumitru-Ciucă, Maria Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele sedinţelor Consiliului de
Miniştrii: Guvernarea Ion Antonescu, vol. V (Bucureşti: Arhivele Naţionale ale
României, 2001), 444–446.
14 ANR, MEN-DS, 18/1941, p. 56; see also the 23 July 1945 minutes from Radu
Lecca’s interrogation by Soviet counter-intelligence (SMERS) in Radu Ioanid
Notes 193
(ed.), Lotul Antonescu în ancheta Smerş, Moscova, 1944–1946, Documente din

arhiva FSB (Iaşi: Polirom, 2006), 386–387.
15 Titus Dragoş (ed.), Românizarea – Înfăptuiri: 6 Decembrie 1941–6 Decembrie
1942 (Bucureşti: Curierul Judiciar, 1942), 3.
16 Constantin Iordachi, Citizenship, Nation and State-Building: The Integration of
Northern Dobrogea into Romania, 1878–1913 (Pittsburgh: University of Pitts-
burgh Press, 2002), Carl Back Papers in Russian and East European Studies
No. 1607, pp. 27–39; Daniel Chirot, Schimbarea socială într-o societate perifer-
ică: Formarea unei colonii balcanice (Bucureşti: Corint, 2002); David Mitrany,
The Land and the Peasant in Rumania. War and Agrarian Reform: 1917–1921
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1930); Dumitru Şandru, Reforma agrară
din 1921 în România (Bucureşti: Editura Academiei, 1975).
17 The 1930 census is very important for the study of interwar and World-War-
II Romania because it was the first census of the enlarged Romania and the
only one for which data were processed properly and published during that
time. The data collected during the next general census, conducted in 1941,
remained unavailable and only some incomplete and provisory statistics
were published. According to the postwar notes of Anton Golopenţia, the
director of the Central Statistics Institute (ICS), in 1941, Antonescu forbade
ICS to publish the results of its statistical studies. The next general census of
Romania’s population took place in 1948. See Ioan Scurtu, Ion Alexandrescu,
Ion Bulei, and Ion Mamina (eds.), Enciclopedia de istorie a României (Bucureşti:
Editura Meronia, 2001), 345; Anton Golopenţia, Opere complete, vol II: Statis-
tică, demografie şi geopolitică (Bucureşti: Editura Enciclopedică, Univers Enci-
clopedic, 2001), 368; Sabin Manuilă (ed.), Recensământul general al populaţiei
României din 29 decembrie 1930, 10 vols. (Bucureşti: Institutul Central de
Statistică, 1938–1941); Idem., Recensământul general al României din 6 aprilie
1941: Date sumare provizorii (Bucureşti: Institutul Central de Statistică, 1944).
18 In his postwar memoirs, Horia Sima, Iron Guard leader, included the 1940
expropriation of Jewish rural land, forests, and other agricultural assets into
a chronology of previous state expropriations, claiming that it was not dif-
ferent from the agrarian reform in 1920 that targeted the land of wealthy
boyars, because it aimed to improve the economic status of the peasants.
Horia Sima, Era libertăţii: Statul Naţional Legionar, vol. I (Madrid: Editura
Mişcării Legionare, 1982), 251–254.
19 See Trei Ani de Guvernare, 144–145.
20 The Antonescu regime envisioned, especially from 1942 on, facilitating the
mass emigration of Romanian Jews to Palestine as a way to advance Romani-
anization and solve the Jewish question. Such a massive Jewish emigration
during wartime was prevented by German and British opposition and by
the war, which made sea-going transportation difficult. Mihai Chioveanu,
Death Delivered – Death Postponed: Romania and the Continental Wide Holocaust
(Bucureşti: Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti, 2013), 137–164.
21 See Iordachi, Citizenship, Nation, and State-Building, 27–28, 38–39.
22 The pre-World-War-I economic protectionist policy promoted by the
National Liberal Party was known as Prin Noi Înşine (Through Ourselves),
Costin Murgescu, Mersul ideilor economice la români: Epoca modernă, vol. 1
(Bucureşti: Editura Enciclopedică şi Ştinţifică, 1994), 177–272; Vlad Geor-
gescu, The Romanians: A History (Columbus: Ohio State University Press,
194 Notes
1991), 127–130; on the demographic, economic, and cultural Romanianiza-

tion of Northern Dobrogea, between 1878 and 1913, see Iordachi, Citizen-
ship, Nation, and State-Building.
23 Scurtu et als. (eds.), Enciclopedia, 345.
24 Ibid., 345.
25 See Golopenţia, Opere complete, vol. II, pp. 351–352.
26 Historian Keith Hitchins has emphasized the role of Stefan Zeletin in pro-
moting the idea of economic Romanianization and of building an ethnic
Romanian middle class during the interwar period. Hitchins, România, 477;
see also Murgescu, Mersul ideilor economice la români, 1st vol., pp. 268–272.
27 See Ştefan Zeletin, Burghezia română: originea şi rolul ei istoric (Bucureşti:
Editura Cultura Naţională, 1925); Idem, Neoliberalismul: studii asupra istoriei
şi politicii burgheziei române (Bucureşti: Editura Pagini Agrare şi Sociale, 1927).
I used the second edition that reprinted his two studies in one volume.
Ştefan Zeletin, Burghezia română; Neoliberalismul (Bucureşti: Nemira, 1997).
28 Ibid., 430.
29 Ibid., 430.
30 Ibid., 431.
31 This is the title of one of his chapters, which was also presented as a public
lecture. Ibid., 431–445.
32 Ibid., 434.
33 Henri H. Stahl, Gânditori şi curente de istorie socială (Bucureşti: Editura
Universităţii din Bucureşti, 2001), 237–240; Murgescu, Mersul ideilor eco-
nomice la români, 2nd vol., pp. 153–210.
34 Virgil Madgearu, Românizarea vieţii economice şi utilizarea tineretului în statul
naţional ţărănesc (Bucureşti: Bucovina I.E. Toruţiu, 1937), 17–21.
35 See Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 32–33; Joseph Love, Făurirea lumii
a treia: Teorii şi teoreticieni ai subdezvoltarii în România şi Brazilia (Bucureşti:
Univers, 2002), 112–140; Vasile Nechita (ed.), Mihail Manoilescu creator de
teorie economică (Iaşi: Cugetarea, 1993); Murgescu, Mersul ideilor economice
la români, 1st vol., 273–309; for Manoilescu most influential books, see for
instance, Mihail Manoilescu, Theorie du Protectionnisme et du l’echange Inter-
national (Paris: Girard, 1929); The Theory of Protection and International Trade
(London: PS King & Son, 1931); Le Siecle du Corporatisme: Doctrine du Corpo-
ratisme Integral et Pure (Paris: F Alcan, 1934); El Partido Unico: Institucion des
los nuevos regimenes (Zaragoza: Biblioteca de Estudios Sociales, 1938).
36 Carol Iancu (ed.), Shoah în România: Evreii în timpul regimului Antonescu
1940–1944, Documente diplomatice franceze inedite (Iaşi: Polirom, 2001), 108;
Murgescu, Mersul ideilor economice la români, 1st vol., 273–280.
37 See, for instance, the article “Proporţionalitatea prin Românizarea
economică,” Lumea Nouă (March 1935).
38 See Mihail Manoilescu, Rostul şi Destinul Burgheziei Româneşti (Bucureşti:
Editura Cugetarea Georges Delafras, 1942); I used the second edition
(Bucureşti: Athena, 1997); idem, “Politica muncii naţionale,” in Enciclope-
dia României, vol. 3 (Bucureşti, 1939); Stahl, Ganditori şi curente, 240–242.
39 See Love, Făurirea, 115.
40 The minutes of the government meeting from 7 February 1941, in Ciucă
et al. (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. II, p. 180.
41 Benjamin, (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 123.
Notes 195
42 See the Minister of Justice’s report to Antonescu, published as the preamble

of the 28 March 1941 law for the expropriation of urban, Jewish real estate
in Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 131–134.
43 Benjamin et al. (eds.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 133.
44 “6 Septembrie 1940–6 septembrie 1941. Înfăptuiri de un an ale guvernării
Mareşalului Ion Antonescu. Proclamaţia dui. Mareşal Ion Antonescu.
Expunerea dlui. Profesor Mihai Antonescu, Vicepreşedinte şi Preşedinte
ad-interim al Consiliului de Miniştrii,” quoted in Dana Honciuc Beldiman
(ed.), Statul Naţional legionar: Cadrul Legislativ (Bucureşti: INST, 2005), 121.
45 Hilberg, Exterminarea Evreilor; Confiscation of Jewish Property in Europe,
1933–1945, New Sources and Perspectives (Washington DC: The Center for
Advanced Holocaust Studies, USHMM, 2003); Martin Dean, Robbing the
Jews: The Confiscation of Jewish Property in the Holocaust 1933–1945 (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008); Jean Marc Dreyfus, Pillages sur
ordonnances. La confiscation des banques juives en France et leur restitution:
1940–1953 (Paris, Fayard, 2003); Gerard Aalders, Nazi Looting: The Plunder
of Dutch Jewry during the Second World War (Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2004);
Tal Brutmann, Aryanisation Économique et Spoliations en Isère: 1940–1944
(Grenoble: Presses Universitaires du Grenoble, 2010).
46 Tatjana Tonsmeyer, “The Robbery of Jewish Property in Eastern European
States Allied with Nazi Germany,” in Martin Dean, Constantin Goschler,
and Philip Ther (eds.), Robbery and Restitution: The Conflict over Jewish Prop-
erty in Europe (New York, Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2007), 81–96.
47 Ezra Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe Between the World Wars
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983), 85–128, 171–211.
48 Hilberg, Exterminarea evreilor, vol. I, pp. 668–752; Dean, Robbing the Jews,
pp. 314–352.
49 For a comparison of anti-Jewish policies of World-War-II Romania and Bul-
garia, emphasizing the similar outcome, see Ethan Hollander, “The Final
Solution in Bulgaria and Romania: A Comparative Perspective,” in East
European Politics and Societies 22 (2) (2008), 203–248.
50 See, for instance, Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 393.
51 See, for instance, Hilberg, Exterminarea evreilor, vol. I, 656–667; Dean, Rob-
bing the Jews, 335–342.
52 Tönsmeier, The Robbery of Jewish Property, 84–85.
53 Ibid., 90.
54 Dean, Robbing the Jews, 317–334; Hilberg, Exterminarea evreilor, vol. 1, 668–
702, 636–655; Tönsmeier, The Robbery of Jewish Property, 81–96.
55 As I discuss in Chapter 2, “Romanianization Legislation,” Law no. 2650 for
the Legal Status of Jewish Inhabitants (8 August 1940) established three
categories of Jews according to the moment when they acquired Roma-
nian citizenship, favoring those most assimilated with ethnic Romanians,
the second category (citizens before December 1918, front line veterans,
wounded, decorated, dead, and their heirs). As a result of this “classifica-
tion,” most Romanian Jews fell into the first and third categories, and held
an inferior status: most of the antisemitic measures, including those of
Romanianization, applied only to first- and third-category Jews.
56 French and Swiss embassies were among the most active protesters; some
foreign embassies also threatened retaliation. See ANR, MEN-Direcţia
196 Notes
Industrie (MEN-DI) 26/1941, pp.14–15; MEN-DI 45/1941, p. 7; MEN-

Direcţia Organizare Profesională Comerţ Interior (MEN-DOPCI) 71/1941,
pp. 4–10; MEN-DOPCI 86/1941, pp. 197–198; Ministry of Justice (MJ) -
Direcţia Judiciară (DJ) 80/1941, pp. 26–37, 57; MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, pp.
86, 91–93; Ana Maria Stan, Relaţiile Franco-Române în timpul regimului de
la Vichy (Cluj-Napoca, Argonaut, 2006); René de Weck, Jurnalul unui diplo-
mat elveţian în România: 1939–1945 (Bucureşti: Editura Fundaţiei Culturale
Române, 2000).
57 Antonescu allowed Germans limited participation in Romanianization.
For more details on this issue, see Chapter 5, “Romanianization versus
Germanization.”
58 ANR, MEN-DI 26/1941, pp. 16–18, 30–31; Ministerul Muncii Sănătăţii şi
Ocrotirii Sociale (MMSOS) 59/1941, vol. II, p. 267; MEN-DS 50/1941, p. 27.
59 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 86/1941, pp. 27–28.
60 MEN’s secret directive no. 149381/1941 adopted restrictions against all
ethnic-minority entrepreneurs, except Germans and Italians, initially until
December 1941, but gradually extended, up to the end of 1944. MEN-
DOPSF 1/1940, p. 318.
61 Viorel Achim, “Deportarea Ţiganilor în Transnistria,” Anuarul Institutului
Român de Istorie Recentă, No. 1 (2002), pp. 127–141; Idem, Documente privind
deportarea ţiganilor în Transnistria, 2 vols. (Bucureşti: Editura Enciclopedică,
2004); Lucian Nastasă and Andeea Varga (eds.), Minorităţi etnoculturale.
Mărturii documentare: Ţiganii din România 1919–1944 (Cluj-Napoca: Fundaţia
CRDE, 2001); Michelle Kelso, Luminiţa Cioabă, Radu Ioanid (eds.), Tragedia
romilor deportaţi în Transnistria 1942–1944 (Iaşi: Polirom, 2009).
62 For instance, in 1941, the Ministry of Interior (MAI) requested that the Min-
istry of Justice adopt a decree law to appoint managers for the property of
the Iron Guard “just as we did with the administration of property belong-
ing to individuals and companies who moved to the lost provinces [mainly
Jews].” ANR, MJ-DJ 124/1941, vol. I, pp. 148–149, 169–172, 202, 204; see
also Ministerul Afacerilor Interne (MAI)-Diverse 5/1942, pp. 51–52, 56–57.
63 ANR, MJ-DJ 46/1941, p. 199.
64 See ANR, Centrala Evreilor din Romania (CER), 33/1941, p. 307; MEN-DS
22/1941, p. 43; Manuilă (ed.), Recensământul general al României din 6 Aprilie
1941, p. 159; Constantin C. Giurescu, Istoria Bucureştiului, 3rd edition
(Bucureşti: Editura Vremea, 2009), 516.
65 Felicia Waldman, Anca Ciuciu (eds.), Istorii şi imagini din Bucureştiul evreiesc
(Bucureşti: Noi Media Print), 124–139.
66 Golopenţia, Opere complete, vol. II, pp. 385–387.
67 About Antonescu’s concern for law and order, see, for instance, the observa-
tions of historian Lucian Boia, Lucian Boia, Capcanele istoriei: Elita intelectu-
ală românească între 1930 si 1950, 2nd edition (Bucureşti: Humanitas, 2012),
197–245.
68 This did not prevent several cases of popular participation in anti-Jewish
violence in urban environments, such as those organized by the Iron Guard
in Bucharest (January 1941), and Romania’s intelligence and army in Iaşi
(June 1941). For more details on Romania’s World-War-II pogroms, see
George Voicu (ed.), Violenţă şi teroare în istoria recentă a României (Bucureşti:
Editura Universitară, 2006); Idem, Pogromul de la Ia Iaşi: 28–30 iunie 1941:
Notes 197
Prologul Holocaustului din România (Iaşi: Polirom, 2006); Jean Ancel, Preludiu
la asasinat: Pogromul de la Iaşi 29 Iunie 1941 (Iaşi: Polirom, 2005); Henry
Eaton, The Origins and the Onset of the Romanian Holocaust (Detroit: Wayne
State University Press, 2013).
69 ANR, MEN-DS 48/1940, pp. 108–109.
70 See Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania; Friling, Ioanid, and
Ionescu (eds.), Final Report.
71 Avram Rosen, Contribuţia evreilor la progresul industrial în România interbelică
(Bucureşti: Hasefer, 2002); Idem, Participarea evreilor la dezvoltarea industrială
a Bucureştiului din a doua jumătate a secolulului XIX până în 1938 (Bucureşti:
Hasefer, 1995); Idem, “Jews in Romanian Industry,” in Liviu Rotman and
Raphael Vago (eds.), The History of the Jews in Romania, 3rd vol. (Tel Aviv:
The Goldstein Goren Diaspora Research Center, Tel Aviv University, 2005),
77–108; Chirot, Schimbarea socială, 175–179, 232–235; Giurescu, Istoria
Bucureştiului, 515–518; Carol Iancu, Evreii din România. De la emancipare la
marginalizare: 1919–1938 (Bucureşti: Hasefer, 2000), 60–70; Mendelsohn,
The Jews of East Central Europe, 178–180.
72 Ancel, Contribuţii, vol. I, part II, pp. 70–73; for the opinion of a Bucharest
inhabitant that “Jews occupied too many important positions” during the
1930s–1940s, see, for instance, the interview with Elisabeta Odobescu-Goga,
in Zoltán Rostás (ed.), Secolul Coanei Lizica: Convorbiri din anii 1985–1986 cu
Elisabeta Odobescu-Goga. Jurnale din perioada 1916–1918 (Bucureşti: Paideia,
2004), 116.
73 Jean Ancel, Contribuţii la Istoria României: Problema Evreiască, 1933–1944
(Bucureşti: Hasefer, 2001–2003), vol. 1 part II, pp. 70–71.
74 ANIC, MEN-DOPCI 80/1941, pp. 113–114.
75 Ancel, Contribuţii, 75. These statistics do not include other foreigners, such
as Germans, Armenians, and Greeks.
76 See Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 171–211; Carol Iancu, Evreii
din Romania: De la Emancipare la Excludere (Bucureşti: Hasefer, 2000); Irina
Livezeanu, Cultural politics in Greater Romania; Regionalism, Nation Build-
ing, and Ethnic Struggle, 1918–1930 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University
Press, 1995); Camelia Crăciun, “The Clash of Generations: The Identity Dis-
courses of Romanian Jewish Intellectuals in the Interwar Period,” in Diana
Mishkova, Balazs Trencsenyi, and Maria Jalava (eds.), Regimes of Historicity
in Southeastern Europe: 1890–1945 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014),
316–336.
77 Giurescu, Istoria Bucureştiului, 362–427.
78 For an account (produced by a former Romanianization commissar) of
a working-class neighborhood around one of Bucharest’s textile compa-
nies (Juster Factory) targeted by the Romanianization of personnel, see
Gheorghe Ungureanu, Prin labirintul vieţii (Suceava: Muşatinii, 2010),
85–86.
79 Dumitru Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, Bucureşti-Berna: Rapoarte diplomatice ale
lui René de Weck, 1940–1944 (Bucureşti: Hasefer, 2002), 69.
80 The number of refugees who settled in Bucharest after the territorial loses
of 1940 is still debated. According to the Colonization Department’s partial
data, 47,099 refugees (from Northern Transylvania, Bessarabia, and Buko-
vina) lived in the Bucharest area by the end of November 1940. Although
198 Notes
the authorities were supportive in general of ethnic Romanian refugees,

they also complained about their behavior. According to official reports,
many refugees refused to accept jobs outside Bucharest, preferring to stay in
the capital where they received salaries for no work. See ANIC, Preşedinţia
Consiliului de Miniştrii-Cabinet Militar (PCM-CM) 31/1940, pp. 2–14;
MEN-DS 46/1941, pp. 69, 99; MEN-DS 52/1941, p. 16; PCM-CM 31/1940,
pp. 2–14. Gradually, Antonescu grew hostile towards ethnic Romanian
refugees who requested Jewish property, accusing them of profiting from
Romanianization to the detriment of other categories of more deserving
would-be beneficiaries (such as war invalids and veterans). See 8 December
1943 government meeting minutes, in Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele,
vol. IX, pp. 603–619.
81 Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 69; R G Waldeck, Athenée Palace (Bucureşti:
Humanitas, 2006), 226.
82 See Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, p. 705.
83 See the interview with Catherina Iernici in Zoltán Rostás, Sorin Stoica
(eds.), Istorie la firul ierbii: Documente sociale orale (Bucureşti: Tritonic, 2003),
118–119.
84 Văcăreşti, Dudeşti, Moşilor, and Rahova neighborhoods were named after
local streets. For more details on Bucharest neighborhoods with signifi-
cant numbers of Jews, see Waldman and Ciuciu (eds.), Istorii şi imagini din
Bucureştiul evreiesc, 81–103.
85 Ciucă et al. (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. II, p. 180–181.
86 See the report of the Minister of Justice on the Law for the Transfer of Jew-
ish Urban Real Estate of 27 March 1941, in Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de
romanizare, 131–134.
87 Historian Armin Heinen has argued that Antonescu abandoned his idea
to establish a Jewish ghetto in Bucharest because this measure would have
also required ethnic Romanians to move out of the ghetto area, trigger-
ing resentments and major turmoil in the context of the authorities’ weak
managerial capabilities. Heinen, România, Holocaustul şi logica violenţei,
70–71.
88 Mihail Sebastian, Journal: 1935–1944, (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2000), 491; for
the Romanian version, see Mihail Sebastian, Jurnal 1933–1944, (Bucureşti:
Humanitas, 1996); 456.
89 Waldeck, Athenée Palace, 228; Emil Dorian, Jurnal din vremuri de prigoană:
1937–1944 (Bucureşti: Hasefer, 1996), 182, 272.
90 Axis country officials abhorred the idea that Jews could share public spaces
(such as swimming pools) with gentile inhabitants of their capital cities. As
historian Tim Cole shows, Hungarian officials introduced strict regulations
aiming to segregate and, ultimately, isolate Budapest Jews from their Chris-
tian neighbors. These restrictions were more severe than those in Bucharest.
Tim Cole, Holocaust City: The Making of a Jewish Ghetto (New York: Rout-
ledge, 2003).
91 The Council of Ministers’ minutes of 26 August 1941, in Ciucă and Ignat
(eds.), Stenogramele vol. IV, 415.
92 The trend of Romanian Jews moving from small towns to the capital accel-
erated in the late 1930s and early 1940s because of the increasing violence
Notes 199
plaguing the provinces. See, for instance, Annie Bentoiu, Timpul ce ni s-a
dat: memorii 1944–1947 (Bucureşti: Humanitas, 2007, 2nd edition), 122;
Matatias Carp, Cartea Neagră: Suferinţele Evreilor din România, 1940–1944,
3 vols., 2nd ed. (Bucureşti: Diogene, 1996), 110, 127; Pană, Născut în 02,
pp. 611, 618–619, 623–625; Edgar Reichmann, Un insomniac de la Dunăre
(Bucureşti: Albatros, 1998), 184; Carol Buium Beniamini, Un sionist în vre-
mea lui Antonescu şi după aceea (Bucureşti: Hasefer, 1999), 41–44; Ciucă and
Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, p. 567; Ernest H. Latham Jr., Timeless and
Transitory: 20th Century Relations between Romania and the English-Speaking
World (Bucureşti: Vremea, 2012), 248–249.
93 Gheorghe Brătescu, Ce-a fost să fie: Notaţii autobiografice (Bucureşti: Human-
itas, 2003), 79.
94 See the interview with Mr. Pasaco (a pseudonym; he refused to reveal
his name during the interview), whose family moved in 1940 from
Buhusi, a small town in Moldova, to Bucharest. Smaranda Vultur (ed.).
Memoria salvată: Evreii din Banat, ieri şi azi (Iaşi: Polirom, 2002), vol. I,
pp. 213–214.
95 Jews in parts of the Old Kingdom, especially those living in some towns
in Moldova, but also in Piteşti, a town located 100 kilometers northwest
of Bucharest, had to wear a yellow or black Star of David for a time. Fur-
thermore, on 3–5 September 1941, Antonescu ordered all Romanian Jews,
including those of Bucharest, to wear a black Star of David. After protests by
Filderman, Chief Rabbi Şafran, some high clergy, and Nicolae Lupu, a PNŢ
politician, Antonescu canceled this measure a few days later; it was never
implemented, except in some areas where it applied temporarily. For more
details on Antonescu’s inconsistent policy of stigmatizing Jews by forcing
them to wear a Star of David, see Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 45–48;
Ancel, The History of the Holocaust, 518–520.
96 See Gavin Bown, Paul Morand şi România (Bucureşti: Corint, 2008),
147–151; Jean Mouton, Jurnal. România: 1939–1946 (Bucureşti: Vivaldi,
2008), 53, 69–70, 72; some Bucharest Jews also supplied these foreign
embassies with information; see also Latham, Timeless and Transitory,
242–243.
97 See the discussion between Nuncio Andrea Cassulo and René de Weck
reported by the Swiss ambassador to Berne on 13 December 1942, in Hâncu
(ed.), Confidenţial, 66; see also the report (6 July 1942) of Cassulo to Vatican,
in Ion Dumitru-Snagov (ed.), România în diplomaţia Vaticanului: 1939–1944
(Bucureşti: Garamond, 1991), 156–157.
98 ANR, Inspectoratul General al Jandarmeriei (IGJ), 8/1941, p. 11.
99 Leading economists emphasized that the “camouflage” of “foreign”
property and employment had a long history in Romania, and theorized
that it was responsible for the failure of Romanianization initiatives in
the 1920s and 1930s. See Madgearu, Românizarea vieţii economice, 13–16;
D. R. Ioaniţescu, Protecţia muncii naţionale: istoric: legiuirile regimului legionar
(Bucureşti: Tipografia ABC, 1941), 13–15.
100 See, for instance, Ancel, Contribuţii la Istoria României; idem, The History
of the Holocaust; Idem, Transnistria, 3 vols. (Bucureşti: Atlas, 1998); Idem,
Preludiu la asasinat; Viorel Achim, Constantin Iordachi (eds.), România
200 Notes
si Transnistria: Problema Holocaustului. Perspective Istorice şi Comparative

(Bucureşti: Curtea Veche, 2004); Randolph Braham (ed.), The Tragedy of
Romanian Jewry (New York: The Rosenthal Institute/CUNY, 1994); Dele-
tant, Hitler's Forgotten Ally; Armin Heinen, Legiunea ‘Archanghelui Mihail’
(Bucureşti: Humanitas, 1999); Idem., România, Holocaustul şi logica violenţei;
Eaton, The Origins and the Onset of the Romanian Holocaust; Iancu, Shoah în
România; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu; Mihail Ionescu, Liviu Rot-
man (eds.), The Holocaust and Romania: History and Contemporary Significance
(Bucharest: Institute for Political Studies of Defence and Military History,
2003); Dalia Ofer, “Life in the Ghettos of Transnistria,” Yad Vashem Studies 25
(1996), 228–274; Paul Shapiro, “Vapniarka: The Archive of the International
Tracing Service and the Holocaust in the East,” in Holocaust and Genocide
Studies 27–1 (2013): 114–137.
101 Iancu, Evreii din România: de la emancipare la marginalizare; Maria Bucur,
Eugenics and Modernization in Interwar Romania (Pittsburgh: University
of Pittsburgh Press, 2001); Idem, Heroes and Victims: Remembering War in
Twentieth Century Romania (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press,
2009); Mihai Chioveanu, Feţele fascismului: Politica, ideologie şi scrisul istoric
(Bucureşti: Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti, 2004); Mihai Chioveanu
and Felicia Waldman, “Public Perceptions of the Holocaust in Postcom-
munist Romania, in Joanna Michlic and Jean-Paul Himka (eds.), Bring-
ing the Dark Past to Light: The Reception of the Holocaust in Postcommunist
Europe (Omaha: University of Nebraska Press, 2013); Clark, European Fas-
cists and Local Activists; Heinen, Legiunea ‘Archanghelui Mihail;’ Iordachi,
Charisma, Politics, and Violence; Livezeanu, Cultural Politics in Greater Roma-
nia; Michelle Kelso, Recognizing Roma: A Study of the Holocaust in Contem-
porary Romania, (unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Michigan,
2010); William Oldson, A Providential Antisemitism: Nationalism and Pol-
ity in Nineteenth Century Romania (Philadelphia: American Philosophical
Society, 1991); Liviu Rotman. Evreii din România în perioada comunistă:
1944–1965 (Iaşi: Polirom, 2004); Raphael Vago. “Holocaust Studies: Recent
Historiographical and Methodological Trends,” in Mihail Ionescu, Liviu
Rotman (eds.) Holocaust in Romania: History and Contemporary Significance
(Tel Aviv, Bucureşti: Goren Goldstein Center, ISPAIM, 2003), 134–144;
Michael Shafir, Între negare si trivializare prin comparaţie. Negarea Holo-
caustului în ţările postcomuniste din Europa Centrala şi de Est (Iasi: Polirom,
2002); Benjamin M. Thorne, The Anxiety of Proximity: The Gypsy Question
in Romanian Society: 1938–1944 (unpublished PhD dissertation, Indiana
University, Bloomington, 2012); Marius Turda, Eugenism şi antropologie
rasială în România, 1874–1944 (Bucureşti: Cuvântul, 2008); Leon Volovici,
Nationalist Ideology and Anti-Semitism: the Case of Romanian Intellectuals in
the 1930s (Oxford, New York: Pergamon Press, 1991); Shannon Woodcock,
The Ţigan is not a Man: The Tigan Other as a Catalyst for Romanian Ethno-
national Identity (unpublished PhD dissertation, The University of Sydney,
Sydney, 2005); Mariana Hausleitner, Die Romanisierung der Bukovina: Die
Durchsetzung des nationalstaatlichen Anspruchs Grossrumaniens 1918–1944
(Oldenbourg: Oldenbourg Verlag, 2000).
Notes 201
102 As exception, see, for instance, Diana Dumitru, “The Attitude of the Non-
Jewish Population of Bessarabia and Transnistria Toward the Jews during
the Holocaust: A Jewish Perspective,” in Yad Vashem Studies 37, no.1 (2009):
53–83.
103 See Livezeanu, Cultural Politics in Greater Romania.
104 Hausleitner, Die Romanisierung der Bukovina.
105 Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, XXXVII–XXXVIII.
106 Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 194–196, 361.
107 Regarding Bucharest, Ancel relied heavily on periodicals, official prop-
aganda, and sources published in the 1980s but lacked access to rel-
evant archival documents produced by the institutions involved in the
process.
108 Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 149–153, 166–168,
351–353. Facing the unavailability of key Romanianization collections,
other historians of the Antonescu regime were not able to explore thor-
oughly the Romanianization of real estate and uncover its failure. Writing
in the early 1990s, the findings of Radu Ioanid resembled Ancel’s conclu-
sions about the failure of the Romanianization of labor and the success of
the expropriation of Jewish property (“took place rapidly”). Overall, Ioa-
nid has a more nuanced perspective (“with a relative efficiency”) about the
result of the Romanianization of Jewish property. Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul
Antonescu, 36.
109 Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 149–153.
110 Solonari, Purifying the Nation, 237–263.
111 Bancos based his argument mainly on the lack of a written order for execu-
tions and his erroneous interpretation of the legal concept of genocide.
Dorel Bancoş, Social şi naţional în politica guvernului Antonescu (Bucureşti:
Eminescu, 2000), 164–166.
112 Bancoş, Social şi naţional, 135–188.
113 See, for instance, Frank Bajohr, Aryanization in Hamburg; Brutmann, Aryani-
sation Economique et Spoliations en Isere; Cole, Holocaust City; Dreyfus, Pilages
sur Ordonnaces; Gordon Horwitz, Ghettostadt: Lodz and the Making of a Nazi
City (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2008); Itamar Levin, Walls Around: The
Plunder of Warsaw Jewry during World War II and Its Aftermath (Westport, CT:
Praeger, 2004).
114 See Levin, Walls Around, 3.
115 These documents are located in the National Archives of Romania and
Municipal Archives in Bucharest, in collections such as the Ministry of
Interior, Presidency of the Council of Ministers of Romania, Presidency
of the Council of Ministers of Romania – Special Information Service,
Ministry of Justice, and General Police Department. Among them, the
collections of three governmental bodies charged with the implementa-
tion of Romanianization, the Ministry of National Economy, Ministry of
Work, Health, and Social Protection/Central Office of Romanianization,
and Under-Secretariat of Romanianization, Colonization, and Inven-
tory/National Romanianization Center, comprise the primary sources for
this study.
202 Notes
116 The files of the wartime Jewish community are housed at the Center for the
Study of the History of Jews from Romania, together with the Jewish Center
collection from the National Archives.
117 For the importance of Holocaust diaries, memoirs, and testimonies, see
Alexandra Garbarini, Numbered Days: Diaries and the Holocaust (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 2006); David Patterson, Along the Edge of Annihilation:
The Collapse and Recovery of Life in the Holocaust Diary (Seattle: University of
Washington Press, 1999); James Young, Writing and Rewriting the Holocaust:
Narrative and the Consequences of Interpretation (Indiana: Indiana University
Press, 1988).
Chapter 2
1 The only successful, pre-World War I, proto-Romanianization regional pro-
ject was the colonization of Northen Dobrogea with ethnic Romanians,
after 1878. As historian Constantin Iordachi has shown, in less than four
decades, ethnic Romanian colonists managed to eliminate the previous
dominance/supremacy of Ottoman Muslims, Greeks, Armenians, and Jews,
and to acquire economic prominence in local commerce and real estate.
Iordachi, Citizenship, Nation, and State-Building, 20–46.
2 Madgearu, Românizarea vieţii economice, 11–16; Virgil Madgearu, Evoluţia
economiei României după Războiul Mondial (Bucureşti: Independenţa
Economică, 1940), 240–244; see also Costin Murgescu, “Ofensiva capita-
lului străin în perioada 1919–1922,” in Costin Murgescu, N. N. Constanti-
nescu (eds.), Contribuţii la istoria capitalului străin în România: De la sfârşitul
Primului Război Mondial până la ieşirea din criza economică din 1929–1933
(Bucureşti: Editura Academiei RPR, 1960), 1–85.
3 Ibid., 15–16.
4 Close scrutiny of the 1934 law shows that it refers to citizenship rather then
ethnicity, but the subsequent implementation norms required companies
to submit data on the ethnicity of their personnel as well, which suggests
that authorities envisioned the replacement of domestic foreigners in the
future. Historian Lya Benjamin has argued that the terminology and the
propositions submitted in companies’ reports mean that the law’s aim was
to fire ethnic minorities as well as foreign citizens. In July 1939, the Ministry
of National Economy (MEN) cleared up this issue by emphasizing that the
law targeted only foreign citizens. Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască,
75–76; see also Iancu, Evreii din România: 1919–1938, pp. 238–243; Mendel-
sohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 204–205.
5 Madgearu, Românizarea vieţii economice, 15–16.
6 Ibid., 16. The failure to enforce the 1934 law should not be a surprise;
Romania has struggled historically to implement its laws, including the
antisemitic provisions. Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 209.
7 Ibid., 17–21.
8 Iancu, Evreii din România: 1919–1938, pp. 256–264; Ancel, The Economic
Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 40–43; Idem, The History of the Holocaust in
Romania, 31–34; Paul Shapiro, “Prelude to Dictatorship in Romania: The
National Christian Party in Power, December 1937–February 1938,” in
Canadian American Slavic Studies 8, no. 1 (1974): 45–88.
Notes 203
9 Filderman, Memoirs and Diaries, 484–503.

10 Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 25–38; Idem, The Economic
Destruction, 33–58; Filderman, Memoirs and Diaries, 484–503; Heinen,
România, Holocaustul şi logica violenţei, 62–63; Leon Volovici, “The Response
of Jewish Leaders and Intellectuals to Antisemitism,” in Rotman and Vago
(eds.), The History of the Jews in Romania, 3rd vol., 171–173. According to
historian Paul Quinlan, at the end of January 1938 French and British Prime
Ministers “threatened to regard the treaties which recognized Romania’s
ownership of Transylvania and Bessarabia as being annulled if the Goga
Government continued its attacks on the Jews.” Paul Quinlan, Clash over
Romania: British and American Policies towards Romania 1938–1947 (Los
Angeles: American Romanian Academy of Sciences, 1977), 29.
11 See the memoirs of Gerhard Stelzer, a German diplomat who worked as
counselor for the German Legation in World War II Bucharest. Cristian
Scarlat (ed.), Diplomaţi germani la Bucureşti: 1937–1944 (Bucureşti: All,
2001), 124; see also Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 46–50; 74–78;
Filderman, Memoirs and Diaries, 509–510.
12 For nineteenth- and twentieth-century local antisemitic traditions, see Volo-
vici, Nationalist Ideology and Antisemitism; Oldson, A Providential Antisemi-
tism; Carol Iancu, Evreii din România 1866–1918: de la excludere la emancipare
(Bucureşti: Hasefer, 1996); Iancu, Evreii din România: 1919–1938; Ancel, The
History of the Holocaust, 101–102; Bucur, Eugenics and Modernization; Heinen,
România, Holocaustul şi logica violenţei, 57–63, 185; for a comparison with
Nuremberg racial laws showing that the Romanian definition of a Jew was
stricter than the Nazi concept, see Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 26–31.
13 Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 29–30.
14 Bucur, Eugenics and Modernization, 3, pp. 210–211. It should be pointed out
that Bucur had access to key Romanian archival collections (such as the
Ministry of Health) only up to 1940 and after 1945.
15 See articles no. 7–14; according to historian Victor Neumann, law no. 2650
and the subsequent antisemitic laws were especially disadvantageous to the
Jews of Banat and Transylvania. These former Habsburg Empire provinces
joined Romania in 1918, and the Jews had enjoyed full political and civil
emancipation since 1867. Victor Neumann, Istoria evreilor din România: Stu-
dii documentare şi teoretice (Timişoara: Amarcord, 1996), 222–224.
16 This law had a precursor. As historian Maria Bucur has noted, the 1938
Penal Code forbade ethnic Romanian army officers from marrying noneth-
nic Romanian women. Bucur, Eugenics and Modernization, 202.
17 Historian Marius Turda pointed out the racial philosophy used by Minister
of Justice Ion Gruia – the author of those antisemitic laws – in the preamble
of Law no. 2650. See Marius Turda, Modernism and Eugenics (Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 110.
18 See the letter of H Spitzmuller to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs in
Iancu (ed.), Shoah în România, 69.
19 See Alexandru Şafran, Un tăciune smuls flăcărilor (Bucureşti: Hasefer, 1996),
103; Sebastian, Jurnal, 424. Sometimes Jews bought fake baptismal cer-
tificates: Maria Banuş, Sub Camuflaj, Jurnal: 1943–1944 (Bucureşti: Cartea
Românească, 1978), 252. After the war, many converts returned to Judaism:
ANR, Direcţia Generală a Poliţiei (DGP) 61/1945, pp. 245–246.
204 Notes
20 According to Radu R Rosetti, the minister of education, Antonescu believed

that the Jews chose to convert to Catholicism in order to bypass Romani-
anization laws. Radu R Rosetti, Pagini de jurnal (Bucureşti: Adevărul, 1993),
190; see also the diplomatic report of Nuncio Andrea Cassulo (from 31
August 1942) in which he informed the Vatican about difficulties he faced
during his interventions in favor of baptized Jews “because the government
believes that Jews convert to Catholicism to avoid the laws.” Ion Dumitru-
Snagov, România în diplomaţia Vaticanului: 1939–1944 (Bucureşti: Editura
Garamond, 1991), 158–159; see also the 4 February 1943 government meet-
ing minutes, in Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, p. 26.
21 Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 119–121.
22 A decision of the ministry of religious affairs and arts from early September,
immediately after Antonescu and the Iron Guard came to power, suggests
that Orthodoxy and Greek Catholicism (affiliated to Rome) were considered
the national religions of ethnic Romanians; documents from the ministry
of the interior support this view: MJ-DJ 116/1942, p. 45. Islam, for instance,
as the religion of former Ottoman rulers and, after 1878, of Turkish and
Tatar minorities, was not considered a national region. Ibid., 58–61.
23 As my book focuses on Bucharest, the largest city in World War II Romania,
the laws that targeted Jews’ urban real estate, jobs, and businesses are of
greatest interest here. For an overview of the antisemitic legislation passed
by the National Legionary government see Ancel, The History of the Holo-
caust, 96–102; Iron Guard leader Horia Sima claimed in his postwar mem-
oirs that the laws for the expropriation of Jewsih rural land and agricultural
assets were inspired by his party, which benefited the excellent collaboration
(“one of the few issues we had a perfect mutual undertsanding”) between
Ion and Mihai Antonescu (as a lawyer, the latter drafted these laws). Sima,
Era libertăţii, vol. I, 251–254.
24 Even though the law mentioned Jews and foreigners, in practice it tar-
geted Jews almost exclusively. In the entire MMSOS/OCR archival collec-
tion I found (out of thousands) only a few cases of ethnic Armenians who
were to be replaced based on this law. See ANR, MMSOS (including OCR),
1940–1944.
25 The training period of ethnic Romanian doubles could be extended by suc-
cessive periods of six months, but only in cases of “absolute necessity,”
with special approval from MMSOS. See articles 2, 9, and 10 of the Decree
Law no. 3825/ 12 November 1940. Constantin Gr C Zotta (ed.), Decret Lege
pentru Românizarea Personalului din Întreprinderi – publicat in Monitorul Oficial
no. 270 din 16 Noiembrie 1940 (Bucureşti: Cugetarea – Georgescu Delafras,
1940).
26 See articles 2, 9, and 10 of the Decree Law no. 3825/12 November 1940.
27 For more details on this topic, see Chapter 8, “Sabotaging the Process of
Romanianization.”
28 The November law punished only companies engaging in camouflage of
Jewish employees, not individuals. While the sanctions were severe (confis-
cation or liquidation of the perpetrating company), the judicial procedure
was very long and complicated.
29 See, for instance, Nicolae Bagdasar, Notaţii autobiografice (Bucureşti: Tritonic,
2004), 277–284; ANR, CER 175/1942; 184/1942; 197/1942; CER 198/1942;
Notes 205
CER 203/1942; CER 219/1942; CER 2/1943; CER 3/1943; CER 35/1943;
CER 37/1943; CER 38/1943; CER 46/1943; CER 49/1943; CER 52/1943; CER
224/1943; CER 227/1943; MMSOS 609/1943, pp. 132–135; see also the 11
May and 12 June 1945 interrogations of Radu Lecca by SMERSH and the
14 November 1944 interview with Berg Gheorghe Isakovici, Lecca’s Jewish
driver during July–August 1944 in Ioanid (ed.), Lotul Antonescu în ancheta
Smerş, 374–377, 390–394.
30 See, for instance, the interview with Leonida Marlaub, a Bucharest Jewish
inhabitant who though he was fired twice during that era on racial grounds,
concluded that he did not really suffer because his family did not own real
estate that could be confiscated: “We went through worries, intense emo-
tions, but we did not [really] suffer, [because] we had no houses that could
be taken from us.” Zoltán Rostás (ed.), Chipurile oraşului: Istorii de viaţă în
Bucureşti Secolul XX (Iaşi: Polirom, 2002), 202; see also Dorian, Jurnal, 160–
161; Sebastian, Jurnal, 318–319; Solly Border, Între două lumi cu un român
american (Bucureşti: Aldo Press, 2007), 11.
31 Jacques Truelle’s report of 1 April 1941 to Admiral Darlan in Iancu (ed.),
Shoah în România, 132.
32 The following categories of Jews were exempted from expropriation of urban
real estate: Jews who became citizens before August 1916; Jews enrolled in
the Romanian army, who had been injured, decorated, or cited for bravery
in Romania’s wars; the heirs of Jews who died in Romania’s wars; Jews bap-
tized to Christianity at least 20 years prior if they were also married to eth-
nic Romanians; Jews baptized to Christianity if they were married to ethnic
Romanians for at least 10 years and if from that marriage they had children
who had been baptized Christian; Jews who were baptized to Christianity
at least 30 years ago; the heirs of those mentioned above. Jews who brought
exceptional proof of devotion or performed exceptional services for Roma-
nia could be exempted from this law, but only by a special and distinct law.
As I discuss in chapter 7 (“Jewish Legal Resistance to Romanianization”),
not only exempted Jews but also many others embraced this legal loophole
and struggled in court to reverse or postpone the expropriation of their
houses.
33 In his study on the Antonescu regime’s robbery of Romanian Jews, his-
torian Jean Ancel argued that “the compensation was purely symbolic, a
pure joke” and that in practice, the Jews did not receive any money at all.
Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 150, 152. This situation
resembles the Armenian genocide, where despite the promises made in the
various Ottoman laws to compensate the “relocated”/deported Armenians
for the property left behind, historians could not find even one such case.
Taner Akcam, The Young Turks’ Crime against Humanity: The Armenian Geno-
cide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire (Princeton: Princeton Uni-
versity Press, 2012), 352–356.
34 See, for instance, the 31 March 1941 report of French diplomats in Bucha-
rest to their superiors in Paris, in Iancu (ed.), Shoah în România, 134.
35 In an internal memo assessing this topic, the Ministry of Justice experts rec-
ognized the difficulties faced by local banks that tried to retrieve the loans
awarded to Jewish debtors prior to the expropriation laws. See ANR, MJ-DJ
127/1941, pp. 143–144.
206 Notes
36 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 10/1941, pp. 106–107.

37 ANR, SSRCI-D Contabilitate 12/1941, p. 12, 19/1941, pp. 1–4.
38 See the memo addressed by the General Jewish Council to the new
Sănătescu government on 16 September 1944 in Harry Kuler (ed.), Evreii
în România anilor 1944–1949: Evenimente, documente, comentarii (Bucureşti:
Hasefer, 2002), 389–394.
39 Historian Jean Ancel also noted the regime’s “permanent effort to present
the robbing of the Jews as a ‘legal’ measure adopted in the framework of
legality and equity,” but did not make the connection with the regime’s
plans for the green table. Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry,
151. While, as historian Martin Dean has noted, Nazi leaders were also pre-
occupied with legitimizing the robbery of Jewish property by confiscating
it with legal title, they aimed to ease the concerns of German bureaucrats
involved in the process and of would-be profiteers about the legality of
Aryanization, contrary to Romania, whose leaders’ obsession for legal title
sprung from their desire to legitimize Romanianization at the postwar green
table. Dean, Robbing the Jews, 2–4, 256, 378–397. Legalized plunder of vic-
timized groups took place not only during the Holocaust but also in other
cases of genocide. Antonescu’s government strategy also resembles the
Young Turks’ “legalization of pillage” plan to rob their Armenian citizens
during World War I. As scholars Ügur Ümit Üngör, Mehmed Polatel, and
Taner Akcam have persuasively shown in their recent books on the Arme-
nian genocide, even the German allies of the Ottoman Empire considered
the dispossession of the Armenians as legalized robbery. Ügur Ümit Üngör
and Mehmet Polatel, Confiscation and Destruction: The Young Turks’ Seizure
of Armenian Property (London: Continuum, 2011), 41–60; Akcam, The Young
Turks’ Crime against Humanity, 341–372.
40 For more details on the concerns of Ion and Mihai Antonecu with paralyz-
ing Jewish claims at the green table, see the 13 November 1941 government
meeting minutes in Ciucă and Ignat (eds), Stenogramele, vol. V, pp. 122–123.
41 The regime’s second in command, Mihai Antonescu (a professor of interna-
tional law at the High Academy of Commercial and Industrial Studies and
Bucharest Law School), was probably behind the legal strategy to present
the confiscations of Jewish property as legitimate expropriations.
42 See, for instance, the 9 May 1941 government meeting minutes in Ciucă
and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. III, pp. 355–356; see also the 11 May 1945
minutes of the interrogation of Radu Lecca by Soviet counter-intelligence
unit, SMERS in Ioanid (ed.), Lotul Antonescu în ancheta Smerş, 373–374.
43 Recognition of Romania’s independence in the 1878 Berlin Peace Treaty
also depended upon the change of Romania’s constitution in order to allow
the emancipation of the Jews. This episode reinforced the belief of Roma-
nian politicians in international Jewish conspiracy.
44 Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, p. 501; as Martin Dean has
demonstrated, after the deportation of German Jews to the East, the Nazis
also “used legal artifice to make it appear that they were merely collecting,
on behalf of the state, ownerless property left behind.” Dean, Robbing the
Jews, 3.
45 Deletant, Hitler’s Forgotten Ally, 118. Other minutes of the government meet-
ings illustrate the same trend. On 20 April 1943, for instance, Antonescu
Notes 207
declared, “I am fighting to win the war, but the democracies may happen to
win it. And we know what democracy means; it means Judeocracy. So, why
should I expose future generations of the nation to punishment for such a
measure of mine.” See the minutes of the government meeting of 20 April
1943 in Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, p. 185.
46 Quoted in Deletant, Hitler’s Forgotten Ally, 118–119.
47 Boris Deşliu, Jurnal de avocat (Bucureşti: Vremea, 2002), 37.
48 Establishing his dictatorship, King Carol II replaced the 1923 Constitu-
tion with his own constitution (1938). Both of them, however, stipulated
the inviolability of private property and banned any law that would have
mentioned the confiscation of such property, allowing only the public util-
ity expropriation with a preliminary and fair compensation. Preparing to
abdicate, Carol II suspended the 1938 Constitution and appointed Anto-
nescu as prime minister with “full powers to rule the state” on 5 Septem-
ber 1940. See Flavius Baias, Bogdan Dumitrache, and Marian Nicolae (eds.),
Regimul juridic al imobilelor preluate abuziv (Bucureşti: Rosetti, 2001), 5–7;
Eleodor Focşeneanu, Istoria Constituţională a României: 1859–2003, 3rd edi-
tion (Bucureşti, 2007), 124–136; Boia, Capcanele istoriei, 197–199, 345.
49 S Friedman, Expropriation in International Law (London: Stevens & Sons,
1953); George Costi, Exproprierea pentru cauză de utilitate publică în România
(Arad: Imprimeriile Judeţului Arad, 1940).
50 See the General Jewish Council memo to the government, in Kuller (ed.),
Evreii în România anilor 1944–1949, pp. 389–394.
51 For the significant role of Nazi racial legislation and legal experts in the elab-
oration of Antonescu’s antisemitic laws, see the report (16 July 1941) of Swiss
ambassador René de Weck in Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 32, 48–49, 57, 61.
52 See Reinhard Heydrich’s memo sent to the German Ministry of Foreign
Affairs on 27 August 1941 in Ottmar Traşcă and Dennis Deletant (eds.), Al
III-lea Reich şi Holocaustul din România: 1940–1944. Documente din arhivele
germane (Bucureşti: Editura INSHR-EW, 2007), 276–278; see also Heinen,
România, Holocaustul şi logica violenţei, 54; Ancel, The History of the Holo-
caust, 101–102; see also the 11 December 1944 and 12 June 1945 minutes of
the interrogation of Radu Lecca by SMERSH in Ioanid (ed.), Lotul Antonescu
în ancheta Smerş, 342–343, 371–373, 381–382.
53 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, p. 186.
54 ANR, Ibid., vol. II, pp. 85–86. Slovak authorities adopted the Jewish Codex
on 9 September 1941. Dean, Robbing the Jews, 20.
55 ANR, SSRCI-DC 35/1942, p.73. Ironically, private initiative prevailed over
bureaucracy’s formalism and a (sort of) Romanianization Code reached the
public in 1942. Four judges (led by Nicolae Ghimpa, a Bucharest Appeals
Court judge and Assistant Professor of Law) gathered all the Romanianiza-
tion laws and published them at the printing house of a major national
newspaper (Universul). While this was not a typical legal code, the book
grouped together updated legislation regulating the confiscation of Jewish
property, various administrative directives, and Central Judicial Commis-
sion’s jurisprudence. See Ghimpa, et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare.
56 ANR, SSRCI-D. Contencios 9/1941, pp. 1–14.
57 Few collections of this periodical that survived in Romanian archives and
libraries belonged to private companies, who bought subscriptions. The
208 Notes
Jewish community’s legal experts also read it constantly, looking for pos-
sible avenues for maneuver. See Pandectele Românizării no. 1 (September
1941)–16 (November 1943); ANR, SSRCI-D. Contencios 9/1941, pp. 1–14;
CER 33/1942, pp. 14–25.
58 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 80/1941, p. 226.
59 See Solonari, Purifying the Nation, 254–256. Historian Marius Tura has also
argued that interwar and World War II scientists failed to identify a homog-
enous distribution of blood and physical anthropological charcteristics
among ethnic Romanians. Turda, Eugenism şi antropologie rasială, 96–116.
60 For a detailed study of Romania’s interwar eugenics, see Bucur, Eugenics and
Modernization.
61 See Heinen, România, Holocaustul şi logica violenţei, 57. As historian Marius
Turda argued, despite intense public debate, Romanian eugenists failed to
obtain political and administrative support to legislate and implement ster-
ilization or conscious racial annihilation of Jews and Roma, as happened in
Nazi Germany. Turda, Eugenism şi antropologie rasială, 71–78.
62 As historian Maria Bucur noted, Romanian eugenicisist Iordache Facaoaru
conducted a series of bioanthropometric measurements in Transnistria (in
1942) to establish the “authenticity” of ethnic Romanians living in that area
and to identify some “scientific” criteria for weeding out undesirable “oth-
ers.” Bucur, Eugenics and Modernization, 39, 215, 224. Other scholars partici-
pated in the Central Statistics Institute’s expedition into the Soviet territory
to identify ethnic Romanians located on the East of Bug river. The Anto-
nescu regime wanted to repatriate those “brothers” to Romania, part of a
wider population exchange strategy. See Anton Golopenţia, Romanii de la Est
de Bug (Bucureşti: Editura Enciclopedică, 2006); Viorel Achim, “Romanian
Population Exchange Project Elaborated by Sabin Manuilă in October 1941,”
Annali dell’Instituto Storico Italo-Germanico in Trento, XXVII (2001): 593–617.
63 Chris R. Davis, “Nationalizing the Moldavia Csangos: Clericalism and Ethnic
Mobilization in World War II Romania and Hungary,” in Robert Pyrah and
Marius Turda (eds.), Re-Contextualizing East Central European History: Nation,
Culture, and Minority Groups (London: Legenda, 2010), 74–88; see also Chris
R. Davis, “Historical Truth and Reality of Blood: Romanians and Hungarian
Narratives of National Belonging and the Case of the Moldovian Csangos,
1920–1945,” in Mishkova, Trencsenyi, and Jalava (eds.), Regimes of Historic-
ity, 337–356.
64 ANR, MJ-DJ114/1941, vol. II, pp. 217–222.
65 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, pp. 29–30.
66 See the 16 December 1941 government meeting minutes in Ciucă and Ignat
(eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, pp. 464–465.
67 Ancel, The History of the Holocaust, 102. According to Radu Lecca, Antonescu
rejected his draft law aiming to gather all antisemitic laws into a coherent
status of the Jews. See the 11 May 1945 minutes of Lecca’s interrogation by
SMERSH, in Ioanid (ed.), Lotul Antonescu în ancheta Smerş, 374.
68 ANR, SSRCI-D. Contencios, 12/1941, pp. 77–78, 147; MEN-DS 42/1941,
11–12.
69 Emilian Ezechiel, La porţile infernului: 1941–1945. Amintirile unui veteran de
război (Bucureşti: Tritonic, 2008), 162.
Notes 209
70 For another case where a Bucharest small-business owner lost his kiosk
because local authorities doubted his (Macedonian)-Romanian ethnicity,
suspecting him of acquiring his certificates by corrupting pre-Antonescu
authorities, see Valeriu Anania, Memorii (Iaşi: Polirom, 2008), 21–22.
71 Camil Roguski, Politic incorect: Despre România, dar cu dragoste. Camil Roguski
în dialog cu Monica Tatoiu (Bucureşti: Neverland, 2010), 85, 105.
72 See the interview with Constantin Marinescu, in Zoltán Rostás (ed.), Strada
Latină no. 8 (Bucureşti: Curtea Veche, 2009), 196; and with Henri H. Stahl,
in Zoltán Rostás (ed.), Monografia ca utopie: Interviuri cu Henri H. Stahl
(Bucureşti: Paideia, 2000), 225.
73 Osterman, Amintiri pentru fiica mea, 37.
74 Interview with Eduard Korn in Rostás (ed.), Chipurile oraşului, 146.
75 Constantin Virgil Gheorghiu, Ard malurile Nistrului: Mare reportaj de război
din teritoriile dezrobite (Bucureşti, 1941).
76 Virgil Gheorghiu, Memorii (Bucureşti: Editura 100+1 Gramar, 2003), 540–
542. Other witnesses of the era, such as General Bucur Calomfirescu, com-
plained in their postwar memoirs about the pressure on other categories of
public employees, such as Army officers, to divorce their Jewish wives. If the
officers refused to comply, they were fired. See Bucur Calomfirescu, Memorii
(Bucureşti: Vitruviu, 2008), 121.
77 In this case, the term camouflage had a broader meaning, referring to all
types of false certificates presented to Romanian authorities in order to
bypass the strict laws of the era.
78 Pericle Martinescu, Uraganul istoriei: Pagini de jurnal intim: 1940 (Constanţa;
Ex Ponto, 2006), 245.
79 For an analysis of the importance of visas, false papers, and other docu-
ments allowing Jews to escape Nazi Europe, see Deborah Dwork and Robert
Jan van Pelt, Flight from the Reich: Refugee Jews, 1933–1946 (New York, Lon-
don: WW Norton & Company, 2009).
80 Serge Moscovici, Cronica anilor risipiţi (Iaşi: Polirom, 1999), 224.
81 ANR, DGP 9/1945, pp. 46–49.
82 ANR, SSRCI-D. Control 64, pp. 2–7.
83 I examine the first “constructive” Romanianization measures in Chapter 4
(“The Beneficiaries of Romanianization”).
84 See Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 147, 159.
85 See the justification by the Ministers of Justice and Finance in the prologue
for Law no. 752, in Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 164.
87 See MO no. 216, September 1941, in Ibid., 164.
88 For such a case, see the 23 May 1943 entry from the diary of Constantin
Rădulescu-Motru, Revizuiri şi adăugiri: 1943 (Bucureşti: Floarea Darurilor,
2001), 118–119.
89 According to Romanian legislation, the patrimony of a company comprised
of the company’s material and intellectual property rights of economic
value, including loans and debts.
90 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 10/1941, pp. 61–67.
91 Ibid., 78–79.
92 Ibid., 61–79.
210 Notes
93 See the 16 December 1942 government meeting minute in Ciucă and Ignat
(eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, 462.
94 See the article by a SSRCI lawyer in November 1943, Nicolae Rodeanu,
“Legitimarea evreilor,” Pandectele Românizării, no. 13–16, (November 1943),
pp. 316–320.
95 Romanianization agencies were not the only governmental bodies who
resented the legalities and complicated procedures. Other institutions com-
plained about CNR’s formalities and their strict interpretation of Romani-
anization laws, which prevented them from acquiring Jewish property. For
the complaints of the Ministry of National Defense against CNR, see ANR,
MJ-DJ 97/1943, p. 22.
96 See the diary of General Radu R Rosetti, minister of national education, in
1941. Rosetti, Pagini de jurnal, 196.
97 For such a case (October 1943), see Deletant, Hitler’s Forgotten Ally, 118–119.
98 ANR, MJ-DJ 46/1941, pp. 49–53.
99 Bucharest Jewish writer, Emil Dorian, recorded in his diary (20 January
1943) the reduction of anti-Jewish legislation. Dorian, Jurnal, 272.
100 ANR, MJ-DJ 121/1943, pp. 14–17.
101 ANR, MJ-DJ 121/1943, pp. 113–119.
102 ANR, MJ-DJ 40/1944, pp. 3,6,7,10.
103 I examined three main collections of diplomatic reports produced by Ger-
man, French, and Swiss embassies. For Swiss reports on antisemitic legisla-
tion, see Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 32, 40–43, 50–51; for French reports,
see Iancu (ed.), Shoah in România, 77–81, 83, 93–95, 102–108, 129–136; for
German documents, see Traşcă and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich.
104 See, for instance, Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 32, 42–43.
105 Traşcă and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 385.
106 Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 43.
107 Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 47. Economic departments all over the country
also noticed that the exclusion of Jews from professions left them no other
option than to continue their trade on the black market, thus competing
with ethnic Romanian entrepreneurs who Romanianized former Jewish
businesses. See, for instance, the report of Iaşi Chamber of Commerce and
Industry from October 1942, MEN-DOP-SF 1/1940, p. 156. For complaints
of ethnic Romanian businessmen from Bucharest against their Jewish com-
petitors, who continued to practice their trade illegally after their exclusion
from local economy, see ANR, PCM-SSI 91/1941, pp. 270–272.
108 Iancu (ed.), Shoah în România, 104.
109 Romanian Jews sometimes referred to this discrimination in their memoirs.
See, for instance, Reichman, Un insomniac la Dunăre, 194.
110 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, pp. 86–93; see also the 9 May 1941 govern-
ment meeting minutes, in Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. III, pp.
335–336.
111 Ibid., p. 84; Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 221–222. See Jurnalul Con-
siliului de Miniştrii no. 786 of 28 July 1942, in MJ-DJ, 114/1941, vol. 1, p. 84.
Other subsequent decisions reinforced this rule. See Decree Law no. 232 of 2
February 1944, published in Monitorul Oficial no. 28 of 3 February 1944, with
regard to the exemption of urban real estate owned by some foreign Jews
from the expropriation law no. 254 of 28 March 1941. Consiliul Legislativ,
Notes 211
Colecţiune de legi şi regulamente, Tomul XXII: ianuarie-februarie 1944 (Bucureşti:

Monitorul Oficial şi Imprimeriile Statului, 1944), 146–147; see also Jurnalul
Consiliului de Miniştrii no. 202 of 28 February 1944, which announced that
Jews holding Argentinian, Swiss, French, Iranian, Italian, Spanish, Swedish,
or Turkish citizenship on 28 March 1941, and who did not lose it in the
subsequent period, would be exempted from the expropriation of urban real
estate (art.1). Monitorul Oficial al României, no. 60 of 11 March 1944.
112 ANR, MJ-DJ 110/1944, pp. 2, 10, 22–28.
113 See, for instance, the letter sent by the Timis appeals court to the Ministry
of Justice in January 1943 inquiring if Jews of Hungarian citizenship were
exempted from the expropriation of urban real estate because a local Jew
claimed that exemption in one of its cases. MJ-DJ 121/1943, p. 5.
114 See, for instance, ANR, MJ-DJ 80/1941, pp. 26, 28–31, 33–37, 188; MJ-DJ
126/1941, pp. 1, 3–4, 9, 18, 20; SSRCI-DR 3/1941, p. 19; MEN-DOPCI
71/1941, pp. 7–10; MEN-DOPCI 86/1941, pp. 197–199; Hâncu (ed.),
Confidenţial, 74; see also the 9 May 1941 government meeting minutes, in
Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. III, pp. 355–356.
115 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, pp. 91–93.
116 ANR, MJ-DJ 121/1943, pp. 63, 75, 92–113.
117 For the US diplomats’ repeated interventions in MAE in favor of US citizens
of Jewish origin, as well in favor of Romanian Jews working for American
press agencies in Romania and for the US legation in Bucharest, see Latham,
Timeless and Transitory, 241–269.
118 ANR, SSRCI-DR 3/1940, pp. 21–22.
119 Ibid., 19.
120 Ibid., 19.
121 Ibid., 19.
122 Ibid., 20.
123 ANR, MJ-DJ 80/1941, p. 188; MJ-DJ 121/1943, pp. 66, 68.
124 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 86/1941, pp. 197–199. Another Axis partner, the Hun-
garian embassy, petitioned in favor of its Jewish citizens threatened by
expropriation. See MJ-DJ 121/1943, pp. 54–56.
125 For the Swiss diplomats’ success in persuading Ion Antonescu to exempt
Swiss and other foreign citizens from the obligation of producing ethnicity
certificates, see René de Weck, Jurnal, 53, 117, 136.
126 Jacques Truelle’s letter to Admiral Darlan on 9 September 1941, in Iancu
(ed.), Shoah în România, 153–154.
127 Ibid., 154.
128 See the interview with RL in Smaranda Vultur, Adrian Onica (eds.), Memoria
salvată, vol. II, (Timişoara: Editura Universităţii de Vest, 2009), 285–286.
129 ANR, MJ-DJ 80/1941, pp. 157–187, 219, 232; MJ-DJ 121/1943, p. 30.
130 Ibid., 347.
131 ANR, MEN-DS, 67/1941, p. 59.
132 ANR, MJ-DJ 80/1941, pp. 146–147.
133 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, p. 88.
134 ANR, SSRCI-DR 3/1941, p. 23.
135 Pană, Născut in ’02, p. 598.
136 Dumitru-Snagov, România în diplomaţia Vaticanului, 142–184.
137 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, p. 186.
212 Notes
138 ANR, MJ-DJ 116/1942, 24–26; for more details on Romania’s Concordat
with the Vatican, see Mariuca Vadan, La Relazioni Diplomatiche Tra la Santa
Sede e Romania: 19201948 (Citta di Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2001).
139 ANR, MJ-DJ 116/1942, 28–29.
140 See de Weck’s diary entries from 18 August 1942, 13 December 1942, and
5 February 1944, in Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 51, 65–66, 74.
141 Dumitru-Snagov, România în diplomaţia Vaticanului, 142–184.
142 ANR, MJ-DJ, 116/1942, p. 39.
143 ANR, MJ-DJ 116/1941, p. 30.
144 ANR, MJ-DJ 116/1942, pp. 22–23.
145 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. II, p. 172.
146 ANR, MJ-DJ 116/1942, pp. 48–49.
147 Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, pp. 226–227.
148 ANR, PCM-SSI 96/1941, p. 91.
149 ANR, PCM-SSI 96/1941, p. 91.
150 For the case of a Bucharest Orthodox priest who converted Jews during
the Antonescu regime see, for instance, Gala Galaction, Jurnal, 4th vol.
(Bucureşti: Albatros, 2000), 135, 153.
151 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, p. 31.
152 For more details on the cooperation of the Romanian Orthodox Church
with Antonescu’s antisemitic policies, see Ancel, The History of the Holocaust
in Romania, 56–60; Ancel, Transnistria, vol. 3; for the relation between the
Iron Guard and the Orthodox Church, see Paul Shapiro, “Faith, Murder,
Resurection: The Iron Guard and the Romanian Orthodox Curch,” Kevin
Spicer (ed.), Antisemitism, Christian Ambivalence, and the Holocaust (Bloom-
ington: Indiana University Press, 2007), 136–172; for more details on the
role of Patriach Miron Cristea and other high-ranking Orthodox clergy in
supporting local antisemitism during the last years of the Carol II regime,
including the policy of Romanianization and the ban on converting Jews
who could not prove their Romanian citizenship, see Ion Popa, “Miron Cri-
stea, the Romanian Orthodox Patriarch: His Political and Religious Influ-
ence in Deciding the Fate of the Romanian Jews: February 1938–March
1939,” in Yad Vashem Studies, 40–2 (2012): pp. 11–34.
153 ANR, MJ-DJ, 116/1942, p. 38; for more details on the relation between
Romanian modern state and the local Orthodox Church during late 19th
and early 20th century, see Lucian N. Leuştean, Orthodoxy and the Cold War:
Religion and Political Power in Romania: 1947–1965 (Basingstoke: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2009), 24–56.
154 See, for instance, Onişfor Ghibu, Nulitatea Concordatului dintre România
şi Sfântul Scaun (Cluj: Institutul de Arte Grafice Ardealul, 1935); Cristian
Vasile, Între Vatican şi Kremlin: Biserica Greco-Catolică în timpul regimului
comunist (Bucureşti: Curtea Veche, 2003), 66–74.
155 ANR, MJ-DJ 116/1942, pp. 35–36.
156 See, for instance, the observations of René de Weck, the Swiss ambassador
in Romania, in Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 51.
157 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, pp. 97–101.
158 Ibid., 99.
159 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. II, pp. 39–40.
160 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, p. 193.
Notes 213
Chapter 3
1 See the Decree Law “for the Establishment of National Romanianization
Center” no. 1216 of 3 May 1941, published in Monitorul Oficial no 102 of
3 May 1941, in Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 30–43.
2 Pană, Născut la 02, p. 641.
3 ANR, SSRCI- D. Contencios (DC), 12/1941, p. 41.
4 ANR, MEN-DS, 22/1941, pp. 25–29.
5 See her interview in Uwe Lehners, Karin Gundisch and Alexandru Murat
Mironov (eds.), Trasee ale memoriei: Biografii de tineri din România. Amintiri
după cincizeci de ani (Bucureşti: ADZ, 2003), 73–75.
6 For the numerous Ministry of Finance investigations of CNR activity see
ANR, MF-CSIS 277/1941; 278/1941; 279/1941; 280/1941.
7 ANR, MF-CSIS 280/1941, pp. 86–88.
8 Ordinary Bucureşteni believed that Romanianization agents (from OCR)
got their jobs through “protection,” even though they had little educa-
tion. See the interview with Eduard Korn in Rostas (ed.), Chipurile oraşului,
146–147.
9 See, for instance, the case uncovered by a Ministry of Finance investigation
at CNR, where a clerk managed to appoint her brother as custodian of an
expropriated Jewish factory, with a good salary. ANR, MF-CSIS 279/1941,
pp. 47–50.
10 See, for instance, ANR, SSRCI–D. Contabilitate (Cont.) 2/1941, p. 53;
3/1941, pp. 13, 26; MMSOS 584/1943 vol. II, p. 175.
11 ANR, SSRCI-D. Cont. 2/1941, p. 53.
12 ANR, PCM-SSI 93/1941, pp. 28–37.
13 Ibid., 45.
14 Ibid., 43–44; 50–51.
15 ANR, PCM-SSI 93/1941, pp. 43–44.
16 According to Sabin Manuilă, head of the Central Statistics Institute,
Zwiedeneck joined the local German Ethnic Grup (GEG), the Nazi-style
organization of local ethnic Germans during the Antonescu regime. See
the 21 October 1944 government meeting minutes, Marcel Dumitru Ciucă
(ed.), Stenogramele Şedinţelor Consiliului de Miniştrii: Guvernarea Constantin
Sănătescu, vol. II (Bucureşti: Saeculum, 2012), 51.
17 Iancu (ed.), Shoah in România, 169; on the career of Zwiedeneck, see also
Trască and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 297.
18 ANR, MF-CSIS 279.1941, p. 56.
19 De Weck’s report to Berne of 28 November 1941, in Hâncu (ed.),
Confidenţial, 39.
20 See Trască and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 297.
21 ANR, PCM-SSI, 121/1939, pp. 248–249.
22 See the Decree Law no. 692 of 6 March 1942, for the Reorganization of
National Romanianization Center, in Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de
Românizare, 64–82.
23 See Timpul, 27 August 1942.
24 See the diary entry from 22 March 1943 in Hudiţă, Jurnal: 1 februarie 1943–
31 decembrie 1943, p. 129.
25 ANR, MF-CSIS 278/1942, pp. 2–3.
214 Notes
26 Antonescu blamed Dragoş not only for the disorganization and failures of
SSRCI, but also for intentionally refusing to implement his directives on
how to improve the efficiency of Romanianization (“sabotage”). Antonescu
appointed Ovidiu Vlădescu as the head of SSRCI because, as the chief of the
Prime Minister Chancellery, Vlădescu was familiar with the problems sur-
rounding Romanianization and colonization. See the 8 December 1943 gov-
ernment meeting minute, in Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX,
pp. 598–601.
27 See, for instance, the diary of General Radu R Rosetti, an official of the Anto-
nescu government, who recorded in his diary (15 April 1943) the meeting
with one of his colleagues, General Dobre, the head of MEN. Dobre was
outraged by the dishonesty of his subordinates. Rosetti, Pagini de jurnal,
223, 228–229.
28 ANR, MEN-DS 22/1941, pp. 25–29.
29 ANR, MF-CSIS 280/1941, p. 50.
30 ANR, MEN-DS 55/1940, pp. 2, 5, 9; MEN-DS 15/1940, pp. 35, 52–53.
31 See Monitorul Oficial no. 207 of 7 September 1940.
32 Honciuc-Beldiman (ed.), Statul Naţional-Legionar, 195–198.
33 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, p. 81.
34 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 18–35; SSRCI-DLE 35, pp. 1–39.
35 ANR, MJ-DJ 117/1941, p. 37; MJ-DJ 119/1942; MEN-DS 34/1940, pp. 1–58;
SSRCI-D Control (Ctr.), 1/1940, pp. 1–2; for more details on Romanian-
Hungarian tensions during World War II, see Case, Between States.
37 Sima Era libertăţii, vol. 1, 187, 193, 195, 198–201.
38 Emil Dorian, The Quality of Witness: A Romanian Diary 1937–1944 (Philadel-
phia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1982), 143; for the Roma-
nian version, see Dorian, Jurnal, 151; see also Carp, Cartea Neagră, 74, 103,
123, 147–148.
39 Theodor Cazaban, Captiv în lumea liberă: Thedor Cazaban în dialog cu Cristian
Badiliţă (Cluj: Echinox, 2002), 63–64.
40 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 18–32.
41 Ibid., 58.
42 ANR, MEN-Oficiul de Studii şi Documentare (OSD), 12/1941, pp. 62–64.
43 See MAE memo from 23 May 1941 informing the Ministry of Justice that
Romania’s retaliations worked and Hungary asked (5 May 1941) for a recip-
rocal removal of controllers appointed to companies owned by each other’s
nationals. ANR, MJ-DJ 117/1941, p. 37. Antonescu abolished control inspec-
tors appointed to Hungarian-owned companies through Law no. 489 of
31 May 1941. See ANR, SSRCI-D. Românizării (R) 8/1941, pp. 4–5; see, for
instance, the 23 June 1942 minute of the Commission for the Preparation
of the Peace Conference at the End of World War II (the Peace Bureau), in
Petre Otu (ed.), Pacea de Mâine: Documente ale Comisiei Constituite în Vederea
Pregătirii Conferinţei De Pace De După Cel De-al Doilea Război Mondial 1942–
1944 (Bucureşti: Editura Militară, 2006), 139–141. Later, in August 1942,
Mihai Antonescu considered Hungary’s continuance of its campaign against
ethnic Romanians’ companies in Northern Transylvania and advocated for
further retaliation against Hungarian-owned businesses in Romania. Otu
(ed.), Pacea de Mâine, 309–312.
44 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 8–9.
Notes 215
45 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 42–43.

46 ANR, SSRCI-DLE, 6/1942, pp. 6–10. By March 1943, SSRCI appointed
149 Romanianization controllers at various companies. SSRCI-DLE 35,
pp. 46–56.
47 ANR, MEN-DS 69/1941, pp. 44–53; MEN-DS 70/1941, pp. 10–15.
48 ANR, MEN-DS 5/1940, pp. 187–189.
49 Ion Dumitrescu-Borşa, Cal troian intra muros: Memorii legionare (Bucureşti:
Lucman, 2002), 363.
50 For instance, the Hungarian and British shareholders of Ardeleana Bank
were so pleased with its Romanianization commissar’s efforts to conserve its
assets and save the Jewish employees from Romanianization of labor, they
made him director of its Romanian branch. See Niculescu (ed.), Un mar-
tor . . . Ghilezean, 58–59; see also, Dumitrescu-Borşa, Cal troian intra muros,
364–367.
51 ANR, MEN-DS 48/1940, pp. 58–62.
52 ANR, MJ-DJ 124/1941, pp. 245–246; MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 8–9; MEN-DS
40/1941; MEN-DS 41/1941.
53 See ANR, MEN-DS 65/1941; MEN-DS 79/1941; SSRCI-DCIC 6/1944, pp. 1–2;
SSRCI-DLE 12/1942, p. 41; MJ-DJ 123/1941, pp. 173–176.
54 See the complaint of SSRCI-DOPCI against previous Romanianization
appointments and special commissars and control inspectors that were
made without its participation. ANR, SSRCI-D. Contabilitate 3/1941, p. 4;
see also SSRCI-DR 3/1940, p. 25.
55 ANR, MEN-DS, 55/1940, p. 9.
56 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 68, 81.
57 ANR, MEN-DEI, 48/1941, p. 4.
58 ANR, SSRCI-DLE 18/1942, pp. 25–30.
59 ANR, SSRCI-DLE 12/1942, pp. 4–7, 15–19, 32–38.
60 Building managers were a controversial category of gentile participants in
Holocaust persecutions, including dispossession of the Jews, in other Axis
countries as well. For the role of the superintendents of Budapest yellow star
houses, see Máté Rigó, Ordinary Women and Men: Superintendents and Jews in
Budapest Yellow Star Houses in 1944–1945, in Urban History 40–1 (2013): 71–91.
61 See article no. 43 of Law 692 of 6 March 1942, in Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul
de românizare, 78.
62 See, for instance, the case recorded by Alice Voinescu in her diary on 1 April
1942. Alice Voinescu, Jurnal (Bucureşti: Albatros, 1997), 374.
63 Banuş, Sub camuflaj, 55–56.
64 Ibid., 56.
65 Banuş, Sub camuflaj, 56.
66 Ibid., 57.
67 Ibid., 60–61.
68 ANR, SSRCI-Direcţia Corpul Inspectorilor de Control, 6/1944, p. 12.
69 Ibid., 86–88.
70 ANR, PCM-SSI 90/1941, pp. 40, 164–165; ACG 113, pp. 6, 10–13.
71 ANR, PCM-SSI 90/1941, pp. 164–165.
72 ANR, SSRCI-DLE 35, pp. 1–56.
73 ANR,SSRCI- D. Contab. 3/1941, pp. 50–53.
74 Zane’s reticence to discuss this topic is understandable: he wrote his mem-
oirs during the communist regime, in the 1960s, after serving a six-year
216 Notes
political sentence. Despite omissions in his memoirs, Zane could not escape
his past: his name was recorded on the official lists of the Economic Com-
missars, and a PNŢ colleague, Ioan Hudiţă, mentioned in his diary this
aspect of Zane’s World War II activity. While Zane was silent about his role
as Romanianization field agent, he mentioned the abuses perpetrated by
two of his (rival) fellow professors from the same university during the
Romanianization of businesses and real estate. Zane, Memorii, 74–75, 78–79.
75 Trască and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 385.
76 ANR, MEN-DS, 79/1941, pp. 18–35.
77 ANR, MEN-DDI 26/1941, p. 19.
78 ANR, MEN-DS 40/1941; MEN-DS 41/1941.
79 See SSRCI’s activity report for September–November 1940, PCM-Cabinet
Militar (CM) vol. II (19401–944), 31/1940, pp. 2–14.
80 Mihai Răutu and Emil Ghilezean worked as Romanianization commissars
and Gheorghe Zane as economic commissar. As all political parties were for-
bidden during the Antonescu regime, Zane and other PNT members adopted
a lower political profile and stayed away from their former party colleagues
who opposed Antonescu. See Ioan Hudiţă, Jurnal politic: 25 august 1944–3
noiembrie 1944 (Piteşti: Paralela 45, 2006), 237, 242, 314–315; Hudiţă, Jurnal
politic 7 decembrie 1944 – 6 martie 1945, pp. 341, 370–371; Hudiţă, Jurnal
politic: 9 februarie 1941–24 iunie 1941, pp. 137–147; Niculescu (ed.), Un
martor al istoriei: Emil Ghilezean, 58–61; according to the diary records of
Hudiţă, in February 1943, Antonescu blamed PNŢ leaders (friends and rela-
tives of Iuliu Maniu) for profiting as “nationalization commissars in com-
panies confiscated by the state.” Hudiţă, Jurnal politic: 1 februarie 194331
decembrie 1943, p. 70.
81 After the death of their leader, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu (November 1938),
two main factions fought for supremacy within the Iron Guard. While the
first one was lead by a young radical teacher, Horia Sima, who in principle
refused any “compromises” with those guilty of the death of their leader
and was thus more inclined to avenge him, the second one grouped around
Ion Codreanu, the father of the slain leader, who appeared more willing
to negotiate with opposing political forces. In the end, Sima’s faction took
control of the Iron Guard and ruled it until their demise during the Janu-
ary 1941 Rebellion. See Heinen, Legiunea; Clark, European fascists and local
activists.
82 Dumitrescu-Borşa, Cal troian intra-muros, 363–367; see also Voinescu, Jurnal,
374; MEN-DS 17/1940, p. 140.
83 ANR, MEN-DS 53/1940, p. 32.
84 Niculescu (ed.), Un martor al istoriei: Emil Ghilezean, 58–59, 92.
85 Ungureanu, Prin labirintul vieţii, 78–87.
86 Dumitrescu-Borşa, Cal troian intra muros, 362–367.
87 See Armand Goşu, “Ghiţă Ionescu despre Nicolae Titulescu,” in Despre
Comunism şi Holocaust: Anuarul Institutului Român de Istorie Recentă, no. 1
(2002), pp. 321–322.
88 Sebastian, Jurnal, 365.
89 Ionescu’s job at SSRCI required him to investigate thoroughly the workings
of oil companies. It fell to him to find out “who were the real shareholders
and managers, the raw materials supplies owned by the company, the num-
ber of employees and their citizenship and ethnic origin,” and so on. This
Notes 217
probably offered great opportunities for extra income. For one of Ionescu’s
assignments at Venus Oil Company in Bucharest in March 1941 see ANR,
MEN-DS 15/1940, p. 58.
90 Sebastian, Journal, 387–388.
91 Sebastian, Journal, 443, 445.
92 See, for instance, SSRCI-Direcţia Control (DC), 64/1941; MEN-DS 20/1940;
MEN-DS 22/1940; MEN-DS 40/1941; MEN-DS 50/1940; MEN-DS 53/1940;
MEN-DS 41/1941; MEN-DS 79/1941.
93 ANR, MEN 40/1941; 41/1941; SSRCI-D Ctr., 1/1940, p. 43.
94 ANR, SSRCI-DLE, 12/1942, pp. 32–38.
95 ANR, SSRCI-D Ctr. 64, pp. 16, 18; SSRCI D Ctr. 1/1940, pp. 31–32.
96 ANR, SSRCI-D Conta. 7/1941, p. 33; MEN-DOPCI 89/1941; MEN-DS
50/1940. Many ethnic Romanians sought to dodge their draft orders,
including offering bribes to military authorities, to avoid serving on the
Soviet front. See, for instance, the interview with Ilie Georgescu in Rostás
and Stoica (eds.), Istorie la firul ierbii: Documente sociale orale, 29; Dumitru
Amzăr, Jurnal Berlinez (Bucureşti: România Press, 2005), 295; Calomfirescu,
Memorii, 362; Rădulescu-Zoner, A fost un destin, 129; ANB, LJB 14/1936,
p. 28; LJB 114/1943, p. 66; ANR, PCM-SR 27/1944, pp. 38, 58–59.
97 See the article “Contra falşilor inspectori de românizare,” Viaţa, no. 485, (23
August 1942), 5.
98 Argetoianu, Însemnări zilnice, vol. X, pp. 535–536.
99 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 79/1941, pp. 5–15.
100 ANR, SSRCI-D. Contencios 12/1941, pp. 189–191.
101 See, for instance, the case when Antonescu ordered his chancellery to
warn an officer (Colonel Şoimu), whose complaint that CNR distributed
a Jewish apartment he wanted was published in another newspaper, that
“for personal problems, he should have not complained to a newspaper.”
PCM-SSI 93/1941, pp. 13–14; see also Rosetti, Pagini de jurnal, 189; PCM-SSI
121/1939, pp. 229–230.
102 See the minutes of 16 July 1942 of the Press and Propaganda section of the
Peace Bureau, in Otu (ed.), Pacea de mâine, 204.
103 ANR, MF-CSIS, 277/1941, p. 2.
104 Pericle Martinescu, Uraganul istoriei: pagini de jurnal intim: anul 1940
(Constanţa: Ex Ponto, 2005), 204, 241.
105 Martinescu, Uraganul istoriei . . . 1940, p. 184.
106 ANR, MEN-DCI 60/1944, pp. 97–126.
107 See the SSRCI activity report from April 1944. ANR, SSRCI-D Control
73/1941, pp. 9–13; on the disorganization of Romanian economy and
bureaucracy in spring 1944, see the 27 May 1944 report of French diplomat
Vyau Lagarde to Vichy, in Stan, Relaţiile Franco-Române, 261–262.
108 ANR, SSRCI-DLE 12/1942, pp. 4–9.
109 ANR, SSRCI-D. Contab. 3/1941, p. 89.
110 After the April 1944 bombardment, SSRCI delayed the payment of salaries
to its employees. See the 8 May 1944 government meeting minute, in Ciucă
and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. XI, pp. 46–47.
112 See the interview with Ianuli Anghelichi, a former CNR employee, in Leh-
ners, Gundisch, and Mironov (eds.), Trasee ale memoriei, 75. Despite its illus-
trious name, Alexandria was a small town in Teleorman county, located
218 Notes
90 kilometers southwest of Bucharest, which received publicity during the

1940s for its widespread tuberculosis (TB) epidemic. After his 1943 visit,
Antonescu described Teleorman county as “a paradise full of TB” and Alex-
andria as having “the highest percentage of TB . . . where people die like
the flies because of TB.” See the minute of the government meeting of 15
October 1943 in Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, pp. 459–460.
114 See the petition of a former CNR building manager, a MEN civil servant and
a law graduate now retired, who requested to be rehired by SSRCI because
his pension was insufficient even to buy enough food. ANR, SSRCI-D.
Contab. 2/1941, p. 109.
115 ANR, MMSOS 584/1943, vol. II, p. 132.
116 ANR, MMSOS 406/1944, vol. II, pp. 170–180; MMSOS 407/1944, vol. I,
pp. 14–16.
Chapter 4
1 I discuss Romanianization bureaucrats and Romanianizers separately, as two
main categories of profiteers, in Chapters 3 and 4.
2 ANR, MEN-DS 41/1940, pp. 11–12; MEN-DS 50/1940, p. 7.
3 Sebastian, Journal, 337; for the Romanian version, see Sebastian, Jurnal, 319.
4 Martinescu, Uraganul istoriei . . . 1940, p. 207.
5 Ibid., 207.
6 But not everybody welcomed the expropriation of Jewish property. Dorian
recorded in his diary (9 April 1941) that some upper-middle-class ethnic
Romanians “did not receive [the expropriation law] with satisfaction,
knowing that such an upheaval would affect them as well . . . [for them,]
this act means the beginning of communism.” Dorian, Jurnal, 162.
7 From her diary, it is unclear if Voinescu wanted a CNR house for ownership
or for cheap rent. Either way, Voinescu’s situation would have matched that
of nearly all beneficiaries of the Romanianization of real estate because in
Bucharest the Antonescu regime failed to implement the second stage of
the Romanianization of houses (the distribution as ownership to deserving
citizens), and nearly all the profiteers of the process occupied former Jewish
homes as tenants of CNR.
8 Nicoale Malaxa was an opportunistic, rich industrialist: in the 1930s, he
belonged to the inner circle of King Carol II, in fall of 1940 he joined the
Iron Guard, and after the war he jumped into the communists’ boat and
later emigrated to the US.
9 Voinescu, Jurnal, 455.
10 See her constant worry, during the war and postwar time, about not owning
a house. Ibid., 315, 481, 489.
11 For more details of the history of ACG, see the report on its first 20 years
of activity (“Asociaţia Cercurilor de Gospodine. Dare de seamă a activităţii
societăţii: 3 aprilie 1920–31 martie 1940”), in Mihăilescu (ed.), Din istoria
feminismului românesc, 353–358.
12 ANR, ACG 113/1942, pp. 3, 18.
13 ANR, ACG 113/1942, pp. 1–2.
Notes 219
14 Ibid., p. 2.
15 ANR, MF-CSIS 278/1941, pp. 47–50.
16 Ibid., pp. 47–50.
17 See MEN’s internal instructions adopted in January 1941. ANR, MEN-DDPI
32/1941, pp. 1, 19.
18 Banuş, Sub camuflaj, 111–112.
19 ANR, SSRCI- D. Contab. 3/1941, p. 6.
20 See, for instance, ANR, MEN-DOPCI 79/1941, pp. 5–15.
21 Ungureanu, Prin labirintul vieţii, 102–103.
22 Ioan Hudiţă, Jurnal Politic: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943 (Bucureşti,
Comunicare.ro, 2010), 95, 145.
23 For more details on the activity of SONFR, see Mihăilescu (ed.), Din isto-
ria feminismului românesc, 35–36, 67–69, 225–231; on the interwar activity
of SONFR, especially in the field of commemoration of Romania’s role in
World War I, see Bucur, Heroes and Victims, 98–143.
24 ANR, SONFR 79/1941, p. 3.
25 ANR, SONFR 79/1941, p. 7.
26 ANR, SSRCI-D. Contab. 3/1941, pp. 19–21.
27 Ibid., 19–21.
28 Trei ani de guvernare, 146.
29 Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 213.
30 See, for instance, SSRCI’s answer to SONFR’s request to buy a Jewish build-
ing. “We cannot sell you the building you have requested yet, because there
is still uncertainty about its legal status.” ANR, SONFR 79/1941, p. 10.
31 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 65/1941, pp. 35–36.
32 ANR, SSRCI-DC 35/1942, pp. 85–94.
33 ANR, SSRCI-DC 35/1942, pp. 95–99.
34 See, for instance, the newspapers Evenimentul (27 July 1943); Curentul (27
July 1943); Viaţa (1 August 1943); Rapid (no. 555 of 28 July 1943); Poporul
(29 July 1943); România Viitoare (22 August 1943). ANR, MEN-DRI 37/1940,
pp. 8–11.
35 ANR, MEN-DRI 37/1940, pp. 4–5.
36 ANR, MEN-DRI 37/1940, p. 6.
37 Ibid., 12, 13.
38 Ibid., 13.
39 Ibid., 3.
40 ANR, MEN-DS 63/1941, pp. 195–196; MEN-DDI 48/1941, pp. 42–56; MEN-
DOPSF 23/1941, p. 140; MEN-DOPCI 72/1941, p. 70; MEN-DDI 48/1941,
pp. 25–26, 42.
41 See ANB, LJB 79/1942, pp. 13–14; ANR, MEN-DOPCI 5/1941, p. 6; PCM-SSI
121/1939, pp. 19–22; Bagdasar, Note autobiografice, 275; Hudiţă, Jurnal: 1
ianuarie 1944–24 august 1944, p. 354.
42 MEN-DDI 48/1941, pp. 25–26, 42.
43 MEN-DDI, 48–1941, pp. 25–26.
44 ANR, MEN-DS 63/1941, pp. 195–196.
45 ANR, PCM-SSI 173/1941, p. 481.
46 MEN-Direcţia Dezvoltării Industriale (DCI) 48/1941, pp. 1–2.
47 Similar strategies existed among Aryanizers from other East European satel-
lites of Nazi Germany. As Martin Dean noted, in Slovakia, Nazi observers
220 Notes
complained about the behavior of “lazy” Slovak Aryanizers, who “simply

extracted the capital from companies for personal benefit and allowed them
to go bankrupt, leaving taxes unpaid.” Dean, Robbing the Jews, 320.
48 ANB, LJB 14/1936, p. 45.
49 While Romanianization laws stipulated that citizens who already owned a
house were ineligible to receive a CNR apartment, in practice this rule was
often disregarded. For instance, Antonescu blamed Transylvanian ethnic
Romanian refugees settled in Bucharest for acquiring Romanianized assets
from CNR even though they owned real estate in and outside the capital.
See the 8 December 1943 government meeting minutes, in Ciucă and Ignat
(eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, pp. 606, 618–619.
50 ANR, MJ-DJ 110/1944, p. 106.
51 ANR, SSRCI- Direcţia Drepturilor Statului (DDS), 453/1941, pp. 49–50.
52 ANR, Fondul Personal Anton Alexandrescu (FPAA), f 208, p. 542.
53 ANR, PCM-SSI 132/1942, pp. 47–50, 59–60.
54 ANR, MJ-DJ 4/1942, vol. I, pp. 44–51.
55 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 2/1941; MEN-DCI 16/1940, pp. 214, 223–224; MEN-DCI
17/1940, pp. 130, 178, 215; PCM-SSI 96/1941, pp. 3, 70.
56 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 80/1942, pp. 273–274; MEN-DOPSF 4/1941, pp. 1–10;
MEN-DCI 78/1940, p. 8; MEN-DOP 1/1940, pp. 327–329; MEN-DS 67/1941,
p. 59.
57 ANR, MJ-DJ 127/1941, p. 88.
58 ANR, SSRCI- Direcţia Contencios (D Contec) 12/1941, pp. 1–5.
59 ANR, PCM-SSI 90/1941, pp. 43–49.
60 Ibid., 41–42.
61 ANR, MJ-DJ, 127/1941, p. 158.
62 ANR, MJ-DJ 110/1944, pp. 49–56.
63 ANR, MJ-DJ 97/1943, p. 22.
64 ANR, MF-CSIS 414/1942, pp. 10–25.
65 See, for instance, the memoirs of Radu Lecca, Antonescu’s Commissioner for
the Jewish Question, who supervised Centrala Evreilor and the distribution of
work permits allowing Jews to keep their jobs and avoid Romanianization
of employment. Lecca accused high army officials of extorting huge profits
from the Jews to allow them to keep their positions and thus avoid deporta-
tion. In fact, he did the same. Because Lecca wrote his memoirs at the request
of communist officials while he served a sentence for his role in the imple-
mentation of Antonescu’s antisemitic policy, his hostility towards army gen-
erals, who were his competitors in robbing the Jews, probably comes from
his attempt to deflect responsibility for the persecution (including extortion
of money) of Jews. Radu Lecca, Eu i-am salvat pe evreii din România (Bucureşti:
Roza Vânturilor, 1994); see also PCM-SSI 115/1939, pp. 57–59.
66 ANR, MMSOS, 80/1943, p. 4.
67 Ibid., 5.
68 Ibid., 25, 29.
69 ANR, MMSOS 80/1943, p. 27.
70 ANR, ACG, 113/1942, p. 2.
71 ANR, SONFR 79.1941, pp. 3–19.
72 Ibid., 10–19.
73 ANR, Consiliul de Patronaj 1/1941, pp. 72–74.
74 ANR, MMSOS 80/1943, p. 11.
Notes 221
75 Ibid., 22.
76 Ibid., 16, 25, 28. CNR awarded the Krainic villa to MMSOS but, between the
moment of signing the lease and the time when MMSOS wanted to move
in, the judicial executor of Bucharest Court returned the building to its
former Jewish owner.
77 See Law no. 625 of 9 March 1943 in Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască,
231–241.
78 Ibid., 231–241.
79 See the Argetoianu’s diary record from 4 September 1942. Argetoianu,
Însemnări, vol. X, p. 510.
80 ANR, PCM-SSI, 94/1941, vol. II, pp. 204–205.
Chapter 5
1 See Tudor Georgescu, “Pursuing the Fascist Promise: The Transylvanian Sax-
ons ‘Self-Help’ from Genesis to Empowerment, 1922–1935,” In Pyrah and
Turda (eds.), Re-Contextualizing East Central European History, 55–73; Vasile
Ciobanu, Contribuţii la cunoaşterea istoriei saşilor transilvăneni (Sibiu: Hora,
2001), 159–264.
2 After several interventions from Nazi leaders requesting Antonescu to allow
local ethnic Germans to enroll in Wermacht and Waffen SS Antonescu
agreed, and in May 1943 Romania and Germany signed a convention. As
a result, more than 60,000 ethnic Germans from Romania joined various
Nazi military units and Germany’s war industry. Dumitru Şandru, Reforma
agrară din 1945 şi ţărănimea germană din România (Bucureşti: Institutul
Naţional pentru Studiul Totalitarismului, 2009), 28–31.
3 The formalities of “voluntary repatriation” of local ethnic Germans from
Romania – identification of people, assessment of properties and transpor-
tation – had been conducted by a special office of the German Legation in
Romania called DAS. See Solonari, Purifying the Nation, 110–111.
4 These former German properties were, for the most part, distributed to
ethnic Romanian refugees from Bulgaria who could not be accommodated
with the properties of ethnic Bulgarians expelled from Romania after the
Bulgarian-Romanian population exchange agreement. See Solonari, Purify-
ing the Nation, 110–111; Dumitru Şandru, Mişcări de populaţie in România
1940–1944 (Bucureşti: Editura Enciclopedică, 2003); Bancoş, Social şi
Naţional, 107–117; 189–214.
5 For instance, Radu R Rosetti, the minister of national education, culture,
and arts, in 1941 believed that, just as the “departure of the Jews would be
a great thing . . . The departure of Saxonen, Schwaben, and other Germans
would allow us to implement a new land reform [in favor of ethnic Roma-
nian peasants] with the German land,” but worried that such a measure
would require systematic studies and a national consensus of all Romani-
ans. Rosetti, Jurnal, 106–107.
6 AMB, LJB 14/1936, p. 24; ANR, PCM-SSI, 10/1939, pp. 35–36, 40–42.
7 See articles 9 and 10 from the Decree Law for the Romanianization of (Pri-
vate) Companies’ Personnel, Zotta (ed.), Decret Lege pentru Românizarea Per-
sonalului din Întreprinderi, 6–7.
8 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 86/1941, pp. 27–28.
222 Notes
9 MEN’s secret directive no. 149381/1941 adopted restrictions against all

ethnic minority entrepreneurs except Germans and Italians. Initially
valid until December 1941, they were extended gradually to the end of
1944. ANR, MEN-Direcţia Organizării Profesionale Serviciul Firme (DOPSF)
1/1940, p. 318; MEN-DS 66/1941, pp. 13–14; MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, p. 328.
10 As sociologist Jan Gross noted, the collaboration with (or occupation by)
Nazi Germany led to a significant growth of industry and agriculture in all
Central Eastern European countries. See Jan Gross, “Teme pentru o istorie
socială a experienţei războiului şi a colaboraţionismului,“ in Istvan Deak,
Jan Gross, and Tony Judt (eds.), Procese în Europa: Al doilea război mondial şi
consecinţele lui (Bucureşti: Curtea Veche, 2003), 34–36.
11 See Haynes, Romanian Policy Towards Germany; Hitchins, România, 431–436;
Friling, Ioanid, and Ionescu (eds.), Final Report, 57–60.
12 See Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol si Maresalul Antonescu; Florian Banu, Asalt
asupra economiei Romaniei. De la Solagra la Sovrom: 1936–1956 (Bucureşti:
Nemira, 2004); Hitchins, România, 453–454; ANR, SSRCI-DC, 23/1942,
24/1942; for the expansion of German corporation IG Farben into Roma-
nian industry and agriculture, see Peter Hayes, Industry and Ideology: IG Far-
ben in the Nazi Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 255,
298–315; Ciobanu, Contribuţii, 134–7, 156–8.
13 Aryanization, in its broadest sense, was the transfer of Jewish wealth mainly
to private “Aryan” entrepreneurs and to the Nazi state, which often took
place in the context of a growing official pressure on German Jews. Some
scholars distinguish Aryanization, in its narrow sense (operating in the first
years of the Nazi regime in favor of individual Aryan entrepreneurs), from
confiscation (transferring Jewish wealth to the German state that took place
from late 1930s on). When Nazi Germany started to expand throughout
Europe in the late 1930s, it exported its policy of Aryanization in order to
plunder Jews in conquered states. For the Nazis, any project of dispossess-
ing the Jews was a legitimate form of Aryanization from which they felt
entitled to benefit. In Central-Eastern Europe, however, the Nazis encoun-
tered the opposition of their Axis allies and satellites, who resented German
interference in the robbery of local Jews in what they saw not as German
Aryanization enterprises, but as nationalization projects that should have
only benefited their national communities. See Dean, Robbing the Jews.
14 See Ciobanu, Contribuţii, 136; Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 21; Zane, Memorii, 73.
15 Nazi diplomats in Romania had pressured German companies and Roma-
nian officials to eliminate Jews from local economy since the late 1930s,
during the Carol II regime. Friling, Ioanid, and Ionescu (eds.), Final Report,
59; for IG Farben’s policy of firing its Jewish employees working for its
Romanian and other foreign branches at the pressure of Nazi officials in
Berlin, see Hayes, Industry and Ideology, 198–199.
16 ANR, MEN-Directia Comerţului Interior (DCI), 83/1940, p. 33.
17 ANR, MEN-DOPCI, 48/1941, pp. 5–6.
18 ANR, MEN-DOPCI, 48/1941, pp. 5–6.
19 Ibid., 8.
20 Traşcă and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 385–387. See also Cristian Scarlat
(ed.), Diplomaţi Germani la Bucureşti 1937–1944: Din memoriile dr. Rolf Pusch
şi Gerhard Stelzer (Bucureşti: ALL, 2001).
Notes 223
21 Matei Gall, Eclipsa (Bucureşti: Du Style, 1997), 268–269; Iancu (ed.), Shoah,
168–169; Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 25, 35–36.
22 Gall, Eclipsa, 268–269.
23 SSRCI received many applications from ethnic Germans who requested
Jewish properties and businesses not only in Banat and Transylvania, but
also in the Old Kingdom. See the memo of the head of SSRCI, General
Zwiedeneck, of September 1941. Traşcă and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich,
283–286, 298–299.
24 Ibid., 298–299.
25 Their actions were not a novelty for German-Romanian relations. German
diplomats in Romania had protested against proto-Romanianization meas-
ures since the mid-1930s, afraid that the protectionist legislation adopted
at that time might have harmed the interests of local ethnic Germans, who
were one of Romania’s largest minoritites. See Friling, Ioanid, and Ionescu
(eds.), Final Report, 59.
27 GEG also asked the German embassy and the German Foreign Affairs Min-
istry to support their claims of participating in Romanianization. Ibid., 281–
286; 297–299; 385–387. As Tatjana Tonsmeyer noted, the German minority
in Slovakia also complained that the Tiso government prevented them from
getting their share of the expropriated Jewish assets. Tonsmeyer, The Rob-
bery of Jewish Property, 84–85.
29 According to Law no. 3361 of 4 October 1940, MEN had the authority to
appoint a Romanianization commissar to any company. Empowered by
vaguely defined limits, the commissar could dictate what products to make
and sell; when to acquire raw materials; to which retailers to sell the prod-
ucts, whom to hire or fire, and so on. The company was obliged to pay the
commissar’s salary. As far as companies were concerned, the commissars
trammeled their businesses and burdened their finances.
30 ANR, MEN-DS, 47/1940, p. 39.
31 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 23/1941, pp. 129–134.
32 ANR, MEN-DOPSF, 23/1941, pp. 140, 143; MEN-DCI, 83/1940, p. 98.
33 See Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol şi Mareşalul Antonescu, 280.
34 See the secret cable sent to the German Foreign Affairs Ministry (August
1941) by Manfred von Killinger (head of German legation in Bucharest)
and Hermann Neubacher (the special appointee for economic problems in
Romania), Traşcă and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 249–250.
36 See Reinhard Heydrich’s letter of 23 August 1941 to Martin Luther in Traşcă
and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 276–278.
37 See the Report no. Be 202/43 by Manfred von Killinger to the German For-
eign Affairs Minister in Berlin, Traşcă and Dennis Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea
Reich, 637–638.
38 Orchestrated by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, the Second Vienna
Agreement (August 1940), through which Romania agreed to return
Northern Transylvania to Hungary, stipulated that the German minority
from both Romania and Hungary would enjoy equality of rights with
members of the hegemon nations and the ability to create their own
224 Notes
political oraganizations, such as the GEG in Romania. Case, Between

States.
39 Ibid., 634–639.
40 Ibid., 638.
41 See Dorian, Jurnal, 319–320, 323.
42 See the 20 April 1943 government meeting minutes, in Ciucă and Ignat
(eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, p. 185; see also Idem, Stenogramele, vol. V, p. 501.
43 See the Report no. Be 202/43 by Manfred von Killinger, to the German for-
eign affairs minister in Berlin, in Traşcă and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich,
640–641.
44 See Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 177.
45 See Heinen, România, Holocaustul şi logica violenţei, 56.
46 See Tonsmeyer, The Robbery of Jewish Property, 81–96.
47 See Antonescu’s letter of 23 June 1941 to Iuliu Maniu, the leader of the
National Peasant Party, in Calafeteanu (ed.), Iuliu Maniu-Ion Antonescu, 54.
48 Calafeteanu (ed.), Iuliu Maniu-Ion Antonescu, 55; see also the comments
(and the satisfaction: “That is an excellent measure, because [Germans]
were about to buy everything from us, and especially from the Jews”) of
Constantin Argetoianu, a former politician, after the government lim-
ited German expansion in Romanian economy. Constantin Argetoianu,
Însemnări zilnice, vol. IX (Bucureşti: Machiavelli, 2009), 484; Idem, vol. X,
pp. 312–313.
49 ANR, Fondul Personal Nicolae Caranfil, file 472, pp. 1–3.
50 Ibid., 1–3.
51 Friedman, Expropriation in international law, 31.
53 See ANR, SSRCI-DC 24/1942, pp.1–118; 23/1942, pp. 1–65; MEN-DS
65/1941, p. 328.
54 Perhaps the chambers of commerce and the courts were not the most
appropriate institutions to conduct such a survey because, as the Bucharest
court emphasized, many of the transactions could have been closed under
“private signature,” without being registered to the public notaries attached
to the courts. In this case, the local fiscal authorities would have been better
suited to the task. ANR, SSRCI-DC, 24/1942, p. 36.
55 ANR, SSRCI-DC, 23/1942, pp. 14–15.
56 Ibid., 14–15; also ANR, MJ-DJ, 179/1942, pp. 4–5.
57 Assessing SSRCI’s work, the Ministry of Justice reached the same conclu-
sion, namely that registered German acquisitions underrepresented the
economic reality. ANR, MJ-DJ 179/1942, pp. 4–5.
58 ANR, SSRCI-DC, 23/1942, pp. 1, 33.
59 Ibid., 12.
60 ANR, MEN-DS, 65/1941, p. 328.
61 ANR, MJ-DJ, 179/1942, pp. 4–5.
62 ANR, SSRCI-DC, 24/1942, pp. 37–39.
63 See, for instance, the observations of a US journalist who lived in Bucha-
rest from June 1940 to January 1941. Waldeck. Athénée Palace, 175–179,
241–244.
64 Viorel Trifa, Memorii (Cluj-Napoca: Limes, 2003), 15.
65 Nistor Chioreanu, Morminte vii (Iaşi: Institutul European, 1992), 84.
Notes 225
66 Trifa, Memorii, 57.

67 Besides the military collaboration in the war against the Soviet Union
(which increased tensions between the two partners along with the grow-
ing number of Romanian casualties on the Eastern front), the economic
privileges enjoyed by Germans located in Romania were a major source of
anti-German hostility. Thus, according to the Gendarmerie’s reports, the
poor inhabitants of Bucharest blamed German soldiers for the rise in prices,
for having better accommodation and food compared with Romanian sol-
diers, dating beautiful local women, and so on. AMB, LJB 20/1938, p. 89;
61/1941, p.101; 66/1941, pp. 7–8; 77/1942, p. 175; for other reports on anti-
German hostility based mainly on economic grounds see also Ioan Hudiţă,
Jurnal politic: 22 iunie 1941–28 februarie 1942 (Bucureşti: Lucman, 2005),
81–82; idem, Jurnal Politic: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943 (Bucureşti,
Comunicare.ro, 2010), 170–171, 412; Martinescu, Uraganul istoriei. . . . anul
1940 (Constanta: Ex Ponto, 2005), 169–171; idem, Uraganul istoriei: pagini
de jurnal intim 1941–1945 (Constanţa: Ex Ponto, 2007), 264–265.
68 Ioan Hudiţă, Jurnal politic: 1 martie 1942–31 ianuarie 1943 (Bucureşti: Comu-
nicare.ro, 2009), 223, 405–406.
69 See, for instance, the case recorded in N D Cocea’s diary: his former driver
became a wealthy Bucharest entrepreneur by obtaining lucrative contracts
to repair cars belonging to the German army. N D Cocea, Jurnal, 164–165.
70 See, for instance, ANR, Anton Alexandrescu Collection, file 246, pp. 7–8;
Ioan Hudiţă, Jurnal politic: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943 (Bucureşti:
Comunicare.ro, 2010), 60–61; Cocea, Jurnal, 149.
71 ANR, MEN-DOPCI, 71/1941, pp. 76–77.
72 MEN bureaucrats buried the issue, arguing that they did not have the com-
petency to control the German army’s auctions.
73 ANR, MEN-DCI, 63/1940, p. 13.
74 ANR, MEN-DCI, 78/1940, pp. 14–16.
75 ANR, MEN-DS, 5/1940, pp. 132–189.
76 Ibid., 132–189.
77 See the 17 May 1941 report of René de Weck to Berne, in Hâncu (ed.),
Confidenţial, 26–27.
Chapter 6
1 Achim, Deportarea Ţiganilor în Transnistria; Idem, Documente privind depor-
tarea ţiganilor în Transnistria; Idem, Ţiganii in istoria României; Nastasă and
Varga (eds.), Minorităţi etnoculturale; Kelso, Cioabă, and Ioanid (eds.), Trage-
dia romilor deportaţi în Transnistria.
2 Viorel Achim, “Ţiganii din România în timpul celui de-al Doilea Război
Mondial,” Revista istorică, 1–2, VIII (1997), 53–59. In a memo sent to PCM
(July 1942), Sabin Manuilă, the head of Central Statistics Institute (ICS),
argued that the number of Roma was higher than the official data of the
1930 census because some Roma, wanting to avoid the stigma associated
with Roma identity and benefiting from the complicity of local officials and
the ambiguity created by “racial mixture,” registered as non-Roma; Idem,
Documente, vol. I, pp. 53–55, 162–177. Ethnographer and statistician Ion
226 Notes
Chelcea also argued that the 1930 official census underestimated the num-
ber of Roma because they “camouflaged themselves” among the local popu-
lation. Ion Chelcea, Ţiganii din România: Monografie etnografică (Bucureşti:
Editura Institutului Central de Statistică, 1944), 63.
3 Achim, Deportarea Ţiganilor în Transnistria, 127–128.
4 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 53–55, 162–177.
5 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 23–28.
6 If the proportion between Ilfov and Bucharest Roma remained the same
(60/40) and if the Roma from the capital and Ilfov declined at the same rate,
Bucharest would have accommodated around 5,200 Roma in 1941. Viorel
Achim has argued that the April 1941 census was especially rigorous con-
cerning the registration of ethnic minorities, an aspect also noted by the
German demographer Friedrich Burgdörfer, who inspected the censors on
the ground for six days. Burgdörfer was particularly interested in the identifi-
cation of Jews and Gypsies. See Viorel Achim, “Evreii în cadrul recensaman-
tului general al României din 6 aprilie 1941,” in Caietele Institutului Naţional
pentru Studierea Holocaustului din România “Elie Wiesel,” no. 2–4 (2008).
7 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 45–51. This number (1,946 persons) prob-
ably included Roma from other parts of Romania who were arrested in Bucha-
rest and detained by the Bucharest Police Prefecture. Other documents give
different numbers of Roma deported from Bucharest. For instance, according
to an IGJ memo (September 1942) on the number of deportable Roma in
the jurisdiction of LJB (that is, the suburbs of Bucharest), 687 Roma were
eligible for deportation. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 133–135; among
Bucharest’s suburbs, Băneasa and Griviţa harbored a “large number” of Roma
targeted for deportation. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 179–180.
8 Achim, Ţiganii in istoria României, 133.
9 Benjamin M. Thorne, “Assimilation, Invisibility, and the Eugenic Turn in
the “Gypsy Question” in Romanian Society: 1938–1942,” in Romani Studies,
vol. 21, no 2 (2011), 177–206.
10 Thorne, Assimilation, Invisibility, and the Eugenic Turn, 177–206.
11 Ibid., 189.
12 Achim, Ţiganii în istoria României, 135; Bucur, Eugenie şi modernizare, 201–
204; Marius Turda, “Controlling the National Body: Ideas of Purification
in Romania 1918–1940,” Christian Promitzer, Sevasti Trubeta, and Marius
Turda (eds.), Health, Hygine and Eugenics in Southeastern Europe to 1945
(Budapest, New York: Central European University Press, 2011), 325–350;
Thorne, Assimilation, Invisibility, and the Eugenic Turn, 181–187.
13 Achim, Ţiganii în istoria României, 135; Chelcea, Ţiganii din România,
100–101.
14 Bucur, Eugenie şi modernizare, 203–204; see also Chelcea, Ţiganii din România,
89–101; Turda, Controlling the National Body, 344–348.
15 Quoted in David M. Crowe, A History of the Gypsies of Eastern Europe and
Russia, 2nd edition (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 134.
16 Turda, Modernism and Eugenics, 97, 116; according to Turda, there are no
documents attesting to the sterilization of Roma in Romania or in Transnis-
tria; see also Turda, Controlling the National Body, 325–350.
17 Heinen, România, Holocaustul şi logica violenţei, 66, 70; as Thorne has shown,
in October 1940 Bucharest municipal authorities had already forbade
nomadic Roma from encampament in Bucharest suburbs and Antonescu
Notes 227
ordered (April–May 1941) the Gypsies without occupation, especially the

nomads, to be expelled from Bucharest slums and “to organize them in
labor colonies.” Thorne, The Anxiety of Proximity, 117, 121.
18 Thorne, The Anxiety of Proximity, 37–40; see also George Potra, Contribuţiuni
la istoricul ţiganilor din România (Bucureşti: Fundaţia Regală Carol I, 1939),
122–123; for more details on Bucharest’s mahalale, see Adrian Majuru,
Bucureştii mahalalelor sau periferia ca mod de existenţă (Bucureşti: Editura
Compania, 2003).
19 Ciucă et al. (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. II, 181. According to historian Jean Ancel,
some Roma participated, together with other local citizens, in the anti-Jewish
robberies perpetrated during the January 1941 Rebellion. Ancel, “Pogromul de
la Bucureşti: Influenţe germane, reacţii interne şi repercusiuni asupra politicii
regimului fascist fata de evrei,” in Voicu (ed.), Violenţă şi teroare, 21–22, 130.
Other Roma, such as Dumitru, the apprentice at the carpenter workshop of
Mr Goldstein, helped his boss’s besieged Jewish family during the pogrom. See
the testimony of Ţicu Goldstein, quoted in Anca Ciuciu, Alexandru Florian,
“Pogromul de la Bucureşti: Oameni şi locuri,” in Ibid., 111, 115.
21 ANR, IGJ, 126/1942, pp. 4–6.
22 For Ion Antonescu’s belief that one of the main themes of Hungarian anti-
Romanian (revisionist) propaganda was that “Romania was a country of gyp-
sies,” see the 14 April 1946 interrogation of Antonescu at the People’s Tribunal,
in Marin Radu Mocanu (ed.), Avram Bunaciu: Documente (Bucureşti: Editura
Fundaţiei Culturale Libra, 2006), 237; see also Vasile Gh Boghiu, Prizonier în URSS
(Bucureşti: Fundaţia Academia Civică, 2012), 36, 45, 53, 70, 99; the interview
with Margareta Oglindă, in Vultur (ed.), Lumi în destine, 122; Vasile Scârneci,
Viaţa şi moartea în linia întâi: Jurnal şi însemnări de război: 1916–1918, 1941–1943
(Bucureşti: Editura Militară, 2013), 180, 397; ANR, PCM-SR 38/1944, p. 263.
23 Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, p. 134; see also Ciucă et al. (eds.),
Stenogramele, vol. II, p. 424. Other scholars also noted this aspect of Antones-
cu's anti-Roma hostility. See Solonari, Purifying the Nation, 139–140, 266–267.
24 Thorne, Assimilation, Invisibility, and the Eugenic Turn, 189–193.
25 Ibid., 192.
26 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 145–146.
27 Viorel Achim, “Atitudinea contemporanilor faţă de deportarea ţiganilor
în Transnistria,” in Viorel Achim and Constantin Iordachi (eds.), România
şi Transnistria – Problema Holocaustului: Perspective istorice şi comparative,
(Bucureşti: Curtea Veche, 2004), 205.
28 Ibid., 206.
29 Achim, Deportarea Ţiganilor în Transnistria, 130–131.
30 See Woodcock, The Ţigan is not a Man.
31 Michelle Kelso, “Recognizing the Roma: A Study of the Holocaust as Viewed
in Romania,” (unpublished Ph D dissertation, The University of Michigan,
2010), 41–42.
32 ANR, DGP-Ziare 48, p. 3.
33 See the 25 July 1942 secret cable sent by IGJ to all gendarmes legions and
inspectorates in Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 74–75.
34 Theories on hereditary transmission of criminal impulses were based on
the works of nineteenth-century criminologists, such as Caesare Lombroso,
Richard Dugdale, Raffaele Garofalo, Enrico Ferri, Ernest Hooten, and Henry
228 Notes
Goddard. See Freda Adler, Gerhard Mueller, and William Laufer (eds.),
Criminology, 2nd edition (New York: McGraw Hill, 1995), 60–67, 70–72, 91.
Lombroso, for instance, considered the Roma (“Bohemians”) as “the living
image of an entire race of criminals.” Caesare Lombroso, Le Crime: Cause et
Remedes (Paris: Librarie Reinauld Schleicher Freres, 1899), 46–49.
35 See articles 1–80 (especially 1, 22, 25 para 6, and 80) of Romania’s Penal
Code during the Antonescu regime, in Constantin Zotta (ed.), Codul penal
“Mihai I” (Bucureşti: Cioflec, 1942), 1–25; see also the crucial “legality prin-
ciple” of the penal law, consecrated through the Latin expressions “nullum
crimen sine lege,” and “nullum poena sine lege,” “nullum judicium sine
lege.” Vintilă Dongoroz, Drept penal (Bucureşti: “Tirajul” Institutul de Arte
Grafice, 1939), 82–85, 577–633.
36 The petition of a group of Huşi inhabitants to PCM, in Achim (ed.), Docu-
mente, vol. I, pp. 231–233.
37 See the letter of the mayor of Târgovişte to MAI, in Achim (ed.), Documente,
vol. I, pp. 238–239. Responding to the subsequent investigation, Târgovişte
police denied that the census criteria was “[skin] color” of local inhabitants
and blamed the mayor of philo-Roma attitude. Achim (ed.), Documente,
vol. I, pp. 284–285.
38 Achim, Ţiganii în istoria României, 137.
39 Ethnic Romanians living in rural areas and major landlords did not under-
stand the deportation of Roma to Transnistria, especially in the middle of
a shortage of agricultural labor. For more details on the attitude of local
society toward Antonescu’s anti-Roma policies, see Achim, Atitudinea con-
temporanilor, 206–207.
40 Like the Jewish minority, World-War-II Roma did not have a state to pro-
tect them. But the Romanian leaders believed that, contrary to the case
of the Jews, the Great Powers lacked any sympathy for or interest in the
fate of local Roma. The regime did not worry that the Roma would have a
lobby at the green table to advocate for the restitution of their seized assets
and compensation: perhaps the regime felt that there was no need to give
an appearance of legality (adopting decree-laws and following legal proce-
dures) to anti-Roma measures, as it did in the case of anti-Jewish measures
(because, as I discussed in chapter 2, “Romanianization Legislation: Con-
cepts, (Mis)interpretations, and Conflicts,” Antonescu believed that Jews
ruled the world and would have a major role at the green table. He therefore
attempted to rob the Jews legally in order to be able to invoke the “legality”
of those measures at the green table and, thus, paralyze any Jewish claims
for restitution or other accusations from the victorious powers). See Ciucă
and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, p. 501; Ibid., vol. IX, p. 185.
41 Crowe, A History of the Gypsies, 133.
42 The crucial contribution of local bureaucrats to the persecution of Roma
during World War II was not specific only to Romania. As anthropologist
Michael Stewart has argued, keen local officals played a decisive role in
the articulation of anti-Roma policy in Nazi Germany. See Michael Stew-
art, “The Other Genocide,” in Michael Stewart and Marton Rovid (eds.),
Multi-Disciplinary Approaches to Romany Studies (Budapest: Central European
University Press, 2010), 187–190.
Notes 229
43 See the interview with Roma survivor Brânzan Anuţa Androneta in Nastasă
and Varga (eds.), Minorităţi etnoculturale, 617.
44 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, p. XI.
45 Shannon Woodcock, “Romanian Romani Resistance to Genocide in the
Matrix of the Tigan Other,” Anthropology of the East European Review, Fall
(2007), 26–40.
46 Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 311; Thorne, Assimilation, Invisibility,
and the Eugenic Turn, 178; Kelso, Recognizing the Roma, 40–43.
47 See the interview with Roma survivor Ioan Marin, in Nastasă and Varga
(eds.), Minorităţi etnoculturale, 607.
48 Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 315; see interview with Roma survivor
Traian Grancea, in Cioabă (ed.), Deportarea, 11–12.
49 See the interviews with Roma survivors Ioan Marin and Gongoroiu Florica,
in Nastasă and Varga (eds.), Minorităţi etnoculturale, 593–615, 623–626.
50 Achim, Deportarea tiganilor, 132–133; Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 65,
105, 221–222.
52 For other such cases, see the petition of a Roma inhabitant, “We are Roma-
nianized Gypsies,” in Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 331–332; see also
“We belong to the Romanian nation; we are Romanianized.” Achim (ed.),
Documente, vol. I, pp. 326–327.
53 Achim (ed.), Documents, vol. II, pp. 323–326.
54 See the interview with Roma survivor Ioan Marin in Nastasă and Varga
(eds.), Minorităţi etnoculturale, 602–605.
55 See Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 24–29, 56–64.
56 Achim, Ţiganii în istoria României, 146; interview with Roma survivor Traian
Grancea in Cioabă (ed.), Deportarea, 17; see also Achim (ed.), Documente,
vol. I, pp. 320–321.
57 See the interviews with Roma survivors Ioan Marin and Gongoroiu Florica,
in Nastasă and Varga (eds.), Minorităţi etnoculturale, 610, 625; interview with
Traian Grancea, in Cioaba (ed.), Deportarea, 16–17; see also the report of
Vasile Gorsky in Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 24–29.
58 The number of typhus victims cannot be estimated precisely but, taking
into account the panic of Romanian authorities at the prospect of contagion
among soldiers and civilians and the spread of the epidemic in Romania, it
must have been quite high. For reports by Romanian authorities on this topic,
see Nastasă and Varga (eds.), Minorităţi etnoculturale, 536–542, 547–548, 550;
see also Ancel, The History of the Holocaust, 347–348; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul
Antonescu, 315; Kelso, Recognizing the Roma, 68–73. Because many of the Roma
repatriated from Transnistria during the winters of 1942–1943 had typhus
(including 48 cases from Bucharest), MMSOS requested the postponement
of any return in order to avoid an epidemic in Romania. Antonescu agreed.
Achim (ed), Documente, vol. II, pp. 85–86, 88–89, 91, 111–112, 121–122.
59 As Maria Bucur has noted in her book of eugenics in Romania, Holocaust
historians have contradictory opinions on the attitude of Romanian offi-
cials toward the typhus epidemic. While Ancel has argued that Romanian
officials did nothing to contain the typhus epidemic among the Jew-
ish and Gypsy deportees “because it proved an excellent and convenient
230 Notes
extermination method,” Ioanid disagreed with Ancel’s conclusion, and

offered a more nuanced and contextual analysis, underlining the ineffi-
ciency of local military authorities. Bucur noted that there was insufficient
evidence to support Ancel’s strong argument, and emphasized the need for
further research to clarify the role of Romanian authorities, especially the
physicians, in the typhus epidemic. Bucur, Eugenie şi modernizare, 285–287;
Ancel, Transnistria, vol. III, pp. 7–140; Ancel, The Holocaust in Romania, 414;
Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 321, 401.
60 Achim, Ţiganii în istoria României, 144–146.
61 See the interviews with Roma survivors Ioan Marin, Branzan Andruta
Androneta, Gongoroiu Florica, in Nastasă and Varga (eds.), Minorităţi etno-
culturale, 609, 618–619, 624; interview with Traian Grancea in Cioabă (ed.),
Deportarea, 17. On Roma deportees’ resistance strategies, see Woodcock,
Romanian Romani Resistance to Genocide, 26–40; see also Kelso, Recognizing
the Roma, 73–76; Thorne, The Anxiety of Proximity, pp. 204–266.
62 Sociologist Kelso has argued that escape to Romania was the only “active
resistance” strategy adopted by deported Roma. Kelso, Recognizing the Roma,
73; historian Thorne uncovered several cases of Roma using armed resist-
ance agains the gendarmes to liberate their peers or acquire supplies. For
more details, see Thorne, The Anxiety of Proximity, 259–262.
63 For more details on Roma escape from Transnistria, see the reports of gen-
darmes legions, quoted in Nastasă si Varga (eds.), Minorităţi etnoculturale,
528, 531, 534–535, 553, 556–560, 567–569, 571; Achim (ed.), Documente,
vol. I, p. 272; vol. II, pp. 99–101, 145–146, 196–198; for the testimony of
a former Bucharest student who believed that Romanian soldiers helped
Roma deportees escape Transnistria in exchange for bribes, see the inter-
view with Camil Roguski, in Roguski, Politic incorrect, 128–129.
64 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, p. 84.
65 See, for instance, the 31 December 1943 observation of a non-Roma Bucha-
rest inhabitant, the PNŢ opposition politician, Ioan Hudiţă. Hudiţă, Jurnal
politic: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943, p. 462.
67 Kelso, Recognizing the Roma, 73, 75.
68 See the petition (September 194) of the General Association of Roma, in
Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 142–143.
70 See the memo of Mihai Antonescu’s chancellery of 26 November 1942, in
Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 348–350.
71 See, for instance, Achim, Deportarea tiganilor, 132–134; Achim (ed.), Docu-
mente, vol. II, p. 105.
72 According to the standards of the era, some of the deportees were quite well
off. For example, Câmpeanu Nicolae from Craiova owned two brick houses
and five other land lots located in the same city. See the 13 September 1942
property seizure minute, in Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 205–206; see
also Ibid., vol. II, pp. 13, 136–138.
74 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 302–304; Ibid., vol. II, pp. 3–35.
75 Concerning the results of the special commission activity, see the gendar-
merie report of 5 February 1943 in Nastasă and Varga (eds.), Minorităţi etno-
culturale, 542–564; see also Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 73–77.
Notes 231
76 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 88–89; Solonari, Purifying the Nation,
284–288.
77 Achim, Atitudinea contemporanilor, 199–233; Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I,
pp. 273–277; Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 122–123, 152–153; Chel-
cea, Ţiganii din România, 100–101.
78 Achim, Atitudinea contemporanilor, 223.
79 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, p. 97.
80 Ibid., 93.
81 Voinescu, Jurnal, 408.
82 In the same petitions in which they protested against the deportation of
settled Roma, some peasants approved the deportation of the nomads.
Achim, Atitudinea contemporanilor, 230–232.
83 Chelcea, Ţiganii din România, 112–116; Potra, Contribuţiuni, 122, 127–135.
84 Martinescu, Uraganul istoriei . . . anul 1940, pp. 255–256.
86 Achim, Atitudinea contemporanilor, 216–218; Achim (ed.), Documente,
vol. I, pp. 301–302; also René de Weck, the Swiss ambassador in Bucharest,
reported to Berne about Bratianu’s intervention with Antonescu in favor of
deported Roma. Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial: Bucureşti-Berna, 56–57.
87 Achim, Atitudinea contemporanilor, 207–208; see, for instance, the petition of
retired Captain N Dogaru (from Târgu Jiu), who requested from DGP the depor-
tation of his Roma neighbors in July 1942, Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, p. 70.
88 Hudiţă, Jurnal politic: 1 martie 1942–31 ianuarie 1943, p. 268.
89 Hudiţă, Jurnal politic: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943, p. 462.
90 According to a local police report, 931 Roma labeled “criminal and asocial”
were arrested in September 1942 from Bucharest’s four urban districts, and
held in seven local Jewish schools before being loaded into deportation
trains. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 148–149; see also Ibid., 22–28,
45–51, 201–204.
91 See the 1 September 1942 letter sent by IGJ to SSRCI, in Achim (ed.), Docu-
mente, vol. I, pp. 145–146.
93 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 179–180; and this was exactly what hap-
pened in some areas. For instance, scared by the official census, some Roma
from Giurgiu started to sell their property in a rush, while others departed
from their town. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 66–67.
95 Ibid., 145–146.
96 Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, 377–378.
98 Ibid., 129–130.
99 For example, the authorities justified the seizure of Roma wealth by invok-
ing the abandoned properties law (no 315 of 30 January 1942). Thus, in the
cases when the deported Roma had un-deportable relatives who claimed
legal title for the deportees’ property (as their heirs and/or representatives),
CNR was unable to take those assets over.
100 For instance, the house of Roma deportee Gheorghe Busuioc from Iaşi went
into the custody of his daughter, Anica Ursu, who was married to an ethnic
Romanian. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 197–198.
232 Notes
102 See, for instance, police reports from several areas in Southern Transylva-
nia, as well as in Muntenia. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 213–215,
224–225; vol. II, pp. 14–15, 66–67, 80, 84–85.
103 Not everybody believed the official propaganda and rumors that the regime
would give land to the Roma relocated in Transnistria. According to a local
police report, Roma of Sighişoara, who escaped the first waves of deporta-
tion, believed (in September 1942) that the authorities “adopted this meas-
ure solely to annihilate them.” See the Sighişoara police report to Alba Iulia
police inspectorate, in Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 213–215.
104 For instance, this happened with the deportation train that departed from
Bucharest (to Tighina): instead of 1,922 Roma designated for “evacua-
tion,” 1,991 persons were handed over by police and 2,188 Roma arrived
in Transnistria! Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 307–313, vol. II, pp. 80,
86–87; according to Romanian army general staff, several units reported
such rumors among the Roma deported to Transnistria. See Achim (ed.),
Documente, vol. II, pp. 143–144.
105 See the interview with Roma survivor Ioan Marin in Nastasă and Varga
(eds.), Minorităţi etnoculturale, 602–603.
106 ANR, LJB 95/1943, p. 37.
107 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 236–237, 341, 352–353.
108 Ibid., 242–243, 262–263.
110 For example, Roma survivor Ilinca Cristea returned legally from Transnistria
to her native Craiova in November 1942, and she requested (1 December
1942) the Minister of Interior to order CNR to restitute her Romanianized
houses. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, p. 13; see also Ibid., 36–37.
111 Ibid., 68–69.
112 Ibid., 113–114.
114 Ibid., 466–467.
115 This Roma response to World War II persecution resembles the Ottoman
Armenians’ attempts to sell their property before deportation into the Syr-
ian Desert during World War I. See Üngör and Polatel, Confiscation and
Destruction, 68–70.
116 See the 22 October 1943 “Report Concerning the General Situation and
the Pretura’s Measures for Providing Housing for the Gypsies and Assign-
ing them to Villages for the Winter” in Achim (ed.), Documentele, vol. II,
pp. 353–354.
119 Rudari, an ethnic group considered Roma by most Romanians and perse-
cuted by Antonescu, claimed an alternative prestigious ancestry. Denying
they were Roma, Rudari deported from Zimnicea claimed they were the
descendants of ancient Daci – a native population living in the area before
the Roman conquest in second-century AC – and, thus, the official ances-
tors of the Romanian nation. Ibid., 326–327; for more details on Rudari’s
controversial origin, see Ion Chelcea, Rudarii, Contribuţie la o “enigmă” etno-
grafică (Bucureşti, Casa Şcoalelor, 1944).
120 Ibid., 298.
Notes 233
121 Solomon, Am să povestesc cândva aceste zile, vol. I, p. 110.

122 Rumors about the future deportation of poor ethnic Romanians to Transn-
istria circulating in Bucharest after the 1942 deportation of local Roma
are illustrated by a gendarmerie report of November 1942, which ordered
Bucharest gendarmes legion, charged with the surveillance of the capital’s
suburbs, “to investigate such tendentious rumors.” AMB, LJB 61/1941, p.
103. The rumor that poor ethnic Romanians would follow the deportation
of Roma to Transnistria circulated in other parts of the country, such as
the Transylvanian town of Sighişoara and Tarnava Mare and Sibiu counties,
whose inhabitants believed that all Roma and ethnic Romanians would
be replaced by German colonists. See Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp.
213–215; according to Hudiţa’s diary, PNŢ leaders such as himself and Iuliu
Maniu also believed the rumor that the Germans wanted to relocate Tran-
sylvanian Roma and ethnic Romanians to Transnistria and replace them
with ethnic-German colonists. Hudiţă, Jurnal politic: 1 februarie 1943–31
decembrie 1943, p. 198; see also Ciobanu, Contribuţii, 255–258.
123 The persecution faced by Bucharest Roma during the war years is largely
absent from the official documents available in public archives. For
example, during my research in national and municipal archives located
in Bucharest I found that the collections of the main Romanianization
agency – SSRCI/CNR – held almost no documents on the victimization of
Roma, even though the houses and movable properties of deported Roma
were supposedly seized by this institution. Still, some documents revealing
the confiscation of Roma properties and jobs do exist in other collections,
such as those of the general police department and general inspectorate of
gendarmeries, as well as regional archives.
124 See, for instance, the case of three Roma women from Bucharest Tei neigh-
borhood deported to Transnistria in September 1942 who managed to
return to Bucharest in early 1943. According to the report of local police,
who rearrested them in April 1943, they did not own any property and
lived in a rented house. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 145–146.
125 See, for instance, the report of the Galaţi police inspectorate on settled
Roma inhabitants of the Brateş neighborhood of Galaţi who built their
houses without having proper legal title to the land. Achim (ed.), Docu-
ments, vol. I, pp. 71–74; see also the 12 September 1942 minutes of the
seizure of property belonging to Gheorghe Busuioc, a Roma inhabitant of
Iaşi. Achim (ed.), Documents, vol. I, pp. 197–198. In general, the authorities
suspected that deported Roma all over the country “did not own too many
properties.” ANR, IGJ, 126/1942, p. 32.
126 For a description of the poor housing, sanitary, and economic situation of
Roma living in Bucharest’s Floreasca neighborhood (“numerous shacks . . .
a life of misery”), see the memoirs of Maria Golăescu, a doctor who visited
the area in the spring of 1945 during the campaign against a typhus epi-
demic. Maria Golăescu, Amintiri din război, 2nd edition (Bucureşti: Editura
Medicală, 2007), 75–78; Carl Hirsch, a Czernowitz Jewish engineer who
studied at Bucharest Polytechnic in the 1930s and visited the city until
1940, described the local Roma’s houses as “huts.” Carl Hirsch, A Life in the
Twentieth Century: A Memoir, www.ghostsofhome.com, 40; for another tes-
timony of the poor shape of Roma accommodation (“wrecked shacks,”) see
234 Notes
the diary of PNŢ politician Ioan Hudiţă. Hudiţă, Jurnal: 1 februarie 1943–31
decembrie 1943, p. 462.
127 Some Roma owned houses in Bucharest under the regimes of Carol II
and Antonescu and rented their houses to incoming Jews, who flocked to
Bucharest looking for employment and safety. See, for instance, the inter-
view with an anonymous Jewish survivor, whose family rented a house in a
poor neighborhood from “an emancipated Roma” landlord and enjoyed a
friendly coexistence with him. Vultur (ed.), Memoria salvată, 275–276.
128 Because of the disorganization of Romanian occupation authorities and war
events, we lack precise statistics of the Roma who died as a result of depor-
tation. Achim, Ţiganii în istoria României, 147; according to a March 1944
report by the Odessa gendarmes inspectorate, 12,083 Roma were still alive
in Transnistria. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 457–458. There is no
consensus on this issue, however. Woodcok, for instance, has argued that
only 6,000 out of 30,000 Roma survived the deportation. Woodcock, Roma-
nian Romani Resistance, 26–27.
129 I am paraphrasing Michael Stewart’s expression of the plight of Roma sur-
vivors in Nazi Germany. See Stewart, “The Other Genocide,” in Stewart and
Rovid (eds.), Multi-Disciplinary Approaches to Romany Studies, 172–195, 178.
Chapter 7
1 By resistance, I understand the enlarged version of the concept amidah,
which includes various forms of opposition to the Antonescu regime, espe-
cially the massive use of legalities to disrupt the process of Romanianiza-
tion. During that time the regime treated (many of) its Jews as “domestic
enemies.” The official vocabulary belonged to the warfare/conflict realm:
“domestic enemies,” “saboteurs,” “infiltration,” and so on. Notwithstand-
ing this governmental assault, Jews refused to (and could not) engage in a
military struggle against a state that held a monopoly on power and vio-
lence; they did not stand a chance of winning. At the same time, the major-
ity of local Jews were loyal citizens of the state. Instead of armed opposition
Jews chose to undermine (in an asymmetric struggle) the policy of Romani-
anization that threatened their livelihoods. In this struggle, Jews’ weapons
were legal tools and documents, such as real and fictitious contracts, court
battles, foreign citizenships, visas, and Christian identities. The term resist-
ance best describes this costly and risky effort against Romanianization.
2 Having real estate, jobs, and businesses made Jews “useful” to the national
economy and qualified them for exemption (at a price) from forced-labor
units, which typically operated far from home and called for heavy work in
conditions that endangered their lives. Furthermore, with no money to “con-
tribute” to the periodic official requisitions (clothes, household items, public
subscriptions), Jews risked deportation to Transnistria. Unable to bribe Roma-
nian bureaucrats (policemen, militaries from recruiting offices, clerks, and so
on), Jews exposed themselves to malicious treatment that could have such
serious consequences as deportation to Transnistria. Finally, without income
from jobs, businesses, or real estate, Jews risked starvation and had no means
to pay the increasing rent demanded by landlords.
Notes 235
3 See, for instance, Banuş, Sub camuflaj, 133–135; Dorian, Jurnal, 208; Sebas-
tian, Jurnal, 327.
4 ANR, MEN-DS, 52/1941, pp. 135–137.
5 See ANR, MEN-DS 52/1941, pp.135–137.
6 ANR, Centrala Evreilor din România (CER), 35/1942; 197/1942; 202/1942.
7 See Michael Marrus, Holocaust in History (Hanover and London: University
of New England Press, 1987), 108–109; Tom Lawson, Debates on the Holo-
caust (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010), 235–269.
8 See, for instance, Hilberg, Exterminarea evreilor din Europa.
9 The concept of amidah emerged in the late 1960s and replaced the notion
of armed resistance. See Robert Rozett, “Jewish Resistance,” in Dan Stone
(ed.), The Historiography of the Holocaust (Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan,
2004), 345–347; Yehuda Bauer, Rethinking the Holocaust (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 2000), 119–166.
10 See Rozett, Jewish Resistance, 353–356; Bauer, Rethinking the Holocaust, 120.
11 Rozett, Jewish Resistance, 341–363; Dan Michman, Holocaust Historiography:
A Jewish Perspective (London and Portland: Vallentine Mitchell, 2003), 217–
248; Lawson, Debates of the Holocaust, 235–269.
12 Historian Istvan Deak has also noted that the only significant opposition
to the Antonescu regime came from the Iron Guard fascists and not from
other groups (such as the communists). See Istvan Deak, “Introducere,” in
Deak, Gross, and Judt (eds.), Procese în Europa, 22.
13 Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 332; Schwefelberg, Amintirile, 131–
132; Argetoianu, Însemnări zilnice, vol. IX, pp. 156, 159, 247, 320, 432;
Şafran, Un tăciune, 70–71.
14 Jean Ancel, Preludiu la asasinat: Pogromul de la Iaşi, 29 iunie 1941 (Iaşi: Poli-
rom, 2005); Ştefan Ionescu, “Myths, Narratives, and Patterns of Rumors: The
Construction of “Jewish Subversion” and Retributive Violence in 1940–1941
Romania,” Culture and Psychology 15, no. 3 (2009): 327–336; Voicu (ed.),
Violenţă şi teroare.
15 See Banuş, Sub Camuflaj, 354; Dorian, Jurnal, 319, 335; Sebastian, Jurnal, 525–
526; Schwefelberg, Amintirile, 139–140; Buium, Un sionist, 87–88; Politzer, O
tinereţe, 49–50; Şafran, Un tăciune, 90–94; Artzi, Biografia, 111–113.
16 In the first stage, with British-American air support and, later, in collabo-
ration with the Red Army. Dinu C Giurescu, România în al Doilea Război
Mondial 1939–1945 (Bucureşti: All, 1999), 185–271.
17 ANR, MEN-DS, 52/1941, pp. 135–137.
18 ANR, Asociaţia Cercurilor de Gospodine (ACG), 90/1939, pp. 60–61.
19 Both Jewish males and females were involved in legal resistance against
Romanianization. The statistics on Jewish contestation of Romanianization
of real estate or businesses did not use the gender criteria. As a result, we
do not know what the proportion of women and men was among Jewish
plaintiffs.
20 Pană, Născut in ’02, pp. 648–649.
21 S C Cristian, 4 Patru ani de urgie (Bucureşti: Timpul, 1945), 62, 64.
22 The law applied to 1940–1941 Romania, except Bessarabia and Northern
Bukovina, at that time part of the Soviet Union. From the summer of 1941
(when Romania expelled the Red Army from Bessarabia and Northern
Bukovina) until the spring of 1944 (when the Red Army returned) these
236 Notes
two “model provinces” had a special status and were run by governors,
who implemented a policy of ethnic purification, including a more radical
Romanianization program. According to Decree Law no. 2507 (September
1941), the Romanian laws were extended to Bessarabia and Bukovina, but
the governors could suspend these laws anytime. See Solonari, Purifying
the Nation, 142–167, 256–263; Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare,
100–101.
23 Ibid., 33.
24 Trei ani de guvernare: 6 Septembrie, 1940–6 Septembrie, 1943 (Bucureşti:
Monitorul Oficial şi Imprimeriiile Statului, Imprimeria Naţională, 1943),
145–146. SSRCI’s internal data yields slightly higher number of Romani-
anization trials at the 11 appeals courts – 39,059 cases. MJ-DJ 39/1943,
pp. 84–85.
25 ANR, MMSOS, 93/1942, pp. 183–185.
26 The reach of the Bucharest appeals court included, besides the capital, sev-
eral nearby counties (Ilfov, Vlaşca, Ialomiţa, Dâmboviţa, Buzău, Muscel,
Prahova) with a poorer and smaller Jewish population (around one-tenth
of the Bucharest Jewish population). In Bucharest, 17,833 apartments had
been expropriated; we don’t know exactly how many were Romanianized in
the surrounding counties, but the number cannot be higher than the num-
ber of households (several thousand). By March 1943 the Bucharest appeals
court had to examine around 20,765 cases of contestations and other peti-
tions related to expropriated Jewish real estate (such as requests for fixing
the amount of compensation). MJ-DJ, 51/1942, vol. II, pp. 108–109; CER
33/1941, p. 307; Viorel Achim, “Evreii în cadrul recensământului general al
România din 6 aprilie 1941,” Caietele INSHR-EW: 2 (2008): annex 6.
27 See the preamble of Law no. 313. Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 141.
28 Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 56–63, 141–142.
29 The Bucharest appeals court established seven Romanianization panels.
ANR, MJ-DJ, 51/1942, vol. II, p. 109.
30 Trei ani de guvernare, 146; ANR, MJ-DJ 39/1943, pp. 80–85.
31 These SSRCI public data (released in late 1943) do not match – possibly due
to editorial errors.
32 ANR, MJ-DJ 51/1942, vol. II, p. 109. According to other SSRCI reports (con-
tradicting its published data and the reports of prosecution offices and
courts), by September 1943 the appeals courts resolved 28,758 cases and
only 10,301 trials remained to be examined, specifically at the appeals
courts in Czernowitz, Chişinău, Galaţi, Iaşi, and Sibiu. ANR, MJ-DJ 39/1943,
pp. 83–84.
33 Official statistics are silent on who won at the supreme court. The random
individual decisions of the supreme court that exist in the SSRCI archival
collection show that Jews also won some cases at the highest court. ANR,
MJ-DJ 39/1943, p. 85.
34 Trei ani de guvernare, 146. Article 80 of Law no. 1569 (26 May 1942) for the
Administration and Liquidation of Properties Belonging to CNR, explicitly
stipulated: “Real estate belonging to CNR can be permanently assigned . . .
or sold at public auction only after it’s entered for all into CNR’s patrimony,
either because there was no contestation for these properties or because the
contestations failed [in courts].” Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 213.
Notes 237
35 The relocation sites – usually small towns – did not have the facilities to
host as many institutions with their substantial logistics and personnel,
which further slowed the judicial process (insufficient space for archives
and offices, interruptions of communications and transportation, and so
on). SSRCI illustrated the decrease of its activity in the spring of 1944, show-
ing that requests for approving stock-exchange transactions dropped from
250–260 before the air bombardment of Bucharest, to only 5–8 after that
tragic event. ANR, SSRCI-Direcţia Controlului (DC), 73/1944, pp. 9–18. See
also the complaints against the delays in the activity of SSRCI’s commis-
sions, whose members – magistrates at the supreme court – were frequently
out of Bucharest in the summer 1944 (probably due to fear of air bombard-
ments). ANR, SSRCI-DLE 34, pp. 3, 5. On 25 April 1944 a SSRCI memo
admitted that its commission could no longer function because “as at result
of the eviction of capital, some members of the judicial panel left for Banat
and Tg. Jiu, while others were sent abroad.” SSRCI-DC 18/1941, p. 31; see
also the 8 May 1944 government meeting minutes, in Ciucă and Ignat
(eds.), Stenogramele, vol. XI, p. 21; Stan, Relaţiile franco-române, 261–262.
36 Even though the available documents mention only the name – which is
an imperfect guide for establishing ethnicity – of theses lawyers, overall, it
seems that both Jewish and gentile lawyers defended Jews targeted by CNR.
37 For instance, CER legal experts read Pandectele Românizării carefully, the
only journal dedicated to discussing the theory, legislation, and juris-
prudence involved in the Romanianization project. ANR, CER, 33/1942,
pp. 14–25.
38 Pană, Născut în 02, 648.
39 For the activity of Wilhelm Filderman on behalf of the Romanian-Jewish
community at the end of World War I, during the Paris peace talks, and
in interwar period, see Carol Iancu, L’ émancipation des Juifs de Roumanie:
1913–1919 (Montpelier: CREHJ, 1992); Volovici, “The Response of Jewish
Leaders and Intellectuals to Antisemitism,” in Rotman and Vago (eds.), The
History of the Jews in Romania, 3rd vol., 143–178; Filderman, Memoirs & Dia-
ries, 1st vol.
40 The initial March 1941 law (no. 842) stipulated the categories of Jews
whose real estate was exempted from Romanianization. According to arti-
cle 5 of Law no. 842, the following categories of Jews were exempted from
expropriation of urban real estate: Jews who became citizens before August
1916; Jews enrolled in the Romanian army, who had been injured, deco-
rated, or cited for bravery in Romania’s wars; the heirs of Jews who died
in Romania’s wars; Jews baptized to Christianity at least 20 years prior if
they were also married to ethnic Romanians; Jews baptized to Christianity
if they were married to ethnic Romanians for at least 10 years and if from
that marriage they had children who had been baptized Christian; Jews
who were baptized to Christianity at least 30 years prior; and the heirs of
those mentioned above. Jews who brought exceptional proofs of devotion
or performed exceptional services for Romania could be exempted from
this law, but only by a special and distinct law. This category of deserving
Jews was vague and difficult to prove. These categories of exempted and
exceptional Jews were enlarged through Law no. 143 of 1943, which men-
tioned explicitly which categories could apply for legal assimilation with
238 Notes
ethnic Romanians, thus modifying article 6 of the previous 1941 law. Even
though these 1943 categories were more restrictive – in terms of who could
claim them – than the original categories of exempted Jews stipulated in
the 1941 law, they offered the perspective of becoming equal in all rights
(and not just to be exempted from expropriation) with ethnic Romanians;
historian Victor Neumann argues that, as former citizens of the Habsburg
Empire until 1918, the Jews of Banat and Transylvania could not benefit
from the exemptions from the expropriation of urban houses, because they
had been fully emancipated before World War I by another country and
served in another army. Neumann, Istoria evreilor din Romania, 222–224.
41 See articles 5 and 6 of Law no. 842. Ghimpa et al. (eds.). Codul de Românizare,
16–18.
42 See Benjamin, Legislaţia, 234–243. See Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de
Românizare, 16–18. According to the government minutes, the initiative
for extending these rights came from Mihai Antonescu, who mentioned
(in September 1941) that some of his former professors from Bucharest Law
School, at that time affected by the Romanianization of houses, should
receive the status of deserving Jews. See Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Steno-
gramele, vol. IV, 500–502.
43 A centralized organization, CER, aimed to control Romanian Jews; it
replaced FCER in December 1941.
44 CER’s legal department contested the expropriation of Jewish communal
properties, including those of welfare organizations, in front of Romaniani-
zation panels and lobbied for them to the government. ANR, CER, 14/1942,
p. 13; CER 16/1942, p.159; CDCER 1/1941, pp. 3–6, 19, 26; see also Centrul
pentru Studierea Istoriei Evreilor din România (CSIER) III 379/1939–1942,
pp. 67, 88–90, 92, 99, 103.
45 For cases when CER refused to intervene on the behalf of expropriated indi-
vidual Jews, see ANR, CER, 16/1942, p. 3; for cases when CER provided legal
assistance see CSIER, III 379/1939–1942, pp. 41, 57.
46 ANR, CDCER 21/1941, p. 9; CER 16/1942, pp. 25, 28–29, 79, 83, 159, 162,
231bis, 247–248bis, 280–281, 326, 421, 468, 484, 501, 503, 505, 516, 540–
541, 574–575; CER 20/1942, p. 254.
47 See, for instance, the seizure of houses belonging to the Jewish community
of Fâlticeni and local NGOs between January and April 1942. ANR, CER
28/1942, pp. 180, 188, 189, 193.
48 ANR, CDCER 21/1941, p. 9.
49 See CER’s letter (May 1942) to the Czernowitz Jewish community. ANR,
CER, 20/1942, p. 365.
50 See CER’s correspondence with its branches from Botoşani and Dolj coun-
ties in 1943 and 1944. CSIER, III 320 B/1943, p. 129; III 321/1944, p. 77.
51 When an entrepreneur wanted to establish or to change the legal status of
a company, he or she needed to go to the Registry of Commerce, where a
delegate judge supervised commercial legal procedures to ensure they con-
formed to current legislation.
52 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1941, p. 191.
53 Because there were no laws stipulating the mandatory closure of an existing
Jewish company, the BNR complained that the Romanianization of Jewish
businesses, through special loans awarded by the Romanian Loans Institute
Notes 239
to ethnic Romanian buyers, was a joke and, in fact, financed the Jews with
Romanianization funds. ANR, MEN-DOPSF, 10/1941, pp. 61–79.
54 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, p. 191.
55 See, for instance, similar cases from Bucharest, Roman, Bacău, Galaţi, Iaşi,
and Timişoara counties. ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, pp. 189, 190, 192, 221–
222, 227–228; MJ-DJ 111/1943, pp. 19–22, 112–114.
56 See the complaint of the Registry of Commerce Office (belonging to the
Bucharest Chamber of Commerce and Industry) to MEN on 18 January
1944. ANR, MEN-DOP 1/1940, 359.
57 ANR, MEN-Direcţia Comerţ Interior (DCI), 46/1941, p. 9.
58 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, p. 219; MJ-DJ 111/1941, pp. 111–114.
59 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, pp. 199, 219; MEN-DOPSF, 10/1941, pp.
80–81.
60 Nichifor Crainic, Zile albe-zile negre: Memorii (Bucureşti: Gândirea, 1991),
350.
61 Complaining about Jewish legal resistance to evictions from CNR houses,
the SSRCI director sent a confidential memo to Antonescu decrying his pow-
erlessness to influence court decisions “because judges are sovereign.” ANR,
MEN-DS 52/1941, pp. 135–137. Antonescu and public prosecutors also com-
plained of the courts’ leniency in cases of economic sabotage. Rosetti, Pagini
de jurnal, 195.
62 Florea Olteanu, Un procuror incomod: interviu, (Bucureşti: Fundaţia Academia
Civică, 2011), 16–18.
63 See Argetoianu, Însemnări zilnice, vol. X, p. 391; Olteanu, Un procuror inco-
mod, 23; Scarlat (ed.), Diplomaţi Germani la Bucureşti, 67.
64 The irrevocability (tenure) system was designed to protect the judiciary
from the executive’s pressures, giving judges freedom of decision in the
trials, at least in theory. See Trei ani de guvernare, 284; Law no. 947, which
reestablished judges’ irrevocability, was adopted on 25 October 1941 and
published in Monitorul Oficial no. 254 (1941). Consiliul Legislativ, Colecti-
une de legi si regulamente, Tomul XIX August-Octombrie (Bucureşti: Imprim-
eriile Statului, 1941), 2074–2077. On the importance of the decisions to
suspend tenure from judges during the Iron Guard regime, see the diary of
Constantin Năvârlie, a supreme-court magistrate. Constantin Năvârlie, Între
abandon şi crucificare: România 1944–1946 (Craiova: Editura de Sud, 2000),
30, 54; MEN-DS 52/1941, pp. 135–137. Judges ruled against the Antonescu
government in non-Romanianization cases as well. Argetoianu, Însemnări
zilnice, vol X, pp. 168–169.
65 ANR, CDCER, 3/1940, pp. 33–45.
66 ANR, MJ-DJ 124/1941, vol. I, pp. 259–260.
67 See, for instance, ANR, CDCER 3/1940, pp. 77, 92–94; Dorian, Jurnal, 150.
68 See Heinen, România, Holocaustul şi logica violenţei, 100–101, 205; Şafran,
Un tăciune smuls flăcărilor, 24; Schwefelberg, Amintirile, 135; Hudiţă, Jur-
nal: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943, pp. 381, 390, 392, 393, 457; in
September–October 1942, René de Weck, the Swiss ambassador in Bucha-
rest, also suspected that the Allies’ declarations on the punishment of
Axis authors of wartime atrocities led the Romanian government “to sig-
nificantly slow down its antisemitic excesses.” He also reported on wide-
spread rumors among Jews and gentile Bucureşteni that the British and US
240 Notes
governments had warned Romanian officials against anti-Jewish persecu-

tion. Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 55–56, 60. According to a rumor recorded
in the diary of Petre Solomon (on 18 October 1942), President Roosevelt
(USA) threatened Romania, saying if local Jews were deported, thousands of
(Allied) airplanes would destroy Bucharest. Solomon, Am să povestesc cândva
aceste zile, 127; see also Dorian, Jurnal, 248, 250.
69 During World War II, the Romanian elites believed in the antisemitic myth
that Jews ruled the world’s capitalist and communists superpowers.
70 See Jens Meierhenrich, Legacies of Law: Long-Run Consequences of Legal Devel-
opment in South Africa: 1652–2000 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2008).
71 ANR, MJ-DJ, 39/1943, pp. 39–40, 80, 83; MJ-DJ 111/1943, pp. 10, 15–18.
72 ANR, MJ-DJ, 128/1942, pp. 61–62, 65–66.
73 ANR, MJ-DJ, 128/1942, pp. 155–156, 159.
74 See Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, p. 598.
75 ANR, MJ-DJ, 39/1943, pp. 86–87.
76 Ancel, Contribuţii la Istoria României, vol. I, pp. 450–477; Friling, Ioanid, and
Ionescu (eds.), Raport Final, 532–536; ANR, MEN-DOPCI 80/1941, pp. 259–
261; CER 230/1942, pp. 2–4; CDCER 1/1941, pp. 3–6, 9, 22, 26; 19/1941,
pp. 1–2, 54, 65; MJ-DJ 124/1941, pp. 292–295.
77 ANR, CDCER 1/1941,19; for a similar case in Braşov, see Şafran, Un tăciune
smuls flăcărilor, 72–73.
78 See Law no. 499 (21 June 1942) in Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască,
218–220.
79 Ancel, Contribuţii, vol. 2, part two, pp. 179–274; Lya Benjamin, Prigoana
şi rezistenţă în istoria evreilor din România: 1940–1944: Studii (Bucureşti:
Hasefer, 2001), 198–276; Heinen, România, Holocaustul, şi logica violenţei,
96–107; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 347–361; Neumann, Istoria
evreilor din Romania, 225–228; Şafran, Un tăciune smuls flăcărilor, 80–87;
97–107; Schwefelberg, Amintirile, 111, 128, 135–138; Andrei Siperco (ed.),
Acţiunea internaţională de ajutorare a evreilor din România: Documente 1943–
1944 (Bucureşti: Hasefer, 2003).
80 The issue of mixed marriages between ethnic Romanian public employees
(such as officers, magistrates, clerks, and priests) and Jewish women and the
children resulting from these marriages, and the measures to be adopted in
such cases (firing the husbands, for instance) preoccupied the government,
who discussed it during its meeting from 26 August 1941. Benjamin (ed.),
Legislaţia antievreiască, 322–323.
81 Ibid., 239–240.
82 See the prologue and the article 79 of Law 286/ 19 May 1944 in Ibid.,
265, 276.
83 See Jurnalul Consiliului de Miniştrii no. 786 of 28 July 1941, in MJ-DJ, 114/1941,
vol. 1, p. 84. Other subsequent decisions re-enforced this rule. See Decree no.
232 of 2 February 1944, published in Monitorul Oficial no. 28 of 3 February
1944, regarding to the exemption of urban real estate of some foreign Jews
from the expropriation law no. 254 of 28 March 1941. Consiliul Legislativ,
Colecţiune de legi şi regulamente, Tomul XXII: ianuarie–februarie 1944 (Bucureşti:
Monitorul Oficial şi Imprimeriile Statului, 1944), 146–147; see also Jurnalul
Consiliului de Miniştrii no. 202 of 28 February 1944, which announced that
Jews holding Argentinian, Swiss, French, Iranian, Italian, Spanish, Swedish,
Notes 241
and Turkish citizenship on 28 March 1941, who did not lose it in the subse-
quent period, would be exempted from the expropriation of urban real estate
(art.1). Monitorul Oficial al României, no. 60, of 11 March 1944.
84 ANR, MEN-DS, 67/1941, p. 59.
85 See ANR, MEN-DS 67/1941, p. 59; MEN-DOPSF, 4/1941, pp. 1–10; MEN-
DCI 78/1940, p.8; MEN-DOP 1/1940, pp. 327–329; MEN-DOPCI, 80/1941,
pp. 273–274.
86 See the complaint of the Romanianization commissar from a Bucharest fac-
tory against the Jewish owner who sold his company to an Italian of “prob-
lematic ethnic origin,” without the commissar’s approval, instead of selling
it to a legionary group. ANR, PCM-SSI 134/1942, pp. 29–34.
Chapter 8
1 The topic of sabotaging Romanianization appeared frequently in the press,
private papers, and intergovernmental communications. Sabotage of Roma-
nianization should be distinguished from “economic sabotage,” which was
a different and more generic crime. Any entrepreneur, regardless of his eth-
nicity, could be held liable for perpetrating this crime if his actions affected
the national economy by failing to supply its company with raw materials
or to deliver its products, firing employees without approval, refusing to
accept new orders, and so on. See the “Surveillance and the Defense of the
National Economy Law” (no. 3122 of 14 September 1940). Monitorul Oficial,
no. 214 (14 September 1940): 5395.
2 ANR, CER, 35/1942; CER, 197/1942; CER, 202/1942.
3 ANR, MEN-DS 63/1941, 151; PCM-SSI 77/1938, pp. 28, 30, 33, 36, 41–43;
CDCER, 21/1940, p. 13; Generalul Ion Gheorghe, Un Dictator Nefericit:
Mareşalul Antonescu (Bucureşti: Machiavelli, 1996), 198–199; Lecca, Eu i-am
salvat pe evreii din România, 182–183; Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 35, 39–42,
46; René de Weck, Jurnal, 250; Roguski, Politic incorect, 126–127.
4 ANR, MMSOS, 80/1941, vol. II, p. 235; see also MEN-DI, 26/1941, pp. 14–15.
5 See, for instance, the case of Matei Gall’s parents and their Christian part-
ner, Mr Dinu. Gall, Eclipsa, 267; see also Stancu, Zile de lagăr, 77–78.
6 See Constantin Th Sapatino, Trăiri, Trăiri . . . de-a lungul unui veac (Bucureşti,
Romfel: 1994), 76; Niculescu (ed.), Un Martor al Istoriei: Emil Ghilezean,
58–61; Valentin Saxone, Sperante în întuneric: memorii (Bucureşti: Editura
Viitorul Românesc, 2004), 18–19; Banuş, Sub Camuflaj, 112.
7 ANR, MMSOS, 80/1941, vol. II, pp. 31–38, 58–59; MMSOS, 296/1941,
pp. 35–41; MEN-DOPSIF, 1/1940; MEN-DS, 18/1941, p. 56.
8 In the summer of 1942 MEN reported to Antonescu on the systematic nature
of Romanianization sabotage. ANR, MEN-DOPSF, 1/1940, pp. 171–172.
9 The November law punished companies engaged in the camouflage of Jew-
ish employees and not individuals. While the sanctions were severe – con-
fiscation or liquidation of the company – the judicial procedure was very
long and complicated. The only punishment stipulated by the March 1941
law was that Jewish perpetrators lost their right to receive the compensa-
tions promised by the state in exchange for the expropriated real estate.
10 The criminal punishment for sabotaging the Romanianization of property
and business was hard labor (imprisonment) for five to fifteen years. The
material punishment was confiscation of the property/business in favor of
242 Notes
CNR if both partners of the transaction, or only the Aryan one, refused
to “confess” sabotage. If both partners (or only the Jewish one) confessed
sabotage, the property/business was returned to the rightful owner. See
Monitorul Oficial no. 63, March 14, 1942, pp. 1900–1908.
11 Three CCs were organized around SSRCI and they typically comprised four
members. One represented the BNR and the other three were legal experts,
usually judges. The president of each CC was a judge from the Bucharest
appeals court (designated by the Ministry of Justice), and the other two
members came from tribunals or lower courts (designated by SSRCI with
the agreement of MJ). Public attorneys and members of administrative
courts were also eligible to participate in the CCs. See articles 12–19 of Law
no. 196 in Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 118–121. See also Trei
ani de guvernare, 147.
12 The CCs’ decisions mentioned the names of the judges, the transaction
partners, when transactions took place, the names and addresses of the
companies or real estate in question, the moment when the original trans-
action took place, how the suspect pleaded, and a description of the overall
case.
13 ANR, SSRCI-Direcţia Drepturilor Statului (DDS) – Comisia de Camuflaj,
(CC), 452bis/1941–502/1944.
14 ANR, SSRCI-DDS -CC, 452bis/1941–502/1944.
15 ANR, SSRCI-DDS-CC, 471/1942. The MJ also requested public attorney
offices to keep detailed statistics of prosecuted sabotage cases.
16 ANR, MJ-DJ, 84/1943, vol. I, pp. 145–148.
17 I consulted 20 diaries written by residents of World War II Romania
that referred to Romanianization: of these, 7 diarists were Jewish: Maria
Banuş, F Brunea-Fox, B Brănişteanu, Arnold Dagani, Camil Baltazar, Emil
Dorian, and Mihail Sebastian. Non-Jewish authors wrote 13 diaries: Dumitru
Amzăr, Constantin Argetoianu, N D Cocea, Petru Comarnescu, Gala Galac-
tion, Ioan Hudiţă, Constantin Rădulescu-Motru, Miron Radu Paraschivescu,
Radu R Rosetti, Constantin Sănătescu, Vasile Scârneci, Alice Voinescu, and
René de Weck. Out of the 20 diarists, 10 (4 Jewish and 6 non-Jewish) men-
tioned the sabotage and camouflage of the process. In addition to the 20, I
consulted 5 other diaries, written by Jeni Acterian, Eugen Barbu, Raul Bossy,
Onişfor Ghibu, and Jean Mouton, which do not mention Romanianization
at all.
18 Perhaps more than 40–50 percent of Romanianization cases were camou-
flaged when considering the self-censorship of diarists living in a dictator-
ship and at risk of a police search at any time or fearing deportation to
Transnistria. For instance, Saşa Pană, a Jewish intellectual from Bucharest,
wrote about his reluctance to jot down the most sensitive events of his life
during the Antonescu regime, because they “could have turned into perfect
accusation proofs.” Pană, Născut in 02, p. 634.
19 In the fall of 1941 MMSOS decided to revise the law for the Romanianiza-
tion of private employment, and the draft was ready by February 1942. The
draft law was put on hold and a revision was adopted only in August 1943.
ANR, MJ-DJ, 46/1941, pp. 8–29.
20 Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 78–79, 195–202; this evolution of
the Romanianization of companies during the Antonescu regime seems
to differ significantly from what happened in other countries under Nazi
Notes 243
influence. For instance, historian Jean-Marc Dreyfus shows in his book

on the Aryanization of the financial sector in France that local authori-
ties engaged in a massive liquidation of Jewish banks (around 60 percent).
Dreyfus, Pillages sur Ordonnances, 275–279.
21 According to Law no. 143/1943, three main categories of deserving Jews
could be assimilated with ethnic Romanians from a legal point of view. First,
Jews who had volunteered to serve in the Romanian army and had fought
on the frontline in the Independence War (1877), Second Balkan War, and
World War I; second, Jewish soldiers of the Romanian army who had been
awarded citizenship during World War I for their bravery; and third, those
Jews who “proved themselves useful and faithful to the Romanian nation
through their devotion and exceptional deeds or through their constant and
praiseworthy activity.” A special commission (made of a Bucharest appeals
court judge, a SSRCI delegate, and a public lawyer designated by the govern-
ment) was charged with assessing potentially deserving Jews. See Benjamin
(ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 234–243. The milder treatment of deserving
Jews did have a precursor in the law for the expropriation of Jewish urban
real estate (no. 842 from 28 March 1941), which exempted exceptionally
devoted Jews from Romanianization. Law no.143 enlarged the categories of
deserving Jews, and offered an easier procedure for Jewish applicants.
22 During World War I, 286 Jewish soldiers obtained Romanian citizenship for
their bravery. The number of Jewish volunteers who fought in Romania’s
wars is still unclear. See Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 234–243; see
also Boia, Capcanele istoriei, 207.
23 See article 3, paragraphs A and B of the Decree Law no. 143, 9 March 1943,
published in Monitorul Oficial, no. 58, Martie 10, 1943, pp. 2038–2042.
24 Numerous and inconsistent definitions of who was Jewish and deadline
extensions were among the ambiguities and exceptions that enabled misin-
terpretation of Romanianization laws.
25 One report from MEN revealed that “the Romanianization technique
proved to be defective.” ANR, MEN-DS, 63/1941, p. 127; see also MEN-
DOPCI, 79/1941, pp. 35–41; MEN-DOPCI, 86/1941, 195–199; MJ-DJ,
114/1941, vol. I, pp. 29–30, 96, 100–10; CER, 33/1942.
26 For example, the detective office (belonging to the general police depart-
ment) reported to MJ that, in order to protect his real estate from Roma-
nianization, a Bucharest Jewish inhabitant, Mr Marcovici, secured the
complicity of the gentile Colonel Plesnilă. According to the report, Mar-
covici sold his house to Plesnilă in May 1941 through a predated contract
(on 18 March 1941 to avoid the 27 March expropriation law), doubled
by a secret agreement that nullified the official document. ANR, MJ-DJ,
127/1941, pp. 118–119.
27 See Timpul, 27 August 1942.
28 Or, they moved into a Romanianized house and rented their own house.
According to an Iaşi University professor, Gheorghe Zane, his fellow profes-
sor, Andrei Oţetea, rented his house to a German institute and he moved
into a Jewish house, whose owner had been evicted. Zane, Memorii, 75.
29 See “O comunicare a CNR-ului în legătură cu închirierile de imobile,”
Viaţa, no. 507, 14 September 1942, p. 5. Even after September 1941 things
continued to move slowly, and CNR complained to Antonescu that the
avalanche of requests (more than 50,000) prevented a rapid distribution
244 Notes
of Romanianized houses to ethnic Romanian beneficiaries. See MEN-DS,

52/1941, 135–37.
30 See the article ”De ce s-a depus un număr exagerat de cereri de apartamente
de inchiriat la CNR,” in Informaţia, 15 September 1942.
31 ANR, PCM-SSI, 90–1941, pp. 43–49.
32 ANR, PCM-SSI, 90–1941, pp. 43–49.
33 See “Mutarea evreilor din apartamentele proprietatea CNR,” Informaţia,
23 April 1942; “Închirierea imobilelor CNR,” Timpul, 11 April 1942.
34 See “Închirierea imobilelor CNR,” Timpul, 11 April 1942.
35 Probably he thought of Transnistria, the former Soviet area where many
Jewish deportees died of typhus during the Antonescu regime. See Viaţa,
no. 477, 15 August 1942, p. 3.
36 See, for instance, “Evreii proprietari sabotează vizitarea imobilelor CNR,”
Seara, 9 August 1942; “Evrei evacuaţi pentru neafişarea biletului de închir-
iere,” Timpul, no. 1901 24 August 1942, p. 9; and “Evrei evacuaţi pentru
refuz de afişare a biletelor de închiriat,” Viaţa, no. 486, 25 August 25, 1942,
p. 3.
37 See, for instance, the testimony of Hefter Avraam from 9 April 1945 col-
lected during the investigation of World Jewish Congress in post-Antonescu
Romania. CSIER, III-Congresul Mondial Evreiesc (CME), fişa no. 46; see also
Dorian, Jurnal, 231; Banuş, Sub camuflaj, 55–56.
38 See Dorian, Jurnal, 231.
39 ANR, PCM-SSI, 90/1941, pp. 164–165. The beneficiaries of Romanianized
houses rented the real estate to local Jews despite the formal obligations
(assumed in the renting contracts with CNR) not to do so. See “Închirierea
imobilelor evreieşti,” Informaţia, 30 April 1942.
40 See Dorian, Jurnal, 232.
41 ANR, MF-CSIS, 412/1942, pp. 2–119.
42 Ibid., 2–119.
43 ANR, MF-CSIS, 405/1942, pp. 3–21.
44 For example, CNR needed two years to seize (March 1943) the house of Jew-
ish Bucharest inhabitant, Elena Vajoreanu (former Bella Rosenfeld). ANR,
SSRCI-D. Contencios 55/1943, pp. 26–28.
45 ANR, MF-CSIS, 413/1942, pp. 52–58; 221–223.
46 ANR, MF-CSIS, 280/1941, pp. 67–88.
47 Ibid., 67–88.
48 See Bucur, Eugenics and Modernization; Livezeanu, Cultural Politics in Greater
Romania.
49 If they were single business owners or shareholders, Jewish entrepreneurs
could neither register new companies nor modify the existing ones.
50 Dragoş (ed.), Românizarea: Înfăptuiri, 38–39.
51 ANR, MEN- DOPSF, 1/1940, pp. 171–172.
52 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, pp. 171–172.
53 34,000 associative-participatory companies and other associative enter-
prises filed declarations on the ethnic origin of their associates by December
1942. This gives a sense of the sheer number of businesses of this type that
were under close surveillance in World-War-II Romania. See Dragoş (ed.),
Românizarea: Înfăptuiri, 38–39.
54 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, p. 248.
Notes 245
55 ANR, ME-DOPSF 1/1942, pp. 171–172; see also SSRCI’s “ministerial deci-
sions” no. 23,681 of 7 September 1942 and no. 24,491 of 14 September
1942. Dragoş (ed.), Românizarea: Înfăptuiri, 38.
56 See, for instance, Border, Între două lumi, 11; Gheorghe, Un dictator nefericit,
198–199.
57 See Gall, Eclipsa, 268–269.
58 See René de Weck, Jurnal, 250.
59 The letter of Jacques Truelle, the head of the French Legation in Romania,
to Admiral Darlan, the Secretary of France Foreign Affairs, 14 January 1942
in Iancu (ed.), Soah, 168–169.
60 Iancu, Shoah, 169; on the career of Zwiedeneck, see also Traşcă and Deletant,
(eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 297.
61 See, for instance, Banuş, Sub camuflaj, 98; Rene de Weck, Jurnal, 250.
62 See, for instance, Border, Între două lumi, 11.
63 See Sapatino, Trăiri, trăiri, 76.
64 Saxone, Speranţe în întuneric, 18–19.
65 Many companies complained about the financial burden produced by the
salaries of Romanianization and special commissars, ethnic Romanian
doubles, and other controllers they had to pay. ANR, MEN-DI, 26/1941,
pp. 30–31; MEN-DC, 7/1941, p. 193; MEN-DS, 79/1941, pp. 5, 42–43.
66 ANR, ANIC, MMSOS, 59/1941, vol. II; MMSOS, 74/1941, vol. I; MMSOS,
77/1941, vol. I, pp. 271–272; MMSOS, 713/1941, vol. I + vol. II; MMSOS,
717/1941; MMSOS, 718/1941; MMSOS, 689/1941, vol. II; MMSOS, 699/1941,
vol. I; MMSOS, 713/1941, vol. II, pp. 79–81; MEN-DS, 40/1941, pp. 16–17.
67 They argued that OCR bureaucrats only had the right to recommend, not
to impose, ethnic Romanian employees. ANR, MEN-DS, 65/1941, pp. 122–
123; MEN-DOPCI, 86/1941, pp. 191–195.
68 ANR, MMSOS, 59/1941, vol. II, pp. 23–24; MMSOS, 713/1941, vol. II,
pp. 184–187.
69 AMB, LJB, 76/1942; LJB, 77/1942; LJB, 79/1942; LJB, 116/1943; LJB,
119/1943; LJB, 130/1944; ANR, MMSOS, 717/1941; MMSOS, 734/1941;
MMSOS, 713/1941, vol. II, pp. 184–187; SSRCI, 470/1942.
70 According to local managers, ethnic Romanian doubles complaining to
authorities were frustrated beneficiaries of Romanianization who had been
fired for their incompetence and negligence. Trouble making, absence, lazi-
ness, and alcoholism were common complaints. ANR, MMSOS, 77/1941,
vol. I, pp. 69–70, 63–64.
71 ANR, MEN-DS, 40/1941, pp. 16–17, 26–27; MEN-DS, 47/1941, pp. 254–255;
MEN-DS, 50/1941, p. 66; MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I, p. 68.
72 ANR, MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I, p. 64.
73 For example, OCR’s special inspector, Coroiu, threatened to close down an
important store solely because the owners opposed hiring two inexperi-
enced and incompetent ethnic Romanians recommended by OCR. ANR,
MEN-DS, 47/1941, pp. 253–255.
74 ANR, MEN-DS, 47/1941, pp. 253–25. The statement of MEN’s officials
on the “true meaning of Romanianization work” appears quite surreal in
the context of the Antonescu regime when systematic Romanianization
in other fields – such as real estate – was achieved only through radical
expropriation. This paradoxical statement might suggest that bureaucrats
246 Notes
from different departments interpreted the Romanianization process differ-

ently. It is also possible that inter-departmental rivalry between MEN and
MMSOS/OCR bureaucrats played its role.
75 See the memoirs of Nicolae Bagdasar, the owner of a Bucharest printing
company. After 1941 Bagdasar had to hire two generations of ethnic Roma-
nian employees due to war mobilization. He was delighted when he man-
aged to requisition a Jewish clerk. Bagdasar, Memorii, 275, 277–278.
76 See OCR’s letter of October 1941 to MEN, ANR, MMSOS, 77/1941,
vol. I, pp. 63–64. See also MMSOS, 80/1941, vol. II, pp. 369–371; MEN-DS,
47/1941, p. 256.
77 ANR, MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I, pp. 63–64.
78 ANR, MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I, pp. 63–64.
79 See Direcţia Generală a Poliţiei (DGP)’s ‘Notă Informativă Anexă la Buleti-
nul Informativ’, no. 227 of 25 August 1941. ANR, MMSOS, 80/1941, vol. I,
pp. 39–41.
80 They evaluated the practical problems of Romanianization and suggested
improvements. Even though MEN’s memo identified correctly the main
problems of Romanianization, it attributed most of them to its rival depart-
ments – OCR and SSRCI/CNR – and claimed for itself a more important role
in supervising the national economy. ANR, MEN-DS, 70/1941, pp. 10–15.
81 ANR, MEN-DS, 70/1941, pp. 10–15.
82 For instance, small businessmen and professionals lodged complaints
against their Jewish competitors still in business, openly or camouflaged.
ANR, MJ-DJ, 4/1940, vol. II + III; MJ-DJ, 5/1940, vol. I; LJB, 79/1942; MMSOS,
23/1941; MMSOS, 69/1941; MMSOS, 201/1941; MMSOS, 713/1941/vol.
II; MMOS, 714/1941/vol. I; MMSOS, 708/1941; SSRCI, 453/1941; SSRCI,
470/1942.
83 ANR, PCM-CM, 58/1940; LJB, 77/1942; LJB, 79/1942; LJB, 85/1942; LJB,
89/1942; LJB, 97/1943; LJB, 105/1943; LJB, 119/1943; LJB, 130/1944; LJB,
147/1944; MMSOS, 159/1941/vol.1; SSRCI, 470/1942.
84 AMB, LJB, 119/1943; ANR, MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I; DGP, 21/1945, pp. 7–8.
85 ANR, DGP, 21/1945, pp. 7–8.
86 AMB, LJB, 49/1940; LJB, 57/1941; LJB, 66/1941; LJB, 77/1942; LJB, 79/1942;
LJB, 80/1942; LJB, 84/1942; LJB, 85/1942; LJB, 95/1943; LJB, 97/1943; LJB,
116/1943; LJB, 119/1943; LJB, 130/1944. ANR, PCM-CM, 58/1940; MMSOS,
63/1941, vol. I, pp. 174–183; MMSOS, 63/1941/vol.2; MMSOS, 69/1941;
MMSOS, 74/1941, vol. III; MMSOS, 80/1941, vol. II, pp. 58–59; MMSOS,
201/1941; MMSOS, 296/1941; MMSOS, 714/1941, vol. I; SSRCI, 453/1941;
SSRCI, 470/1942; MEN-DS, 48/1941, p. 41; MEN-DS, 50/1941, p. 152; Ros-
tás (ed.), Chipurile oraşului, 146, 225–226, 231; René de Weck, Jurnal, 250;
Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 26–27, 35–26, 39–41, 46, 59.
Chapter 9
1 ANR, MMSOS 407/1944, vol I, pp. 14–16; see also MMSOS 609/1943, vol. II,
p. 134; MMSOS 618/1943, vol. I, p. 124; MMSOS 618/1943, vol. II, p. 134;
MM, SOS 50/1943, pp. 225–242.
2 In Vichy France, for example, the liquidation of Jewish property developed
further than in Bucharest. As historian Tal Brutmann has proven in his
Notes 247
recent work on Aryanization in the region of Isère, almost a quarter (23.2

percent) of Jewish real estate in the city of Grenoble had been sold by the
summer of 1944. See Brutmann, Aryanisation Economique et Spoliations,
113–153. In other French urban areas the rate of liquidation was lower. In
Lyon, only 8.8 percent of Jewish real estate was sold by the summer of 1944;
see also Dreyfus, Pillages sur Ordonnances, 275–279; Dean, Robbing the Jews,
173–377. The liquidation of Jewish wealth in Nazi Germany was the most
successful. As Frank Bajohr has demonstrated, the Aryanization of Jewish
companies in Hamburg was practically completed by the outbreak of war
in 1939 and “the majority of [real estate] properties owned by Jews were
seized on behalf of the German Reich in 1941/1942.” Bajohr, Aryanization
in Hamburg, 222–272.
3 Hâncu (ed.), Confidenţial, 25; Antonescu also complained that the Romani-
anization of some businesses brought losses for the country's budget. See
the 8 August 1941 government meeting minutes, in Ciucă and Ignat (eds.),
Stenogramele, vol. III, pp. 100–101.
4 Historian Jean Ancel also noted that Antonescu’s Romanianization bene-
fited local bourgeoisie and thus led them to support his regime. Ancel, The
History of the Holocaust in Romania, 177–178.
5 See, for instance, ANR, PCM-SSI 24/1941; MF-CSIS 277/1941.
6 Historian Radu Ioanid has also emphasized the role of local officials’ oppor-
tunism in the survival of Romanian Jews. Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Anto-
nescu, 399.
7 See Benjamin (ed.), Legislaţia antievreiască, 124; see also Mihai Antonescu’s
declaration during the government meeting of 8 July 1941, emphasizing
that such a historic moment for the Romanianization of real estate (and
society) would occur only once in several centuries. Ciucă and Ignat (eds.),
Stenogramele, vol. IV, p. 57.
8 In this sense, see, for instance, the observations of several scholars of Roma-
nian history. Bucur, Eugenie şi modernizare, 93; Case, Between States, 33–34.
9 Iordachi, Citizenship, Nation, and State-Building, 22–23; concerns with a
‘problematic’ minority whose existence offered the pretext of Great Pow-
ers’ frequent interventions into the domestic affairs of a country played a
crucial role not only in the Romanian chapter of the Holocaust, but also in
other cases of genocide. For the similarities with the Armenian genocide,
see Donald Bloxham, The Great Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism
and the Destruction of the Ottoman Armenians (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2005).
10 Livezeanu, Cultural Politics in Greater Romania, 306.
11 For more detail on foreign governments’ interventions in favor of Roma-
nian Jews in 1937–1938, see Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania,
34–38; Quinlan, Clash over Romania, 28–30.
12 For Antonescu’s worries about the international law and foreign policy
implications of the Romanianization of Jewish property at the future peace
conference, based on his view of World War I Paris Peace Conference, see
the government minute of 13 November 1941, in Ciucă and Ignat (eds.),
Stenogramele, vol. V, pp. 122–123; see also the government meeting minute
of 20 April 1943. Idem, Stenogramele, vol. IX, p. 185.
13 See the minutes of the government meetings of 16 and 17 November 1943,
in Ciucă and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, pp. 545, 560.
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Index
‘abandoned (ownerless) property,’ 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 52, 53, 54, 55,
41, 69, 138, 142, 206n43, 56, 81, 92, 108, 110, 111, 193n17,
231n99 207n47, 211n124
ACG. See Association of Housewives and anti-Roma policy, 17, 26,
Circles 124–46, 189, 226n17, 227n22,
Achim, Viorel, 27–8, 128–31, 135–7, 231n86
146, 226n6 and antisemitic policies, including
administratori giranţi. See building Romanianization, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,
managers 12, 13, 15, 19, 23, 24, 25, 27, 30,
air bombardments of Romania, 54, 31, 37, 38, 40, 42, 44, 45, 46, 49,
86–7, 217n110 50, 57, 59, 66, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73,
Akcam, Taner, 206n38 80, 84, 88, 90, 108, 122, 146–90,
Alexianu, Gheorghe, 140, 141 191n7, 193n20, 198n88, 199n96,
Allies, the, 15, 41, 57, 60, 95–6, 117, 206n44, 208n66, 214n26,
149, 156, 184, 188, 239n68 217n101, 228n40, 239n61, 247n3
Amidah, 148, 234n1, 235n9 and conversion of Jews to
Ancel, Jean, 19, 27–31, 35, 191n7, Christianity, 59, 60, 61, 62,
201n108, 205n32, 206n38, 63, 64, 204n19, 212n151
227n19, 229n59 and ethnic Romanian refugees, 5,
antisemitism 80, 198n81, 208n61, 220n49
Antonescu and, 187–8 and forced labor, 38
in Bucharest, 19, 122, 178 and the Germans, 10, 16, 26,
outside Bucharest, 20 110–23, 196n58, 221n2
Germans and, 111 and Hungary, 74, 214n43
legislation and, 15, 23, 35–44, the Iron Guard and, 5, 17, 18, 19,
46, 49, 52, 54, 55, 56, 59, 157, 21, 38, 71, 73, 81, 95, 101, 120,
203n11, 203n14, 203n16, 121, 235n12
207n50, 208n66 Antonescu, Maria, 92–3, 106
opportunistic economic Antonescu, Mihai, 57, 92, 135, 150,
antisemitism, 187 156, 160, 187, 195n45, 204n22,
opposition to, 92 206n39, 206n40, 214n43,
Orthodox Church and, 212n15 230n70, 238n42, 247n7
political parties and, 81 appeals courts, 39, 40, 53, 68, 150,
studies of, 28, 203n11 151, 152, 154, 155, 157, 158,
anti-Soviet war, 4, 12, 22, 27, 41, 83, 189, 192n13, 207n54, 211n112,
94, 96, 112, 217n96, 225n67, 236n24, 236n26, 236n29,
235n22 236n32, 242n11, 243n21
Antonescu, Ion, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 10, 12, Ardeleana Bank, 81, 215n50
13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, Argetoianu, Constantin, 84, 108,
24,25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 36, 37, 224n48, 242n17
261
262 Index
armed resistance 48, 49, 51, 54, 56–67, 69, 70, 71,
by Jews, 164, 165, 234n1 73, 74, 76, 79–87, 91–9, 101, 102,
by Roma, 230n62 103, 104, 106, 107, 112, 113, 115,
Armenian genocide, 205n32, 206n38, 116, 117, 119, 120–9, 131, 132,
232n115, 247n9 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138,
aryanization, 13, 186, 222n13 139, 140, 141, 144, 145, 147, 150,
in France 242n20, 246n2 152, 153, 154, 155, 159, 169, 170,
in Germany, 206n38, 222n13, 173, 176, 177, 178, 181, 182,
246n2 183, 184, 185, 186, 189, 197n69,
in Hungary, 14 197n73, 198n79, 198n81,
in Romania, 26, 111, 113, 114, 115, 198n85, 198n88, 199n91,
118, 123 199n95, 199n96, 199n97,
in Slovakia, 15, 219n47 201n108, 201n116, 203n10,
Association of Graduates of Schools of 204n22, 205n29, 206n40,
Economics, 98 207n54, 209n69, 210n98,
Association of Housewives Circles 210n106, 211n106, 212n149,
(ACG), 92–3, 96, 150, 218n11 216n89, 218n7, 220n49, 221n76,
Association of Romanian Banks, 40 224n54, 225n67, 225n69, 226n6,
Axis, the, 3, 4, 6, 12, 13, 16. 20, 29, 226n7, 226n17, 227n18, 229n58,
41, 43, 54, 55, 57, 96, 110, 115, 230n63, 231n90, 232n104,
118, 123, 156, 187–9, 198n91, 233n122, 233n123, 233n124,
211n123, 215n60, 222n13, 233n126, 234n127, 236n26,
239n68 236n29, 237n35, 238n42,
239n55, 239n56, 239n68,
Bagdasar, Nicolae, 246n75 241n86, 242n11, 242n18,
Bajohr, Frank, 246n2 243n21, 243n26, 244n44, 246n75
Banat, 4, 110, 114, 203n14, 223n23, Bucharest Chamber of Commerce and
237n35, 237n40 Industry (CCIB), 19, 113, 115,
Bancoş, Dorel, 28, 31, 201n112 239n56
Banuş, Maria, 77–8, 94, 242n17 Bucur, Calomfirescu, 209n75
baptismal certificates, 37, 46, 47, 48, Bucur, Maria, 28, 36, 126, 173,
49, 63, 132, 203n18 203n13, 203n15, 208n61, 229n59
bar association, 35, 157, 177 Bucureşti. See Bucharest
Belzec (death camp), 7 building managers, 25, 41, 66, 69,
Benjamin, Lya, 27–9, 167, 202n4 77–9, 88, 139, 215n60
Berlin Peace Treaty (1878), 188, Bulgaria
206n42 antisemitic policies of, 13–15,
Bessarabia, 3, 4, 7, 14, 18, 19, 22, 29, 195n50
30, 31, 67, 80, 98, 127, 128, 189, Bulgarian Jews targeted by
198n81, Romanianization, 57
203n9, 235n22 population exchange with, 30, 110,
BNR. See National Bank of Romania 221n4
Boia, Lucian, 197n68 territorial losses to, 3
Bossy, Raul, 52 Bukovina, 18, 19, 21, 24, 28, 29, 30,
Brânzan, Andruţa Androneta, 131 189
Brătianu, (Dinu) Constantin, 137, Northern Bukovina, 3, 4, 7, 67, 80,
231n86 110, 112, 235n22
Brutmann, Tal, 246n2 Southern Bukovina, 17
Bucharest, 1, 5, 8, 15–40, 43–4, 47, Burgdörfer, Friedrich, 226n6
Index 263
camouflage, 20, 21, 27, 31–3, 34, 35, Codreanu, Corneliu Zelea, 216n81
48, 49, 72, 86, 95, 97, 108, 113, Codreanu, Ion, 80, 81, 216n81
142, 162–71, 174–82, 185, 187, Commissars Office, 66, 70–1
189, 199n100, 204n27, 209n76, compensation
225n2, 241n9, 242n17, 246n82. for German owned property,
See also sabotage 17, 110
camouflage commission (CC), 32, 34, for Jewish owned property, 39, 40,
162–6, 242n11, 242n12 42, 43, 53, 104, 205n32, 207n47,
Cantacuzino-Enescu, Maria, 68 236n26 for Roma property,
Carol II (King of Romania), 3, 10, 228n40
19, 35–6, 42, 62, 125, 207n47, Concordat with Vatican, 60, 62, 63,
212n151, 222n15, 234n127 212n137
Cassulo, Andrea, 24, 60, 63, 199n98, confiscation of property, 5, 14, 17, 27,
204n19 39, 42–3, 131, 138, 145, 166, 179,
Centrala Evreilor. See Jewish Center 191n7, 207n47, 207n54, 222n13,
Central Judicial Commission (CJC), 233n123, 241n10
39, 53, 151, 207n54 Consiliul de Patronaj al Operelor Sociale,
Central Romanianization Office 93, 106
(OCR), 13, 25, 39, 66, 71, Constitution
80–3, 87–8, 145, 179–82, 204n23, 1866 Constitution, 206n42
213n8, 245n67, 245n73, 245n74, 1923 Constitution, 42, 43, 206n42,
246n80 207n47
Central Statistic Institute, 124, 1938 Constitution, 42, 207n47
193n17, 208n61, 213n16, 225n2 control inspectors, 71, 74, 79, 180,
certificate de botez. See baptismal 182, 214n43, 215n54
certificates conversion to Christianity (of Jews),
certificate de naţionalitate. See ethnicity 36, 37, 59–64, 237n40
certificates court contestations, 20, 39, 40, 53,
Chioveanu, Mihai, 28 98, 147–8, 150–55, 158–161, 185,
Christodorescu, Vasile, 44 189, 236n26,236n32, 236n33,
Cisar, Alexandru, 61 236n34
citizenship Crainic, Nichifor, 95, 156
denaturalization, 35 Csangos (ceangăi), 45
ethnic Germans and Romanian Cuza, A. C., 81
citizenship, 113 Czernowitz, 4, 30, 84, 112, 233n126,
Jews and foreign citizenship, 14, 236n32, 238n49
55–9, 160, 210n110, 211n112,
211n116, 211n124, 234n1, Dănulescu, Constantin, 81
240n83 Deak, Istvan, 235n12
Jews and Romanian citizenship, 35, Dean, Martin, 206n38, 206n43,
153, 196n56, 202n4, 212n151, 219n47
243n21, 243n22 Deletant, Dennis, 27, 28, 42
Roma and Romanian citizenship, deserving Jews, 14, 153, 154, 157, 180,
143 166, 237n40, 243n21
Ciuciu, Anca, 18 Deşliu, Boris, 42
Civil Code, 67 de Weck, René, 20, 24, 54–5, 60, 69,
CNR. See National Romanianization 123, 176, 186, 199n98, 207n50,
Center 211n124, 212n155, 225n77,
Cocea, N. D., 225n69, 242n17 231n86, 239n68, 242n17
264 Index
Dobre, Gheorghe, General, 214n27 Gall, Matei, 113, 176, 241n5

Dobrogea General Association of Engineers from
Northern, 17, 36, 91, 110, 194n22, Romania (AGIR), 98
202n1 General Staff of Romanian Army, 104,
Southern, 3, 17, 80 157–8, 232n104
Dorian, Emil, 72, 170, 171, 210n98, German Ethnic Group (GEG), 49,
218n6, 242n17 113–5, 117, 213n16, 223n27,
Dragoş, Titus, 41, 44, 68, 69, 70, 114, 223n38
116, 168, 214n26 Gheorghiu, Virgil, 47–8
Dreyfus, Jean-Marc, 242n20 Ghilezean, Emil, 80–1, 215n50,
Dumitrescu-Borşa, Ion, 80–2 216n80
Ghimpa, Nicolae, 207n54
economic commissars, 75, 79, Gigurtu, Ion, 81
215n74, 216n80 Goga, Octavian, 35, 192n8, 203n9
economic protectionism, 10, 11, 34, Golăescu, Maria, 233n126
35, 192n8, 193n22, 223n25 Golopenţia, Anton, 193n17
Elena (Queen of Romania), 135 Greek-Catholic Church, 63, 204n21
emigration to Palestine, 4, 23, 49, 187, Gross, Jan, 220n10
188, 193n20 Gruia, Ion, 203n16
Enescu, George, 137
ethnicity certificates, 46–9, 57–8, Hausleitner, Mariana, 28–9
209n69, 211n124 Heinen, Armin, 28, 198n88
ethnic Germans, 17, 91, 110–123, 141, Heydrich, Reinhard, 116
178, 186, 213n16, 221n2, 221n3, Hirsch, Carl, 233n126
223n23, 223n25 Hirsch, Marianne, 30
ethnic origin, 5, 9, 35, 44–50, 54, 57, Hitchins, Keith, 191n7, 194n26
58, 61, 64, 65, 69, 110, 115, 122, Homeland’s Momentum Association,
124, 128, 143, 202n4, 209n69, 65
216n89, 237n36, see also ethnicity Hudiţă, Ioan, 70, 95, 137, 138,
certificates 215n74, 216n80, 230n65,
eugenics, 28, 45, 125, 129, 174, 233n122, 233n126, 242n17
208n59, 226n16, 229n59 Hungary
eviction, of Jewish owners and emigration of csangos to Hungary,
tenants, 54, 57, 58, 79, 80, 147, 41, 45
148, 149, 150, 167, 169, 170, 171, Hungarian Catholic priests, 60
239n61 Hungary’s antisemitic policies, 4,
exemption from expropriation, 39, 13–14, 55
153, 157, 160, 166, 205n31, surveillance of, and retaliation
237n40, 243n21 against Hungarian owned
Ezechiel, Emilian, 46 companies, 73–4, 214n43
territorial losses to Hungary, 3, 71,
Federation of Jewish Communities 223n38
of Romania (FCER), 153, 154,
238n43 Iancu, Carol, 28
Filderman, Wilhelm, 19, 43, 152, 159, ICR. See Romanian Loans Institute
199n96, 237n39 Ioanid, Radu, 4, 27, 28, 31, 36, 131,
Filmul Românesc, 95 191n7, 201n109, 229n59, 247n6
forced labor, 38 Ionescu, Ghiţă, 82, 216n89
Index 265
Iordachi, Constantin, 28, 202n1 Madgearu, Virgil, 8, 9, 10, 11, 34,

Iron Guard, the, 3, 35, 111, 125, 199n100
204n21, 235n12, 239n64 Malaxa, Nicolae, 92, 218n92
antisemitism and, 5, 19, 21, 23, 24, Maniu, Iuliu, 137, 216n80, 233n122
47, 92, 127; Manoilescu, Mihai, 8, 10, 11
Codrenişti, 80, 216n81 Manuilă, Sabin, 124, 125, 193n17,
Orthodox Church and, 212n151 213n16, 225n2
Rebellion (January 1941), 3, 38, Marin, Ioan, 131, 132, 140
103, 148, 156, 197n69, 227n19 Martinescu, Pericle, 48, 85, 91, 137
Romanianization and, 4, 5, 10, 17, Meierhenrich, Jens, 157
25, 38, 71, 72, 73, 80, 81, 85, 95, Mihai I (King of Romania), 42, 135, 149
101, 108, 117, 120, 121, 186, Ministry of Finance (MF), 67, 70, 79,
191n7, 192n11, 196n63 85, 94, 105, 171–3, 213n6, 213n9
Septembrişti, 73 Ministry of Interior (MAI), 127, 136,
Simişti, 80, 216n81 137, 141, 196n63, 201n116,
irrevocability of judges, 156, 228n37, 232n110
239n64 Ministry of Justice (MJ), 32, 39, 46,
Italy 53–65, 85, 103, 104, 152, 155,
diplomatic relations with, 3, 4, 20, 157, 158, 165, 196n63, 201n116,
57, 223n38 205n34, 211n112, 214n43,
Romanianization and Italians, 16–7, 224n57, 242n11
57, 74, 110–11, 160, 196n61, Ministry of Labor, Health, and Social
210n110, 222n9, 241n86 Work (MMSOS), 13, 16, 38–9,
65–6, 81, 83,105–7, 120, 145,
Jewish Center (Centrala Evreilor/ 179, 182, 186, 204n23, 204n24,
CER), 153, 154, 220n65, 237n37, 221n76, 229n58, 242n19, 275n74
238n43, 238n44, 238n45 Ministry of National Defence (MAN),
76, 100, 104, 210n94
Kelso, Michelle, 28, 129, 131, 134, Ministry of National Economy (MEN),
230n62 13, 16, 25, 40, 45, 51, 52, 65–76,
Killinger, Manfred von, 43, 117, 83, 97, 88, 90, 94, 99, 100, 101,
223n34 111, 112, 115, 122, 123, 154–5,
Kraft durch Freude, 81 159, 174, 175, 179, 180, 181,
182, 201n116, 202n4, 214n27,
labor inspectors, 80 223n29, 225n72, 241n8, 243n25,
Lecca, Radu, 39, 43, 205n28, 208n66, 245n74, 246n80
220n65 Minority Treaty (1919), 35
legalized looting (robbery), 25, 32, 40, mixed marriages, 14, 61, 126, 159,
42, 90, 188–9 209n75, 240n80
legal resistance to Romanianization Monitorul, Oficial, 44, 67, 130
by Jews, 24, 27, 31, 39, 51, 52, 90, Moscovici, Serge, 49
98, 104, 107, 147–162, 175, 185, Muncă şi Lumină, 81
186, 205n31, 234n1, 235n19, Murgescu, Bogdan, 192n8
239n61
by Roma, 140, 142, 189 National Bank of Romania (BNR), 50,
Livezeanu, Irina, 28, 29, 173 51, 52, 102, 238n53, 242n11
Lombroso, Caesare, 227n34 National Christian Party (PNC), 81,
Love, Joseph L., 11 193n22
266 Index
National Liberal Party (PNL), 52, 96, Penal Code, 203n15, 228n35
193n22 Petrescu, Camil, 91
National Orthodox Romanian Petrovici, Ion, 61
Women’s Society (SONFR), 96, pogroms, 15, 149, 197n69, 227n19
106, 219n23, 219n30 Polatel, Mehmed, 206n38
National Peasant Party (PNŢ), 80–1, Porajmos, 131
95, 96, 137, 215n80, 233n122
National Romanianziation Center Quinlan, Paul, 203n9
(CNR), 13, 17, 21, 25, 27, 50,
53, 54, 56, 59, 66–88, 92, 93, 94, racism, 28, 45, 129, 130, 187
96, 97, 98, 101, 102, 103, 104, Răutu, Mihai, 80, 216n80
105, 106, 107, 108, 138, 139, Red Army, the, 152, 235n16,
141, 142, 145, 147, 149, 150, 235n22
151, 153, 154, 157, 158, 159, refugees (ethnic Romanian), 5, 17, 20,
160, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 22, 35, 67, 68, 70, 80, 81, 87, 102,
173, 186, 210n94, 213n6, 213n9, 108, 110, 112, 141, 162, 172, 186,
217n101, 217n112, 218n114, 190, 198n81, 2220n49, 221n4
218n7, 220n49, 221n76, 231n99, Registry of Commerce, 16, 19, 111,
232n110, 233n123, 236n34, 154, 155, 238n51, 239n56
237n36, 239n61, 240n10, Richter, Gustav, 43, 116, 117
243n29, 244n39, 244n44, 246n80 Rigó, Máté, 215n60
Neubacher, Hermann, 223n34 Romanianization
Neumann, Victor, 203n14, 237n40 beneficiaries, 89–109
Nuremberg laws, 36, 43, 203n11, bureaucracy, 66–88
237n40 conversion and, 59–65
ethnicity and, 44–50
OCR. See Central Romanianization foreign Jews and, 55–9
Office Germanization and, 110–23
Odessa, 171, 234n128 in historiography, 28–31
Old Kingdom, 4, 7, 15, 18, 19, 22, 24, Jewish resistance to, 147–83
30, 62, 80, 127, 128, 186, 199n96, legislation and 37–65
223n23 proto-Romanization, 4, 6–7, 25,
Olteanu, Florea, 156 34–7, 192n8, 202n1, 223n25
Orientalism, 126, 128 regional context, 13–15
Orthodox Church Roma and, 138–46
and antisemitism, 212n151 theoretical framework, its goals,
and the conversion of Jews, 47, 61, targets, and results, 4–6, 8–13,
62, 63, 212n149, 212n51 16–17, 184–90
Patriarch Miron Cristea, 212n151 Romanianization commissars, 5, 72–3,
Patriarch Nicodim, 61–2 75, 80–1, 84, 85, 95, 115, 121,
tensions with the Catholic Church, 122, 192n11, 198n79, 216n80,
62, 63 223n29, 241n86
Romanianization controllers, 74, 76,
Pană, Saşa, 66, 150, 242n17, 242n18 83, 86, 87, 215n46
Pandectele Românizării, 44, 207n56, Romanian Loans Institute (ICR), 50,
237n37 51, 238n53
Paris Peace Treaties (1919–1920), 3, Rosetti, Radu R, 204n19, 210n95,
28, 188 214n22, 215n81
Peace Bureau, 214n43, 216n102 Rotman, Liviu, 28
Index 267
sabotage 230n63, 232n103, 232n104,

of Romanianization, 20, 27, 31, 232n110, 233n122, 233n124,
34, 35, 38, 39, 51, 88, 103, 108, 234n128, 242n18, 244n35
113, 147, 162–183, 185, 214n26, Transylvania
241n1, 241n8, 241n9, 241n10, Northern, 3, 21, 71, 74, 80, 81,
242n15, 242n17 127, 198–81, 214n43, 220n49,
economic, 71, 100, 113, 149, 223n23, 223n38
239n61, 241n1 pre-1940, 21, 29, 47, 110, 176,
military, 149 181, 203–14
S¸afran, Alexandru, 159, 199n96 Southern, 4, 74, 223n23, 233n122,
Schwefelberg, Arnold, 152, 153, 154, 237n40
159 Truelle, Jacques, 57, 58, 69, 177,
Sebastian, Mihail, 23, 82, 91, 242n17 245n59
S¸eicaru, Pamfil, 84 Turda, Marius, 28, 126, 203n16,
Sima, Horia, 10, 72, 73, 80, 81, 120, 208n58, 208n60, 226n16
193n18, 204n22, 216n81 typhus epidemic, 125, 134, 135,
Slovakia 229n58, 229n59, 233n126,
persecution of Slovakian Jews, 13, 244n35
15, 219n47
Slovakianization versus Üngör, Ügur Ümit, 206n38
Aryanization, 15, 223n27 Ungureanu, Gheorghe, 81, 95
Slovak Jewish Codex, 43, 44 Union of Romanian Jews, 20
Solomon, Petre, 144, 239n68
Solonari, Vladimir, 27, 28, 30, 31, 45, Vago, Raphael, 28
192 Vasiliu, Constantin (Piki), General,
special commissars, 5, 71, 74–6, 80, 61, 137
215n54, 245n65 Vatican, The Holy See, 60, 62–3,
spiritual resistance, 30 199n98
Spitzer, Leo, 30 Vienna Agreement, 3, 16, 71, 111,
Spitzmuller, Henry, 37, 55, 203n17 116, 223n38
state controllers, 25, 66, 74, 88, Vlădescu Ovidiu, 57, 68, 70, 214n26
245n65 Voinescu, Alice, 92, 136, 215n62
stateless Jews, 59, 65
Stelzer, Gherhard, 203n10 Waldman, Felicia, 18, 28
sterilization, 126, 226n16 Woodcock, Shannon, 28, 129, 131,
Stoicescu, Constantin, 46, 63 234n128
Supreme Court, the (Înalta Curte de World Jewish Congress, 35,
Casaţie şi Justiţie), 53, 151, 152, 244n37
236n33, 237n35, 239n64
Yellow Star, 24, 199n96
Teodorescu, Anibal, 154
Thorne, Benjamin M., 28, 125, 126, Zane, Gheorghe, 79, 80, 215n74,
128, 131, 230n62 216n80, 243n28
Tonsmeyer, Tatjana, 15, 223n27 Zeletin, S¸tefan, 8, 9, 11, 194n26
Transnistria, 4, 17, 19, 26, 31, 63, zionism, 20, 49, 149
78, 113, 124–146, 147, 176, Zwideneck, Eugen, 53, 69, 70, 115,
189, 208n61, 228n39, 229n58, 177, 213n16, 213n17, 245n60

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Notes

Romanian bourgeoisie. I am not examining the confiscations and extor-

(ed.), Lotul Antonescu în ancheta Smerş, Moscova, 1944–1946, Documente din

1991), 127–130; on the demographic, economic, and cultural Romanianiza-

42 See the Minister of Justice’s report to Antonescu, published as the preamble

Industrie (MEN-DI) 26/1941, pp.14–15; MEN-DI 45/1941, p. 7; MEN-

the authorities were supportive in general of ethnic Romanian refugees,

si Transnistria: Problema Holocaustului. Perspective Istorice şi Comparative

9 Filderman, Memoirs and Diaries, 484–503.

20 According to Radu R Rosetti, the minister of education, Antonescu believed

36 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 10/1941, pp. 106–107.

Colecţiune de legi şi regulamente, Tomul XXII: ianuarie-februarie 1944 (Bucureşti:

45 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 42–43.

90 kilometers southwest of Bucharest, which received publicity during the

complained about the behavior of “lazy” Slovak Aryanizers, who “simply

9 MEN’s secret directive no. 149381/1941 adopted restrictions against all

political oraganizations, such as the GEG in Romania. Case, Between

66 Trifa, Memorii, 57.

ordered (April–May 1941) the Gypsies without occupation, especially the

extermination method,” Ioanid disagreed with Ancel’s conclusion, and

121 Solomon, Am să povestesc cândva aceste zile, vol. I, p. 110.

governments had warned Romanian officials against anti-Jewish persecu-

influence. For instance, historian Jean-Marc Dreyfus shows in his book

of Romanianized houses to ethnic Romanian beneficiaries. See MEN-DS,

from different departments interpreted the Romanianization process differ-

recent work on Aryanization in the region of Isère, almost a quarter (23.2

Unpublished archival sources

Preşedinţia Consiliului de Miniştrii-Cabinet Sănătescu Rădescu (PCM-CSR)

Published collections of archival documents, legislation,

Manuilă, Sabin (ed.). Recensământul general al populaţiei României din 29 decembrie

Published reports of foreign diplomats

Ancel, Jean. Contribuţii la Istoria României. Problema Evreiască 1933–1944. 2 vols.

Bringing the Dark Past to Light: The Reception of the Holocaust in Postcommunist

Iordachi, Constantin. Citizenship, Nation and State-Building: The Integration of

Dobre, Gheorghe, General, 214n27 Gall, Matei, 113, 176, 241n5

Iordachi, Constantin, 28, 202n1 Madgearu, Virgil, 8, 9, 10, 11, 34,

sabotage 230n63, 232n103, 232n104,

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