Some Common Aspects of the Thought of Seneca and Machiavelli

Author(s): Neal Wood

Source: Renaissance Quarterly , Spring, 1968, Vol. 21, No. 1 (Spring, 1968), pp. 11-23
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Renaissance Society of
America

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2858873

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 Some Common Aspects of the Thought
of Seneca and Machiavelli
by NEAL WOOD

ENE CA' S stoic philosophy of the universal moral community of

man has little in common with Machiavelli's very practical theory
of the ways and means of political power. Ignoring the question of mor-
al obligation, the Florentine often gives to virtu a special prudential
meaning apparently quite different in spirit from the Roman's ethical
ideal of virtus. That their intellectual perspectives are in opposition is the
judgment of modern scholars, who find Seneca's influence on Machia-
velli of no great significance.1 Nevertheless a rereading of Seneca's mor-
al essays and epistles with Machiavelli in mind reveals neglected paral-
lels in their thought almost as striking as the more obvious differences
and which suggest the need of a reappraisal of the relation between the
two thinkers. What follows, therefore, is an effort to ascertain the nature
of the elements common to their respective outlooks. First, attention
will be given to some of Seneca's fundamental beliefs about man and so-
ciety. Second, reference will be made to the unique way in which he
portrays life as an endless struggle between virtus andfortuna. Third, the
occurrence of these themes in the writings of Machiavelli will be noted.

The background of the moral teaching of Seneca is one ofphysical doom.

Men must recognize and accept the perpetual flux of the universe and
realize that any arrest of change is impossible. 'We go down twice into
the same river, and yet into a different river' is the precept of Heraclitus
which we must ever keep before us.2 It is a law of nature that all sensible
objects will ultimately decay and perish, our own bodies as well as the

1 See the useful summary in Leslie J. Walker, The Discourses of Niccolo Machiavelli
(London, I950), I, 30I.
2 Epistle LVIII, 22-24; Epistle XCI, 9-12. The texts and translations of Seneca's works
are those of the Loeb Classical Library: Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales, tr. Richard M.
Gummere (Cambridge, Mass.; London, 1961), 3 vols.; Moral Essays, tr. John W. Basore
(Cambridge, Mass.; London, 1948), 3 vols.
The continual flux of man, society, and nature is a fundamental tenet of stoicism, for
example, Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, vn, 7; vm, 6; rx, 14; x, i8.

[11 ]

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12 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY
stuff of our natural environment. Social institutions and conditi
even more subject to change than are the mountains, the hills,
leys, the rivers, and the seas.3 States constantly rise and fall; ne
monwealths are founded while old ones are destroyed by co
Even the seven wonders of the world will not last forever.4 Ma
men are continually roaming the earth in an effort to escape the old
and begin anew.5 Peoples are driven from their homes by plagues
quakes, the sterility of the soil, by the promise of some unexplo
gion. Overpopulation, war, and revolution feed the never-slack
streams of wandering exiles. Rome was founded by refugees fro
tured Troy, who were determined to start afresh. Yet new begi
are destined, as are all things, for disintegration and ruin. Nothi
ural, nothing human can resist the river of time.
Nevertheless the cosmic fact of the eternity of change is not t
cause of the danger and uncertainty of the human condition. M
is man's worst enemy. Life's greatest threat comes from man hi
not from fires, storms, and earthquakes. Social change is appar
rooted in human iniquity. Harm is often done to us by our fellow
out warning. At least physical accidents may often be anticipate
delights to ruin man.'6 No man is innocent; every man is a sin
Some sin seriously, others trivially. Not all sin is intentional. To
not to sin is impossible. Upon the impulse of the moment, the
example of others may lead some astray against their will. Alt
they realize their error, future transgressions of a similar kind cann
prevented. Men are so tainted with vice that they can never be c
Human desires continue and multiply without end;8 where one
ceases, another begins. Satisfaction of desire is unknown to ma
suit of desire brings men into conflict and war. Seneca's portrayal of
war of all against all in the Rome of his day is a haunting comm

3 To Marcia on Consolation, xxVI, 5-6: '. . . know that nothing will abide whe
now placed, that time will lay all things low and take all things with it. And n
men will be its sport-for how small a part are they of Fortune's domain!--but
countries, and the great parts of the universe.'
4 To Polybius on Consolation, I, I.
5 To Helvia on Consolation, vn.
6 Epistle CIII, I-2.
7 To the Emperor Nero on Clemency, I, vi, 3; Epistle LIX, 9. The wickedness of m
society is a view that typifies stoicism: Epictetus, Discourses, m, iii; Marcus A
Meditations, vi, I; Ix, 42.
8 Epistle XIX, 6-7.

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 SENECA AND MACHIAVELLI 13

upon a universal condition.9 Men are even worse t

imals possess a better appetite for their food than
erate in their desires and possess a greater capaci
pleasures, are not so weakened by sexual indulgen
and more uniform in their strength. Finally Sene
men assume roles and never reveal their true iden
Never evaluate men by appearances. Get behind t
of man before you judge him. Do not trust your
more solid than the superstructure. Delve for it,
hand. By so doing you may discover that a court
kitchen servant.
Poverty is the proper way of life for Seneca, a life
freed from the weight of material possessions. Ab
the luxury that he finds about him, the pursuit of lu
grandizement.12 Avoid luxury and corrupt pleasur
In contrast to the corruption of his times he depicts
who lived hardy, vigorous, simple lives in true fel
which disrupted their harmony, brought wickedn

9 To Novatus on Anger, n, viii-ix: 'Among those whom you

no peace; for a slight reward any one of them can be led to
another; no one makes gain save by another's loss; the prospe
perous they despise; superiors they loathe, and to inferiors are
on by opposite desires; they desire for the sake of some little p
whole world lost. They live as though they were in a glad
whom they eat, they likewise fight .... Every place is full of
crimes are committed to be cured by any possible restraint.
rivalry of wickedness. Every day the desire for wrong-doing
less; all regard for what is better and more just is banished, l
likes, and crimes are now no longer covert. They stalk before
ness has come to such a public state, has gained such power ov
nocence is not rare-it is non-existent. For is it only the part
break the law? On every hand, as if at a given signal men ris
right and wrong....'
10 Ibid., n, viii, 2; Epistle CIII, i; esp. Epistle LXXIV, I5.
11 Epistle CIII, i; To Serenus on Tranquillity of Mind, xvn, I
Life, II, 4-m, i: 'Why do I not rather seek some real good-o
one which I could display? These things that draw the eyes o
halt, which they show to one another in wonder, outwardly
within.'
'Let us seek something that is good in more than appearanc
constant, and more beautiful in its more hidden part; for th
12 To Paulinus on the Shortness of Life, vnI, i-2; To Lucilius on
XXII, 12. For the stoic deprecation of material things and world
Discourses, m, xxvi; Iv, i; Enchiridion, 47; Marcus Aurelius, M

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14 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY

luxury.13 Roman decadence is superbly drawn in his description

culinary habits of the wealthy and the consequences ofoverindul
Seneca is perturbed by the consequences of such a corrupt lif
the minds of men. He finds it appalling that so many are wastin
energies in seeking pleasure. The life of ease and luxury produce
of psychic enervation. Luxury and good fortune soften the mor
of men. Toughness of spirit, decisiveness, and mental energy are re
figuratively, by the 'stupor of unending drunkenness.'l5 Seneca
a rich vocabulary to describe the debilitating effect, the ennui that
disastrous penalty of a luxurious civilization. An active life is t
remedy for such boredom and inertia.16 Unlike so many other
Seneca does not believe that an active life means engagement in
affairs. Purposeful activity can also characterize a life of retirem
study. One must keep occupied. Instead of wandering aimlessly,
ting from one activity to another, one should have a worthy
strive to realize it with all his resources. Individuals and mankin
benefited by a life of retirement spent in study and the offering o
counsel. But men who live in a luxurious society will not stand
their own two feet as men. They follow the crowd; they are s

13 Epistle XC, 3-9, I9.

14 Epistle XCV, 23-25: 'Nowadays, however, to what a stage have the evi
health advanced! This is the interest which we pay on pleasures which we hav
beyond what is reasonable and right. You need not wonder that diseases ar
counting: count the cooks! All intellectual interests are in abeyance; those wh
culture lecture to empty rooms, in out-of-the-way places. The halls of the prof
the philosopher are deserted; but what a crowd there is in the cafes! How man
fellows besiege the kitchens of their gluttonous friends! I shall not mention th
luckless boys who must put up with other shameful treatment after the banquet
shall not mention the troops of catamites, rated according to nation and color,
all have the same smooth skin, and the same amount of youthful down on the
and the same way of dressing their hair, so that no boy with straight locks may g
the curly-heads. Nor shall I mention the medley of bakers, and the number o
who at a given signal scurry to carry in the courses. Ye gods! How many men
busy to humor a single belly.... Do you judge that the corrupted dishes whi
swallows almost burning from the kitchen fire, are quenched in the digestive sys
out doing harm? How repulsive, then, and how unhealthy are their belchings
disgusted men are with themselves when they breathe forth the fumes of yester
bauch! You may be sure that their food is not being digested, but is rotting.'
15 To Lucilius on Providence, rv, 9-Io.
16 For condemnation of this ennui and the advocacy of an active life, see espe
Paulinus on the Shortness of Life, vI, 4; To Serenus on Tranquillity of Mind, i, IO-
To Gallio on the Happy Life, I, I-5; Epistle LVI, 9-Io. The stoic emphasis upon th
ous life is expressed in Epictetus, Discourses, I, x; II, x; Enchiridion, I7; Marcus
Meditations, VI, 54; rx, 12; i6.

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 SENECA AND MACHIAVELLI 15

sheep. Leisure is their aim in life. In practice their lei

render of manhood. Years are spent in the accumulatio
day of retirement. When that day arrives, instea
inner peace, the leisure-seeking individual finds hi
'dead sea.'17 Dissatisfied with himself and others, h
sloth and inertia by devoting himself to the pursuit o
pleasure. Any excitement or distraction is a welcom
lessness; however, nothing satisfies, nothing relieve
sion. In describing this state of mind Seneca often use
It can mean leisure in general and the tranquillity
true leisure, or it can refer to the false leisure of inact
lessness, fickleness. Seneca uses the word in the latt
his essay, On Tranquillity of Mind. Otium in a luxurio
opposite of energetic, purposeful conduct, destruc
ness and the spirit of man.
ii

Central to the outlook of Seneca is a conception of the eternal struggle

between virtus andfortuna. Although the idea is common in classical
thought-for example, in the writings of Polybius, Plutarch, Cicero,
and Virgil-Seneca's continual emphasis on and extensive discussion of
the contest and the way he describes it are without parallel. On all the ma-
jor points he makes about the struggle between virtus andfortuna, Seneca
feels compelled to resort to military language and metaphor.19 When
discussing virtus, he refers to the moral journey of man through life.
Nevertheless he realizes that virtus is a quality most characteristically dis-
played under battlefield conditions, in times of extreme hardship, dan-
ger, and uncertainty. Since he is writing for an audience of citizens of a
mighty empire founded upon military might, many of whom have
borne arms, he evidently feels that it is necessary to illustrate his argu-
ment by using familiar and forceful imagery. Therefore, Seneca's con-

17 Epistle LXVII, 14.

18 The use ofotium in this sense is found in To Serenus on Tranquillity of Mind, n, 9-II;
m, i-6: Epistle LVI, 9-I4; Epistle XXII, I2. See the succinct discussion of the term by F.
W. Clayton in Some Aspects of Later Stoicism, An Inaugural Lecture delivered in the Uni-
versity College of the South West of England on Igth November, I948, pp. 10-I2.
19 The use of military metaphor by Seneca is second only to his fondness for nautical
metaphor. Epistle LIX, 6-8, clearly indicates his preference for military imagery. The
other stoics neither stress the struggle between virtue and fortune, nor do they commonly
resort to military imagery to describe that struggle.

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16 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY

ception of the contest between virtus andfortuna can best be descri

means of the very military metaphor he employs.
Life, according to Seneca, is war from which there can be neith
nor furlough.20 To be a good man in this war is not an easy kind
diering.21 Whoever wishes earnestly to discover the truth, i.e.,
virtuously, must take refuge in the camp of the stoics, wise men
able to defend themselves and their followers.22 Truth can be di
in three ways: unassisted, or with the aid of guidance from others,
the coercion of others. In turning to stoicism, the individual will be
from the second way.23 A stoic is bound to virtue as a soldier i
by his oath, his love of country, his standard.24 What does join
stoic camp of virtue entail? One becomes acutely conscious of th
ger in the struggle with fortune, a powerful and clever enemy.
may attack at the most unexpected moment, just as 'War arises
midst of peace, and that which we depended upon for protection is
formed into a cause of fear; friend becomes enemy, ally become
man.'25 Seneca most frequently describes fortune as the dangerous e
in battle or siege. Fortifications fall before her onslaught, tower
ble.26 No wall can be constructed that fortune cannot take by s
What fortune gives she can just as easily snatch away.28 Fortun
ened to a river sweeping all mankind before it,29 and also to a w
who will toss some upon a fickle sea, 'a mistress that is changea
passionate and neglectful of her slaves,... capricious in both her r
and punishments.'30 A stoic soldier learns to withstand the adve
and reverses suffered from the attack of fortune. Ordinary men ar
things of fortune, who flee in panic before her advance or atta
mell when she retreats. But the brave stoic soldier will rejoice w
20 Epistle LI, 6.
21 Ibid., 7-12.
22 To Helvia on Consolation, v, 2.
23 Epistle LII, 3-4. Seneca is referring to an Epicurean view. Cf. Machiavelli, II Pr
XXII, p. 45, where Machiavelli says there are three kinds of brains. The first un
things without help; the second, with guidance from others; the third, neither
nor with assistance. Pagination of Machiavelli's works is that of Tutte le opere s
letterarie, ed. G. Mazzoni and M. Casella (Florence, 1929).
24 Epistle XCV, 35.
25 Epistle XCI, 5.
26 To Serenus on the Firmness of the Wise Man, vI, 4.
27 Epistle LXXIV, 19-20.
28 To Serenus on the Firmness of the Wise Man, v, 4.
29 Epistle XXIII, 8. Cf. Machiavelli, II Principe, xxv, p. 48.
30 To Marcia on Consolation, x, 6. Cf. Machiavelli, II Principe, XXV, p. 49.

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 SENECA AND MACHIAVELLI 17

attack of fortune because he realizes that advers

test of his manliness and virtue.31 Would not a
prefer to be awakened from his slumbers by a
chorus of serenaders !32 The virtuous man will l
all the assaults of fortune.
How, then, does one learn from the stoics to r
the stoic camp, and to prove his manhood? The sto
consisting of preparedness and constancy. If one an
the attack of fortune, he can easily defend himself
train and strengthen their defenses in peace so as
stoic must take advantage of the lulls in the strugg
of the principal ways to prepare for the onslaug
and freeing oneself from the burden of materi
suffer all sorts of deprivations in order to gain
these kingdoms are for someone else, surely an
to bear poverty so that he may escape from 'm
baggage for the march' through life.36 The brav
from the roughest countryside.37 Arduous toi
ploughman who becomes a soldier. A luxurious
makes one a creature of desire and a fool of for
preparing for fortune is to understand the cause o
oneself for the possibility of different kinds of at
tune can be withstood, if one finds himself in a si
tinually rehearsed.38 Otherwise he may be thro
rumor or may retreat because of nothing more
of dust.
Since fortune can storm any walls, one must look to his inner defenses
and make every effort to strengthen them.39 Constancy is the second

31 To Lucilius on Providence, rv, I-8.

32 Epistle LI, 12.
33 To Helvia on Consolation, v, 3: 'They have ordered me to stand ever watching, like a
soldier placed on guard, and to anticipate all the attempts and all the assaults of Fortune
long before she strikes. Her attack falls heavy only when it is sudden; he easily withstands
her who always expects her. For the arrival too of the enemy lays low only those whom
it catches off guard; but those who have made ready for the coming war before it arrives,
fully formed and ready armed, easily sustain the first impact, which is always the most
violent.'
34 Epistle XVIII, 6.
35 Epistle XVII, 7.
36 Epistle XXV, 4.
37 Epistle LI, ii. 38 Epistle XVIII, 6. 39 Epistle LXXIV, I9.

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18 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY

mighty weapon of virtue's arsenal. No engines of war have been

ted that can destroy the steadfast soul.40 The stoic soldier will b
times of peril as he does when fortune ceases to assail him with her
Like the brave warrior whom no battle can subdue, whom no h
force can terrify, he will remain impervious to all injury.41 Und
vocation he will remain calm, just as the able general is unconce
the country of the enemy.42 In an hour of trial the general always
tains his spirit, never allowing his soldiers to be aware from his own
duct that they are threatened by the gravest dangers.43 The assaults
mighty upon the stoic soldier will fall short of the mark even as m
that go beyond our sight fal short of heaven.44 So that one ma
stand fortune's malignancy, self-confidence and self-discipline sh
cultivated.
Another crucial characteristic of constancy is purposefulness. Our
plans often go astray because we have no definite end in mind. Man
should never wander aimlessly, but decide upon a specific goal and then
seek the means by which it can be achieved most directly.45 Continual
vacillation and indecisiveness can only prove to be one's undoing.46
Halfway measures indicate weakness of will.47 Instead of frittering life
away, forge ahead as if the enemy were on your heels.48 Just as if the
cavalry is pressing upon you, seek a safe position to hold before the end
is over. Like an archer, the virtuous man must decide upon a target, aim
at it, and control his weapon with his skill.49 Whatever part he takes, he
should do it well. If he is assigned a subordinate post in the stoic camp,
he must still perform it like a soldier.50 Act, and act decisively, is Seneca's
continual advice. We must arouse ourselves from our inertia. Great
generals, who see signs of mutiny among their men, keep them busily
occupied on small forays.51 Above all if one must retreat, he should not
40 To Serenus on the Firmness of the Wise Man, v, 4. Constancy, of course, is a funda-
mental stoic concept, but apparently only Seneca refers to the military in discussing it.
41 Ibid., m, 4-5.
42 Ibid., iv, 3.
43 To Polybius on Consolation, v, 4.
44 To Serenus on the Firmness of the Wise Man, Iv, i. See note 49 below.
45 To Callio on the Happy Life, I, I-5.
46 To Serenus on Tranquillity of Mind, ri, 6-Io.
47 Esp. Epistle XXII.
48 Epistle XXXII, 3.
49 Epistle LXXI, 3. Cf. Machiavelli, II Principe, vi, p. I2, in regard to the archery meta-
phor used here and in the passage cited in note 44 above.
50 To Serenus on Tranquillity of Mind, m, 1-6.
51 Epistle LVI, 9.

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 SENECA AND MACHIAVELLI 19

surrender easily.52 Do not give up the active life,

life of ease.53

iii

Machiavelli's agreement with Seneca on many of these ideas is extra-

ordinary. The Heraclitean flux of all things, natural and social, is one of
the basic assumptions of the Florentine.54 All commonwealths go
through a life cycle of birth, growth, and decay.55 Even Rome, the
most perfect of human polities, was not eternal.56 Machiavelli's pessi-
mistic view of human nature is too well known to be labored. Suffice it
to say that along with Seneca he stresses the debasement of man, whose
fall came about through ambition and avarice.57 Man is a creature of in-
satiable desires who is continually deceived by appearances, with the
consequence of perpetual social tension, conflict, and war. Wise men,
however, are able to get behind appearances and to reveal the reality of
human relations; they feel rather than simply see.58 Again Machiavelli
agrees with Seneca that animals are in some ways superior to man. Hu-
man passions are more intense than the appetites of animals. More tem-
perate than man in regard to food and sex, animals are also more gen-
erous of heart, and naturally more prudent.59 Machiavelli condemns a
luxurious life and continually warns of its pernicious effects. His own
city, described in the Istorie Fiorentine, is a slough of corruption in which
pleasure-seeking, disregard for law, and lack of civic spirit have spelled
disaster, a contrast in all ways to his ideal of republican Rome, por-
trayed in the Discorsi. His plays, Mandragola and Clizia, are in a sense
commentaries upon the nature of human relations in a luxurious and
corrupt society. The virtuous commonwealth is one in which the citi-
zens lead simple, frugal, industrious, and patriotic lives and in which the
state is wealthy, vigorous, and powerful. The ideal man is the humane,
prudent, Roman republican like Scipio Africanus Major who is dedica-
ted in his glory-seeking to the commonwealth. Finally, the lack of ener-
gy, the indolence and the vacillation of a corrupt life suggested by Ma-

52 To Serenus on Tranquillity of Mind, rv, 1-2.

53 Epistle LI, 7.
54 II Principe, xxIv, p. 79; Discorsi, I, ii, pp. 60-6I; vi, p. 68; II, Proemio, p. I35.
55 Discorsi, I, ii, pp. 60-6I; Istorie Fiorentine, V, i, p. 498; Dell'Asino d'oro, v, p. 831.
56 Discorsi, II, xvii, p. 226.
57 The central theme of Machiavelli's Capitolo dell'Ambizione.
58 II Principe, xvm, p. 35; Discorsi, I, xxv, p. 93.
59 Dell'Asino d'oro, vm, pp. 837-840.

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20 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY

chiavelli's frequent use of ozio, in contrast to virti, echoes S

otium.60

Seneca's frequent dependence upon military imagery to describe the

eternal contest between virtus andfortuna is particularly intriguing in
view of the role of virti and fortuna in Machiavelli's world of ideas. Be-
cause of his pessimistic concept of human nature and belief that perpet-
ual social conflict is the result of man's insatiable desire, Machiavelli tends
to visualize domestic politics as well as international politics in the image
of the battlefield and the qualities necessary for political success as those
of the warrior.61 From the standpoint of the statesman, founding, main-
taining, and reforming a commonwealth are hazardous enterprises com-
parable to the military operations of a general. From the standpoint of a
people, personal security, freedom from domination, and the avoidance
of becoming the helpless victim of circumstances likewise require a
style of conduct most typical of soldiers in battle. In the case of both
statesman and subject, this mode of behavior consists of courage, forti-
tude, strength of will, self-discipline, vitality, purposefulness, decisive-
ness,-virtues that Machiavelli often, but not always, refers to either col-
lectively or singly as virtiu. An actual military engagement is the arche-
typal contest between virtu andfortuna. In no human situation are chance,
accident, and uncertainty-in a word, fortuna-so prominent as in the
peril and hardship of a military encounter. And in no other situation is
such a burden placed upon human character and spirit. A military oper-
ation is the supreme test of manliness. The virtu required to withstand
and overcome the hazards offortuna and to gain victory in battle is in
the most marked degree the very quality necessary for survival and well-
being in the universal struggle of life. Survival and success in the politi-
cal arena depend to a great extent upon the same human fiber so neces-
sary for a military triumph.
Obviously Seneca's virtus with its essential notion of moral goodness
cannot be identified with Machiavelli's virtu, yet there is a common de-
nominator. Like the virtuous man of Seneca, the Machiavellian indi-
60 Examples of Machiavelli's use of ozio are: Discorsi, I, i, p. 57; vi, p. 68; II, ii, p. I4I;
xxv, p. 181; L' Arte della guerra, II, p. 301; Istorie Fiorentine, v, i, pp. 498-499; Dell' Asino
d'oro, v, p. 831.
61 See the detailed argument of the introduction to Machiavelli, The Art of War, a re-
vised edition of the Ellis Farneworth translation with an Introduction by Neal Wood
(Indianapolis, New York, Kansas City, 1965) [The Library of Liberal Arts]. Also see my
articles 'Frontinus as a Possible Source for Machiavelli's Method,' Journal of the History of
Ideas, xxvm (April-June I967), 243-248; 'Machiavelli's Concept of Virtu Reconsidered,'
Political Studies, xv (June 1967), I59-I72.

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 SENECA AND MACHIAVELLI 21

vidual of virtu must always be prepared by seizing

the lulls between the onslaughts-periods of polit
tional peace-to plan and make ready for the futu
stantia is also an essential of virti'. Time and t
warns of the dangers of indecision, of vacillation,
course,' i.e., attempting to have the best of two op
icy without doing justice to either, a political sty
tuate in disaster.63 If men are to exist in a hosti
capture and retain the initiative. Only by doing s
exert a modicum of control over the vagaries of c
his pessimism Machiavelli believed that through v
ful action men might be able to shape their own d
action has been carefully contemplated and fixed u
and steadfastness of spirit are imperative to carr
pletion in the face of the whims offortuna. A passag
almost have found a model in Seneca's prescripti
To Helvia on Consolation.64

62 II Principe, m, p. 8; vI-vI; xxI-xxv; Discorsi, I, xxxiii, p

pp. 202-206; L 'Arte della guerra, Iv, pp. 324-325.
63 II Principe, II, p. 7; xxv, p. 49; Discorsi, I, vi, p. 68; xx
187; m, ii, p. 2I5; iii; xxi; xl, p. 255.
64 Discorsi, III, xxxi, pp. 242-243; To Helvia on Consolation,
tations, the Loeb Classical Library translation by Richard M.
altered and the translation of Machiavelli is my own:
Machiavelli: 'Per la quali si vede come gli uomini grandi son
quelli medesimi; e se la varia, ora con esaltarli ora con opprim
ma tengono sempre lo animo fermo ed in tale modo congiu
loro che facilmente si conosce per ciascuno la fortuna non av
Altrimenti si governano gli uomini deboli, perche invaniscon
fortuna, attribuendo tutto il bene che gli hanno a quella virt
Donde nasce che diventano insopportabili ed odiosi a tutti col
Da che poi depende la subita variazione della sorte, la quale
giono subito nell'altro defetto, e diventano vili ed abietti.'
'From which it is evident that the great man is always the sam
tune; and if it varies, exalting him one moment and oppressing
vary, but maintains always a steadfast spirit, and in a manner s
life that others clearly realize that fortune has no power over h
weak man, grown conceited and intoxicated by good fortune,
has gained to the virtu that is not his. Consequently he becomes
to all about him. But having experienced some unexpected ad
change of countenance, he passes quickly to the other extrem
contemptible.'
Seneca: 'Neminem adversa fortuna comminuit, nisi quem
munera eius velut sua et perpetua amaverunt, qui se suspici pr

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22 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY

The question of Machiavelli's intellectual indebtedness to Sen

most tantalizing one. Modem scholars generally agree that Mac
was familiar with at least some of the stoics' writings, all of whi
available in several collected editions of the time. Moreover, it is
conceivable that the literary style of Seneca-a common mo
brevity, simplicity, and epigrammatic invention of writing in t
nacular-may have been a factor in shaping Machiavelli's own m
lucid, and unadorned prose. Perhaps his independence of mi
radical desire to discover an inherent order in the world of polit
covered a more suitable means of expression-literary form is no
gether unrelated to content-in the language of Seneca than
formal and magnificently symmetrical swells of Cicero's rhetori
evidence presented in this essay, very far from being conclusiv
suggest that Machiavelli may have found Seneca a more fertile so
inspiration than is usually recognized. Certainly Seneca's basic
of the flux of nature and society, his concept of the iniquity of ma
his condemnation of the luxurious life are common to classical t
but when such a configuration of ideas is joined to his emphas
the universal contest between virtus andfortuna described extensive
military metaphor, the case for his impact upon Machiavell
somewhat stronger. And the case is made even stronger if we c
Machiavelli a moralist who called for the regeneration of man t
a heroic morality.66 In these terms the stoic constantia is not entire
imical to Machiavellian virtu. It is perhaps significant that Justus Li
owed his political and military theory to Machiavelli and hi

et maerunt, cum vanos et pueriles animos, omnis solidae voluptatis ignaros, fal
bilia oblectamenta destituunt; at ille, qui se laetis rebus non inflavit, nec mutatis c
Adversus utrumque statum invictum animum tenet exploratae iam firmitatis; nam
felicitate, quid contra infelicitatem valeret, expertus est.
'No man is crushed by hostile Fortune who is not first deceived by her smile
who love her gifts as if they were their own and lasting, who desire to be esteem
count of them, grovel and mourn when the false and fickle delights forsake their
childish minds, that are ignorant of every stable pleasure; but he who is not puff
favorable happenings, does not collapse when things change. The man of long-te
stancy, when faced with either condition, maintains an unconquerable spirit; f
very midst of prosperity he proves his strength to meet adversity.'
65 On the replacement of Cicero by Seneca as a literary model see Gilbert Hig
Classical Tradition: Greek and Roman Influences on Western Literature (New York,
1949), pp. 120, 132-133, 187-188, 198, 207-208, 322-327.
66 See my 'Some Reflections on Sorel and Machiavelli' to be published in a fo
ing issue of Political Science Quarterly.

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 SENECA AND MACHIAVELLI 23

philosophy to Seneca.67 His neo-stoic conceptio

an essential part of the ideology of future mil
theorists.68 Whatever the final verdict of the hist
lation of Seneca to Machiavelli, that relation w
closer scrutiny than it has hitherto received.
YORK UNIVERSITY, TORONTO

67 Of particular interest are the following studies: Giuseppe Toff

'Tacitismo' (Padua, I92I) pp. 2I0-212; Gerhard Oestreich, 'Der rom
die oranische Heeresreform,' Historische Zeitschrift, CLXXVI (1953)
als Theoretiker des neuzeitlichen Machtstaates,' Historische Zeitschrif
78; David C. Rapoport, 'Military and Civil Societies: the Contempor
Traditional Subject in Political Theory,' Political Studies, xn (June
68 For example, see Raimond de Montecuccoli, Memoires (Ams
1756), Iv, 216-222. Montecuccoli'sforce, considered by him to b
qualities of great generalship, has much in common with Machiave
constantia. Oestreich, 'Justus Lipsius,' pp. 66-67, claims the Austria
of the disciples of the Belgian savant. In turn, Rudolf Stadelmann,
und geistige Welt (Wiesbaden, 1952), pp. 9I-99, describes the influ
upon Scharnhorst, the mentor of the incomparable Clausewitz. It is
witz's concept of the 'moral courage' of the military leader is a synth
stantia. Karl von Clausewitz, On War, tr. J. J. Graham, Introducti
Maude (London, 1911), I, 46-75, 177-192.

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