SkupIAUS-2008-KNJIGA I

Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial
Planning of Serbia
INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC
CONFERENCE
SUSTAINABLE
SPATIAL
DEVELOPMENT OF
TOWNS AND CITIES
Thematic Conference Proceedings - Volume I
Belgrade, December, 2007

SUSTAINABLE SPATIAL DEVELOPMENT OF
TOWNS AND CITIES
Thematic Conference Proceedings - Volume I
IAUS December, 2007, Belgrade
EDITORIAL BOARD
Mila Pucar, PhD, President
Nada Milašin, PhD, Vice President
Prof. Milica Bajić Brković, PhD
Prof. Branislav Đorđević, PhD
Prof. Darko Marušić
Prof. Borislav Stojkov, PhD
Marija Nikolić, PhD
Miodrag Vujošević, PhD
Slavka Zeković, PhD
Jasna Petrić, PhD
Saša Milijić, PhD
Igor Marić, PhD
Branko Bojović
Ines Urošević Maričić
EDITOR
Miodrag Vujošević, PhD,
EDITORIAL STAFF
Mila Pucar, PhD
Miodrag Vujošević, PhD
Nada Milašin, PhD
Acad. Vladimir Nikolaevič Belousov (Moscow)
Kaliopa Dimitrovska Andrews, PhD (Ljubljana)
Vlatko Korbar (Skopje)
Prof. Juhani Pallasmaa (Helsinki)
COVER PAGE DESIGN
Ines Urošević Maričić, Arch.
EXECUTIVE PUBLISHER
Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia
Nenad Spasić, PhD, director
Belgrade, 11000 Bulevar kralja Aleksandra 73/II
E-mail: iaus@EUnet.yu fax: (381 11) 3370-203
FINANCIAL SUPPORT
Ministry of Science of the Republic of Serbia
COPIES 300
Printed by ARTGRAF, Belgrade
Thematic Proceedings is prepared on the occassion of
the International Scientific Conference
"SUSTAINABLE SPATIAL DEVELOPMENT
OF TOWNS AND CITIES"
Conference organisation:
Conference organiser is the Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia in
cooperation with the Faculties of Architecture and Civil Engineering in Belgrade. The
Conference is supported by the Ministry of Science of the Republic of Serbia, ISOCARP (The
International Society of City and Regional Planners).
Conference Scientific Board:

dr Vujošević Miodrag, Senior Research Fellow, IAUS, President
dr Acebillo Josep, Professor, Barcelona’s Commissioner for Infrastructures and Urban
Planning CEO Barcelona Regional, Director, Institute for the Contemporary Urban
Project and Responsabile of the Chair of Culture of Urban Territory in Accademia di
Architettura Mendrisio – Università della Svizzera italiana
dr Bajić Brković Milica, Full Professor, Faculty of Architecture in Belgrade, ISOCARP
Secretary General
Bazik Dragana, MSc, Associate Professor, Faculty of Architecture in Belgrade
dr Cavrić Branko, MRTPI (UK), APA (US), Associate Professor, Department of
Architecture and Planning - DAP, Faculty of Engineering & Technology – FET,
University of Botswana
dr Dimitrijević Branka, Director, Centre for the Built Environment, a joint initiative of
Glasgow Caledonian University, Strathclyde University and Mackintosh School of
Architecture, UK
dr Dimitrovska Andrews Kaliopa, Director, Urbanistični Inštitut Slovenije
dr Đajić Nenad, Full Professor, Faculty of Mining and Geology in Belgrade
dr Đorđević Branislav, Full Professor, Faculty of Civil Engineering in Belgrade
dr Filipović Milorad, Associate Professor, Faculty of Economics in Belgrade
dr Getimis Panayiotis, Professor, Research University Institute of Urban Environmental and
Human Resources, Panteion University, Athens, Greece
dr Joksić Dušan, Full Professor, Faculty of Civil Engineering in Belgrade
dr Kafkalas Grigoris, Professor, Spatial Development and Research Unit, Aristotle
University of Thessaloniki, Greece
dr Nedović-Budić Zorica, Professor, Department of Urban and Regional Planning,
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA
dr Nikolić Marija, Research Counselor, IAUS
dr Petovar Ksenija, Associate Professor, Faculty of Architecture and Faculty of Geography
in Belgrade
dr Pucar Mila, Research Counselor, IAUS
dr Schönbäck Wilfried, Professor, Head of the Centre, Department for Urban and Regional
Planning, Centre Public Finanace and Infrastructure Policy, Vienna University of
Technology, Austria
dr Spasić Nenad, Senior Research Fellow, Director, IAUS
dr Stanković Milenko, B.Arch., Professor, Faculty of Architecture and Civil Engineering,
University of Banja Luka
Stanković Siniša, Director BDSP Partnership Summit House, London, UK
dr Stojanović Božidar, Research Counselor, IAUS
dr Stojkov Borislav, Full Professor, Faculty of Geography in Belgrade
dr Tošić Dragutin, Associate Professor, Faculty of Geography in Belgrade
dr Tošković Dobrivoje, Research Counselor, IAUS
dr Tomasella Paolo, Expert for sustainable buildings at the Regione Autonoma Friuli
Venezia Giulia, Italy
dr Zeković Slavka, Senior Research Fellow, IAUS
Conference Organisation Board:

dr Spasić Nenad, President
dr Bajić Brković Milica
Bazik Dragana, MSc in Architecture and Urban Design
Dželebdžić Omiljena, MSc in Spatial Planning, Secretary
dr Marić Igor
dr Milijić Saša
dr Petrić Jasna
dr Pucar Mila
dr Stupar Aleksandra, ISOCARP
dr Vujošević Miodrag
dr Zeković Slavka
Belgrade, Serbia, 25-26th January 2008

Venue: Faculty of Civil Engineering – Main Conference Room
INSTITUT ZA ARHITEKTURU I URBANIZAM SRBIJE

INSTITUTE OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN &SPATIAL
PLANNING OF SERBIA
Sustainable spatial development of towns and cities
CONTENTS
Sustainable development of towns and cities under the conditions of

political and socio-economic transition
Miodrag Vujošević, Nenad Spasić
THE TRANSITION CHANGES AND THEIR IMPACT ON SUSTAINABLE
SPATIAL, URBAN AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT OF SERBIA ..............................1
Zagorka Golubović
CORDINATION OF INFRASTRUCTURAL AND CULTURAL
CHANGES AS A PRECONDITION OF RURAL/URBAN DEVELOPMENT
PLANNING....................................................................................................................46
Miroljub Hadžić, Slavka Zeković
THE EU INDUSTRIAL POLICY AS GENERAL FRAMEWORK FOR SERBIAN
TRANSITION AND DEVELOPMENT STRATEG ....................................................54
Slavka Zekovic
THE INFLUENCE OF THE EUROPEAN POLICIES ON POSSIBILITIES OF
SUSTAINABLE INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT IN SERBIAN CITIES .................78
Aleksandra Stupar
THE MAGIC MIRROR OF SUSTAINABILITY: GLITTERING IDEAS,
GLOOMY REALITY.....................................................................................................99
Development and organisation of central and edge urban districts
Judith Ryser
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN LONDON THE BROMLEY-BY-BOW
CENTRE.......................................................................................................................115
Wilfried Schönbäck
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF PUBLIC SPACE IN CITIES..........................................126
Branka Dimitrijević
SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT OF GLASGOW...................................136
Branko I. Cavrić
PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN
GABORONE CITY, BOTSWANA .............................................................................149
Nenad Spasić, Jasna Petrić
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT OF TOWNS IN SERBIA...................................181
Nadja Kurtović-Folić
HERITAGE REGENERATION AS AN INSTRUMENT OF SOCIAL CHANGE ....196
Saša Milijić, Nikola Krunić, Marijana Pantić
SUSTAINABLE TOURISM DEVELOPMENT IN CITIES .......................................212
Energy efficiency and environment in towns and cities
Paolo Tomasella
THE SHAPE OF THE CITY, THE FORMS OF SUSTAINABILITY
TOOLS FOR THE EVALUATION OF THE ENERGETIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL
QUALITY OF BUILDINGS: EXPERIENCES IN
FRIULI VENEZIA GIULIA ........................................................................................231
Mila Pucar
PRINCIPLES OF ECOLOGICAL AND ENERGY EFFICIENT URBAN
PLANNING AND APPLICATION OF RENEWABLE ENERGY SOURCES –
PRESENT CONDITIONS AND POSSIBILITIES........................................................ 247
Ivana Čarapina, Neshad Azemovski, Sinisa Stevovic, Mihallaq Apostolovski,
Marjan Saric, Lena Bratic, Ana Jovanovic, Teodora Knez-Milojkovic,
Zvezdan Moravcevic, Aleksandra Knez-Milojkovic, Andjelka Mihajlov
REGIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL COHESION: TOWARDS SEE URBAN
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY (RENCO)........................................ 279
Aleksandra Krstić, Aleksandar Rajčić
IMPROVEMENT OF THERMAL PERFORMANCES OF EXTERNAL WALLS
AIMED TO PRODUCE ENERGY RATIONAL BUILDINGS .................................... 297
Information and institutional support to sustainable urban development
Zorica Nedovic-Budic, Vesna Jokic, Omiljena Dzelebdzic, Namaraj
Budhathoki
SPATIAL DATA INFRASTRUCTURE AND ITS INITIATION IN SERBIA........... 305
Dragana Bazik
CITY INFORMATICS INFRASTRUCTURE............................................................... 321
Sustainable development of
towns and cities under
the conditions of political and
socio-economic transition
1
THE TRANSITION CHANGES AND THEIR IMPACT

ON SUSTAINABLE SPATIAL, URBAN AND RURAL
DEVELOPMENT OF SERBIA
Miodrag Vujošević, Nenad Spasić 1
Abstract
As from 2000 onwards, a considerable material and institutional progress has been realized
in Serbia. However, overall progress still seems to have fallen short of the expectations of
the overwhelming majority of population. Although a dynamic economic growth took place
(at average annual growth rate of slightly more than 5%), it has not been directed in accord
with the sustainability paradigm, thereby largely perpetuating many deficiencies of the
obsolete "paleo-industrial" structure of Serbian economy and services, and thus making the
problems of its economic, ecological and other restructuring even more complicated. Often
this direction has not coincided with that which occupied the main-stream development
scene in the EU and some other European countries, also reflected in the most recent
generation of European documents of sustainable development. Although the transition
reforms in Serbia progress at more or less steady pace (though not equally in all spheres),
the political legitimacy of reforms is poor, as neither veritable societal dialogue has been
established so far, nor societal consensus agreed upon on the key issues. Until very recently
almost lost legitimacy of strategic planning is concomitant to this lack of political dialogue
on broader social issues. In sum, Serbia, being still one of the most un-developed European
countries, faces a vast number of very complex developmental problems, which brings forth
many challenges. Its development prospects, at least over a mid-term period, are not bright.
Perhaps, a more pessimistic development scenario ("Cassandra") might prove more
plausible, than a bright one ("Pollyanna").
Key words: transition reforms, crisis of strategic development planning, a lack of
sustainable development, European documents, development priorities of Serbia.
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
As from 2000 onwards, following the miserable 1990s, a considerable material
and institutional progress has been realized in Serbia, viz.: real GDP per capita
increased for 45%; pensions and wages almost doubled in real terms; a large part of
economy was privatized and subsequently rehabilitated (although insufficiently);
1
dr Miodrag Vujošević, Senior Research Fellow, the Institute of Architecture and
Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia
dr Nenad Spasić, Senior Research Fellow, Director, the Institute of Architecture
and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia
2 Sustainable spatial development of towns and cities
various forms of social care were introduced and expenditures expanded; an annual
growth rate of economy of more than 5% was recorded; many steps have been
undertaken under the umbrella of liberalization, marketization, political pluralization
and democratization, as well as a number of institutional and organization
adjustments to the EU standards and practices, etc. However, all these may seem
elusive, as they still fall short of the expectations of the overwhelming majority
of population, apart from the fact that they are measured vis-à-vis very low
starting point in 2000. In many spheres the peaks from the end of 1980s have not
been reached yet, despite that the penultimate decade of the past century was, in fact,
a decade of stagnation. Further, the economic growth recorded has not been
directed in accord with the sustainability paradigm, thereby largely
perpetuating the deficiencies of the obsolete "paleo-industrial" structure of
Serbian economy and services, and thus making the problems of its economic,
ecological and other restructuring even more complicated. In recent years we
have witnessed a proliferation of some thirty strategic document at the state
(national) level, which, however, paid very little attention to the sustainability cause
(namely, in real terms, apart from verbalizing some general expressions of
sustainability). This went contrary to the mainstream developments that took part in
the European Union and some other European countries, where a whole new
generation of genuinely sustainable documents have been produced. They represent
an already established standard contemporary acquis, that an individual country
ought to follow, should it happen that it joins the Union, or not. In the case of
Serbia, it has to continue the process of modernization and emancipation from the
past development patterns, preferably emulating the correspondent European
models, accommodated to the "national" fixities, givens, and development policy
options.
Although the transition reforms progress at more or less steady pace, the political
legitimacy of reforms is poor, as neither veritable societal dialogue has been
established so far, nor societal consensus agreed upon on the key issues. The almost
lost legitimacy of strategic planning is concomitant to this lack of political dialogue
on broader social issues. In effect, the arenas for open and veritable public and
professional discourse on the key transition development and planning issues have
hardly been established yet.
For a considerable period to come, Serbia is expectedly to develop outside the
Union. Apart from other factors, this moment by itself colours its development
prospects in rather bleak tones, and brings forth a number of challenges. A more
pessimistic scenario ("Cassandra") might therefore seem more in place here, than a
bright one ("Pollyanna"). Serbia is a land-locked country, surrounded by a similarly
under-developed countries, with relatively poorly educated people, poor technical
infrastructure, in a demographic recession (the country belonging to the group of
fastest ageing populations in the world), facing an enormous foreign debt, problems
in servicing balance of payments, and similar. To some extent, these weaknesses are
counter-balanced by its excellent position in the European Corridors VII (Danube)
and X, occupying a place of prime geopolitical importance in the Balkan peninsula
and South-eastern Europe, and some natural resources (viz., vast agricultural lands,
3
though poorly irrigated and drained, deposits of lignite coals for producing energy,
and modest water resources, though highly polluted, considerable hydro-energy
potential, etc.). The key developmental problems are additionally complicated by the
Kosovo (Kosovo i Metohija) conundrum. Most predictably, the country will very
soon face a quandary regarding the selection of mid-term priorities, from an
otherwise narrowed scope of options. This problem may appear even harsher, as the
manoeuvring space for interventions of public authorities is being narrowed,
following a constant shrinkage of public domain in the era of the so-called "post-
socialist capitalism" (also: "post-communist proto-capitalism", even "post-socialist
feudalism, disguised by modern technology", and similar). On the other hand, the
country is still kept by the EU political leaders and the Brussels administration at
open and undefined "inclusion/exclusion" terms, already appearing now as a new
mode of "crypt-post-colonialism", which may well confine the country to the
"league of European outsiders" for a long time period to come. Namely, the pan-
European, or pan-EU project, has two Janus’s faces. On the one hand, its is
undoubtedly modernizing, democratizing and emancipatory. On the other, it may
happen to become a new Drang nach Osten, now carrying a more modern slogan,
namely, that of – "to Europeanize, discipline and ‘customize"’. One should not
overlook that Serbia in its "post-socialist Argonautic" has in parallel to cope with its
historical baggage of socialism (communism), and with the challenges of being
exposed to "wild free market" and uncontrolled privatization. Furthermore, Serbia's
position has weakened with regard to its bargaining position in relation to the
Brussels (cf. Vujošević, 2003).
In this paper we are first listing and briefly commenting on the key development
problems of Serbia, and on some of its key development options, focusing to the
sustainability aspects. Next, the key characteristics of the transition reforms are
presented regarding their legitimization, followed by a presentation of the
concomitant legitimacy crisis of developmental planning. Then, a number of basic
categories from some EU and pan-European documents of sustainable development
and related matters is presented, particularly from the standpoint of their
correspondence vis-à-vis the most pressing problems of the country. These
documents are of high relevance for Serbia, at least as an "asymptotic ideal" to
follow in defining national strategic development framework. In concluding
remarks, we dwell on some national priorities which seem compatible to their
European equivalents. A particular issue is raised here, namely, is it possible that the
strategic guidelines from European documents represent a too high "hurdle" for
Serbian economy and society, to emulate and to agree to? Analogously, does Serbia
fit well into the main-stream ways of (re)imagining of future European identity and
image, or it more inclines to those interpretations that are kept at the periphery of the
central discourse on the theme? Ultimately, how to cope with various concepts of
sustainability, evidently occupying otherwise extremely diversified and ramified
theoretical and practical scene?
SOCIO-ECONOMIC, SPATIAL, URBAN, RURAL, AND CULTURAL

DEVELOPMENT OF SERBIA: THE SUSTAINABILITY ASPECTS
Introductory remarks
The miss-events as from the end of the 1980s (beginning of 1990s) directed Serbia
(then: the FRY, followed by S&M) towards rather bleak development prospects. The
country was isolated from the mainstream trends of European integration and
convergence. Its comparative advantages and competitiveness have worsened in two
key aspects, that is, in terms of its structural qualities (1) and in terms of its
territorial capital (2), whereby the country’s "endogenous capital" and "territorial
capital" lost a large part of its value and potential.2 Especially, Serbia grossly missed
the wave of "economic and ecological modernization", that largely took place in the
EU, which left the country even more lagging behind the contemporary mainstream
trends. Thus, Serbia "moored" even deeper in the periphery of Europe, that is, it
became a part of new "inner peripheries" of Europe, namely, the regions that are
characterized by rising enormous disparities in terms of economic and living
standards between the metropolitan and their respective peripheries, as well as by
regional fragmentation, as major elements of spatial development (Goler, 2005: 205-
211).3 This may well worsen in the future, unless the steps are undertaken
promptly to redirect the course of its development and concomitant spatial
pattern of development.
Particularly, the NATO bombardment of the FRY in the spring 1999 only
worsened an otherwise miserable situation in the country. In addition to huge
human losses and many economic damages and ecological disasters, it has also
caused a number of "collateral" negative effects, out of which many are still not
removed, viz.: 1) Comparative advantages and development chances of the country
have been partly lost. 2) Maneuvering space for the transition reforms narrowed,
making the restructuring more expensive and difficult. 3) Now, eight years after the
air strikes, only a minor part of the material damage has been recovered, and even
less of ecological contamination removed, which is in a sharp contrast with both the
official enthusiasm and pro-growth rhetoric and booster imagery of the old and two
new political regimes, as well as with the stance of key international actors.
In general, in terms of its development record, as from the beginning of the 1990s,
Serbia has experienced the deterioration of all key social, economic and
environmental indicators. As a consequence of the retrogressive events of the
1990s, the country still finds itself in a deep social, political, economic and
spatio-ecological crisis, recovering from it as only from recently, and slowly.
Although considerable economic and social progress has been made in some spheres
as from 2000 onwards, the economic recovery is slow and insufficient, to match
the poor development characteristics, as well as the expectations of people. In
2
For a more detailed discussion on this issue, see Zonnenveld and Waterhout (2005: 17-19).
3
Goler, ibidem, describes this trend in more details, focusing on the location of the South-Eastern part
on the edge of Europe, with a relatively small population and low population density, very low
economic power, etc.
5
the sequel, the key development characteristics are presented, with the particular
accent on the sustainability aspects.4
Economy: general
After the 1990s, when a number of retrogressive economic trends took place in
Serbia, and the total GDP sharply decreased, in recent years economy fairly
recovered, at the average annual growth rate of slightly more than 5%. The share of
agriculture and industry in the GDP has again decreased, while the share of service
increased (closer to the 60% mark).
GDP per capita reached some 1,900 to 3,500 euro (the estimates depend on the
methodology applied), as compared to more than 20,000 in the EU-25, or to some
5,000 euro in Croatia. GDP per capita ppp would be somewhat higher, that is,
slightly exceeding 5,000 euro ("Kakve su perspektive Srbije", 2007). Thereby, it is
for the first time that the GDP level is approximating that from the end of
1980s/beginning of 1990s.
Privatization and selling of public enterprises

In the period 2002-2007, more than 2,000 public enterprises have been sold out, for
a total of 2,4 billion euro ("Неком успех, неком катанац", 2007). Unfortunately,
the process of privatization has not contributed to reduce the unemployment rate. On
the contrary, the unemployment rate increased, to 27%, according to some
commentators (J. Kokeza, in "Куси резултати продаје. Биланс приватизације у
Србији", 2006), mainly as a result of poorly conceptualized, programmed and
realized privatization process. Also, there has been a delay in generating profits in
the newly privatized enterprises ("Čekajući profit. Efekti privatizacije", 2006).
The share of micro, small and medium enterprises (SMEs) has considerably
increased in recent years, to reach 55% in total economy (74,736 in 2005), 46,6% in
GDP, and 32,4% in total employment in 2006 ("Mali bili i ostali", Preduzeće, 2007;
"Меморандум о буџету и економској и фискалној политици за 2007. годину, са
пројекцијама за 2008. и 2009. годину", 2006).
In the period 2001-2005, the share of private sector in the total number of
enterprises, in the total employment, total income and net profit increased, from
84.8% to 90.7%, from 17.1% to 54.4%, from 33.9% to 65.9%, and from 47.5% to
72.5%, respectively (Национална стратегија привредног развоја Републике
Србије 2006-2012, 2006). Out of total number of enterprises in 2005, 69,394,
almost 63,000 are privately owned. Only 0.6% were large enterprises, 2.2% medium
size, 16.8% small, and ca. 80% the so-called "micro" enterprises.
4
Summarized from: Vujošević, 2007; СОРС/SDSS, 2007; Vujošević, 2005; Filipović, 2005; and
Vujošević and Filipović, 2002.
Ratings of Serbia in international political and business circles

Serbia has constantly been improving its rating on the lists of various international
institutions and organizations (now ranked around 60-70th position, among 175
countries that are continually monitored and evaluated). Especially, Serbia improved
in democratic progress ("achievements") (Freedom House Report, 2007)
Corruption
Serbia is deemed as one of the most corrupted countries in Europe, ranking around
100th place in recent years (among 145 countries observed), although the situations
has slightly improved as from 2000.
The utilization of the pre-accession instrument IPA

Serbia has only recently qualified to draw from the EU pre-accession funds, and
therefore the sums obtained so far are still modest. It has been scheduled for Serbia
to enjoy the assistance of some 1 billion euro in the 2007-2011 period (comprising
the IPA and the funds financing common projects), out of which more than 80
million euro in 2007 ("Na domak milijarde. Srbija i EU", 2007).
Proficiency in ICT
The most recent PISA tests revealed that only 17% of total population use internet
(which is roughly a third of the EU average of 54%).
Demographic trends
There has been an overall demographic retrogression in Serbia, and the current
demographic situation is described as "very bad…even depressing" (Vukmirović
and Prokić, 2005: 351), which applies to all key demographic parameters.
Serbia belongs to the group of ten fastest ageing populations in the world:5 the
average age is 40,7 years (in 2000, only four countries had a median average age of
population higher than 40 years (Japan, Italy, Swiss and Germany); overall
demographic growth is negative, and the total number of population decreased by
some 35,000 people per year (apart from those who have been living the country);
economic dependancy is growing (as the number of active persons grows at slower
pace than that of dependant persons); in the period 1991-2002 the total number of
people decreased by 78.800,000, at average annual rate of -1,0‰ (in the Central
Serbia it decreased by 140,600 (for the first time in many decades), and in
Vojvodina it increased by 61,800; in the last three decades emigration was intensive
in 79 communes (municipalities); in 22 districts (okruzi) demographic growth was
negative; in 2002, out of 161 communes (municipalities), in only 40 a positive
growth was recorded, while 57% communes with negative growth had a growth rate
of –10,1‰ and less, other had the rate between –20,1‰ and до –10,0‰, and
commune Crna Trava had the lowest average annual growth rate of -34,8‰; out of
5
This does not apply to the Province of Kosovo i Metohija, as neither do other data presented here.
7
total number of 4,239 settlements in Serbia, negative demographic growth was
recorded in 73,3% of settlements, and in only 5% of them birth rate exceeded death
rate; in the same period intensive migrations continued, and 5,1% of total number of
people were refugees; etc. (SSDS, 2007, 11-12)
Despite the economic and political progress as from 2000 onwards, external
emigration of the most vital part of the population is still high, albeit there have
been no systematic and realizable reliable official data on this phenomenon.
The most endangered are remote rural areas, and/or the majority of border
areas, and/or mountainous areas, which have been severely depopulated.
No systematic strategic policy, supplemented with appropriate implementation
instruments and measures, has been worked out so far, to address this
extremely complex problem.
Employment and unemployment

Unemployment is one of the most serious social, economic and political problems in
Serbia, with potentially destructive effects for the future development of its society.
It has increased as from 2000, to reach 21% in 2007 (official estimate). Now,
roughly 2 million people are employed, some 1.500,000 in the public sector and
more than 500,000 in the private sector. To provide employment for ca. one million
of unemployed (official estimate)6, between 3.5 and 8.5 billion euro would be
needed, depending on the estimated costs for a new employment post, that is,
between 3,500 and 8,500 $ ("Gde će biti posla", 2006). Also, to provide for adequate
economic growth rate and employment rate, ca. 3 billion euro of new investments
are needed annually. The Government has announced that it would subsidize
between 2,000 and even 10,000 per job for establishing enterprises employing
between 20 and 50 workers ("Za svako novo radno mesto 10.000 evra državne
pomoći", 2007).
However, the prospects for new employment are not bright, as only 150,000 to
200,000 new jobs are predicted till 2012, whereby the unemployment rate would
drop to 15-16% (Национална стратегија привредног развоја Републике Србије
2006-2012, 2006).
It should also be noted that, according to some independent sources, the
unemployment rate is much higher that officially stated. According to some
estimates, it has already reached 30%.7 An extra unemployment is expected as a
result of pending privatization of a large part of public enterprises.
Strangely enough, in the 2000-2007 period the total number of public servants in
Serbia increased from 8,000 to almost 28,000!
7
However, if a strict definition of the so-called "full and continuous employment" is applied, the
unemployment rate would be considerably higher, closer to the 30% mark. According to data from the
National Bank of Serbia, the unemployment rate has constantly grown over the recent years, from
25.6% in 2000, to 32.6% in 2005 (cf. ''Negde na pola. Ekonomska tranzicija u Srbiji 2001-2005'',
2006).
Poverty
Poverty and social exclusion rank among the most complex problems of Serbia
(SSDS, 2006, 34). Poverty is manifested via a multitude of forms, viz., absolute
poverty, relative poverty, new poverty ("transition period losers"), pauperization,
and so forth. Yet, the number of absolutely poor people has been reduced in recent
years, from 12% in 2003 to 6,8% now, measured by applying official criteria.8
("Мање сиромашних", 2007). However, other sources, mostly the independent
ones, picture the current state in more bleak tones. Out of total of ca. 7,5 million
population in Serbia (without Kosovo i Metohija), some 1,4 million are extremely
power. Around 2,8 people cannot satisfy their basic needs, approximated on the
basis of the so-called "consumer basket" ("U ekstremnoj bedi 1,4 miliona ljudi",
2007).
The poverty rate considerably varies in regional (territorial) terms, the lowest being
in Belgrade (4.2% in 2003, according to official estimate), and the largest in the
South-eastern Serbia (23.5%, according to the same estimate). In 2006 poverty index
of non-urban population was by 50% higher than the average index for total
population.
Only 1/3 of total population is estimated not endangered by poverty. The social
and/or territorial groups, exposed to highest poverty risk, are: elderly people (of age
65 and more), children (12% of children were poor), refugees, women, Roma, and
majority of population in rural, and/or border, and/or mountainous areas (SSDS,
2007, 14).
Apart from that, the official conception of poverty fails to cover other basic needs
than those related to the satisfaction of the need for food, thereby demonstrating a
substandard and inferior stance, as compared to the EU definitions and standards of
poverty ("Ko ima daće mu se", 2006).9
As a consequence, there has been an extreme pauperization of the majority of
population and concomitant deep social polarization. Soon the society may well be
thorn apart, unless radical improvements of this problem are realized. Namely, if one
applies the EU criteria, even 80% of the total population of Serbia should be
considered poor (cf. "A ko će to narod pozlatiti", 2005).10
8
One the most authoritative experts in this field, Branko Milanović, finds that a threshold of 4 euro per
person a day (a stipulation at the point of time when US dollar equalled euro) should be applied for
delimitating absolute poverty. If applied so, the percentage of poor people would have considerably
exceeded that which was estimated in 2003, when the National Strategy for Poverty Reduction was
launched.
9 To note, an ("African") threshold of 6,221 dinars, that is, ca 78 euro, per month per person was
applied ("per consumption unit"), to define the poverty line! Its absurdness, as well as the extent of
political manipulation applied in defining such a miserable threshold, can only be understood vis-à-vis
estimates of indepenentd persons, appraising that for a decent material life to live, a four-member
family (households) would necessitate some 600 euro per month to cover the basic minimum of a
standard "consumer basket"!
10
The responsible authorities tend to underestimate the real number of the poor in the country. By
applying weak criteria, that is, those for the most undeveloped countries, they operate with the number
of 10 – 30% poor in the total population, that is, depending on the daily consumption normative chosen
9
Investments
In recent years an average share of capital investments in the GDP was in the
bracket 16-18%, while at least 22-25% share is needed to provide for a steady
economic growth rate and considerably larger new employment. In real terms, total
capital investments in 2005 reached only 30% of those in 1990, with their share of
only 18% in the GDP.
A large part of new investments stems from the funds that were illegally taken from
the country in the 1990s, and now "recycled". According to conservative estimates,
between 5 and 11 billion $ were transferred only to the accounts of banks in Cyprus
in the period 1992-2000 ("Како су испариле милијарде", 2007).
As for the future investments, from the standpoint of sustainable social development
and "eco-eco" restructuring, priorities should be directed to: rehabilitation of brown-
fields; new employment; more innovative and advanced industry; etc. All these do
not necessarily coincide, that is, they may mutually be in conflict. The highest
investment and growth rates ought to be realized for the activities which denote a
veritable economic, ecological, energy efficiency and other restructuring.
Foreign direct investments (FDI)

At the end of 2007 total FDI will amount to some 15 billion $, or ca 2,000 $ per
capita, which is the lowest level in the broader region, comprising Bulgaria,
Chechia, Croatia, Hungary, Poland, Rumania, Slovakia and Slovenia, with the
respective values ranging from ca 2,000 $ per capita to more than 8,500 $ per capita
(cf. "Србија сустиже регион. Стране директне инвестиције", 2007). This inflow
is insufficient, to launch a new economic development cycle, which also applies to
total investments.11 Namely, the prolonged international sanctions in the 1990s
(cf. Strategija za smanjenje siromaštva u Srbiji/Strategy for the Reduction of Poverty in Serbia, 2003).
This sharply contrasts the more reliable evidence from independent sources (see the above mentioned
sources), according to which some 23% of the total population of Serbia lived (2005) on the household
income per capita (that is, per household member) less than 35 euro per month, the other 25% with the
per capita family income of 35-70 euro per month, some 25% with the per capita family income of 70-
140 euro per month, 20% with 140-210 euro per month, while some 7% of total population spent more
than 210 euro per household member monthly. Some 83% of the total populations of Serbia consider
poverty and unemployment as the most important issues. Interestingly enough, not more than 2% of
the total populations found that the Kosovo situation belongs to the set of the most important issues (!)
('And who will give to the people?', 2005). To note, according to the definition of absolute poverty
used by the EUROSTAT, as the poor are considered those individuals, families and groups whose
material, cultural and social well-being is under the minimal living standard in their country. In
quantitative terms, the EUROSTAT applies the threshold of poverty in the interval 1-2.5 US $ per
capita per day, depending on the national standards ("Povećanje siromaštva, 2005), as there is no
"objective" poverty line, to be recognized uniformly across the board.
11 After a sharp increase of the FDI (Foreign Direct Investments), from 55 million euro in 2000, to 186
million in 2001, 502 million in 2002, and 1,2 billion in 2003, they have again decreased in 2004 and
2005, to 700 million euro, and 1.0 billion euro, respectively ("Ekonomske perspektive", 2005). In
addition to this, the share of total investments in the GDP is still very low, not surpassing 16% over the
recent years. According to the majority of economists, however, it ought to considerably increase to a
level in the interval 25-30% of the GDP, to generate a steady economic growth at an average rate of
not less than 5% for a mid-term period (Stamenković, 2005).
against the FRY made the financial and other resources for development virtually
inaccessible. As from 2000, Serbia received a fair portion of foreign assistance and
support. However, the gross of assistance has not been directed, strictly speaking, to
the sustainability, "eco-eco" restructuring and related issues.
Even in the Belgrade area, being the most propulsive Serbia in terms of investments,
foreign investments’ share in total investments does not surpass the 20% mark
("Upravljanje projektima i investicijama u Srbiji", 2007).
Foreign debt
The share of total foreign debt in the GDP was constantly increasing, to reach 66,4%
in 2007., and surpassed 225%, as compared to total exports. It increased from 10,83
billion US $ in 2000 to 14,099 billion US $ in 2004, when it reached some 60% of
the GDP (Р. Ћирковић, 2005). However, in August 2007 total foreign debt of
Serbia surpassed 23 billion US $ (ca. 19.6 billion euro), which makes an increase of
more than 13%, as compared to December 2006, thereby making the problem of its
servicing ever more complicated, and announcing the imminent foreign debt service
crisis. The share of private sector in total foreign debt is 61.2%, and the rest (38.8%)
belongs to the public sector ("Teško breme inostranih dugova", 2007 ). In 2006
6.4% of the GDP were spent on its servicing ("Lošiji kreditni rejting kao prednost,
2007"). For a large part, this is caused by the privatization of banks and a number of
international banks entering the domestic financial market.12
Regional disparities
There has been a long term rise in regional development disparities in Serbia, with a
strong concentration and polarization of economic activities, population and social
infrastructure in parts of the development axis of the rivers Sava – Danube,
particularly in the broader Belgrade metropolitan area, and, to less extent, in Novi
Sad and Niš.
In 2005, the most developed district (okrug) generated total income that was 222
bigger than that in the most undeveloped district, and total profit that was 239 bigger
than that in the most undeveloped district (Strategija regionalnog razvoja Republike
Srbije za period od 2007. do 2012. godine, 2007).
The most developed communes (municipalities) generate 20 times bigger BDP per
capita than the least developed ones (a multi-annual average), and the most
developed districts (okruzi) did so 7 times larger than that in the least developed
districts.13
12 Some authoritative commentators, e.g., Professor Mencinger, the creator of transition reforms in
Slovenia, find that the privatization of domestic banks in the majority of ex-socialist countries was
disastrous for the foreign debt of those countries, as it generated an enormous outflow of financial
resources and, thus, considerable loss of GDP ("Не дамо шта не морамо", 2007).
13
In 2004 the most developed commune in Serbia, Apatin, had the GDP per capita 22 times bigger
than that of the most undeveloped commune, Majdanpek. Measured by a synthetic indicator combining
a larger number of specific indicators, the most developed commune, Apatin, ranks 27.6 times better
than the worst ranked commune in this respect, that is, Tutin. What is even more indicative here is that
11
Almost all 15 communes (municipalities) that are deemed as the most unfavourable
for living are located in the border and/or less developed parts of Serbia
("Најтужније у Белу Паланку. Како се живи у Србији", 2006).
Development of Belgrade vs. that of other parts of Serbia

The Belgrade region, with its surface area of 3224 km2, and population of
1,576 124, which makes less than 5% and 25%,14 respectively, of the totals for
Central Serbia and Vojvodina (i.e., 7,498 001 population, and 77 474 km2 surface
area), generated on average some 40% of the total National Income in recent years
(cf. Statistical Yearbook of Serbia and Montenegro, 2003, Statistical Office of
Serbia and Montenegro; and "Београд усисава сав новац", 2006). It absorbs
around one third of total economic activity of Serbia, takes up 48% of Serbia’s total
imports, provides 22% of its total exports, and thus generates some 68% of its
foreign trade deficit (Belgrade Perspectives, 2007).
Contrary to overall negative demographic trends in Serbia, total population of the
Greater Belgrade Area increased in the recent three decades by more than 350,000
people, to reach 1,576 224 in 2002. (To note, its total population in 1931 was
241,542.)
Belgrade is very attractive for investing, as in this area a net return rate of 8.5-10.5%
may well be realized, as compared to 7.5-8.0% in the neighbouring countries,
thereby indicating that Belgrade is among the most propulsive real estate market in a
broader region ("Real Estate Market in South-eastern Europe: Comparative
Advantages of the Region and Trends in the Future", 2007; "Novi Beograd postaje
veliki biznis centar", 2007). In recent years, housing stock in Serbia was increasing
by 15,000 to 17,000 new units annually, out of which by 4,000 to 7,000 new units in
Belgrade ("Građevinsko zemljište diktira cenu", 2007). While 1 m2 of housing space
may reach even 5,000 euro in some parts of Belgrade, this is ca 30 times more
expensive that in some municipal centres in the most undeveloped parts of Serbia.
The City of Belgrade leads in terms of average net salary per employee, which in
October 2007 reached some 450 euro (the highest in Serbia, measured at the district
level), compared to some 230 euro in the Toplički district, the lowest net salary per
employee in Serbia ("Index", 2007).
On the other hand, even in the Greater Belgrade Area the share of agricultural lands
in total is high, that is, some 87%, which indicates to a relatively low rate of
concentration within the Area, as well as to high dispersion and sprawling (Belgrade
Perspectives, 2007).
To sum it up, Serbia has found itself in a strange and at the same time
ambiguous position. On the one had, the intensive investments in the Greater
the regional disparities have grown as from 2000 onwards (‘‘Sever sve dalji", 2005). To note, the
differences of 7:1 (local communities) and 3:1 (NUTS III level), respectively, are tolerated in the
Union.
14
In 2005 The City of Belgrade had population of some 1.1 million, which makes some 30% of the
total urban population of Serbia (without Kosovo i Metohija).
Belgrade Area helped the capital city improve its position in the broader
regional environs, by making better use of at least some parts of its "territorial
capital". On the other, as the major part of investments has been directed to
the "green-field" purposes, primarily in services, such a considerable
investment intensity failed to more instigate otherwise badly needed changes in
its obsolete economic structure, that is, to contribute more to its "ecological and
economic" restructuring. Ultimately, more intensive investing in the broader
Belgrade metropolitan area, as compared to other parts of the country, only
widened development gap between this macro region and the lagging, mostly
undeveloped macro regions.
Urbanization rate, and "urban-rural partnership"

The urbanization index (rate) of urbanization in Serbia increased considerably: in
1948 it was 20,7, to reach 56,4% in 2002, varying very much in regional (territorial)
terms, from the largest in the Broader Belgrade Administrative Area, 80,4%, on the
one end, to Braničevski district (okrug), 27,8%. Only five districts have reached a
higher rate of urbanization, viz., Severno-bački, Severno-banatski, Južno-banatski,
Šumadijski and Pirotski, other 14 districts are around average rate, and in four
districts a low urbanization rate was recorded. Out of total number of 4,708
settlements in Serbia, about 150 may be categorized urban proper (Б. Стојановић,
2006; М. Бурсаћ и Р. Јовановић, 2006).15
There exist large variations regarding the population density in cities, dispersion
rate, and the rate of land fragmentation, especially pertaining to the un-built (non-
activated) urban land.
There has been a constant loss of agricultural lands, even of some best productive
lands, and concomitantly endangered biodiversity. The share of agricultural lands in
total decreased by 10.6% in recent 15 years, and the share of arable lands did so by
10%. On the other hand, vast agricultural lands have been kept fallow for a longer
period in the rural areas, as a result of its depopulation.
The highly dispersed urban lands in the outskirts of cities and other largest
settlements makes difficult to realize any more economically rational network of
technical infrastructure and social infrastructure, apart from the fact that it causes
extra environmental pollution.
The role of European Corridor VII (Danube) in utilizing territorial

capital of Serbia and technical infrastructure in the European Corridor
X
The potential of Danube has not been utilized enough. According to conservative
estimates, relatively modest investments would be needed to considerably increase
the volume of transport on this river (something around 200 million euro, primarily
in developing multi-modal systems and means of transportation, as well as for
15 A comparison seems to be in place here: the urbanization rate has been around 55% in Rumania,
65% in Hungary, 60% in Greece, and 58% in Croatia.

13
cleansing the river flow from various debris), especially keeping in mind that the
best part of this European corridor (VII) are in Serbia, that is, more then 500 km, out
of total navigable length of 2,400 km ("Dunav, zanemaren i napušten", 2007;
"Dunav, zapostavljeni neprocenjivi resursi", 2007).
The technical infrastructure in the Serbian part of the European Corridor X is still in
relatively poor condition, mainly as a result of its poor maintenance in the 1990s.
Although a large part of road infrastructure has been repaired as from 2000 onwards
(primarily from loans and donations), still some 1,6 billion euro is needed only for
completion of road infrastructure in the Serbian section of the European Corridor X
("Gde naći 1,6 milijardi evra", 2006). Similarly, large investments are also needed
for the rehabilitation of the railway system and network.
New spatial patterns of economic activities

In Serbia, recently there has been a spontaneous move towards new spatial and
urban patterns, mostly in the broader Sava-Danube development axis (a broader area
of Belgrade being its hub), with a view on the part of many economic actors to
adjust to the challenges of globalization and to the process of integrating into
European schemes and initiatives.16 New patterns assume various spatial forms, viz.,
16 A number of deficiencies and problems of Serbian spatial structure that are of a long-standing
relevance, that is, of a "structural" character, including those of changing spatial patterns, were
recognized as early as in the early 1990s. They were addressed in the Spatial Plan of the Republic of
Serbia/Prostorni plan Republike Srbije was, adopted in 1996, in which a fair number of corresponding
categories from the subsequent European documents were used. The following basic reference points
and strategic commitments and general goals were set up, viz. (9-12): 1) A higher degree of functional
integration of Serbia's space. 2) A considerably greater number of communication and economic links
between Serbia and its neighbours and with other European countries. 3) The lessening of regional
disparity (a more balanced regional development), based on the development of a number of regional
centres for pertinent functional (gravitational) areas, designed with the aim of rationalizing
management and organization of public services and the efficient coordination of local community
activities. 4) The improvement of the quality of life in macro and regional centres, supported by the
incentives for the development of small towns. 5) The effective introduction of the principle of
polycentric development. 6) The development of rural settlements and areas as multifunctional
production, social and cultural entities. 7) The improvement of attractiveness of the zones with
considerable development potential, in order to selectively relocate some economic activities and
population. 8) The priority development of insufficiently developed hilly, mountainous and border
areas. 9) The introduction of rigorous locational, technical, techno-economic and environmental
criteria in the investment-decision procedures. 10) The careful management, rational use and protection
of natural resources, and concomitant protection of natural and cultural heritage. 11) The priority
protection of the best-preserved ecological areas, as well as of those areas with the best prospects for
sustainable development. 12) The provision of a timely reservation of space in the corridors of
technical infrastructure. 13) The fight against illegal construction and non-planned utilization of space,
etc. In more spatial ('physical') terms, a number of development axes of various ranks (I-III) have also
been designated. Also, a very elaborate system of implementation measures and support was stipulated,
to be elaborated in detail in the sequel, which, however, did not happen. Although there has been
neither systematic monitoring nor ex post evaluation of the implementation of the Plan, the available,
however fragmented evidence indicate that the majority of its provisions have not been
implemented. An exception to this relates to the preparation of spatial plans at lower planning levels,
which made fair progress in recent years, albeit not at the pace stipulated by the Plan, an
implementation, as good as it is indirect, of some of its propositions via spatial and urban plans at sub-
new development axes, new economic, commercial, enterprise and other zones,
business centres, logistic centres, techno-zones, etc.17 Until recently, such efforts
have not been supported by any document of strategic relevance at the national/state
level (with the exception of the Spatial Plan of the Republic of Serbia, which was
enacted in the mid-1990s, and is therefore now fairly obsolete).18 However, some
activities of individual actors were supported by small number of local development
schemes. As from 2003 onwards strategic documents of national significance grew
in number, again mostly not paying sufficient attention to the sustainability causes,
principles and criteria (apart from paying lip service to them). Also, no more
ambitious and systematic research has been undertaken, to better corroborate the
case.19
Illegal construction
There has been an enormous illegal construction, which started in the late 1960s, and
culminated in the 1990s, under the circumstances of a widespread societal anomie.
During the preparation of the Planning and Construction Act of 2003, "spinning-
and-fabricating" for the case of the Act, the responsible authorities were estimating
that the total number of illegal buildings in Serbia surpassed one million. However,
more reliable are estimates pitching at the interval between 400,000 and 500,000
illegal constructions.
As the process of legalization of illegal buildings, stipulated by the Planning and
Construction Act of 2003, grossly failed, a new reform concept would be needed
immediately.
Energy efficiency
Serbia is a country with an extremely high energy intensity, which has even
increased since 1980s. The respective indicators are worse than in the majority of
countries in the region, and much worse than in the most developed EU countries.20
national planning levels (cf. M. Vujošević, sa K. Petovar, 2002; M. Vujošević, N. Spasić, 2007). Now
the Plan has in many respects been found obsolete, implying that a new strategic document of the
kind is needed at the republican level (M. Vujošević, N. Spasić, 2007).
17
For more detailed discussion on this issue, see Zeković (2007).
18
Strange enough, National Investment Plan of Serbia/Национални инвестициони план Србије,
2006) scheduled a development of industrial zones/areas in 49 places in Serbia, while it was not
recognizable the research and policy reference point which this document was based upon.
19
This contrasts the trends in some other ex-socialist countries, where a large number of research
projects of the kind are emerging on the development policy research scene (see S. Tsenkova and Z.
Nedović-Budić, eds., 2006).
20 According to Kovačević et al. (2004), energy efficiency has worsened over that period. As measured
by total primary energy supply per 1,000 USD GDP generated (that is, energy consumption per unit of
gross domestic product, GDP), in 2002 the country spent six more times in relative terms than it was
the average for the EU-15.
15
Sustainability of production and consumption patterns
This segment epitomizes the extent of environmental and non-sustainability
problems in Serbia. The majority of existing production and consumption
patterns are not sustainable, as the obsolete patterns of non-sustainable
production and consumption dominate over those more sustainable.
Specifically, the key characteristics are as follows (SSDS, 2007):
• A large part of industry is obsolete (in technical, technological, environmental
and other terms), which represents the key single factor of environmental
pollution, despite the fact that many industrial units were closed as from the
beginning of 1990s. There has been a lack of economic and other stimuli, to
direct better the restructuring of industry from the standpoint of its spatio-
ecological (environmental) adequacy.
• In terms of energy utilized and space activated vis-à-vis outcome generated,
production and consumption are inefficient, both as compared to the most
developed European countries and to the majority of countries in the regional
environs of Serbia, again largely as a result of obsolete ("paleo-industrial")
economic structure. For example, around 1 t of oil is used to generate 1,000
euro of GDP, which is considerably higher than in the majority of European
countries.
• A disproportionably large amount of solid waste is generated, compared to the
output produced, that is, and 140 kg of waste i generated per 1,000 euro of
GDP (out of which less than 40 kg is recycled), which indicates to high
intensity of waste generation, as well as to a number of inefficiencies in the
utilization of raw materials and other inputs. Solid waste is being collected in
an organized way only in urban areas, whereby some 60% of total amount of
generated waste is covered. Out of 29 regional waste fields scheduled by the
Nacionalna strategija upravljanja otpadom/ National Strategy of Waste
Management (2003), only few are realized and activated so far.
• There are at least 3,000 illegal (un-controlled) dumps for various waste
materials in Serbia. Not more than 15% of total solid waste from those dumps
is recycled (as compared to the regional average of 40% and 60% in the EU
countries).
• The so-called "material intensity" and "energy intensity" of production is
extremely high, measured via input-output ratio. As far as it relates to the
existing energy generation and consumption patterns, to a large extent this is a
result of low energy price.
• The share of PET package has constantly been increasing, to the extent that
immediate measures are needed to stop and reverse this trend.
• On the other hand, the share of "green packaging", bio-degradable substances,
and similar, is still low, and grossly insufficient, despite some slight
improvements that took place in recent years.
• There has also been an another ominous trend, namely, that otherwise fairly
high economic growth which was realized in recent year – has not more
considerably contributed to the so-called "economic and ecological
restructuring" of the Serbian economy, as its obsolete structure is changing
very slowly.
• As a result of past development modes (patterns), there is a number of vast
areas in which the environment is highly polluted, namely, in which
environmental damages are not removed or sanitized (viz., Bor, Majdanpek,
Pančevo, etc.). Water pollution in the Bačka part of the Danube is extremely
high, and this segment of the Canal Danube-Tisa-Danube is one of the largest
"hot spots" in this part of Europe.
• The quality of building stock is low, in terms of energy efficiency.
• In spatial terms, the total od ca 30 billion GDP is generated in the country with
the area surface of 77,474 km2 (encompassing Central Serbia and Vojvodina),
that is, less than 4,000 euro per 1 km2, which is one of the lowest indexes of
the kind in Europe.
• Daily consumption of water per person exceeds 350 litters (ca. 400 litters in
urban areas, and some 80 litters in rural areas), which is more than double of
the average for EU countries. Out of total consumption, some 55% goes to the
household sector, 20% to industry and public sector, and the rest of 25%
covers water processing losses and the losses in the water systems and
networks.
• Only 46% of population is connected to sewage systems. Water treatment
installations are built only in 28 settlements, out of which only 5 are regularly
operative, that is, they really function (in 2006).
• The share of renewable resources in total inputs is extremely low.
• The share of low-carbon activities in total economy is extremely low.
• Serbia generates annually 47,244 million t of СО2, that its, 4.49 t of СО2 per
person, which is by 14% higher than global average (in 2002). Measured
relative to the GDP generated, this is double the global average. The largest
part is generated by burning fossil fuels, than in transportation, and in a part of
the household sector.
• In the period 2001-2005 the share of environmental investments proper in the
GDP was around 0.3%, and might reach 0.4% in 2006-2008. To note, new EU
members had reached a bracket of some 1.5-2.5% of the GDP, as early as in
the process of preparation for accession to the Union.21
21
Similarly, despite a constantly high share of public expenditures in the GDP (in recent years: around
45%), the respective shares of education and science are extremely low, and well below the practices
in the EU and some other European countries. As a consequence, the so-called "net return on the
available social capital" is very low. Also, relatively low education and performance level of human
capital in large part results from obsolete technical infrastructure and insufficiently developed
telecommunication networks.
17
Consequently, a new, specific national strategy is needed, to direct the activities of
the so-called "eco-eco" restructuring of economy, based on public-private
partnership, and a considerably higher investments, especially in brown-fields.
Biodiversity
Biodiversity of Serbia is very rich in qualitative terms (that is, genetic, species and
eco-systemic diversity is high), and relatively poor in quantitative terms (that is, the
resources are relatively limited). Yet, Serbia is unique in terms of its biological, as
well as in terms of its geological, geographical and landscape diversity, which
represents one of its most important comparative advantages and a basis of it
competitiveness in the global market, especially for developing the so-called
"alternative activities" in a number of sectors (e.g., tourism, agriculture, forestry,
etc.). Some ecosystems in Serbia are very fragile, which makes the problem of
parallel protection and utilization of biodiversity very complex. In general,
biodiversity of Serbia is under-utilized, on the one hand, and at the same time
very endangered in some parts of Serbia, notably with regard to the most
precious and/or fragile ecosystems, on the other, primarily as a result of the
past development patterns, which have been unfavourable in spatio-ecological
(environmental) terms (SSDS, 2007).
A synthetic index of living standard and quality of life

To make a synthetic presentation of the above-mentioned indicators, as a result of
the worsening of all key development indicators in the 1990s, in recent years Serbia
ranked as the penultimate country in Europe in terms of the level of its Human
Development Index/HDI, i.e. 74th, reflecting also a degradation of many cultural
patterns ("Više srednje. Izveštaj o humanom razvoju Srbije", 2005).22
Finally, to conclude this part, the range of developmental problems of Serbia is so
vast, that it cannot solve them all in a reasonable time period. Serbia belongs to
the group of the most-undeveloped European countries. Apart from that, it is
desolated in spatio-ecological terms, since the spatial and ecological
(environmental) devastation of the country is disproportionately high as
compared to its development level achieved. It would have to make choice, that
is, priorities, vis-à-vis its potential. This implies that changes would also be
needed in the way transition reforms in Serbia are directed and performed, and
adjustments in planning system and practice undertaken.
In the next part we will present how the course and contents of transition reforms fit
into this bleak development picture, and, particularly, whether the planning system
and practice help solve some of the key development problems, or, make it even
worse.
22
The index has slightly improved in recent years, but the overall position of Serbia was not
substantially changed in that respect.
THE LEGITIMIZATION PROBLEM OF TRANSITION REFORMS AND

PLANNING
Transition reforms
Almost 20 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Serbia still finds itself in a post-
socialist proto-democracy ("post-socialist proto-capitalist laissez-fairer"), yet with
only rudimentary developed institutions of representative democracy, civil society
and market economy. On the one hand, the better parts of the former self-
management system of the past ideological and political monopoly have been in
the meantime abandoned and almost forgotten, most prominently, for example,
the practices of territorial and work participation. On the other, its bad parts
have been kept and transferred via the retrogressive miss-events of the 1990s,
viz., paternalism, manipulation, clientism, and so forth. "Wild capitalism",
concomitant privatization of the kind, and the co-called "Social Darwinism" have
taken place without a veritable social and political dialogue and consensus on the
strategic issues of the transition reforms. Effectively, Serbia has been developing as
a "hybrid" society.23
Albeit one should not overlook that occasionally there have been traits of
"enlightened political will" in some reform efforts, being a starting prerequisite for
political legitimacy, all reform steps that have been attempted from the
beginning of 1990s suffered from a lack of legitimacy. Instead of being discussed
in the public at large, and agreed upon by all key societal actors, the reform projects
have been imposed ("decreed") by the majority of political and economic elites
(which also applies to the steps undertaken as from 2000 onwards), and basically
supported by the key international factors. More particularly, the key features are as
follows:24
• The majority of reform projects are not inclusive, but exclusive, whereby only
"winners" feature well, though "losers" are put and kept aside. In effect, so far
there has been no declared strategy for transition reforms, which was
discussed, approved and accepted by all strands of society. This especially
applies to the process of privatization in Serbia, otherwise in general
insufficiently transparent, which has been postponed and prolonged for the
most part of 1990s, and is still uncompleted with regard to public enterprises.
It also applies to the urban lands, which as from the beginning of 1990s have
been permanently kept by the authorities in an undefined status of "socially
owned land", thereby avoiding to embark upon the process of its (at least
selective) privatization and developing urban land market.25
23
For a more detailed discussion on this issue, see a thematic issue of magazine Republika (2006),
especially Z. Golubović, "Kuda ide postoktobarska Srbija. Uvodno izlaganje", V-VII.
24
For more detailed discussion see M. Vujošević, "Prilozi za tematski broj – Okrugli stol ’Mreža
naselja u umreženom društvu: društvene i prostorne promjene u nekim tranzicijskim zemljama"’,
Sociologija sela, 44, 171/2006.
25
To note, in the former ideological and political system, the land market was effectively abolished by
fixed land prices, with the notable exception of the edge agricultural land, in which case the conversion
of that land for the construction of individual (private) houses was performed at market prices. This
19
• They do not reflect the capability of co-operation and synergy of the
reformers, but, instead, an eminent stance of an apart societal autism (in terms
of communication and interaction), poorly involved in numerous and various
political and social networks. Instead via mutual trust and synergy, the
majority of reform packages have been construed and applied through entropy,
the so-called "structural power", manipulation, paternalism, clientism and
"systematic and organized mobilization of interests and bias", as well as
accompanied by general distrust. This appears as but one manifestation of
Serbian society facing many difficulties in an effort to perform a shift from the
former mode of governance, i.e., the government as the "absolute ruler", to a
more open, responsive and participative decision-making process, that is,
"from government to governance". As a consequence, instead of directing its
development on collectively shared strategic visions, Serbia is directed
forward in accord with partial concepts of minor, though most powerful
groups, which is largely made possible by the extremely unbalanced
asymmetry of power in the society. Needless to say, force is always wrapped
up in appropriate, again manipulative "sweet narratives", fabricated by ever
larger number of "spin-doctors of post-socialist transition" (or, to put it more
colourfully, in Serbian, "estradni državni konsultanti").
• All alternative options, namely those which do not coincide with transition
dogmas of privatization, marketization, liberalization, and so forth, are simply
ignored by the veddetes of transition reforms. This at least partly results from
the fact that the majority of reformers stem from the circle of political and
ideological neophytes, also being recruited from the former socialist
nomenklatura.
• The transition reform leaders appear to not feel comfortable with the idea and
practice of participation. Whenever this issue is raised in the broad public,
mainly in some academic strands, they tend to discard it as a "remnants of past
socialist self-management". For that very reason, the level of participation of
various actors in decision-making on the key reform steps is very low.
Particularly, the public-private partnership is still un-developed.
• The entire reform project is basically non-equitable (unjust), as it has been
directed and performed as a grand redistribution of assets, incomes, existential
chances, etc., and often so through various forms of merciless robbery of
deprived social groups.
• Instead of being based on common behavioural patterns and codes, and
undisputable public causes and interests, the reform steps predominantly
follow a fragmentation of interests and conflicts among them. Thus, many
kind of conversion resulted in a massive illegal construction. On the other hand, for purpose of
collective construction, predominantly public, planned and legal, often annexations and expropriation
of rural and rural-urban lands were undertaken, at unfair prices, that is, well bellow their imaginable
market value. The no man’s lands in the urban fringes of cities and larger towns offered almost
unlimited sources of cheap land for various purposes: housing, technical infrastructure, commerce,
public service, recreation areas, solid waste deposits, etc., mostly for public causes and purposes.
social groups and a majority of citizens have not been provided with effective
proofs that they belong to a common project ("rowing in the same boat").
Consequently, "Social Darwinism" is heading to its peaks, encompassing a
destructive competition among atomized individuals.
• A grossly non-competent administration primarily serves the interests of the
most powerful (best organized, most vociferous, and similar) actors,
apparatuses of political parties and their clients and affiliates.
•So far the reforms have resulted in a wide-spared social differentiation and
polarization, and a pauperization of vast social brackets, paralleling the
rise of smaller groups of the "better-offs". Entire groups of labour force
("human capital"), however, are being de-qualified by the course and content
of reforms, and thus exposed to major future uncertainties and risks. Their
societal position is likely to worsen, keeping in mind a shrinking public
domain and narrowing "maneuvering space" for any more ambitious public
intervention and modest absorptive capacity of private sector.
In sum, although fairly much has been done in recent 6-years regarding
transition reforms, they suffered from three key deficiencies: first, all reforms
have been poorly legitimized in political and social terms; second, the reformers
conceptualized and performed the reform steps without any serious reference
to the sustainability of growth and development that would be realized upon
the reforms undertaken and realized; and third, the reforms were run without
taking into account that the geopolitical position of Serbia worsened in last
twenty years of so, and that Serbia has now been occupying one of the worst
places in the re-modelled global structure.26 In large part, this has to do with a
general anti-planning stance towards planning among the majority od economic and
political elites, and a concomitant collapse of effective planning in recent two
decades.
Planning system and practice

As in almost all ex-socialist countries, a radical change has taken place in the
formerly established balance within the state (power) - market - planning -
privatization quadrangle as from the very beginning of the post-socialist transition.
A new balance has therefore been searched for, thus influencing entire system and
practice of development planning policy. However, such a balance has not been
reached so far, for a variety of reasons, both political and professional. In sum, the
planning system and practice in Serbia suffers from the so-called "democratic
deficit" syndrome, as well as from its inefficiency.27
On the political side, until recently there has been a lack of effective political will to
introduce more strategic development-oriented planning, in all spheres (that is,
26
We have raised this issue in Vujošević, Spasić, Petovar (2000), in order to present it seriousness to
the responsible authorities, unfortunately in vein.
27
For a more detailed discussion of this issue see Vujošević (2007), Vujošević, Budić-Nedović (2006),
and Vujošević (2005).
21
socio-economic, spatial, urban, environmental, etc.). Although some legislative and
institutional changes have taken place as from 2000, only as from very recently
development strategies and related documents have been produced, now around 30
of such schemes.28 However, sustainability concepts feature relatively poor in
these documents, as mostly general principles and criteria of sustainability
predominate, without concretized, operative and analytical conceptions of
sustainability. Although an increasing number of them has made use of the
categories of sustainable development, this paradigm has been more utilized as a
"political and professional mantra", than it has exerted an effective impact on the
development planning/policy.29 Analogously, the information support for the
implementation of the documents in question is still insufficient, especially with
regard to the pertinent systems of indicators for monitoring and ex post and ex
continuo evaluation of implementation of decisions. Apart from that, the
"development policy practice" is mainly composed of a number of large
development projects and programmes, in effect mutually no-coordinated and non-
harmonized, whereas a more consistent and coherent strategic framework of a kind
resembling the German Steurung is missing so far. Instead of strategic
governance, a chaotic decision-making rules the scene, encompassing a strange
combination of elements of the so-called "crisis management", "planning-
supporting-privatization-and-marketization" (which is especially visible in
urban and environmental planning), and "project-led planning".30 European
"asymptotic ideals" of veritably sustainable development are far away at the horizon,
as, instead of more recent European planning practice and culture of sustainable
28
These documents (strategies, policies, plans, programmes, strategic projects, and so forth) at the
national level, pertain to various general and sectoral development problems and issues, viz.: poverty
reduction, water management and water infrastructure, forestry, agriculture and rural development,
economic development, regional development, environmental protection, employment, energy,
tourism, stimulating foreign investments, development of information society, public administration
reform, refugees, social care, local sustainable development, corruption abatement, health system
reform, development of SMEs and entrepreneurship, solid waste management, education for elderly
people, social integration of Roma/Gypsies, social care for handicapped persons, etc.
29
For example, although the representatives of Serbia took part at the CEMAT Conference in
Ljubljana, among almost 200 specific initiatives and events aiming at sustainability and related
matters, which were listed for various European spaces for a period after the Hanover Conference in
2000, none was referred to for Serbia (cf. Ljubljana Declaration on the Territorial Dimension of
Sustainable Development, 2003: 42-62). Truth to say, as from then situation has somewhat improved,
as it was emphasized in other parts of this paper. Analogously, as Vujošević reported (2004: 15),
having reviewed a number of various development documents, this notion has been used more in
nominal terms, than it has effected real changes in the utilization of development categories. Precisely:
"The concept of sustainable development has been only ‘flirted with’ in the plans under scrutiny,
whereby a sound doctrine upon which development is to be directed and articulated is also missing…In
this context, no system of operational and analytical concept of sustainable development indicators,
applicable to a concrete city/area, has been worked out.". Especially, there has been a lack of
documents that elaborate on more analytical and operative concepts of sustainability. However, ever
larger number of local sustainable development documents have been elaborated recently.
30
Particularly the latter approach has been applied, despite a vast theoretical corroboration and
empirical evidence that the approach of incremental steps (in accord with various branches of the
method of the co-called "disjointed incrementalism") work only if a robust an clear strategic
framework is provided for (for more detailed discussion on this issue, see Vujošević, 2004).
development, the pace at which the existing "paleo-industrial structure" of Serbian

economy and services is being restructured is still fairly slow, as well as the pace at
which more rigorous spatio-ecological (environmental) criteria are introduced. Also,
the coordination among the development policy decisions at various governance
levels (state, district, and municipal/communal) is very poor.
On the professional side, there has been a lack of both theoretical and
methodological knowledge on the veritable options of future planning modes and
arrangements, in large part as a result of insufficient research. The former system
and practice of planning in Yugoslavia (Serbia) collapsed as early as towards the end
of the 1980s, not to be substituted for in the sequel by a new and legitimate
development planning mode that has been compatible with the key processes and
factors of the post-socialist transition, i.e., political pluralization, privatization,
marketization, and so forth. A number of new "ideologies of planning" came to
the surface, thereby rendering the current practice a peculiar mix of various
concepts of "quasi/pseudo planning" exercises, imbued with new biases,
partisanship and the so-called "dark side of planning" still dominating the
public scene, the notion of public interest almost lost, low transparency
regarding the value and interest background of planning, etc.
Although comfortable institutional and other certainties for planning from the
previous period have simply evaporated in the 1990s, most planners seem to
have overlooked it, and avoided fundamental debates and concerns of the
theoretical and institutional underpinnings of the existing planning system with
regard to the key issues of its legitimacy, role, mission, political background,
contents, procedures, etc. Instead, they appear to have inclined to "safer" issues of
development policy, narrowed down primarily to discussing technical problems,
reflecting now almost two decades of such a professional myopia.
Most indicatively, as from recently a new doctrine popped up to the main
planning scene, namely, that of sustainability, the most popular political and
professional "mantra" in planning now. This has been performed without
providing for a number of crucial preconditions to have the doctrine work. Among
many reasons for such a course of events, both the inappropriate education and
practice of the planning academia play a prominent role here, including the majority
of "educators" at universities and "scientists" in research institutes. The
sustainability paradigm has now been preached by ever larger number of poorly
educated and practiced "experts" in the developmental matters proper, led by the
high-priests of numerous branches of "The Temple of Sustainable Development".
Also an ever larger number of globe-trotting officers, in effect, apparatchiki from
various international institution and organization have been visiting the country,
mostly only retelling and marketing categories from various international documents
("agendas", "charters", "perspectives", etc.), not even trying to establish a minimum
of correspondence between these categories and the miserable development reality
of Serbia. Recently, some bureaucratic mandarins in the national administration of
Serbia, having realized "market and added value" of the sustainability concept, also
started making political profit of it. Despite all intentions, even if paid attention to,
23
the concept of sustainable development has effectively been only "flirted with" in
the overwhelming majority of the development documents enacted so far. A
minority of professional planners in Serbia write on the key open aspects of this
problem-area, and/or try to develop more operative and analytical concepts of
sustainability.31
The now almost lost legitimacy of planning and environmental policy will not
be repaired, unless these disciplines clearly demonstrate that they are able to
improve on the existing practice. In addition to this, it is of crucial importance for
the future of planning to demarcate its role relative to other mechanisms of overall
societal guidance and control, on one hand, and at the same time establish solid links
to them, on the other. Of particular importance here is to integrate traditional
spatial ("physical"), urban and environmental planning with strategic planning
policy proper. Should it happen that planners do not succeed in their
endeavours, the role of planning is likely to be reduced to a "junior partner"
within the emerging institutional arrangements, and the entire planning
profession to a "residual factor". Planning should serve democratic pluralism and
participative democracy. It should also be modernizing and emancipatory, i.e.,
supportive to the actions of those actors who attempt to change the material (i.e.,
social, economic, and spatio-environmental) conditions, as well as the established
power relations (i.e., the existing socio-political "hybrid").
THE KEY SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT CATEGORIES IN SOME

EUROPEAN DOCUMENTS AND THEIR RELEVANCE FOR SERBIA32
Introductory remarks
As from the end of the 1990s, a new generation of development documents have
been produced in the European Union and other European countries, which focus on
the issue of spatial sustainability and related matters. Four of these are of prime
interest here, viz., European Spatial Development Perspective, Towards Balanced
and Sustainable Development of the Territory of the EU, ESDP (1999), Guiding
Principles for Sustainable Spatial Development of the European Continent (2000;
2003), to embrace all member countries of the Council of Europe, Leipzig Charter
on Sustainable European Cities/LCSES (2007) (2007), and Territorial Agenda of the
European Union. Towards a More Competitive and Sustainable Europe of Diverse
Regions (2007).
They are also matched by a number of similar regional research and development
projects. The regional schemes grossly replicate the categories from the EU and the
31
We have been pointing to this, still un-resolved problem, as already as from the mid-1990s (cf.
Vujošević, Spasić , 1998; Vujošević, Spasić, 1997; and Vujošević, Spasić, 1996).
32 We are here extensively drawing on and citing from Vujošević (2007: 191-233) and Вујошевић
(2003), and supplementing some new insights, as well as a discussion on the most recent European
documents.
pan-European documents, and elaborate on them vis-à-vis the specificities of a

concrete regional context.33
European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP)34

The ESDP has been one of the cornerstones of a broader effort to produce a new
generation of EU documents imbued with the paradigm of sustainability, as a new
phase in a long history of European developmentalism and environmentalism
(Вујошевић, 2005). It was adopted at the informal meeting of Ministers Responsible
for Regional Planning of the European Union in Potsdam in 1999, and subsequently
paralleled by the Lisbon Strategy, which was adopted on 23 and 24 March 2000 by
the European Council, defining a "new strategic goal for the Union in order to
strengthen employment, economic reform and social cohesion as part of a
knowledge-based economy", so that the EU should "become the most competitive
and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world". The strategy is based on
three pillars, i.e., economic and social renewal and the environmental protection, and
also comprised a few more concrete targets. It was followed by a number of other
policy goals and actions for a broad range of issues, e.g., developing the information
society, establishing European research programmes, creating a friendly
environment for starting up and developing innovative businesses, modernizing
social protection, etc. The progress achieved has been regularly reported to the
European Council through "spring reports", along a set of structural indicators
developed for six area, viz.: economic performance; employment; education,
research and innovation; economic reforms; social cohesion; and the environment.
As from 2003 onwards, these reports and indicators have also covered the acceding
and candidate countries.
Based on the Commission’s communication on a sustainable development strategy
of May 2001, the European Council in Gothenburg added a new, environmental
dimension to the Lisbon process, as its "third pillar" (apart from economic and social
reform). The Strategy stipulates that all major policies are subject to a procedure of
sustainability impact assessment, and aims to better coordination of the existing
national strategies.35 It focuses on "prices reflecting the true costs to society", in a
number of priority areas (e.g., climate change, transport, public health, and the
management of natural resources). As compared to the Lisbon strategy, it is more
detailed in terms of the key environmental objectives and targets set out, applied to
33
We are here only referring to a number of such schemes (without going into more details), which are
particularly relevant for future development prospects of Serbia in the regional and supra-regional
context, viz.: the Community initiative INTERREG (encompassing now, after some 15 years following
its inception, a large number of consecutive general and specific programmes, I, II, and III), Project
CADSES/PLANET VISION, Regional Projects ESTIA-SPOSE, OSPE, Planet Cense, etc. The key
respective roles of these documents and schemes was putting into effect Guiding Principles, ESDP,
and, now, Territorial Agenda, Leipzig Charter, and other pan-European, EU and similar strategic
framework in the appropriate regional contexts. For more detailed presentation of regional initiatives,
schemes and documents, see Vujošević (2007).
34
The presentation of the ESDP, as well as of the Guiding Principles, is here based grossly on
Vujošević (2007).
35
Cf. http://europa.eu.int/comm/environment/indes_en.htm.
25
the four priorities, at various strategic, political and legislative levels. In addition to
these, six specific environmental action programmes have been laid down. As from
2002, the Gothenburg strategy has been subject to regular and systematic
monitoring, evaluating, adjustments and reporting, annually presented to the spring
European Council.
The European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP) was adopted in 1999, after
a very complex professional and political process that lasted more than 20 years
(Faludi, 2002). It followed two dominant European planning traditions, viz. (Faludi,
2002: 3-17):
• German (and parallel Dutch) tradition of spatial planning and policy, which is
based on the notions of Raumordnung ("spatial ordering") and Raumplanung
("planning of a space of an area", or "systematic preparation of spatial
policies"), and thus of a more regulatory character.
•French tradition of combined regional economic planning, and spatial
planning, based on the concept of aménagement du territoire ("shaping of the
territory"), with an ambition to reach a balanced territorial allocation of
economic activities by means of appropriate strategic schemes. It has
traditionally been more centralized, but recently (as from some ten years or so)
the roles of regional and local actors have been seen as essential in efforts to
rebalance this centralized system and practice (Faludi, 2005: 1351).36
The document consists of two parts, i.e., Part A, "Achieving the Balanced and
Sustainable Development of the Territory of the EU: The Contribution of the Spatial
Development Policy", and Part B, which is a technical appendix.
Chapter 1 of Part A introduces territory as a new dimension of European policy,
and defines the goal of balanced and sustainable spatial development, to reconcile
social and economic of development with the key ecological and cultural aims and
criteria. Chapter 2 focuses on the (new) concept of European spatial policies,
pointing to three key policies, i.e., regional policy, development of trans-European
networks, TENs, and environmental policy, and recommending and integrated and
multi-sectoral spatial development approach. Chapter 3 defines a number of policy
options, grouped under three strategic guidelines:
• Polycentric spatial development and a new urban-rural partnership, covering
more specific objectives, viz.: 1) Overcoming the obsolete relationship
between urban and rural areas. 2) Development of attractive and competitive
cities and urbanized regions. 3) Autochthonous development of diverse and
productive rural areas.
36
Faludi also points to two other planning traditions: the land use management, where the key role of
planning, rather narrower as compared to the key streams, is the controlling of the land use changes
(the most notable example being that of the UK planning practice); and the tradition of ''urbanism'',
based on local zoning and building codes and rule (mostly in the Mediterranean countries of Europe).
However of relevance, they were of less significance in the preparation of the ESDP (Faludi, 2000:
244).
• Parity of access to infrastructure and cultural heritage, which focuses on: 1)

Promoting the concepts of integrated transport and communication. 2)
Efficient and sustainable use of the infrastructure. 3) Diffusion of innovation
and knowledge.
•
Wise management of the natural and cultural heritage, which includes: 1)
Preservation and development of natural heritage. 2) Water resource
management. 3) Creative management of cultural landscapes and heritage.
Thus, each of the strategic aims, consisting of several topics, is supported by 13
more specific policy aims and some 60 policy options in total.
Chapter 4 dwells on the application of the ESDP at European and trans-national
level, as well as in cross-border and interregional cooperation. Chapter 5 discusses
the issue of enlargement of the EU, a topic still dominating the professional and
political scene.
The ESDP propositions were formulated as indicative guidelines, which followed its
role of being primarily a political document of non-binding nature.
The ESDP is based on the paradigm of sustainable development, understood
and interpreted in its broader sense, i.e., comprising all key spatial,
environmental, economic and social aspects and contents of development. This
broad tenet is reflected in the key development objectives mentioned above, i.e.,
economic and social cohesion, conservation of natural resources and cultural
heritage, and a more balanced competitiveness of the European territory. However,
it still does not explicitly introduce the notion of "sustainable spatial
development" in its operative (analytical) meaning.
The above listed objectives of the ESDP were also aiming at the protection and
enhancement of regional identity, as well as at the maintenance of natural and
cultural diversity of the EU regions and cities (places), which is of high
importance in the process of globalization. In this respect, the ESDP takes into
account the major differences in the spatially important indicators of development
between the countries and regions of the EU. It came to the surface after several
years of analysis, planning and coordination, and proceeded from the finding that
EC policies and measures (competition policy, the TEN, structural funds, the
common agricultural policy, environmental policy, research, technology and
development and the loan activities of the European Investment Bank) have the
spatial impact of changing the spatial structures and potentials in the economy and in
society, and in this way the methods of using land and landscapes. The ESDP
represents an "agreement" on the above principles, whereby EC policies and
measures must be spatially differentiated, and it sets out the necessary guidelines for
this, thereby growing into a framework for determining policies and their
fulfilment.37
37To note, the implementation of the ESDP has been both based on, and paralleled by, a number of
corresponding Community initiatives and programmes supported by appropriate finance schemes, viz.,
INTERREG, TERRA, RECITE, PHARE, TACIS, MEDA and LIFE, and projects such as ARCHI-
27
The ESDP was developed as a strategic spatial framework for the spatial
coordination of the on-going and future EU policies. On the one hand, it
identifies the need for global economic integration zones developing outside the
"pentagon" of London-Paris-Milan-Munich-Hamburg, but without, on the other
hand, introducing more distributive policies. Rather, the ESDP banks on networking
between actors in the field, to improve on the competitiveness of the EU and its
regions. In this respect, being a document of spatial (territorial) policy of the EU, it
addresses a key issue, and shares it at the same time with an another Community
policy, that with the regional development theme of – how to harmonise (or –
supplement) traditional approaches based on "catching-up" policy for countries and
regions lagging behind, that is, regional policy, with (by) a policy of helping
regions/countries to improve their competitiveness, which is an eminently spatial or
territorial policy (Faludi, 2004: 1363). This is of particular significance regarding
the enlargement of the Union, whereby a successful and sustainable structural policy
capable of reducing regional disparities, paralleled by the policy of territorial
cohesion, is of unprecedented importance. Namely, the long term strategic aim is
still to develop "dynamic zone of global economic integration" throughout the
territory of the EU, to ultimately result in the current and pending disparities
between core and periphery considerably reduced.
Thus, the ESDP promoted the key concept of competitiveness, but it also
advocated that complementarity of European regions should not be focused
solely on economic competition but be expanded to cover all urban functions
such as culture, education and knowledge, and social infrastructure, within a
framework of preferable "balanced competitiveness" (Tewdrw-Jones and Morais
Mourato, 2005: 70-71). The problems of how to coordinate the ESDP with a more
interventionist regional and related policies, aiming at overcoming the problems of
the lagging-behind regions (i.e., cohesion policy), and with the eminently anti-
interventionist competition policy and the policy of full market integration, were
recognized at its very inception (71), and they are still highly relevant with the
promoulgation of Territorial Agenda. Namely, the ESDP carried a strong market-
and competition-oriented spatial development orientation (Jensen and
Richardson, 2004: 21), which is by itself likely to keep high on the political agenda,
and for a longer time period, an another key issue, namely, that of how it is possible
by means of this strategy to promote the EU ideals of equity, justice and political
legitimacy (P. Getimis, 2003: 85).
The ESDP aimed at three dimension of coordination (Schaffer, 2005: 50):
• Coordination among European sector policies affecting territorial development
(horizontal coordination).
• Coordination of activities in different European regions that should be
achieved by cooperation among Member States’ governments (or the
institutions responsible for regional planning in Member States).
MED, Northern Periphery, Alpine Area/Eastern Alps, Mediterranean Gate and VASAB 2010 (cf.
Sustainable Spatial Development of Slovenia – Challenges and Opportunities, 2003: 9-10).
• Coordination among spatial at different levels, i.e., European, national and

regional planning (vertical coordination).38
However, according to some commentators, the scope of coordination achieved
subsequently has been rather modest. For example, N. Schafer (2005) points to
the fact that so far, despite all attempts, the coordinating effect of the ESDP in
spatial development ‘remains minute’, especially in terms of coordinating EU
sectoral policies (e.g., transport, energy, environment, etc.) (44). She explains (45):
"The problem of deficient coordination of spatially relevant Community sectoral
policy has not yet been solved.", either in terms of coordination within European
institutions and policies, or in terms of coordination between these institutions and
member states. To a large part, this was a consequence of the still dominant sectoral
orientation of the Commission, as European policies have been, to a considerable
extent, formulated by sectoral experts, and the territorial cause has not been
structurally incorporated in the political decision-making process (46).
Even more sceptic authors asserted that the practice of spatial visioning at the EU
and trans-national level has already come to a standstill. With the exception of the
NEW (North-Western Europe), even the INTERREG II B programmes do not follow
the line of visioning, as they focus primarily on implementation and concrete action,
via the approach "planning as programming" (Zonnenveld and Waterhout, 2005:
24). Faludi (2005c: 107) points to the apparent refusal of the European Commission
ever since early 2000s to continue its support for the ESDP process, as no senior
politician has since supported the ESDP process. Rather, the ESDP progressed
thanks to the efforts of planning experts working in various administrations (113).
Consequently, as the competence issue regarding the ESDP apparently evaporates,
the EU would have to switch to an engagement in territorial cohesion policy instead
(Faludi, 2005b: 2).
On the other hand, this problem is not easy to resolve, since the notion of territorial
cohesion, the significance of which was reiterated by the Third Cohesion Report
(2004), broadly understood as sectoral coordination and balanced competitiveness,
is still "an undefined political objective". To become meaningful, the general notion
of territorial cohesion should become transparent in policy documents, and
operationalized in parallel (Polverari and Bachtler, 2005: 40).39
This may be put in effect with the Territorial Agenda entering the main
sustainable development policy scene, as most recently there have been evident
efforts to define the notion o territorial cohesion in more details, via more
operative concepts.
In order to overcome this problem of coordination of various strands of the EU
policy into a common and well-harmonized strategic framework, some authors have
developed particular methods of coordination. Notably, A. Faludi (2007)
38 The new Member States were only partly taken into account and the policy options of the document
were not explicitly directed to them. Regarding coordination of spatially relevant EU policies, the
document pertained to the entire territory of the EU 25 and to some regions beyond it.
39 This is but one notion with malleable meaning in the new European jargon, alongside with, for
example, sustainability, subsidiarity, coordination, etc.

29
proposed the so-called "Open Method of Coordination (OMC)" in EU policy of
territorial cohesion. This method is an "approach encouraging adaptive, open-ended
horizontal and vertical mutual learning" (11), which implementation, however, faced
a number of difficulties.
Guiding Principles for Sustainable Spatial Development of the European

Continent
Following the first conference of the European Conference of Ministers Responsible
for Regional Planning of the Member States of the Council of Europe (CEMAT) in
Bonn in 1970, over the period of more than 30 years a number of documents have
been adopted. The 12th CEMAT, held in 2000 in Hanover, adopted the Guiding
Principles for Sustainable Spatial Development of the European Continent, which
represent a common vision of sustainable spatial development and a flexible
framework for cooperation. The Guiding Principles upgrade and complement the
common principles on the democratic, comprehensive, functional, and long-term
spatial development policy, which should ensure balanced development, a better
quality of life, wise use and management of resources, as well as rational land use
(as defined in the previously adopted documents, e.g., that of the Torremolines
Charter from 1983).
The Guiding Principles were a German initiative. They were similar to the ESDP,
but much wider in geographical terms, and less constrained by the EU policies. By
introducing Guiding Principles, for the first time spatial planning at the pan-
European level was introduced as a new concept, and recognized by a pan-European
institution (Martin and Robert, 2002).
The Guiding Principles were prepared within a more diverse political context (and
discursive arena), and within less matured institutional and organizational
arrangements of the Council of Europe in the field of spatial development. Also,
their implementation is predictably to face a much larger scope of different interests
at various governance levels of the member states. The CEMAT Guiding Principles
more strongly focused on economic growth based on competitiveness and
balanced territorial cohesion and rural and/or peripheral regions (in the latter
aspect, they have been less urban-biased than the ESDP). They strongly rely on the
concept of endogenous regional and/or development – in the subsequent jargon,
"territorial capital" – to generate a new wave of restructuring policies in accord with
the demands of a globalized economy. However, it is still to be seen whether and
how this strategic orientation could be realized in the future (Jensen, Richardson,
2004: 216 and 229), despite the fact that new tones were introduced by the
subsequent Territorial Agenda and Leipzig Charter.
The Guiding Principles are comprised of six parts, covering the following broad
themes and issues:
• The contribution of Guiding Principles to the implementation of the social
cohesion strategy of the Council of Europe.
• All-European challenges and prospects of spatial development policy in

Europe.
• Emphasis on the specific role of the private sector in spatial development.
• A proposal for spatial development measures to be applied for the
implementation of general objectives in particular areas and for particular
issues.
•The principles for strengthening the cooperation between the member states of
the Council of Europe.
Special attention is paid to the role of spatial development policies, the principles
and measures of sustainable development policies, spatial development measures in
particular areas, the promotion of cooperation between members, the cooperation
between regions, locales and the public, and the role of the private sector in
sustainable spatial development planning. Thus, in addition to three long-standing
components of sustainability, i.e., its economic, environmental and social
aspects, a fourth dimension was also introduced, i.e., that of cultural
sustainability and cultural identity.
As for the specific and exceptionally important role of the spatial development
policies, at least five of them were emphasized, viz.: their distinctive trans-sectoral
orientation; the multi-level nature of their creation and implementation; the
significance of public participation; the prevention of mistakes in the past policies
mistakes; and the specific problems of less developed areas with poor living
conditions.
Also, in Hanover recommendations were adopted encouraging all member states
to use the Guiding Principles as the framework of all activities, measures and
instruments pertaining to the preparation and implementation of spatial
development policies in individual projects (as appropriate), were scheduled to be
reported on at the next Conference of CEMAT in Ljubljana.40
The implemented activities in various European places were directed along a
number of recurrent themes of sustainability, viz.: promotion of territorial
40
Over the three years to follow, the member states have undertaken many common activities,
aiming at the implementation of the programmed activities. Among them, of particular importance
were international seminars (conferences, congresses, etc.) on a number of general or specific
themes, viz., integration of the greater European space; landscape heritage, spatial planning and
sustainable development; role of local and regional authorities in regional/spatial planning; role of
spatial planning in sustainable development of specific zones (i.e., mountains, coastal zones, rural
zones, flood plains and alluvial valleys; intersectoral aspect and relations of sustainable spatial
development; prevention of floods and other natural disasters in the sustainable spatial development
framework; etc. Another strand is the preparation of written national reports on the implementation
of Guiding Principles in terms of the national documents and legislation, as well as the preparation of
proposals on a number of issues (e.g., promotion of public-private partnership in the spatial
development policies, training of authorities, developing new methods of protection against floods,
ensuring sustainable rural development, preparation an entirely generation of sustainable development
documents/decisions at various governance levels, etc.), altogether aiming at the enforcement of the
adopted principles of sustainable development in the practical context.
31
cohesion through a more balanced social and economic development of regions and
improved competitiveness; encouraging development generated by urban functions
and improving the relationship between town and countryside; promoting more
balanced accessibility; developing access to information and knowledge; reducing
environmental damage; enhancing and protecting natural resources and the natural
heritage; enhancing the cultural heritage as a factor of development; developing
energy resources while maintaining safety; encouraging high quality, sustainable
tourism; and limitation of the impacts of natural disasters. Also, strong moves
forward were reported regarding horizontal and vertical cooperation, as well as
regarding participation of the civil society.
All the principles were again accentuated in the Ljubljana Declaration on the
Territorial Dimension of Sustainable Development.41
Territorial Agenda of the European Union. Towards a More Competitive

and Sustainable Europe of Diverse Regions42
Instead of the expected ESDP2, a new, document was worked out and promulgated,
viz., Territorial Agenda of the European Union (2007). Although the ESDP was
more detailed, the Agenda kept all key elements of the ESDP ("...based on the
ESDP, still valid"), and introduced some new moments. It is also based on the most
recent EU documents, in which territorial cohesion has been already been
confirmed as third dimension of Cohesion Policy. Also, it is based on CEMAT
Guiding Principles for Sustainable Spatial Development of the European Continent
(2000; 2003), altogether in order to intensify the dialogue with neighbouring
countries adjoining the EU.
The Agenda consists of four parts:
41
The Ljubljana Declaration on the Territorial Dimension of Sustainable Development was adopted
by the Ministers responsible for Regional Planning at the 13th Session of CEMAT, held on 17th and 18th
September 2003 in Ljubljana. In effect, it did not contain the elements that were substantially different
from those of the Guiding Principles (2000). Instead, the emphasis was put on the enforcement of those
priority aims that had already been defined in previous documents of the kind. The Ljubljana
Declaration paid additional attention to the territorial dimension of spatial development, especially in
relation to an integrated approach in ensuring economic, social and territorial cohesion; and the
enforcement of spatial development approach in the preparation and implementation of development
policies. Also, special attention was focused on the enlargement of the EU. Three substantive
Resolutions were adopted, and two others of basically procedural character. Within the discussion on
contribution of spatial development policies to sustainable development (Ljubljana Declaration, 2003:
63-65), particular attention was paid to the issue of operationalizing the concept, sustainable
development being one of the most complex open aspects. As the most important forthcoming
challenges to sustainability, in relation to the role of spatial development policies, the following were
pointed to (Ljubljana Declaration, 2003: 65-67): globalization and the scale enlargement of European
integration; preventing damage caused by natural hazards; local development for income generation
and the reduction of social exclusion; strengthening the vitality and quality of rural areas; revitalizing
cities and containing urbanization; managing flows of goods and people; promoting cultural identity
and enhancing cultural heritage; and developing stronger partnerships with civil society.
42 Agreed on the occasion of the Informal Ministerial Meeting on Urban Development and Territorial
Cohesion in Leipzig on 24/25 May 2007.

Part I (Future Task: Strengthening Territorial Cohesion) put emphasis on the

promotion of a polycentric territorial development of the EU, with a view to making
better use of available resources in European regions, that is, their territorial capital,
and in order to realize a Europe which is culturally, socially, environmentally and
economically sustainable, in particular with regard to polycentric settlement
development. The ultimate aim is to secure better living conditions and quality of
life with equal opportunities, oriented towards regional and local potentials
(territorial capital). Now, climate change is being paid full attention, in order to
involve all actors in the process of cooperation (territorial governance): the private
sector (especially locally and regionally based entrepreneurship), the scientific
community, the public sector (especially local and regional authorities), non-
governmental organizations and different sectors, and so forth, all to better use of
crucial investments in European regions and contribute to tackling climate change.
Part II (New Challenges: Strengthening Regional Identities, Making Better Use of
Territorial Diversity) emphasizes regionally diverse impacts of climate change,
particularly with regard to: sustainable development; rising energy prices, energy
inefficiency and different territorial opportunities for new forms of energy supply,
accelerating integration of EU regions, and their dependencies, in global economic
competition; impacts of EU enlargement on economic, social and territorial
cohesion, especially of Eastern Europe and the new EU Member States transport and
energy infrastructure related matters; overexploitation of the ecological and cultural
resources and loss of biodiversity, particularly through increasing development
sprawl whilst remote areas are facing depopulation; and territorial effects of
demographic change, especially ageing, as well as of the in and out migration and
internal migration labour markets, on the supply of public services of general
interest as well as the housing market, the development of the settlement structure
and "how people live together in our cities and regions". Territorial cohesion is
prerequisite for achieving a European social model, that is, sustainable economic
growth and implementing social and economic cohesion, also taking into account
the diverse characteristics and identities of the regions, cities and villages of Europe.
Agenda should serve to strengthen the global competitiveness and sustainability of
all regions of Europe, in accordance with the renewed Lisbon Strategy (2005).
Particularly, the significance of developing low or zero-emissions settlements is
pointed to, as well as of developing potential new renewable sources of energy
supply and promoting energy efficiency, particularly in the building stock.
Development of more resilient cities and regions regarding climate change is
stipulated for.
A new imperative has been introduced, viz., for all actors in the Community policies
to undertake a strategic integrated territorial approach, as well as to more take into
consideration local, regional and national potential and the motives of stakeholders.
They should also more take into account their national and European contexts.
It has been explicated that "close links should be established with the Leipzig
Charter on Sustainable European Cities and its integrated urban development
policy".
33
Part III (Territorial Priorities for the Development of the European Union) re-
emphasizes the pillars of the ESDP, that is:
• Development of a balanced and polycentric urban system and a new urban-
rural partnership.
• Securing parity of access to infrastructure and knowledge.
• Sustainable development, prudent management and protection of nature and
cultural heritage.
Based on the above, a number of priorities are listed:
• To strengthen polycentric development and innovation through
networking of city regions and cities (as best for fulfilling the general goals).
• Introducing new urban-rural partnership and territorial governance
between rural and urban areas (e.g., city regions, surrounding regional
centres and small and medium-sized towns, to elaborate joint regional and sub-
regional development strategies, as a foundation for enabling private and
public investments, that is, a veritable urban-rural partnership). This
necessitates new forms of territorial governance arrangements, and innovative
approaches in developing political cooperation and improving competition
between cities and regions.
• Promoting regional clusters of competition and innovation in Europe
(clusters combining business community, the scientific community and
administrations to work together, all in order to extend the existing growth
pattern beyond the economic core area of the EU), best if focusing on the
existing centres of innovation. Also, improving on the international identity
and specialization of places.
• Strengthening and extension of TENs (Trans-European Networks):
developing multi-modal transport systems, the use of telematic measures to
assist the operation of overloaded parts of road networks, in order to remove
the barriers to cross-border rail and road transport, improving on all technical
infrastructure systems and networks, providing for unhampered and socially
fair access to information and communication technologies in all regions
(removing all territorially induced barriers to accessibility, especially in
peripheral and rural areas, and decentralizing provision of services of general
interest, viz., health care, education, broad-band connections etc.). Also,
improving on decentralized, efficient, safe and environmentally friendly
production of renewable energy (still underutilized).
• Promoting trans-European risk management including the impacts of
climate change (regarding natural hazards, reducing and mitigating
greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to climate change), also including
integrated trans-European and cross-border strategies (flood protection,
drought and desertification prevention, integrated coastal zone and
mountainous areas management, technological hazard management, improved
forecasting, etc.), and new forms of risk governance arrangements for coastal
zones, lakesides, maritime and river basins and mountainous areas.
• Strengthening of ecological structures and cultural resources as added

value for development (also safeguarding diverse cultural identities),
particularly in regions that are legging behind or undergoing structural
changes. Promoting cultural routes and networks, and other projects, via
coordinated trans-national interventions and associated management. Realizing
Trans-European green structure with adequate corridors and zones linking
protected sites and other areas of European and national
significance/importance. Integrating territorial development policies in
ecologically or culturally fragile areas of the EU, in order to balance economic
development and environmental, social and cultural sustainability.
Part IV (Implementing the Territorial Agenda) dwells on a number of various
issues, and in the first place puts emphasis on the activities to be undertaken by
multitude of actors, viz.:
• Actions by the European institutions.
• Actions for close cooperation between the European Commission and EU
Member States (also recommending the ESPON 2013 Programme, to evaluate
the effects of EU policies on territorial cohesion and similar, also developing
operational indicators, for regular reporting on territorial matters). ESPON
2013 Programme will have to cooperate closely with URBACT programmes
and Urban Audit.
• Actions in EU Member States: in the first place, to integrate the political
priorities of the TA as well as the territorial aspects of the Community Strategic
Guidance on Cohesion Policy 2007-2013 in national, regional and local
development policies. To improve on the transparent decision-making
processes with public and private stakeholders, as well as with NGOs in
developing territorially relevant policies, territorial priorities and actions for
their implementation.
• Joint activities by Ministers (a list of time-scheduled activities is put forth, till
2011 and further), also the activities of the Territorial Agenda Working Group,
and the first Action Programme for the implementation of the TA.
Leipzig Charter on Sustainable European Cities (LCSES)43

The Charter represents a complement to the Agenda. In Preamble, it starts with the
key three commitments of the Ministers, viz.: 1) To initiate a political debate in their
states on how to integrate the principles and strategies of the LCSES into national,
regional and local development policies. 2) To use the tool of integrated urban
development and the related governance for its implementation and, to this end,
establish any necessary framework at national level. 3) To promote the
establishment of balanced territorial organization based on a European polycentric
urban structure.
43Agreed at the Informal Ministerial Meeting on Urban Development and Territorial Cohesion in
Leipzig on 24/25 May 2007.
35
Based on the above, a number of Recommendations has been listed.
I Making greater use of integrated urban development policy approaches
Integrated urban development policy is a key prerequisite for implementing the EU
Sustainable Development Strategy. The European cities should consider drawing up
integrated urban development programmes for the city as a whole, implementation-
oriented, to encompass: strengths and weaknesses; development objectives for the
urban area and a vision for the city; coordination various plans and policies of all
actors (spatial, sectoral, technical infrastructure, etc.), in order to promote
appropriate investments and a well-balanced development of urban area, spatial and
other coordination of public and private actors/players funds, and include all
interested actors. City-regional development and territorial cohesion of entire area is
the key focus, to improve on the key problems vis-à-vis improving the
competitiveness of European cities. Four key strategies should be formulated to that
end:
• Creating and ensuring high-quality public spaces, also including
attractiveness for investing. Here, a key new notion was introduced for such
kind of documents, that is, Baukultur (applying both to public places and to
the cities end their environs as a whole) – to denote the sum of all the
cultural, economic, technological, social and ecological aspects influencing
the quality and process of planning and construction. The pertinent
activities should involve all actors: the state, regional and local authorities,
citizens and business.
• Modernizing infrastructure network and improving energy efficiency:
sustainable, accessible and affordable urban transport (and links within the
city-region transport systems/networks), and reconciled with the different
requirements of housing, work areas, the environment and public spaces:
technical infrastructure; sustainable public utility service and energy efficiency
and economic use of natural resources; improvement of energy efficiency of
the existing and new buildings (proper renovation of housing stock, and
business buildings, particularly of pre-fabricated, old and low quality
buildings). New role of spatial and urban planning in developing a compact
settlement structure, primarily through introducing a strong control of land
supply and speculative development, and through preventing urban sprawl.
Enhancing quality of life in cities, and attractiveness for business, by making
use of sophisticated information and communication technologies in the fields
of education, employment, social services, health, safety and security, as well
as means for improving urban governance. Adjusting to the threat posed by
climate change – in general, a departure towards a low carbon patterns of
growth and development (reducing carbon emissions), with encompassing
innovative prevention, mitigation and adaptation measures.
• Proactive innovation and educational policies (pre-school and school
education, lifelong learning, etc.).
II Special attention to be paid to deprived neighbourhoods
The priority goes to: reducing social inequalities, social exclusion and
unemployment; strengthening social cohesion and integration; and providing
healthy, suitable and affordable housing (through appropriate housing policies at
various levels). Key strategies encompass:
• Pursuing strategies for upgrading the physical environment (building
stock and technical infrastructure).
• Strengthening the local economy and local labour market policy (training,
exploiting endogenous economic forces in the locales, appropriate labour
market and economics policies to be tailored to the needs to the individual
neighbourhoods, other measures and instruments to strengthen the local
economy and local labour markets, esp. by promoting the social economy and
providing citizen-friendly services).
• Proactive education and training policies for children and young people
(especially in the disadvantaged neighbourhoods), by removing existing
deficiencies.
• Promotion of efficient and affordable urban transport, friendly in
environmental and energy terms, and improving pedestrian and cycle
traffic.
In the Conclusion, it is explicated that urban development policy should be laid
down at national level (including appropriate stimuli), as well as at other levels.
Similarities and differences between the ESDP, Territorial Agenda (TA),

Leipzig Charter (LCSES), and the Guiding Principles
The Guiding Principles from Hanover referred to the EU as being merely one of
several "large European regions" (CEMAT, 2000: 5), as the Council of Europe
membership of 45 countries comprises (now) the EU countries, accession countries,
and those that are not likely to become EU members for some time to come. The
majority of the propositions of the Guiding Principles (at the pan-European level)
are similar to those of the ESDP, but they do not merely replicate them on a larger
scale (Jensen and Richardson, 2004: 8-9). The Territorial Agenda, being an
"updated ESDP", applies to the EU, although it also dwells on some pan-European
issues. Leipzig Charter is also envisaged as pan-European document.
The key similarities and differences between the documents in question are as
follows (cf. also Jensen and Richardson, 2004: 95-98; Vujošević, 2007: 203-204):
• The Principles, Territorial Agenda, and Leipzig Charter are very brief,
without more detailed propositions on the key themes.
• The Principles, and, now, TA and LSES, being the most recent documents, also
put emphasis on the primary importance of social cohesion (now: in the wider
Europe), more than they do on economic growth. Still, they keep to the same
conundrum as the ESDP does, namely, how to achieve balance, sustainability
and cohesion.
37
• Similarly, the Principles and TA pay a great deal of attention to the need for
intra-European east-west economic integration, to match the challenges of the
globalization process.
• They all explicitly refer to sustainable spatial development, linking it to human
needs, although they put somewhat different emphasizes, although only
Territorial Agenda and Leipzig Charter more emphasize the significance of
the operative (analytical) conceptions of sustainability..
• The Principles also attempt to strike a balance within the triangle economic
competitiveness and growth-ecological constraints-social equity, which is one
of the main themes of the ESDP and TA as well.
• Albeit the Principles keep to the priority relevance of urban areas, they
emphasize to a greater extent the problems experienced, and the role played by
agricultural and/or rural regions, pointing to the virtues and needs for
endogenous development of rural regions, within new modes of urban-rural
governance, and new appropriate documents for sustainable development.
Here, the objective of balanced development focuses on reducing migration
and rural-urban movements. The role of urban-rural partnership, and
concomitant governance adjustments and arrangements, are further
emphasized in both Territorial Agenda and Leipzig Charter.
• Guiding Principles and Leipzig Charter emphasize to an even greater degree
the necessity of enhanced mobility as critical for securing economic
development. This applies to the entire Europe, especially accentuating the
problem of accessibility of various peripheral and/or remote areas, and the
concomitant significance of trans- and pan-European transport corridors and
networks. Also, the important role of secondary networks is stipulated, in
order to improve accessibility, reduce the isolation of peripheral regions, and,
in the case of many places in Central and Eastern European countries, link
smaller cities and towns to each other, as well to the major urban centres.
• Particularly, the most recent documents, Territorial Agenda, and Leipzig
Principles, apart from introducing few new themes, more dwell on searching
for a proper balance between social, economic, and territorial cohesion, on one
hand, and improving of the competitiveness of EU, and entire European
continent, in the international economic, political, cultural, and other
competition. Also, more space has been devoted to the implementation, as a
key phase in development planning policy at every governance level.44
44
Among a number of programmes, worked out in order to provide for a successful implementation of
the documents described above, perhaps the most important one is ESPON (European Spatial Planning
Observatory Network), as the key information and research support. Following the adoption of the
ESDP, as well as the Study Programme on European Spatial Planning (SPESP), in 2002 the ESPON
(European Spatial Planning Observatory Network) was launched, in order to provide information on
the spatial effects of common policies and to identify future prospects. This network has been
established for a five-year period until 2006. It covers all EU member states, the accession states of
Rumania and Bulgaria as well as Norway and Switzerland (29 countries). The stated purpose has been
to provide an analytical basis for the ESDP, i.e., an analytical basis to policy (Gestel and Faludi, 2005:
CONCLUDING REMARKS
The recent EU and pan-European documents of sustainable development are
undoubtedly of relevance in searching for future development options in
Serbia. Especially, their proactive inclination and contents are of particular
significance, provided: first, they are accommodated to the Serbian
development fixities and givens; and second, they contribute to a Europe of a
multitude of various places, that is, heterotopias (see Jensen and Richardson,
2004, for a more detailed discussion on this issue). As discussed recently in an
another paper (Vujošević, 2007), they may be very valuable as a specific "external
formative impulse" to institutionalize an appropriate national development planning
policy system and practice. However, one should not overlook the fact new
European documents represent the most recent phase in a long history of European
developmentalism and environmentalism (for more details, see Вујошевић, 2005).
Former Yugoslavia was among the European countries which were pioneering in
this field (however this proved futile subsequently, with its collapse at the beginning
of 1990s and the afterward miss-events). After a long pause, of almost 20 years,
Serbia is back, yet now at the backstage of the leading European practices. We are
therefore answering the questions put forth at the beginning of this paper in the
following way:
• First, as the strategic guidelines from European documents represent a too high
"hurdle" for Serbian economy and society at this moment, they ought to serve
in the first place as a "asymptotic ideal". Namely, economic and social
recovery of Serbia will predictably be long, difficult, and cumbersome.
• Second, for long time to come, Serbia is not expected to act among the leading
countries which apply high sustainability practices, although it may play a
prominent role in this respect in the regional context, and in some specific
aspects.
• Finally, and predictably, various concepts of sustainability would be in place
here, from a "strong sustainability", on the one end, via a mix of old and new
development patterns, to a "weak sustainability", on the other end, thereby
following a global practice in this respect.
We have already been putting forth a number of proposals regarding various aspects
of adjustments of planning system and practice in Serbia to more recent European
82). The ESPON pursued seven strategic objectives in the broader area of spatial development and
spatial planning (Gestel and Faludi, 2005: 87-88). As completed, the ESPON 2006 accomplished an
enormous empirical work through a large number of general and specific projects, paralleled by the
working-out of spatial sustainable development indicators, all based on the NUTS territorial division
scheme. In sum, the ESPON acquired a broader scope than the ESDP. The ESPON was preceded
by the Study Programme on European Spatial Planning (SPESP), which was set up as a text exercise
(pilot project), with the aim to provide preliminary insights on how possible future European Spatial
Planning Observatory Network (ESPON), i.e., European-wide research networking in the field of
spatial planning, could be organized and on what could be expected of it. The SPESP also specified a
number of criteria for spatial differentiation, following the basic stipulations of the ESDP (including
also cartographic illustrations of indicators and possible policies). Now, ESPON 2006 having been
completed, the ESPON 2007-2013 was launched and is being realized.
39
practice in the sphere of sustainable spatial and urban development, as a support for
defining more sustainable development strategies (cf. Vujošević, 2007, M.
Vujošević, N. Spasić, 2007, M. Vujošević, 2006, M. Vujošević, Z. Nedović-Budić,
2006, Вујошевић, 2005, etc.). Mostly, a theoretical and general methodological
stance of a critical pragmatism was followed to that end. It has always been
reiterated that the key EU and pan-European general priorities and specific goals
of sustainable spatial development are of strategic significance for Serbia as
well, viz.: polycentric spatial development and a new urban-rural partnership;
parity of access to infrastructure and knowledge; and, wise management of the
natural and cultural heritage.
In the above-mentioned papers we were arguing that a radical departure from the
dominating partisanship and systematic and organized mobilization of interests
and bias at the public scene in Serbia would be needed, in order to better follow
contemporary European practices. We still expect that the key progress could be
expected with the engagement of more independent and unbiased expertise
during the preparation and passing of the key planning decisions, implying that
many new forms of professional and political communication and interaction ought
to be established.
Here, we are supplementing a selection of new suggestions, mostly those that reflect
some new moments from the most recent European documents, viz., Leipzig Charter
on Sustainable European Cities/LCSES (2007), and Territorial Agenda of the
European Union. Towards a More Competitive and Sustainable Europe of Diverse
Regions (2007), viz.:
• The key general strategic priority goes to the renewal of the territorial
capital of Serbia and its regions and locales, which has been endangered and
seriously diminished by the miss-events as from the beginning of 1990s. Its
position of prime geo-political significance in the European Corridors VII and
X should be upgraded, with a view of improving its comparative advantages
and competitiveness in regional, European and global markets.45 Now, new
institutional schemes are needed to co-ordinate various activities aiming
at introducing and subsequent balancing of the economic cohesion, social
cohesion and territorial cohesion policies.
• A number of activities have already been undertaken with a view to better
monitor climate changes, a regional centre for that purpose will be
established, to cover this part of Europe, and more actions of the kind will be
taking place.
• More new strategic documents would be needed, in the first place a new
Strategy of sustainable spatial development of Serbia, as well as new
institutional and organizational adjustments, to cope with the increasing
development sprawl in the majority of cities and larger town, which has
already become one of the most serious problems of spatial development. New
planning modes in spatial and urban planning are needed, to cope with
45
Cf. an earlier proposal of the kind: Vujošević, Spasić, and Petovar (2000).
the problems of developing a compact settlement structure (1), as well as

with the problems of urban sprawl (2). Analogously, new approaches are
needed in order to address the problems of remote rural and other areas
which are facing huge depopulation. To that end, the newly promulgated
documents at the national level, which do not properly treat the
sustainable spatial development cause, will probably have to be re-
worked.
• A National strategy of sustainable business is urgently needed, which also
applies to a National strategy for protection and wise utilization of
biodiversity, a new Strategy of sustainable development of the Greater
Belgrade Area, and a new Strategy of sustainable development of the least
developed areas of Serbia (with a particular emphasis on reducing the rural-
urban migration and providing for a considerably larger number of veritably
sustainable projects and programmes in these areas).
• National investment policy should more take into account the imperative of
more intensive investing in the restructuring and rehabilitation of the
brown fields in Serbia, as compared to green fields. A whole set of new
instruments and measures is of urgent necessity here.
• A more elaborate policy is needed regarding the improvement of energy
efficiency of the building stock.
• Introducing new forms of territorial governance arrangements for urban-
rural partnership (territorial governance between rural and urban areas)
is also needed.
• Also, research is needed on the new metropolitan governance and
planning models, in order to improve knowledge base for subsequent
establishing of new modes of governance.
• There is a need for a much better promotion of regional clusters of
competition and innovation is needed, in order to provide for a spatial
strategic framework for emerging new development patterns.
• Particularly, the significance of developing low or zero-emissions
settlements is of importance here, as well as of developing potential new
renewable sources of energy supply and promoting energy efficiency
particularly in the building stock. Development of more resilient cities and
regions regarding climate change would have to be stipulated for.
• A strong move would be needed towards creating and ensuring high-quality
public spaces (also including improvements of attractiveness for
investing), to counter-act a wide-spread, illegal "privatization" of public
space and public goods in Serbian towns and cities, caused primarily by
un-controlled private construction. In general, Baukultur will have to be
improved considerably.
• There is a sheer need to introduce a whole new generation of strategies and
policies aiming at improvement of the existing substandard and inferior
41
practices of grossly un-sustainable production and consumption patterns
("eco-eco" restructuring).
• Of priority is to pursue strategies for upgrading the physical environment
(building stock and technical infrastructure), especially from the standpoint of
its energy efficiency.
• Promotion of efficient and affordable urban transport, friendly in
environmental and energy terms, and improving pedestrian and cycle
traffic, should counter-balance a growing individual car traffic, as well as
an inclination of many local authorities to underrate public transport at
large.
• Keeping in mind extremely high employment, social inequality, social
exclusion and poverty, strengthening the local economy and local labour
market policy would be of the utmost importance.
• Similarly, promoting the social economy and providing citizen-friendly
services would be of particular significance vis-à-vis numerous social and
economic problems.
• There is a need to develop new planning approaches of integrated
territorial policy, in order to integrate the mechanisms and instruments of
traditional spatial and urban planning ("physical planning"), new approaches
of contemporary European sustainable spatial planning, and new strategic
planning proper, especially at the sub-national governance and planning levels.
• Much broader "education for sustainable development" is needed at all
governance levels, in the planning academia, and in all strands of society
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CORDINATION OF INFRASTRUCTURAL AND

CULTURAL CHANGES AS A PRECONDITION OF
RURAL/URBAN DEVELOPMENT PLANNING
1
Zagorka Golubović
Abstract
The topic will be treated within the context of Serbian transition from 2000. on, with posing
the question: what is necessary to have in mind in order to achieve a sustainable
development of the global society, its rural/urban development planning included? I would
like to turn attention of the audience to two dimensions which should be coordinated in the
course of such a development, i. e one refers to the elements of social infrastructure, while
the other deals with sociological and anthropological/cultural components, and their
diversities. Being that rural and urban developments are not an isolated sphere, but take
place in the context of the society's general state and its level of development, implies that
the methods of the projects and their realisations have to combine the analyses of different
aspects, so as to comprehend the context within which the project of the planning will take
place, as well as the diversities of the regions. This means to take into account sociological,
economic and culturological analyses, of rural and urban areas in different regions.
However, specialists for rural/urban development planning has more or less considered this
problem one-sidedly, that is, as far as Serbia is in question, have produced rather negative
results, which the agley looking towns and neglected will ages may confirm.
Key words: development planning, rural/urban development, socio-economic aspect,
anthropological aspect.
The concept of development planning is to be reassessed in the beginning of the new

millennium when Serbia has taken steps towards a democratic transition - that is a
basic hypothesis to start with consideration of the topic.
Unlike two extreme interpretations of the concept of planning: the bureaucratic one
of the former communist societies, wherein the totality of socio-economic
development was strictly planned from above, without a serious consideration of the
given circumstances and possibilities; and another within the frame of mind of
neoliberal capitalism in which it is narrow-mindedly interpreted and thus completely
rejected as if being counterproductive to the market economy - the primary question
which needs the answer states: how to approach the problem of planning
(concerning rural/urban development too) in order to avoid the non-productive
results of social developments? That is to say, which model of planning is needed in
the new developments, and why such need comes again into the focus?
1
Prof. dr Zagorka Golubović, University of Belgrade
47
In order to get to the point, one should clarify certain misunderstandings: a/ is self-
regulating "free market" economy sustainable in the developmental process of the
21st century; b/ what kind of rationality is to be implemented in order to achieve and
preserve stability of a society, in particular of those in transition; c/ what is the role
of the state in the developmental process, and d/ how to coordinate multidimensional
spheres (socio-economic, political and cultural ones) within the planning of a
successful transformation of the given society (e.g. in Serbia).
It goes without saying that a complex modern development needs different (even not
excluded) concepts of rationality on the one side; and on the other, the differentiated
actors/institutions in the implementation of the project of planning. When the
planning of a global social development is in question, two principles play its role:
1) economic factors which include material dimensions whose strategy primarily
refers to the infrastructuture as a focus of social development; meaning mostly the
implementation of "instrumental rationality", whose actors are mainly economic
institutions; while a more complex project of development presupposes "substantive
rationality"/value rationality" (definitions borrowed from M. Vujošević's book) that
includes an elaboration of a global socio-economic and cultural long term strategy
of the wholeness of social development, upon the choice of social values and moral
principles coordinated with the circumstances by the state and civil society. That is
to say, one should not lose sight of the point that without the necessary coordination
of these dimensions (which include besides economic/material aspects also system
of education, strategy of the attainable goals, general and political culture, cross-
cultural divertive, individual and social needs, etc.) planning of social development
would be one-sided.
In line with the modern conception of the contemporary social orders' development,
a more inteligable strategy is to be elaborated, combining the changes of the given
social structures (in particular in the countries with a heavy authoritarian heritage),
of a traditional culture or the domination of popular mass culture, and the creation of
modern value systems, so as to affirm a new quality of life of the given population.
Fatherly, it assumes that a comprehensive concept of social development assumes
both philosophical and ethical orientations, as well as socio-economic and political
dimensions within the framework of a specific pattern of culture, upon which the
whole construction of a society rests.
As an anthropologist I will not go into the debate about methodology of planning
which however, could be defined by the cooperation of the scientists of humanistic
disciplines in an interdisciplinary approach; but I shall concentrate on those factors
of social planning which might be derived from human/individual and social needs
and aspirations for "normal life", with the analyses about the changing society in
Serbia nowadays.
As far as Serbian transition is concerned two questions arise in this perspective: 1)
where Serbia is going after 2000. and whether the strategy of a democratic transition
has been articulated, and 2) has the development after the turnover in Serbia at the
beginning of the new millennium been planned according to the scientific researches
and knowledge of the existential populations' needs (and problems), as well as the
actual socio-economic and cultural possibilities (keeping in mind society's
degradation during the 1990s)? As a matter of fact, these remarks should be also
taken into account when one speaks about rural/urban development planning, which
substantially depends on the general state of a given society that generates the
conditions of the strategy and models of planning. It is particularly important when
social and cultural diversities in Serbian regions are in question, i.e. remarkable
differences between the Capital city vis-à- vis Central, East and South Serbia (as
well as among them), and Vojvodina, with greater or smaller devices for
development, with differentiated traditions, and accordingly, with specific
populations' needs. In those terms two main shortcomings of a badly interpreted
concept of development planning are evident: one is manifest in the fact that rural
areas are fully subordinated to the towns' development, and being almost completely
neglected within the global planning; or the other referring to an illusion that the
same model of planning might be applied to all the towns, regardless the fact that
they are, by no means, all the same, which is expressed in the intention to apply the
stereotyped "modern" architecture's style ( with the skyscrapers in the centre of the
town) even in those small towns which are still very much traditional with quite
different populations' needs. Thus the consequences are negative, either if the
planning is lacking, or if imitating certain pattern imposed from the outside, which
does not fit to the circumstances. E.g. when development planning is understood in
terms of a very fast changing society towards the market economy on the grounds
where the necessary social institutions and cultural conditions are underdeveloped.
The evidence of such effects is visible in the transition of East European societies
after the fall of "real socialism", but in the transition in Serbia too, in particular due
to the misuse of the process of privatization (when the property transformation
turned into legalisation of illegally accumulated capital by the "novel rich", and in
growing corruption, as well as the rise of unemployment).
I shall focus now on the cultural background which should be kept in mind when
one undertakes the project of social and rural/urban development planning. Why an
anthropological perspective is needed within the conceptualisation of planning, and
which cultural patterns are to be chosen and on what traditional elements of tradition
is to rely?
With reference to new anthropological research of modern societies and a variety of
contemporary cultures in the mid-twentieth century, one may come to the conclusion
that anthropological aspect, of which the most effectively cultural factors, play a
significant role in new developments in terms of their ideological and political
orientations, as well as in the creation of new needs and aspirations. And the
research shows that the uniqness of any culture is still kept alive, determining a
specific way and quality of life of the given population, but also the set-up of
different societies according to a dominant way of mind (including the habits in
terms of "habitus",2 value systems, moral principles, beliefs, etc.).
2
Pierre Bourdieu defined "habitus" as the accumulated habits and norms which become the long-
lasting backgrounds of individuals' behaviour, that condition the choice of both the structure and the
orientation of a society.
49
As a matter of fact, if one properly makes the analyses of various modern societies,
one may get to the confirmation that the different cultures (as a way of life and the
"spirit of people") have decisively stamped the styles of housing/architecture both
in the rural and urban areas. For instance, unlike the stereotypes concerning the
cities in the USA, which at first sight all are much the same, when one becomes
familiar with the various regions of this big country across the continent, such an
illusion taken for granted will disappear. Because one finds out that the styles of
housing are quite different in big cities than in small towns (the later being build in
small family types, made usually by wood, while huge skyscrapers characterise the
first). However, even the styles of big cities are not the copies of e.g. New York, but
each of them have their specific charm, and one will not mix up Chicago with
Philadelphia or Washington, not to speak about San Francisco, ect. It is because the
project of urban planning development does not depend only on the imagination and
creativity of the planners, but is to be accommodated to the specific cultural
heritage, according to which different sets of needs, customs, aspirations of the
given population have take place.
In general, the planning of rural/urban development cannot just follow an abstract
concept of modernisation in terms of caching up the steps with the modern societies'
styles; it is necessary, first of all, to clear up what modernisation should mean in a
transitional society, i.e. in Serbia of 2000. and accordingly which projects could be
constructed in order to achieve the possible achievements along the line of a
democratic transformation. The latter presupposes: firstly, to analyse the remnants of
the past history, in particular the period during the last decade of the 20th century
which sets back the process of modernisation; secondly, to root out those traditional
elements of culture which have been overgrown and prevent modern development;
thirdly, to recognise regional differences which grow various aspirations, regarding
the quality of life of their populations; and fourthly, to accustom the planning to the
possibilities of the democratic transformation in Serbia (both in space and time) in
order to bring about successful results.3
However, another problem which arises is how to reconcile the particular/national
planning with the trends towards the process of globalisation? That is, how to
understand the meaning of standardisation: as an uniformity all over the world, at
least with the EU, or in terms of the interpretatation of a global integration according
to the specific nature of national cultures, i. e. when accepting those standards that
have certain universal meanings, without rejecting one's own system of values that
has been historically confirmed and which does not contradict to the process of
modernisation? If following the latter, Serbian development planning may put into
practice a more prospective democratic transition; otherwise, a misleading
conception of development planning might push Serbia even further to the
backwardness, i.e. to a blind alley. Thereby, as long as the experts of rural/urban
3
One is to be remanded that the actual police of Serbian transition goes on the other way round, e.g.
instead of overcoming so far produced regression of the rural aeras by improving its backwardness
with turning the small individual parcels of land into the moder farms, the actual policy has been doing
more demage to these aeres with selling the large amounts of the state and private lands to the so-called
nouvea rich and, thus, creating the new fudal latifundias.
development planning do not do away with its narrow/one-sided conception, the

transition in Serbia would be at stake. The very fact that Serbian state is a
multinational and multicultural complex society, this complexity should not be
neglected when the process of transition has been carried on after 2000. in order to
avoid uniformities and assimilation of its diversities.
All the above mentioned implies that an interdisciplinary approach is needed in the
field of social development, that has been missing so far, in order to place the project
of rural/urban development planning within the macro-policy of a democratic
transition in Serbian society. In this sense one should take into account both
sociological aspect and anthropological one, besides economic planning.
As far as sociological way of thinking in the conceptualisation of planning is
concerned, what the planners have to focus on are the following: the nature of social
structure, social differentiation included; the actual political system (with the
reference to its historical heritage); the forms and the characters of the existing
social institutions; the relationship of the sub-systems of society; (non)existence of
the rule of law, In other words, the results of a serious sociological analyses have to
be the starting point of the construction of the project of macro-social planning,
which would prevent simple "copyrights" of the models from the outside that cannot
satisfy diversity of needs an aspirations of the differentiated population.4
In case of the anthropological references that are to be an important framework of
the construction of the paradigm for rural/urban development planning, the one
element which is surely the most decisive at this purpose, is the articulation of social
goals/ends and their value/moral backgrounds, that bring to light how the given
society defines the priorities of general and particular social and individual needs,
according to which the project of social development (rural/urban included) would
be planned. Then the prevailing "habitus" (in Pierre Bourdieu's terms) of the rural
and urban population should be kept in mind, according to which the settlements
would follow the accepted peoples' way of life, in which they will feel as being "at
home", stimulating them to improve their quality of life.
If one begins with the concept of "common goods" when planning social
development, reconciled with individuals' needs and interests, it is necessary to
analyse multidimensional nature of human and citizens' needs within the common
interests; however, the latter is set aside in the neoliberal conception which denies
rationality of the state, contested rationality of planning as well, because what
matters within this point of view is so-called spontaneity of individuals activities in
"selfregulated market". And when speaking about rural/urban development
planning, one should care also about the "spirit" of the place in question, trying to
4
Such imitations, which cannot be productive, may be seen in various segment in Serbian social
development, that might be understood as one of the important reasons for a slow improvement of
Serbia in the new millennium. E. g. a fast and irrational conception of the complete privatisation of
national property regardless of the question in whose hands it is trasferred; or regarding the
conceptualisation that democracy rests on the multiparty system, without considering what misuse of
their rule is on rhe political scene, etc.
51
incorporate the modern cultural demands into the tradition of the given population.5
That is what we may understand behind the statement: "to preserves one's own
identity", but being open to a further development (which is often wrongly
interpreted in terms of separation and isolation).
According to the prevailing frame of mind in the Western societies/cultures the
concept of planning is interpreted as exclusively socialist idea, i. e. as a strong state's
control over the project of general social development, thus, treated as incompatible
with liberal democracy. Therefore, the idea of a "week (limited) state" is, in fact,
turned into the complete rejection of the state's important regulations of socio-
economic developments, in particular of the "welfare state", and any possibility of
planning as well. It is remarkable how such a simplified image of the modern
society's complex development have been widely accepted in the USA and Europe,
but in today's Serbia too. Thereby, what needs a rational answer states: is it possible
at all to set up society's sustainable development without the state's role in the
project of development planning on the macro-scale; or to put it in other words, is a
self-regulating market, deprived of the mechanisms of development planning,
capable of providing sustainable social development and avoid risk of
particularisation (within of both the segments of the entire society and the
population). Take, for instance the experiences of Serbian transition from 2000. on,
which shows: a/ that a so-called democratic transition has been going upside-down
due to the absence of a long-term macro-socioeconomic strategy; b/ that instead of a
necessary (at least minimal) state's regulation of the project for reforms, transition
takes place according to the arbitrary defined rules, either by the administrative
powers, or on the party lines; c/ as a consequence, both economic and political
instability characterise the Serbian society after 2000. And last, but not least, one
may speak in terms of the crisis of the overall policy nowadays in Serbia.
When regarding rural/urban lack of development planning, one may see what has
happened with the cities when an expended "wild construction" has flooded not only
suburbs but the centres of the cities as well; i.e. that the authentic styles of different
towns have become hardly recognisable, and what's more, making them ugly and not
pleasant place for living.
When coming to the end, let us come back to the meaning of the concept of
rationality which conditions the line of rural/urban development planning. I would
like to pay your attention to an important warning of dr. Vujošević, that the concept
of planning primarily depends on a dominant anthropological understanding of man
as a human being, I.e. whether that an interpretation goes in terms of "Homo
oeconomicus", or "Homo politicus", both of which are quite narrow definitions,
because human existence is multidimensional phenomenon. The author uses the
term "Homo socius" which expresses individuality of man in the process of social
and cultural development, implying a humanistic-scientific approach, unlike the
prevailing one-dimensional conception of economism. That is to say, there is a need
5
One should differentiate the term tradition as a historically accumulated way of life, which by no
menas have a negative connotation, but helps people continuing their mode of living and less traumatic
confrontation with the innovations; while the term traditionalism implies non-selective holdings of the
outdated elements of the past, preventing the necessary change.
to focus once again to the "great topics", that is, to the link of state's and market's
role within the concept of social development (in particular to the role of the
"welfare state"); including moral reasons (principles) and convictions regarding the
actual norms of behaviour; the use of energetic resources, and the protection of the
environment.6
What has been written so far is the intention to accentuate the importance of the
reassessment of the concepts of development planning projects both on macro-social
and rural/urban level. This imlies a need for the interdisciplinary approach of those
social theories that concern not only economic and political approach, but include
sociological and anthropological dimensions as well, so as to satisfy the complexity of
both social and individual needs, which will provide more human conditions for living,
according to the specific socio-cultural traditions, in particular in the multicultural
societies.
Therefore, a more appropriate conception is greatly needed if Serbian society is to
follow the line of a democratic transformation, which means besides the constitution
of new institutions, creation of a new quality of life,and the appropriate rural/urban
planning makes an important part of it; otherwise, the narrow options of socio-
economic development, that have been already put in practice, may lead only to a
conservative philosophy which supports status quo.
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and Everyday life), Filozofski fakultet. Beograd.
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to Neoliberal Invasion). Zavod za izdavanje udžbenika, Beograd.
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Neoliberalism and Global Order), Svetovi, Novi Sad.
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Giddens A. 2000. The Third Way and its Critics, Polity Press, London.
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Democratization in Postsocialist Societies), Beogradski krug.
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Beopgrad.
Jakšić BG. 2000. Balkanski paradoksi (Balkan's Paradoxes), Beogradski krug.
Lazić M. 2005. Otpori i Promene (Resistence and Changes), "Filip Višnjić", Beograd.
Madžar Lj. 2002. Teorija proizvodnje i privrednog rasta, t. I-II (Theory of Production and Productive
Growth), Beograd.
Michnik A. 1995. Misliti savremenu demokratiju (Thinking of Contemporary Democracy), Radio B92.
Mićunović D. 2005. Reforma ili restauracija (Reform or Restauration), Centar za demokratiju, Beograd.
Passet R. 1990. L'illusion néoliberale, Fayard, Paris.
6
See: M. Vujošević, Ibid, p.16..
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Polanyi K. 1999. Velika preobrazba, Politički i ekonomski izvori našeg vremena (A Great Transformation,
Political and Economic Sources of our Time), Naklada Jesenski & Turk, Zagreb.
Popov N. 2004. "Srbija: traganje za normalnim životom", (" Serbia: Searching for a normal life"),
Republika br. 338-339.
Roustang G. 2002. Démocratie: le risque du marché, Desclée de Brouwer, Paris.
Stiglitz J. 2002. Protivrečnosti globalizacije (Contradictions of Globalization), CBMx, Beograd.
Touraine A. 1980. L'àpre socialism, Bernard Grasset, Paris.
Vasović V. & V. Pavlovićć (eds), Postkomunizam i demokratske promene (Postcommunism and
Democratic Change), FPN, Beograd.
Vujadinović D. et al.(eds), 2005. Between Authoritarianism and Democracy, vol. I-II, CEDET, Beograd.
Vujošević M. 2003. Planiranje u postsocijalističkoj političkoj i ekonomskoj tranziciji (Planning in
postsocialist political and economic transition), Institut za arhiterkturu i urbanizam Srbije, Beograd.
Vujošević M. 2004. Racionalnost, legitimitet i implementacija planskih odluka Rationality, Legitimity and
Implementation of the Decisions of Planning), Ibid.
Zbornik: 1996. Ciljevi i putevi društva u tranziciji (The Ends and the Ways of Societies in Transition),
IDN. Beograd.
THE EU INDUSTRIAL POLICY AS GENERAL

FRAMEWORK FOR SERBIAN TRANSITION AND
DEVELOPMENT STRATEG
Miroljub Hadžić, Slavka Zeković 1
Abstract
After political changes in late 2000 Serbia has received more favorable development
environment, but at the same time has faced with a problem - What path of transition and
development to choose and how to do it? During a few last decades, together with other
republics of Former SFR Yugoslavia, Serbia has developed a specific mix of a plan – market
economy. This legacy is important to know if establishment of the fully market oriented
economy is wanted in a proper manner and smooth, without or with minimal social
tensions, only.
The essentially important, but very difficult question was opened at that moment – How to
manage market reforms and whole development process? As inevitable outcome of the
radical neo-liberal approach to followed transition, Serbia has neither officially adopted
transition strategy, nor development strategy during the whole transitory period up to the
present(years 2000-2006). The need for strategy does not mean advocating for a backward
step to classical governmental five – year plan, but rather to an overall comprehensive
development framework, with alternatives for crucial questions and opened discussion
between public, researchers and decision - makers.
The basic aim of this paper is to make an objective, normative and empirical analysis of the
role of the EU industrial policy established at the Lisbon Summit in 2000, for creating
sustainable industrial development in Serbia when it becomes a candidate for the
membership in the EU. This paper analyses approach and framework of EU industrial
policy based on the sustainable principles. The achievement of industry competitiveness
based on knowledge, innovation and entrepreneurship is the cornerstone of the EU
sustainable development strategy. Connection between industrial policy and sustainable
development of this sector has been considered.
INTRODUCTION
After a few decades of practicing market plan economy, in early 1990s Serbia
started transition, but during the last decade it lost momentum, mainly due to
1
Prof. dr Miroljub Hadžić, Professor associate, University "Singidunum"
Belgrade, Faculty for Financial Management and Insurance and Faculty for
Economics, Finance and Administration
dr Slavka Zeković, Senior research fellow, Institute of Architecture and Urban &
Spatial Planning of Serbia, Belgrade
55
destruction of a single market of former SFR Yugoslavia and overall sanctions
introduced by International community. Instead of running reforms Serbia faced a
deep economic and political crisis. It could be even argued that during that period
Serbia could not be labeled as a transitory economy at all, because some backward
steps in legal framework and institutional development were made.
Political changes that happened in 2000 brightened the economic and the overall
forecast for the future. It is important to note that transition towards market economy
had to start again from the very beginning. The essentially important, but very
difficult question was opened at this moment – How to manage market reforms and
whole development process? An overall consensus was established for the need of
reforms and their speed. However, on the top positions, like Government and
National bank of Serbia, have been and still are, people who are known in economic
circles as "market fundamentalists" or even "market Talibans",meaning those who
are afraid of any word sounds like (or similar to) "plan" or "strategy". Their fears
were related to the danger that any strategy or plan could easily push Serbian
economy back to the communist past. As inevitable outcome of the radical market
approach to the followed transition, Serbia neither has created transition strategy,
nor development strategy during the whole transitory period until now (years 2000-
2006).
The need for strategy does not mean advocating for a backward step to classical
governmental five – year plan, as during the communist past, but rather to an overall
comprehensive development framework, with alternatives for crucial questions and
opened discussion between public, researchers and decision - makers.
The aim of the paper is twofold: a) to make an objective, normative and empirical
analysis of the role of the EU industrial policy established at the Lisbon Summit in
2000, for creating sustainable industrial development in Serbia when it becomes a
candidate for the membership in the EU; b) to illuminate why development strategy
is essentially important and what are outcomes if there is no strategy and c) to put
attention to the main elements of strategy proposed, especially to proposition how to
define and realize it.
EU INDUSTRIAL POLICY AND COORDINATING SERBIA’S INDUSTRY

WITHIN THE CONDITIONS OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
In 2000, at Lisbon summit, the EU members have defined the basic development
goals in the following period – economic competitiveness, higher and growing
standard of living and a high employment rate. For achieving these objectives it is
necessary to improve industrial competitiveness, which represents the foundation for
the sustainable development strategy of the EU based on three key elements: the
economic, social and ecological (EC, 2001; EC 2003). Knowledge, innovations and
entrepreneurship are the key elements for achieving sustainable competition. The
expansion of the EU by accepting new members (former socialist countries) for the
industrial policy presents a new objective of harmonizing and coordinating different
industrial systems. It is in the interest of our country to join the EU in accordance
with precisely defined conditions that every country candidate must previously
meet. Harmonization also implies the coordination of our industrial policy with the
industrial policy of the EU, based on the principles of sustainability. The policy of
sustainable development in industry implies: a) policy of dematerialization of the
material input/output production b) policy of industrial optimization/consumption; c)
product substitution (non-renewable resources); d) possibility of product or waste
recycling.
The framework of the EU new industrial policy and development strategy is based
on the competitiveness of industry that is based on knowledge, innovation and
entrepreneurship (EC, 2001). In accordance with this, the role of the industrial
policy has significantly changed. Since the Lisbon summit, the EU industrial policy
has had a key role in fulfilling three basic tasks (EC, 2002). The first task of the EU
industrial policy as a supranational policy is to set a predictable legal framework for
the efficient industrial operating. The second task of industrial policy is to ensure the
conditions that will enable industrial development. The third task of the industrial
policy is providing the frames institutions, legal conditions and instruments that are
necessary for business environment.
Raising the standard of living in Europe also implies improving the environmental
protection, quality of work, corporative responsibility and customer protection, for
which the public institutions are the most responsible. (Blowers, A.1996). By
providing security, health and protection of consumers, new questions have been
raised concerning the ecological and ethical consequences of the new technologies.
Insisting on environmental protection in EU can bring to its companies the leading
role in conquering and spreading environmental technologies and encourage them to
develop a production that is sustainable and ecologically sane, which would
significantly improve the entire quality of life Industrial policy should set a new
balance for fulfilling the objectives of the Lisbon summit (Evrolex, 2004). Creating
a sustainable industrial structure is the key factor of productivity growth of
European industry. The European Commission defines the policy of the enterprise as
a policy that should cover the business environment and enable all the enterprises,
regardless of their size, legal form, location and activity, to grow and develop. The
EU makes significant efforts to constantly improve the conditions in which
industrial enterprises operate, while, at the same time, tries to apply regulations that
would be less demanding for the enterprises.
Small and medium scale enterprises represent the backbone of the European industry
because they participate with two thirds of total employment, around 70% in added
value and with 13% in export into EU, at the same time, encouraging
competitiveness by forcing big companies to improve their efficiency and innovative
activities (Savić LJ., Zeković S., 2004). An important task of industrial policy is
stimulating innovative activities and investing in human sources for the purpose of
effective utilization and diffusion of knowledge. Therefore, encouraging the creation
of innovative clusters will be the key priority. Establishing a sustainable production
structure is the key to industrial productivity growth. The key elements for fulfilling
these objectives are: improving ecological efficiency in the exploitation of resources
and increased exploitation of by-products; enhancing commercial abilities of
recycled products industries, encouraging the development of clean technologies;
57
applying ecology management based on the "hard" or "soft" approach to
environmental licenses (R.Glaser, 1995).
The Lisbon agenda highlights the need to restructure the enterprises in the countries
candidates from Eastern and South- Eastern Europe, as well. This process is
especially painful in the countries in transition. The countries in transition do not
show that they have a greater need for coordinating the industrial policies.
According to Hare, P. Hughes G. (1992) and Lisbon revisited document 2004, the
expansion of the European Union to the East opens up potential discrepancies due to
the loss of one part of the market in South-Eastern Europe, because the liberalization
of foreign trade exchange and enhancement of economies of scale influenced certain
changes in the competitiveness of the EU. Entrepreneurship and small and medium
enterprises have a lower growth in the country candidates for the membership in EU.
The rate of GDP in Eastern and SEE countries in the period 2000-2004 is 3,2% and
in EU members around 1,8% (Kovacevic R, 2004). The small and medium
enterprises are usually located in the bordering regions of these countries or
metropolitan periphery due to lower production costs, utilization of local material
input (raw materials, energy, water, and similar) and skilled cheap labor. As an
answer to possible negative implications for the EU industrial policy, industrial
leaders and politicians are against moving the European industrial production
outside the EU, in spite of cheaper labor, lower social costs and more flexible
regulations in Eastern Europe. The EU Commission (2004) published a document, in
which it estimated the competitiveness of European industry and the risk rate of
deindustrialization. By moving one part of the industry to Eastern Europe, industrial
competitiveness is transferred to the expanded part of the EU, which opens new
questions concerning industrial and spatial development.
Republic of Serbia’s strategic goal is to join the European Union. In order to achieve
this, it is necessary to fulfill numerous conditions, among which the harmonizing
different policies including the industrial policy is very important one. Membership
of the EU means, among others, accepting super national industrial policy, which
can significantly narrow the policies of the member countries, thus affecting their
efficiency. In the present phase of development, it is necessary to commence with
the coordination of the development, spatial and economic policies to the conditions
of membership, for the efficient planning, functioning and competitiveness of the
Republic of Serbia. In the planning of industrial development in Serbia, the National
Strategic Industrial Development of Serbia 2007-2012 (2006), the Development
Strategy of Small and Medium Enterprises and Entrepreneurship until 2008, the
National Strategy of Serbia for the entrance of Serbia and Montenegro into the
European Union (2005) and the Spatial Plan of the Republic Serbia (1996) are
relevant. Only partial indications about sustainable development in industry are
present in these documents. According to the National Strategy of Serbia for the
entry of Serbia into the EU, the main approach entitles coordination that is
development oriented, and protection of endangered industries. At the same time,
the sectors without any prospects and whose foreclosures have to be controlled, must
be identified, as well as those sectors with prospects, but which are under the
influence of unfavorable developments and limiting factors, and which need to be

protected by measures for a longer period.
Environmental protection, as the strategic objective of the EU, imposes in front of
the candidate countries the task to fulfill certain requirements, such as to focus their
attention towards social, regional, environmental and spatial consequences of
restructuring mines, i.e. their new phase of development on a sustainable basis. The
mining sector, regarding environmental requirements and standards, is in a more
difficult position than the requirements for dematerialization of the production, for
decrease of energy consumption, introduction of ecologically more efficient
technologies, etc. In the mining sector, the application of the basic principles of
sustainability is more complex, having in mind the usually large scope of material
inputs (and outputs). Coordinating and preparing this sector for applying the
principles and policy of sustainable development is more time-consuming. The basic
principles for the mining sector were set in 1999 (Berlin Guidelines, revised in
1999), which should be applied by the governments, mining companies and
metallurgical industries. Unfortunately, in recent history of the mining industry
development, there has been a lot of inertness and indifference, and a frequent
attitude existed that because ‘of the effect of Moon craters’ and the appearance of
surface mines, this industry is a ‘burden’ or a social trouble. The relatively bad
image of the mining industry in the EU puts it in the focus of the attention of the
environmental regulations. While the trend in developed countries, on one hand, is
to encourage and affiliate the development of the mining industry, on the other hand,
the willingness to open new mines in those countries is decreasing. The reasons for
this are, among others, very strict ecological requirements regarding environmental
protection, ecological effects, compensations, high risks and potential accidents in
this sector. After the accidents with the breaking of embankments and flotation in
some mines, the areas in which there are no possibilities for opening a mine are
becoming larger. As shown by Ostensson O. in 2000, the manifestation of NIMBY
syndrome (Not in My Backyard) is evident. There are severe restrictions also in the
domain of economic and ecological responsibility, including the environmental
damage due to mining activities. According to The Euromines, 2005, establishing
the indicators of the sustainable development of the European mining industry is a
positive step towards helping the companies to do this measuring and to improve
their ecological performances, as well as their approach towards sustainable
development based on strict scientific estimations of the ecological and health risks,
socio-economic impact of the regulations and competitiveness. Corporate strategy in
industry and mining industry should include the elements from European policies
regarding development of the industry, mining industry, energy policy, sustainable
development policy.
What steps should we take in order to coordinate our planning of the sustainable
industrial development with the terms and standards of the EU? Having in mind the
seriousness of Serbia’s further lagging behind, and its overcoming development
problems in the transition period as well, we should start coordinating the
regulations and strategies of industrial development on a sustainable basis. This
process is going to be hard, because apart from solving the problems that lay in front
59
of the creator of the industrial policy of the EU, the problems concerning the
previous development of Serbia’s industry should be resolved, such as change of
structure, improvement of technical and technological level, increase of efficiency,
decrease of unemployment, etc. While in the EU, the transition from industrial
development to a knowledge-based economy is being planned and initiated, with
development of low-carbon industry and other economic activities, in Serbia – a
transition of the economic system into a market-oriented economy has been
initiated. This opens up complex questions regarding the appropriate approach and
modus of coordination with the industrial policy of the EU in planning of the
industrial development and location in circumstances of the necessity for transitional
(industrial) ’double jump’ in Serbia: (1) towards a market-oriented economy, an
increase in efficiency (economic, ecological, energy, ecological efficiency of the
resources, etc.), (2) towards a knowledge-based economy. According to the Strategy
for Serbia’s entry into the EU, one of the possibilities is the development of
industrial parks which would later grow into clusters, with the provision of
necessary large infrastructure, the possibility for rapid construction of business
premises and production units, with fiscal inducements and qualified labor. The
process of restructuring and privatization in the Republic of Serbia is very important
for the industrial development. One of the key phases in technology development is
modernization of the existing and introduction of new production technologies. In
order for its industry to be competitive, it is important that the Republic of Serbia
provides the conditions for quality infrastructure, which should be at the quality
level of the EU countries. The enterprises should implement the CE mark (which
indicates the quality of goods), in order to improve competitiveness and export into
the EU countries.
IMPORTANCE OF A TRANSITION AND DEVELOPMENT

STRATEGY
During the period of transition from a planned, or from a mixed plan – market
economy (Serbian case), it is important to combine adequately the elements of plan
and market mechanism in shaping economic activities. At present, a large number of
developed market economies resort to the plan mechanism of directing the economy
on different levels of government and to different extent, depending on tradition, the
political system, historical experience and other factors (Madžar Lj. & others, 1992).
The most important reasons for worse than optimal effects of market mechanisms
and thus for combining market and plan mechanisms in managing development are
considered to be (Filipović M. & others, 2002): natural monopolies, activities with
great external effects, environmental protection etc.
In the European Union (EU) coordination and matching general and particular
interests and politics have recently become important, and member countries and
their candidates, as well, strive to follow up. In recent years even in EU countries
elements of planning became stronger, coordination and adjustment between general
and specific interest and policies, as well. In the United market of EU where there
are no obstacles to the flows of the human sources, goods and capital, and where the
measures of deregulation and anti – monopoly legislation are in force, development
and macroeconomic policies gain a supranational character. This entails a great level
of coordination between strategies and ordinances of member countries (Vujošević
M., 2002). Since Serbia has the ambition to gain membership in EU, the strategy of
economic development, together with development and macroeconomic policies,
should be envisioned in such a way that its content is coordinated with the
requirements that membership in EU entails.
During the past decade countries in transition have witnessed a trend of minimizing
the plan mechanism that was overall used in the previous period. The tendency was
strong especially in the first years of transition, when the approach of "shock
therapy" dominated, and its greatest proponents were the representatives of
international financial institutions, primarily IMF and WB and among economists
Sasch G., Lipton D. and Kornai J. They insisted on radical and quick reforms. This
did not include elaborating particular measures and their sequencing and general
framework for transition was sketched out only roughly: firstly, stabilization, then
privatization and lastly restructuring. This approach seemed to be inadequate,
especially from social point of view. The prescription gave the most questionable
results in Russia and countries of former Soviet Union. Key issues raised by those
who criticized the radical approach have been as follows: speed and sequence of
reforms, privatization, especially privatization and restructuring of large companies
(World Bank, 2002).
The approach known as "market fundamentalism"2, at late 1990s became out of date.
Economists who advocated a more balanced approach to transition have recently
prevailed those who insisted on the exclusive use of market mechanisms (Stigltz J.,
Gupta, Nelis A.). These economists advocate a step – by – step approach and the
importance of establishing market institutions and legislation. They emphasize the
importance of minimizing social cost, overcoming conflicts between different
interest groups and distributing social costs more evenly aiming to preserve social
consensus (Hadžić M., 2002).
Managing complex systems in the national economy and the society is enhanced by
an appropriate development strategy, which serves as a basic plan that makes it
easier to take adequate steps, define goals and compare achieved results with initial
objectives. Then measures can be corrected and sequence of steps can be changed in
an attempt to be more efficient. Minimizing planning (and the formulation of a
development strategy immanent to it), or negating its role and relying exclusively on
market mechanisms of economic management can have grave consequences. They
include suboptimal growth rate, resistance to the transition by major social groups.
The worst outcome if government looks down on planning could be possible
political downfall of those pioneering the transition process.
Formulating a development strategy and using both plan and market elements in
managing the national economy and its development in the process of transition is
important for the following reasons (Zeković S., Hadžić M., 2006):
• A developing strategy gives a tool to overcome conflicts. A development
strategy provides a choice of options that minimize inevitable conflicts;
2
Overemphasized neo – liberal approach.
61
• A transition and development strategy helps create and preserve social
consensus if it satisfies the demands of the most important social groups and
their representatives;
• Official development strategy allows a multi - variant approach to
development. Strategy also formulates alternative directions for achieving
goals, on the basis of several development scenarios;
• The implementation of transition steps is easier and better. If a plan and
sequence of steps are prepared it is easier to implement measures of
development and macroeconomic policies, because they are coordinated;
• It is easier to assess results and modify policies. It is increasingly important to
compare planned with realized effects of policymaking, in order to correct
measures and devices of development and macroeconomic policies (World
Bank, 1999).
LACK OF DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY – OUTCOME

During the last decade Serbia did not undergone serious market reforms. The
first transition steps were made at early 1990s, however, due to unfavorable
circumstances later on and ill - defined approach to transition Serbia ended previous
decade being in the third group of economies according to the scope of market
reforms. Governmental attitude to transition could be labeled as non – honest, with
inevitable stop - go approach, with sporadic and minimal improvement. Even, in
some important fields, in external trade and regional development, backward steps
prevailing. Some economists (Galić J., Radovanović M., Fabris N., 1998) doubted
that anything of some significance was achieved.
It is well known that power balance between the political advocates and adversaries
of market reform is the key to the success of transition. Due to the consequences of
reform measures, which are never neutral, there are always both, "winners" and
"losers" in every phase of the transition process. Winners are usually newly
established small and medium companies, private entrepreneurs, companies formed
with direct foreign investments, and some social classes. There are two kinds of
losers – influential ones and those who are not. The former have at their disposal
powerful means to stop reform and turn it into a quasi – reform of inconsistent
nature, one that is not sustainable and is far away from a full market economy.
The political changes which happened in Serbia at October 2000 opened the room
for accelerating economic transformation. After years of political crisis, real chances
for intensifying development appeared. Prerequisite for that was the quick return of
the country into the International community, particularly international financial
institutions. During the first phase of reform serious steps towards market
transformation of the economy have been taken. They included a liberalization of
export and import, a liberalization of the domestic market, the Privatization Act, the
Act on Foreign Investment and changes in tax laws. However, these transition steps
are generally sporadic, inadequate and without strategic vision. It is the very lack of
a clear development and transition strategy that represents the most important
characteristic and the most serious shortcoming of the economic situation in the
period 2000-2006. Namely, the Government has not prepared a general,

comprehensive strategy of development, with a transition strategy as its most
prominent element. Thus the state is involved with reform in a piecemeal manner,
without a clear understanding of the steps to come. The effects of changes
undertaken are unclear, as well (Zeković S., Hadžić M., 2006).
Preparing a transition and development strategy, requires time and significant human
and economic sources. Despite that, the problems that policy - makers faced while
creating for instance the Privatization Act and the Act on Foreign Investment
pointed out that without a clear vision each individual reform step represents a
difficult task, and that there is a great waste of time, which has lately been the
scarcest resource in our situation.
The root of this lack of development strategy and coordination in macroeconomic
and development policy lies in neo – liberal approach, prevalent in transition
economies at the beginning of 1990s, but lately outdated. This approach was
imposed as dominant, and any mention of a strategy or a model of development was
seen as unacceptable "blasphemy" against the market, because the market and its
laws were simplified and reduced to an anarchic atomized economy, and strategy or
a model of development were wrongly identified with planning and planned
economy (Zeković S., Hadžić M., 2006).
The consequences of managing transition without a (clear) strategy of development
and a clear sequence of steps are potentially numerous and extremely serious:
• The reform may be erratic, because those who are designing and carrying out
the implementation of reforms may overlook or be unaware of all moves that
should be undertaken. The reform in domain of market liberalization and
export – import regime, for instance, has gone very far, privatization less so,
and the process of reforming financial market and establishing all necessary
financial institutions is lagging behind;
• There can be a lack of coordination between development policy,
macroeconomic policy and market reform. For example, radical liberalization
of the regime of foreign trade was carried out in this way after the political
changes of 2000;
• Much time can be lost explaining and discussing every significant measure or
change of policy. To prepare and design a comprehensive development
strategy needs many experts, a lot of time, and economic sources, but after
finishing its content is coordinated, and sequence of steps known, so, there is
no further loss of time on discussing reform;
• It is not necessarily clear to majority of interested parties; even consensus of
the most prominent social groups can be violated, if measures are undertaken
without comprehensive and clear strategy. At the time when the Privatization
Act was passed (2001), several months of unnecessary discussion showed that
a model of privatization aimed primarily at potential foreign strategic partners
can violate the consensus created after the political changes. It would not be
necessary to discuss this legal change in isolation from other measures in the
reform process and this was only possible without a development strategy;
63
• The costs of transition are higher. A reform that is not accompanied by a clear
strategy of development can run into serious social costs that endanger the
reform itself. For example, the four largest domestic banks should not have
been closed all at the same time, although this was justified by a lack of fund
to rehabilitate them, it was imprudent because it was simultaneous;
• The final result of transition without a strategy is a lower than optimal rate of
GDP growth. During the tax reform in 2001, the lack of global overview of
reform moves prevented taking into account the extreme growth of budget
income3. Consequently, tax rates were not corrected down, although should
have been, and the burden imposed on the economy and the population stayed
the same;
• So – called transitional recession can appear in the initial stages of transition, a
consequence of reorganizing companies, decreased production and GDP, as
well. In year 2000, when reform was continued, the level of overall GDP and
GDP per head was 45-50% of its value at the end of 1980s, when reached the
maximal level. Due to low (statistical) basis drastic transition recession should
be avoided;
• If the errors in macroeconomic and development policy and it implementing
reform steps pile up, the final result of reform can be endangered. The negative
consequence on economic growth can cause social tension to grow. Finally, it
may happen that advocates of reform leave the political scene even before they
finish key transition tasks, which really happened at the beginning of 2004.
WHAT CAN BE DONE?

Since the beginning of 1990s, there has been no legal requirement for producing
development (plan) document for all level of community, from governmental to
local. However, the Government of the Republic of Serbia has given initiative for
making the development strategy twice.
The first attempt was "Strategy for Economic Development of Serbia until 2010"
(Strategy 2010), the document prepared by the expert team formed by Ministry for
Science, Technology and Development (Ministry for Science, Technology and
Development, 2001). The proposal has never been adopted by the Government and
it has not been passed on to another institution, such as Parliament, and it cannot be
considered an official development strategy.
The vision and objectives of economic development of Serbia formulated in the
"Strategy 2010" give preference to sustainable development of Serbian economy, in
the sense of achieving a constantly sustainable growth. This approach to studding
complex social, economic and ecological / spatial issues in the period of transition
toward a market economy does not have an all – inclusive character. The positions
on the role of the market, private property, and foreign investments are not very
clear. Thus, it remains unclear which development option is the foundation of the
proposal. It seems that it was necessary to render market, plan and mixed versions of
3
Mainly because of Cunter Olivera - Tanzi effect.
development strategy for the following period. In the potential option of mixed
economic strategy there would be a parallel and responsible role for both the state
and the companies, especially the newly established small and medium scale
enterprises. There would be a combination between the role of the market and an
adequate state protection for the key players in the process of restructuring and
privatization. Yet, such an option is not even sketched in then "Strategy 2010".
In term of transition, the offered model corresponds neither to earlier, nor to the
newer model of transition towards market economy. This means that propositions of
the Document were not based on a neo – liberal approach, typical and dominant at
the beginning of 1990s. In the Document offered, there is not a single word about a
transition towards a market economy "in one step", about "transitional shock" or a
"radical approach" to transition. There is no stress on the speed and the drastic
character of reforms, without taking into account the fact that the transition steps and
their sequence have not yet been elaborated. There is no stress on the use of the
achieved consensus about the need for the transition, and no mention of wave of
enthusiasm for change existing in the major social classes. Having in mind that the
approach in the "Strategy 2010" was one sided, exclusively economic, it could be
said that it has the indirect features of a neo – liberal strategic attitude. The model of
development it offered was not based on the, lately prevailing, gradualist approach
to transition, as well. The Strategy offered did not give answers to the key questions
regarding transition – it did not commit either to the radical or the gradual approach.
Thus there is an impression that authors were trying to keep a neutral position in
relation to the two established models. In this manner a development strategy was
produced, which left an impression of academism, without any positive connotation
in this instance. A rather abstract and unrealistic picture of the society and economy
strengthens this impression.
The problems and limitations of the transition period were particularly neglected in
the Document. It is apparent that designers of the Strategy played down the costs
and resistances that inevitable appear during transition toward a market economy,
especially those of social character. This is a reason that such a document could not
answer the challenges that those who create and realize the development and macro
economic policy face with. It put them into an inferior position, with the added
danger of a negative result, brought about by not taking measures to neutralize
problems and resistances.
The second, much serious, attempt "National Development Strategy 2006-2012" (the
Strategy 2006-2012) was done in 2006 (Republican Bureau for Development,
Ministry for Economy, 2006). It was more professionally prepared and more
important document, supported by so – called Socio – Economic Council, which as
a tree party body consisting the representatives of the Government, Trade Unions
and Employers, and supported by the Chamber of Commerce, as well. It was
supported in a way that Project proposal was discussed in December 2005 and a
consensus was established regarding goals, tasks and priorities.
The Strategy 2006-2012 was prepared more professionally, as it was done mainly
within Republican Bureau for Development, the institution responsible for
development and macroeconomic policy proposals and analysis. It was also
65
discussed within several ministries responsible for economic and social
development, like Ministry of Economy, Ministry of Science and Ecology, Ministry
of Infrastructure (Construction and Transport), Ministry of Labor, Employment and
Social Policy.
The main development goal was identified as the increase in standard of living of all
citizens and dynamic and sustainable economic development. The main tasks were
defined as follows: high rate of growth of GDP, decrease in unemployment and
increase in international competitiveness. As the reasons to prepare such a proposal
it was stated that Serbia with its own plan, can prove its firm democratic and Pro
European orientation, which accepts European standards, affirms and activates
development potentials of Serbia to the maximum.
The Document starts with the achievements and problems. Serbia realized in the
period 2001-2005 high growth rate of GDP of 5.5% per annum, increase in real
wage per month to EUR 300, restructuring of banking system and finished
privatization of majority of companies. However, one has to bear in mind important
development problems, as follows: still low level of GDP per head of USD 3.200,
high level of poor citizens between 10-20% of the whole population, more than 20%
is the rate of unemployment, low level of international competitiveness of Serbian
companies (it was ranked as 85th on World Bank’s list in 2005), still high inflation
rates (17.7% in 2005 and 6.6% in 2006), Balance of payment deficit, which is more
than 10% of GDP, and last, but not less important, serious regional imbalances (1:8).
At the same time the Document pointed inconsistency in market reforms and overall
transition, such as: modest and not sustainable development of small and medium
scale enterprises in private sector, non efficient restructuring of large socially and
state owned companies without market prospective, with acceptable social solutions.
Those very ambitious goals and tasks proposed by the Strategy 2006-20012 are
faced with high risks. Firstly, problem is to encourage foreign direct investment
(reached maximum of EUR 4.4 billion in 2006) and to activate domestic savings in
order to make high growth rate of GDP more realistic. Secondly, Serbian companies
have to become more competitive internationally and to export more and more,
especially more than import. Thirdly, share of the Public consumptions and
especially Budget consumption in GDP inevitably has to go down.
The main problem with the Strategy 2006-2012 is related to the fact that this was
adopted by the Government at the very end of its mandate, late 2006 and not by
Parliament. Secondly, at the same time it was neither discussed, nor supported by
the Chamber of Commerce and Socio - Economic Council, like at the beginning of
the work on it. Thirdly, it was stated that the Strategy 2006-2012 is linking different
development documents, like Program of Reforms of Republic of Serbia from 2001,
the Strategy of Republic of Serbia for joining the European Union from 2005,
including more than twenty industrial strategies, although those documents were not
harmonized.
The new Government of Serbia from the spring of 2007 was formed by different
political parties in comparison to previous one. So, nevertheless the Strategy will be
not threaded as its own document and not fully supported. The document proposed
was the chance to make consensus again, like in 2000, about main development
goals and tasks. Unfortunately, it was not discussed and adopted in Parliament,
although one could not see so serious obstacles to do so. So, new Government would
not feel comfortable with it. Instead, it can be criticized, like former Government did
with the Strategy for SME development, which was the document adopted by the
Government predecessor to the former one.
The essentially important for successful realization of a transition and development
strategy is to create consensus of all important influential social groups, if possible
important political parties, as well. However, the recovery of the consensus for
change, which was established at late 2000, was possible, but time - consuming. So,
at late 2006 the Government and ruling parties in it, started election campaign,
instead. Additional energy was so important, but the Government was afraid to put it
into discussion in Parliament prior to the election, which was at the beginning of
2007. It was useful also to discuss the final document with representatives of
Government, Trade Unions and Employers within Socio – Economic Council, but it
did not happen, although one could see that positive outcome was probable. The
same happened with the Chamber of Commerce. The Strategy 2006-2012 was
adopted by the Government, but without final support given by all those institutions.
So, it became vulnerable and weak document, without real power to become a
platform for consensus and for successful realization.
Especially weak point (from professional point of view) of the Strategy 2006 – 2012
was the emphasizes on reflections of all development documents created in the
meantime, since the political changes in 2000. Nevertheless, , it definitely can not
reflect all those documents, as they were prepared by different bodies and
institutions, and rather those documents reflected different prospective of ruling
political parties actual at the time of creation. Instead, on the contrary, the
development strategy as a corner stone can be a platform for creation of different,
partial industrial strategies.
WHAT TYPE OF TRANSITION AND DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY?

The most important result of the discussion led within international financial
institutions (mainly IMF and WB) on the basis of ten years of mixed experience in
undergoing transition, and in opposition to the transition strategies of the IMF and
WB, is the formulation of a new development paradigm – the comprehensive
development framework (CDF). This approach is based on four interconnected
principles (World Bank, 1999, Wolferson J.D., 1999):
− Integrated and long – term holistic development strategy or agenda,
− Independently developed strategy,
− Implementation of strategy through partnership, and
− Focus on development results.
It is primarily the representatives of the World Bank who advocate the holistic
development strategy, as an alternative to the typical recommendations of the IMF
from the beginning of 1990s, which were extremely neo – liberal and in many cases
one – dimensional – strictly economic, without any consideration of other important
67
aspects of development. A holistic, comprehensive approach does not entail creating
only the strategy of economic development, although this is the skeleton of any
development strategy, but also the elaboration of social, cultural, demographic,
environmental, spatial, and other objectives and policies. Otherwise, the strategy is
reduced to one – dimensional, or in the best case, multi – dimensional approach,
which is outdate at present, because it intensifies, instead of weakening structural,
regional, and other imbalances and conflicts. A comprehensive development strategy
entails defining well – balanced and mutually integrated strategies: macroeconomic,
structural, social, and infrastructural policies and development. Such a strategy
should be based on adequately paced analytic work and should set development
goals that are coordinated with global goals and development.
A long – term development strategy relies on a comprehensive and in – depth
diagnosis. It determines the key areas of development and its participants, including
internal and external players. Although it should be prepared and realized in
collaboration with international institutions and experts, a comprehensive
development strategy should be defined and implemented independently. It means
teaming up and collaborating with international organizations, but not the
dictatorship of these organizations, including international financials institutions.
The case of Slovenia shows that this is possible. This country implemented its policy
of transition without financial support or advisory help, and especially without IMF
restrictions. In Serbian case, the level of foreign debt, mainly due to international
creditors within so – called London and Paris club of creditors, did not allow for
entirely independent action, but the dictatorship of international organizations was
unnecessary, as well as the obedient attentiveness of local authorities. For example,
the propositions of the current Privatization Act from 2001 were needlessly and
unrealistically gauged exclusively for potential international strategic investors.
However, real life pointed that interest from this side is not so high and is focused
on monopolistic industries. In order to speed up privatization the Government
reacted positively in short period of time, with amendments to the Law opening
room for domestic capital in privatization, as well. Similarly, the measures of
liberalizing foreign trade created in 2000 and 2001 were radical and lacked a gradual
program, especially important in front of negotiation of Serbia with World Trade
Organization.
The strategy should be built and implemented on the basis of a consensus of the
most important social interest groups – the government, employers, trade unions etc.
The strategy of transition, development, macroeconomic, and other industrial
policies should be formulated in a partnership between the most prominent interest
groups and should be acceptable to them. This is a key problem with the Serbian
Strategy 2006-2012, as the final document was not even discussed within
Parliament, and with representatives of employers, trade unions within Socio –
Economic Council. It was necessary, especially in respect to the social cost of
transition, that the dynamic and the sequence of steps are known in advance. In this
way particular social groups would know when they will lose, and when they will
gain. Otherwise, conflicts, can emerge that can jeopardize the very process of
transitioning towards a market economy.
The strategy should also identify clashes, bottlenecks, connections, present and
potential competitive advantages and synergies. In order to be successful, it must be
translated into a mid – term framework of budget management and expenditure, and
into a development and economic policy. When implementing the development
strategy, the decision makers of development and macroeconomic policies should be
focused on the results of development. A multi - variant approach is needed, so that the
existing policy should be corrected on the level of the general strategy and particular
policies.
WHAT STRATEGY?
The official development strategy is important even if it should be created lately.
Through overall development approach, like strategic approach, some of those
negative consequences related to the lack of development strategy could be partially
neutralized. It is impossible to describe overall development strategy in the paper in
all details, but it is possible to point the rough picture of the content and to
illuminate potential traps which should be avoided.
Although Serbia passed important steps in market reforms and has grown fast in
recent years, starting position is still very low. During the period 2001-2006 Serbia
realized a number of market reforms, achieved macroeconomic stability and high
rate of economic growth, privatized prevailing number of companies, started process
of joining EU, with harmonization of number of laws and other adjustments. GDP
increased in the period by 5.5 % on average, with the peak in 2004 (9.3%) and
industrial production by 1.3% per year. Macroeconomic stability is improved
considerably, as retail price index decreased from 92% in 2001 to 6.6% in 2006,
with exchange rate stability and increasing foreign exchange reserves4. It was
partially due to public finance reforms and introduction of hard budget constraint, as
public finance deficit in the period 2001-2003 was transformed into surplus, for the
first time after years, of 2% of GDP. Although unemployment is still very high
(more than 20%), for the first time after years employment started to rise in 2004
(0.5%) and 2005 (0.9%). Free formation of wages resulted in their high increase –
15% per year in real terms. At the same time average monthly wage increased from
EUR 102 in 2001 to EUR 300 at the beginning of 2007.
Table 1 Serbia - Key Macroeconomic Indicators (Increase %)
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006*
GDP 5.1 4.5 2.4 9.3 6.5 5.5
Industry 0.1 1.8 -3.0 7.1 1.3 4.4
Trade 19.8 23.9 13.8 18.0 22.5 6.5
Traffic 9.6 6.9 5.0 4.8 2.5 11.4
Export 10.5 20.6 32.8 27.8 26.4 34
Import 28.0 31.8 33.2 43.8 6.1 19
Retail prices 91.8 19.5 11.7 10. 16.5 6.6
Source: Ministry of Finance of Serbia * - estimation
4
Foreign Direct Investment reached maximal volume of 4.4 billion EUR in 2006, mainly due to
privatization of companies and banks.
69
Several elements were analyzed in an attempt to estimate the potentials for future
development: human sources, natural sources, geo – strategic position, installed
equipment and external factors.
1) Human resources – It is obvious that socio - economic development is partially
influenced by demographic movements. The main characteristic of the demographic
situation is low natural increase of population, with tendency of further decrease.
Serbian population was 7.5 million at the last census (2002), but every year is
decreasing for 25 thousand people. Average number of employees is 2.050
thousands, or 27% of total population. Total employment started to increase in 2004
for the first time after years (0.5% and 0.9% in 2005). Number of unemployed
people is very high (more than 900 thousands), with the rate of unemployment of
20%. Middle educated people cover 41% of total population and 9% highly
educated and those with university degree. It can be argued that human resource is
good potential for future development, as people are good educated, especially
young generations and wages are still low. Typical market behavior and habits are
also important advantages.
Table 2 Demographical Indicators 2004
Share of
Total Total number
Comparison to employees in Unemploy-ment
population of employees
EU - 25 Total rate
(thousands) (thousands)
population
ЕU-25 459564 100,0 200557 43,6 9,0
ЕU-15 385479 83,9 172143 44,7 8,0
ЕU zone -12 311517 67,8 136626 43,9 8,8
Chess Republic 10203 2,2 4707 46,1 8,3
Hungary 10104 2,2 3900 38,6 5,9
Slovenia 1998 0,4 782 39,1 6,0
Slovakia 5379 1,2 2170 40,3 18,0
Bulgaria 7778 1,7 3264 42,0 11,9
Croatia 4441 1,0 1410 31,7 13,8
Rumania 21672 4,7 9158 42,3 7,1
Serbia 7533 1,6 2051 27,2 19,5
Source: UNECE Statistical Division Data Base
2) Natural sources – Agricultural land covers majority of Serbian territory (65%).

Agro ecological conditions are relatively good, but there is important to bear in mind
some limits, as well: low share of lowland in total, seasonal oscillation in rainfall,
small share of areas which are irrigated in total. Forest and forest land cover 26% of
total territory, with increasing number of tries per squared kilometer from North to
South. Metal mineral sources will be available until 2030, under official estimation,
especially cupper, zinc, and lead. At the same time there are plenty of non – mineral
sources, which are exploited less than ¼. Among energy sources Serbia is rich in
hydro potential, only.
3) Geo - strategic position – Serbia has good conditions considering that it is partly
on Balkan Peninsula, partly in Central Europe. A several strategic natural roads are
on its territory: from West to East Europe, From North Europe to South and Middle
East (European Corridor 10th). Particularly important advantage is Danube River,

with 500 km in Serbia. All this gives a chance for strong traffic and tourist industry.
4) Installed equipment – During the last decade capital was constantly a scarce
source. Investment maximum was in 1979, when share of gross investment was 33%
in GDP, but during the 1990s sharp decline in investment activities happened. It can
be argued that installed capacities are not limit for growth, as capacity utilization is
still low (1/3). However, it has to be stressed that sustainable development can not
be achieved on the same basis as before. It means that the economy desperately
needs investment in a new equipment in an attempt to push up technological level if
it wants to compete on the international market.
5) External factors - External liberalization, started transition, but not far matured
structural changes, can be labeled as the main factors which caused high and
increasing trade imbalance and the balance of payment deficit in recent years. Trade
deficit was EUR 5.6 billion in 2004 and covering value of import by value of export
was low and decreasing (37% in 2003 and 33% in 2004).
Table 3 Foreign Trade Indicators 2004.
Share
Exchange Trade Import Share of
of
rate Export Import balance Covering export
Import
(1EUR= (mil EUR) (mil EUR) (mil by export in GDP
in
...) EUR) % %
GDP %
EU 25 1,00 2858649,4 2806629,6 52019,8 101,85 27,84 27,34

Czech 31,891 54050,7 54770 -719,3 98,69 62,68 63,51
Estonia 15,6466 4797,3 6382,5 -1585,2 75,16 53,05 70,58
Cyprus 0,58185 909,3 3893,9 -2984,6 23,35 7,33 31,40
Latvia 0,6652 3396,1 5630,5 -2234,4 60,32 30,70 50,89
Lithuania 3,4529 7451,1 9319,7 -1868,6 79,95 41,57 51,99
Hungary 251,66 44473,9 46859,5 -2385,6 94,91 55,03 57,98
Malta 0,428 2160,4 2857,2 -696,8 75,61 50,06 66,20
Poland 4,5268 65113,1 70038,2 -4925,1 92,97 33,36 35,88
Serbia 70,0028 2831,6 8623,3 -5791,7 32,84 15,98 48,63
Slovenia 239,0874 12727 13558,4 -831,4 93,87 49,15 52,36
Slovakia 40,022 22395,9 23553 -1157,1 95,09 67,62 71,12
Bulgaria 1,9533 8004,5 10725,8 -2721,3 74,63 41,14 55,12
Rumania 40510 18930,6 24284,5 -5353,9 77,95 32,11 41,20
Turkey 1,77705 49761,9 75142,8 -25380,9 66,22 20,74 31,32
While economic are changing the state has to be more modern and more suitable for
business operation in newly created conditions. The basic state function can be as
follows:
− Creating and maintaining of an efficient legal system and the institutions of the
system, which should make a clear and fully comprehensive framework for acting
of each individual on the market;
71
− Maintaining a stable and stimulating economic environment, which is predictable
enough, so that entrepreneurs can undertake short and medium term decisions;
− Providing regulations and governing through efficient share in financing basics
social services and infrastructure;
− Providing social welfare for vulnerable categories of population (more than 300
thousand live in poor conditions).
The primary development goal is to achieve sustainable development, considering
deep structural imbalances, non – finished business of market reforms and need to
be incorporated into international market. Starting steps in recovery could be on the
basis of increasing capacity utilization. However, successful return to international
market has to be based on structural adjusted economy. At the same time it is
necessary to finish reforming process. So, main instruments to achieve sustainable
development would be:
1) Transition toward market economy,
2) Structural adjustment, including restructuring of enterprises and banks, and
3) Strategy of opening economy toward world market.
1) Transition – The process of transformation (long – term) of an inefficient non –
market economy to market one is inevitable. It includes development of all
necessary market institutions, legal infrastructure, creating conditions for market
functioning and privatization of enterprises.
a) It is necessary to develop market institutions and harmonize legal system with
European Union’s standards. Some of market institutions are developed or simply
adjusted, but some of them not yet, like institutional investors, investment funds etc.
At the same time legal regulation has to be adapted to those regulations of market
economies, especially EU. This huge task is started to realize with fiscal reform and
new Privatization Act, Corporate Law, recently with Law on Investment Funds and
Law on Securities, to make room for liberalization of internal market and
international trade regulation.
b) Conditions for functioning of all sorts of markets have to be matured. The
liberalization and development of the competition on internal market is very
important issue, has to be realized through competition policy and antimonopoly
regulation. "Market rules of game"have to be applied properly and legal contracts
and ownership have to be secured fully. As result of the steps mentioned above all
segments of market (market of commodities and services, money and capital market,
labor market and market of real - estate) will be developed in right direction.
c) Privatization was starting from the very beginning and finished for majority of
small and medium socially owned companies. The most difficult problem, which
remains and will influent further economic development considerably, is
restructuring and privatization of large socially owned companies, partly finished
only, and more important, restructuring and privatization of public companies, the
process which is not yet prepared.
2) Structural adjustment – The goal of structural adjustment of Serbian economy
(macro level) and restructuring enterprises and banks (micro level) is to create a
critical number of economic agents, which can operate efficiently under so – called
hard budget constraint. Serbian economy is inferior in competition on international
market, due to several structural imbalances. So, it has to overcome them during the
process of structural adjustment.
a) The role of tertiary sector (services) is negligible (its share in GDP formation). It
is necessary to motivate economic agents by using structural measures, especially
potential entrepreneurs to start new business in services particularly and /or to
reorient their activities from existed one into services.
b) It is important to give incentives to those projects which are export oriented,
energy and raw material economical, technologically intensive, capital and human
source saving, because the share of energy and raw – material production in total
industrial production of Serbia is too high now. Structural adjustment has to be
realized on both macro level and micro level. Adjustment of the firms would be
twofold: offensive and defensive sort.
c) An Offensive adjustment means that the role of small and medium scale
enterprises (SME) has to strengthen in comparison to other companies. It is in line
with policy of speedy growth of service sector. Policy for encouraging SME
development has to be focused on motivation of potential entrepreneurs to support
the start up and first steps in business (financial, non – financial support, training,
education, friendly legal environment, cluster support, technological park and
business incubator). It can be argued that growth of SME is even more important for
the success of transition process than privatization and restructuring of existed
companies.
d) Restructuring of existed enterprises mainly means that it is necessary to analyze
which parts of enterprises can survive and can be successful on the market and than
transform them (often) in all aspects: market reorientation, ownership
transformation, organizational restructuring, human sources adjustment, financial
rehabilitation and technological improvement. It is important to bear in mind that so
– called big transformation, e.g. restructuring of large enterprises need huge sources
and human energy and can be realized in long term, only.
e) Financial sector restructuring and rehabilitation of banks is inevitable, as well. It
includes three lines of activities: rehabilitation of existed banks, opening room for
foreign financial institutions to come and financial market development. While
rehabilitation of banks is practically finished by closing the biggest four banks and
several small (23 all in all), foreign banks at the end of 2006 were occupied ¾ of
Serbian market. At the same time modest results are achieved in the field of
financial market.
3) Outward oriented strategy - The goals of an outward oriented strategy would be
better involvement of Serbian economy into European and World economy and
larger volume of international trade. The importance of an outward oriented
development strategy is especially emphasized after destruction of the single market
of former SFR Yugoslavia, as more than ½ of GDP was subject of inter – republican
trade. Export sector of Serbian economy as a whole, has a priority treatment in such
orientation. The final aim is to improve competitiveness of companies, improved
73
efficiency and specialization in those products and services which have comparative
advantages. For an open oriented strategy the liberalization of international trade,
real exchange rate of dinar (Serbian currency) and incentives for foreign investors
are the main measures.
a) The most important steps of an outward oriented strategy already happened with
return to international financial organizations. Return to IMF and WB was
essentially important, as Serbia in meantime passed through two Stands – by
arrangement, with expectation to start new one very soon. The integration to WTO
would be of a great importance, as well, but one can not expect to be realized so
soon.
b) The steps toward international liberalization happened immediately after political
changes in October 2000. The use of non – custom duties and custom duties reduced
considerably. Further liberalization would be related to negotiation with WTO. The
real exchange rate is seen as crucial instrument for stimulation of export and
discouraging import volume to increase. From 2002 National bank of Serbia
introduced internal convertibility of dinar. However, in order to maintain low
inflation rate, the National bank of Serbia, has started policy of real appreciation of
dinar (in order to curb inflation), from the third quarter of 2006,which can hamper
structural changes in long – term.
c) The need for valuable foreign investment inflow is related to the lack of domestic
savings. The foreign direct investments can promote policy of structural adjustment,
as criteria for FDI enforcement are in line with criteria for structural adjustment
policy. Direct foreign investment would be stimulated, as this would be the best way
for improvement in efficiency of companies and new technology implementation.
One can argue that foreign investment through privatization of existed companies is
the best, because of dismantling a risk and non – credit relations. With maximal
volume of EUR 4.4 billion of FDI in 2006 Serbia can be satisfied. As it relates
mainly to privatization of companies and banks the point is to come into newly
established firms (mainly private SME).
BASIC ELEMENTS OF THE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY

The Bergen Declaration on sustainable development (1990) introduces "sustainable
development" in all sectors. Sustainable development includes settlements and
infrastructure and is based on: sustainable economy; preventive approach to
environmental protection; sustainable energy supply (which by rational exploitation
of the fossil fuels and by utilization of renewable energy sources prevents pollution
and environment degradation, while at the same time meeting the demands), and
sustainable industrial production which facilitates ‘clean’ technology with minimum
waste.
The International Declaration on Clean Production (1998), accepted in Seoul
(Industry and Environment, 1998), expects that all activities regarding the global
protection must include the implementation of sustainable production and the
practice of sustainable consumption, advocate for cleaner production, eco- efficiency
and preventive measures of environmental protection. Cleaner production should be
a part of integral preventive strategy in the processes, products and services, in

economic, social, medical, safety and other elements of the environment. It should
be included in all the aspects of planning and in the system of environmental
management.
The UN Protocol on Climate Changes (1997, Kyoto) obliges the signatory countries
to perform the activities in order to decrease energy consumption and use
technologies for reducing the greenhouses emissions for 12% until 2012, in
comparison to the situation in 1990; to do the inventory of the activities and
measures for emission reduction. All urban and spatial plans, should envisage the
reduction of greenhouse gas emission from local sources with the encouragement of
technologies, activities and models for the application of non-polluting /renewable
energy sources.
The Green Document on the City (Green Paper, 1990) was accepted by the EU in
order to define a joint strategy for city development and to solve their ecology
problems. Basic goals for improving the quality of environment in the cities and for
sustainable development are: (1) protection and management of the environment,
which implies the reduction of uncontrolled pressure and expansion of various
activities within the renovation of cities; (2) reduction of the role of cities in
pollution implies the recommendations for careful planning of industrial expansion,
and to use city spots that are already affected by industrial premises and their work.
It is very often cities that such places are deserted due to old technology and for
other reasons, and the recommendation is to bring such places /brown-fields/ to their
purpose. Industrial development in the Eastern-European cities was more oriented
towards new constructions (green-fields) and less towards activating abandoned
industrial locations.
Establishing the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD),
proposes dematerialization of the production process i.e. drastic reduction of
resource consumption per unit of production/service. The proposal for eco-
restructuring of industrial branches also suggests the application of eco-efficiency in
production, utilization, consumption and disposal after consumption of products.
One of the primary goals of industrial policy is to establish the foundations,
premises and conditions for development of innovative and market competitive
industrial sector, which will also enable "ecological sustainability". Therefore, the
industry should not be only an ecological problem in the process of sustainable
development planning, but also an active participant in solving the global problems
of environmental development and protection. As for the industry, the expensive
ecological policy can help the optimization of resource management (by decreasing
the costs of production per product unit), the strengthening of the public belief in its
further development and possibilities.
Taking into consideration the new European development policy based on the
promotion of competitiveness in production and sales, innovations,
entrepreneurship, technical progress and introduction of the sustainable development
principle, certain sectors have found themselves in a very unpleasant situation
(regarding the requirements and standards of ecology, requirements for
dematerialization of production, energy consumption, introduction of eco-efficient
75
technologies, etc.), especially energy power supply, ore exploitation and processing,
non-ferrous and ferrous metallurgy, oil industry, non-metal industry, etc.(Choucri
N., 1995). Most of the ‘clean’ and waste-free technologies reduce environmental
pollution; rationalize consumption of raw materials, energy resources, water, etc.
The policy of sustainable industrial development, which treats competitiveness and
environmental protection as one process, implies the implementation of the integral
package of measures which includes (Zeković S,1996, 2006): dialogue with the
industry and its associations; managing of industrial deployment, improving spatial
and strategic planning; managing and monitoring the production process including
the system of integral prevention of pollution and control, ecological surveillance
and monitoring, efficient ecological evaluation and calculation of the costs, more
efficient utilization of technology; introduction of market-oriented system of
consumption fees; utilization and pollution of natural resources; applying production
standards; applying systems of ecological marking of the products; prevention of
environmental damage in the process of production; defining the roles, obligations,
responsibilities and rights of specific participants; preparation of support to
sustainable industrial development from the state.
CONCLUSION
Although Serbian development after 2000 got momentum together with introduction
of market reforms, considering the need for caching up other transitory economies,
Serbia has used its chance only partially. One of the main reasons for the outcome
was the lack of official development and transition strategy. The neo - liberal
approach which prevailed during 2000-2006 period generated inevitably lower than
optimal rate of growth and more important ruined overall consensus of relevant
social groups, which was achieved after political changes in late 2000.
Macroeconomic and development policies were not coordinated well, so outcomes
were worse than possible. Increased social tensions and fighting between the most
powerful political parties made that some of prominent pioneers of reforms
disappeared from the political scene.
The need for development and transition strategy means preparing an overall
comprehensive development framework, with alternatives for crucial questions and
opening discussion between public, researchers and decision – makers. The former
attempt to generate the development strategy was complete failure (in 2001), but
new one (prepared in 2006) can be labeled as good enough to be the basis for
strategy acceptable by all relevant institutions and social groups. After certain
improvements and overall discussion it can be offered to responsible governmental
bodies in order to become an official transition and development strategy of Serbia
and at the same time the platform for steps necessary to join EU. Then full energy of
the society and economic agents can be used in its realization in coordinate manner.
Sustainable industrial development implies defining the frame of general and
sector industrial policy, in accordance with the Lisbon Agenda. The policy of
sustainable industrial development should be directed towards enabling equilibrium
between short-term profit for the enterprise and long-term effects on the society in
general.
The sustainable development of this sector in Serbia, in accordance with the EU
policy, should be oriented towards: defining the precise goals and levels of
environmental protection in this field; implementing innovations in the strategy of
corporative development towards enabling sustainable development; supporting the
development of low-carbon industrial and economic activities, implementing
‘integral control of pollution’ in the enterprises including waste prevention; clear
concept of responsibility for ecological damage; standard emission for all industrial
sectors depending on type and level of technology and their role in requirements
regarding quality of water, air, etc.; gradual reduction of air and water pollution
according to standard emissions in specific sectors (for existing sources of pollution
there is a transition period for the enterprises to introduce protective measures and
standards of emission); tax allowances and incentives for the enterprises which meet
the environmental requirements and apply the results of research; tax inducements
for new technology implementation (which replace non-renewable resources with
renewable ones, which improve energy efficiency, reduce industry waste and
pollution); securing financial means for the enterprises for environmental protection
as a precondition for implementing ecological regulations; utilization of ‘clean’
technologies; rational energy consumption; economic exploitation of raw materials
and materials; efficient industrial waste management; risk management.
Accepting the EU industrial policy can cause negative short-term effects in business
operations of enterprises, which are in the countries that are candidates for
membership in the EU. Therefore, the EU industrial policy in the transitional period
should help these countries (including Serbia) to alleviate and overcome numerous
serious problems in the process of integrating their industries into the EU.
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THE INFLUENCE OF THE EUROPEAN POLICIES ON

POSSIBILITIES OF SUSTAINABLE INDUSTRIAL
DEVELOPMENT IN SERBIAN CITIES
1
Slavka Zekovic
Abstract
This work discusses the possible influences of industrial policy, the EU mining and energy
supply policies on the restructuring and sustainable development of these sectors in Serbia,
in the period of transition to a market-oriented economy. It points out the necessity to
incorporate strategic goals of development of the European area and its economy, by the
principles of competitiveness, innovation, entrepreneurship, sustainable development, into
the policy of spatial industrial development of the cities throughout Serbia.
In order to solve the main problems of long-term industrial development in Serbian towns, it
is necessary to adjust the industrial policy with the policy of territorial development of this
activity in order to increase the competitiveness. From the aspect of the new policy of
competitiveness regarding the European area, it is advised to maximize the ever-growing
involvement of the knowledge-based economy, innovations and entrepreneurship or, the so-
called ’learning economy’, as well as a ’low-carbon economy’. Apart from a sustainable
development of the industry, a special role is assigned to the introduction of ’low-carbon
sources’ into the corporate business strategy, i.e. a reduction of the carbon consumption in
industrial activities, by way of applying the ’low carbon criteria’ in the decision making
process regarding business development issues. Therefore, this essay illustrates the necessity
of studying and harmonizing the planning of sustainable spatial development of Serbian
industry in accordance with the European policy as defined in the Lisbon Agenda, the
Territorial Agenda of EU, the Program of Competitiveness in EU 2007-2012, and by the
mining and energy supply policy of the EU. It is essential to explore the ways of including
the policy priorities and instruments into spatial organization strategy, into spatial planning
and urban policy as well as into some sector policies in Serbia. Dynamic changes in spatial
structure of towns and wider areas are in the focus of attention, as well as, the development
of new economic poles in urban areas, new locational- spatial forms of industry and
economic activity. It is considered that the processes of globalization and market
mechanisms have led to the ’break down’ of urban structures into numerous specialized and
fragmented localities, by way of developing economic clusters and other activities dispersed
in a populated structure. The development of new economic poles in towns is a consequence
of activating new localities and changing the present territorial organization under the effect
of multinational companies and the development of ’knowledge-based’ economic activities.
In some big towns in Serbia (Belgrade, Novi Sad) the new economic poles – new industrial,
1
dr Slavka Zekovic, Senior research fellow, Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial
Planning of Serbia, Belgrade
79
commercial, entrepreneurial zones developed systematically or spontaneously in the
suburban areas (along highways and main roads) have a major role in spatial development
of economic activities and in the planning of territorial organization of certain areas.
Key words: industrial policy, sustainable development, spatial-planning policy, new
economic poles, town development
INTRODUCTION
New European policies in the fields of industry, mining, energy supply and spatial
development should have an important role in the design of a new phase and
development policy of these above-mentioned sectors in Serbia, as well as in the
urban and spatial-planning policies at all levels. The policy of economic and social
development based on new knowledge, innovation, entrepreneurship, economic
efficiency and the principles of sustainable development, presents a new paradigm
of territorial development. Harmonizing the EU strategic goals with the industrial
(and mining) and energy supply policies and instruments is a key factor for
European competitiveness and economic growth, i.e. for competitiveness of
individual areas.
Environmental protection as a strategic EU goal, in the process of its expanding
towards the East, puts certain requirements in front of candidate countries and all
potential candidates, to focus, among other things, their attention on social, regional,
environmental and spatial consequences of restructuring the industries and mines i.e.
to their new phase of development based on sustainable principles. In this context,
all new possibilities and general directions for the restructuring and development of
industry and mining should be explored. In order to develop the competitiveness in
the economy and society, it is necessary to improve the industrial competitiveness as
the basis for a sustainable development of the EU strategy. Knowledge, innovations
and entrepreneurship are the key elements for achieving the sustainable
competitiveness.
One of the important links in coordinating the economic, development, industrial
and spatial development policies of Serbia with the EU strategic principles, in the
following period, is the planning of sustainable spatial and urban development. In
the transition of the present economic system towards a market-oriented economy,
the planning of industrial development is not only to neutralize basic conflicts, to
increase the efficiency and maximize general welfare, but also to facilitate
competitive and eco-friendly industries and sustainable development. The main
reason for this is the need to join the EU in the future. Membership in the EU
implies certain obligations for the candidate countries regarding industrial and social
cohesion, based on the principles of sustainable development and regional
cooperation as a strategic frame for integral development. This basically refers to
defining and managing of development policies in the field of industry, mining,
spatial development, energy supply, environmental protection, infrastructure, etc.,
according to the principles of sustainable development. One of the issues is how to
coordinate these policies with a large number of standards, especially those related
to sustainable industrial development policy.
In the present transitional and development phase, it is necessary to start adjustment

of development, spatial and economic policy with the European standards and
requirements for EU membership, in order to create the preconditions for efficient
planning, functioning and competitiveness of our territory and industrial sector
(including mining industry). The process of transition in industrial sectors in Serbia
has been taking place since the end of 2006 without a verified development strategy.
In the field of strategic industrial development planning in Serbia, the following
documents are relevant: "Serbia’s National strategy of Industrial Development 2007-
2012" (adopted at the end of 2006), "Serbia’s Development Strategy for Small and
Medium Enterprises and Entrepreneurship by 2008" and "The Spatial plan of the
Republic of Serbia" (1996). Having in mind that the aim of our country is to join the
EU, and thus in accordance with highly-defined terms, it is necessary for a candidate
country to meet certain conditions prior to entering the EU. Harmonization implies
coordinating the industrial, mining and energy supply policies with EU policy in
these segments, based on principles of competitiveness and sustainability. This
process has its territorial aspect as well, which can be seen in dynamic changes of
the spatial structure of towns and surrounding areas, the development of new
economic poles in urban areas, new locational-spatial forms of industry and
economic activities.
NEW EU INDUSTRIAL POLICY AND ITS HARMONIZATION WITH THE

SPATIAL INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT IN SERBIAN TOWNS
The frameworks for new industrial/economic EU policy have been adopted in
Lisbon, in 2000. The elements of the new industrial policy and development strategy
of EU are based on industrial competitiveness founded on knowledge, innovations
and entrepreneurship. Accordingly, the role of industrial policy is significantly
changing. The most important goal in the following period is competitiveness, i.e.
the ability of the economy to provide a high and growing standard of living, as well
as high rates of employment. Achieving industrial competitiveness that is founded
on knowledge, innovations and entrepreneurship presents the core of EU sustainable
development strategy. The main target of the industrial policy is the development of
potentials for EU expansion, and the main protagonists are small and medium
enterprises, with their clusters and innovations. The major elements of the Lisbon
Agenda are: (a) vital sustainable economic development and stimulation of planned
growth by applying adaptable combined macro-economic policy; (b) preparation for
transition towards a knowledge-based economy (industry) and society, by defining
the appropriate policies which favour an information-oriented society, and research
and development; (c) coordination of phases of the structural reforms, in order to
achieve competitiveness and innovation in conditions of complex markets; (d)
modernization of European society, by way of investing in people and their
education.
The role of EU industrial policy as a supranational policy is to: (a) establish a
predictable legal framework for the efficient functioning of industry in order to
prevent the risk of wasting resources or blocking entrepreneurial initiative; (b) to
ensure the conditions for industrial development, since it is the most important
81
activity for the realization of the EU concurrency potentials; availability of
technology, managerial skills, skilled work force, entrepreneurship, financial
potentials and other factors that together make a competitive and business
environment, should be in the focus of activity of industrial policy creators; (c) to
provide framework, institutions and instruments necessary for the business
environment; (e) to provide a socio-economic and spatial cohesion.
The enterprises have great responsibility in realizing their competitiveness, as well
as in taking on responsibility for the realization of general social interests, like, for
instance, helping to fulfill environmental and social priorities. Small and medium
enterprises are the axis of European industry, since they participate with 2/3 in total
employment, around 70% in added value, and with 13% in import of the EU, thus
stimulating competition and forcing big companies to advance their efficiency and
innovative activities (Savic, Lj., Zekovic S., 2004). Research and development
policy, knowledge and innovation are essential for sophisticated industries. A very
important task of the industrial policy is to stimulate innovative activities and to
invest in human resources in order to efficiently utilize and diffuse knowledge. This
means that supporting the formation of innovational clusters will be top priority. The
formation of a sustainable production structure is the key to industrial productivity
growth. The key elements for achieving these aims are: improving the ecological
efficiency in the utilization of resources and increased usage of by-products;
strengthening recycling industry market possibilities; encouraging the development
of clean technologies; implementing ecological management with special regard to
the specific characteristics of small and medium enterprises.
The Lisbon Agenda points out the need for restructuring the enterprises in the
countries of Eastern and Southeastern Europe. This process is especially painful in
the countries in transition. Countries in transition show no need for industrial policy
coordination. This is partly a consequence of the development of the regional market
and intraregional trade, as the initial forms of unification. The above-mentioned
processes are quite alarming because of the planning processes in transitional
countries, and because of the further falling behind of the developed EU countries.
According to Hare P., Hughes G. (1992), the expansion of the EU to the East opens
up potential discrepancies due to the loss of one part of the South-eastern European
market, because the liberalization of export trade and enlargement of the scope of
economy in these countries has had an influence on certain changes in EU
competitiveness. Entrepreneurship and small and medium enterprises have a lesser
growth in candidate countries for the membership in the EU. Small and medium
enterprises are usually located in the border regions in these countries due to lower
costs of production, lower cost of local material input (raw materials, energy, etc.)
and cheaper skilled work force. As a solution for the possible negative effects on the
EU industrial policy, the industrial leaders and politicians are opposed to moving the
European industrial production outside the EU because of cheaper labour, lower
social costs and regulative flexibility in East Europe. The EU Committee (2004) has
published a document in which it estimates the competitiveness of the European
industry and the risk rate of deindustrialization, and suggests special solutions. By
dislocating a part of EU industry into the industrial centres of Eastern Europe, the
EU Committee removes industrial competitiveness to the extended part of the

Union, which, from the point of industrial, global and territorial aspects, opens up
new questions.
The candidate countries benefit greatly from the transfer of technology,
organizational and managerial knowledge and skills, as well as from modern
institutional solutions, which establish the preconditions for their gradual moving
towards leading industrial countries. Member states of the EU have profited as well
from using various benefits when investing in these countries (highly skilled and
relatively cheap labour, conquering new markets, eliminating duty barriers, access to
new resources, etc.). By accepting the joint EU industrial policy, in a short-term
period, could have very negative business effects for the enterprises of new EU
member-countries. Therefore, the EU industrial policy in the transitional period
must help these countries to alleviate and overcome many serious problems in the
integration of their industries into the EU industrial area. The achieved European
values should be alleviated by establishing an effective implementation of the
industrial spatial development policy in Serbia.
Membership in the EU implies acceptance of the existence of a supranational
industrial policy, which can significantly narrow the policies of member-states,
limiting their efficiency due to the complex relations within the EU itself. In the
present phase of transition and development, it is necessary to begin with the
harmonization of our development, spatial and economic policy and regulations with
the requirements for membership, in order to provide preconditions for efficient
planning, functioning and the competitiveness of our territory. In the field of
planning the strategic industrial development in Serbia, the following documents are
relevant: Serbia’s National Strategy of Economic Development 2007-2012",
"Serbia’s development strategy for small and medium enterprises and
entrepreneurship by 2008", "Serbia’s National strategy for the integration of SCG
into the European Union" (2005) and "The Spatial plan of the Republic of Serbia".
These documents, (except for Spatial plan of the RS) do not include or only mention
in some fragments the field of spatial development, with few comments on
sustainable industrial development (in Spatial plan of the RS). Such a situation poses
a question on how to overcome inefficiency in the industrial sector, and a drastic fall
in all parameters of industrial growth, and how to overcome the necessity of
restructuring the sector and establishing new industrial policy, as well as how to
establish the policy of territorial development of this activity, in order to maximize
competitiveness.
In order to avoid the further falling behind the EU countries and to overcome
developing problems in Serbia (including its industry) in the period of transition, it
is necessary to begin with the harmonization of the relevant regulations with our
official industrial development strategies based on sustainability. It is going to be a
difficult process, since, apart from solving the problems that EU industry policy
creators are facing, there are still many problems caused by our previous inefficient
industrial development such as: structure transformation, improvement of technical-
technological levels, achieving higher efficiency, lower unemployment, ecological
restructuring, etc. While the EU has started its transition of industrial development
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towards knowledge-oriented activities and branches, Serbia has started the transition
of its economic system towards a market-oriented industry. This opens complex
issues of how to approach and to comply with the EU industrial policy in planning
industrial development and locations, in the conditions of a necessary ‘double jump
transition’ (of industry) in Serbia: (1) towards a market-oriented industry, by raising
efficiency (economic, ecological, energy, eco-efficiency, etc.), by development of
‘low-carbon’ economy; (2) towards the development of ‘knowledge-oriented’
industry and other economic activities. Sectors with no future should be defined;
their capacities should be shut down, as well as the sectors with a future but under
the influence of negative trends and which need long-term protection. Protection of
the vulnerable also implies defining those industries which have a strategic
importance for the country and individual region. According to the EU Program of
competitiveness, in the period 2007-2013 for the target year (2013), concurrency
growth, economic and employment growth are estimated to be 16,3 billion of
euros/per year out of total 158,5 billion euros, while 32,2 billion of euros are
planned for economic growth and regional employment with development deficits,
26,7 billion euros for agriculture, 9,8 billion euros for protection and management of
natural resources, etc. In other words, around 33% of the EU budget is planned for
direct industrial growth.
In accordance with the Strategy for Serbia’s membership in the EU, one of the
possibilities is the development of industrial parks, which would later become
clusters, together with the necessary general infrastructure, and with the possibility
of fast construction of business and production facilities, fiscal incentives and
qualified work force. The National Investment Plan supports the construction of
industrial zones in 49 towns in Serbia. The process of restructuring and privatization
in the Republic of Serbia is very important for industry development. One of the key
steps is the development of technology, the modernisation of existing and acquiring
new production technologies. In order to have a competitive industry, Serbia has to
ensure conditions for quality infrastructure, which should be brought to the level of
quality of the EU countries. All enterprises should introduce the CE mark (for the
quality of goods), which would contribute to competitiveness and simplify export
into the EU countries. Meeting the basic ecological demands, presents the will of
member-countries to ensure that each article placed on the market is safe for use and
harmless to human health and the environment. Concerning the requirements for
harmonization, it is necessary to make new laws on standardization, accreditation,
technical regulations in this area; to establish a market control system; to implement
harmonization standards into our legislation; to modernize the institutions for the
quality of infrastructure; to introduce the CE mark; to implement the instruments for
ecology licenses, environmental impact study, etc.
The Principles of sustainable development relevant for territorial

development of the industry and mining
With the establishment of the World Business Council for Sustainable Development
(WBCSD, 1995), and integration of the World Industry Council for the Environment
and the Business Council for Sustainable Development, institutional conditions for
global solutions of ecological efficiency in the production and sector of services,

have been established. The Council suggests dematerialization of the production
process i.e. drastic decrease of resource consumption per unit of product/service.
Within the proposal of eco-restructuring of economic and industrial branches, it has
been suggested to apply the principles of eco-efficiency in production, usage,
consumption and disposal. Including the ecological component in the development
plans for certain industrial enterprises is generally related to a decrease in business
efficiency on one side, and on the other side, successful management of the
production process in industry directly affects reduction of certain pollutions
(hazardous) materials per production unit. Ecological problems directly influence
the growth of industrial investments and play an important role in the decision
making process concerning investments. The international declaration on clean
production technology (Industry and Environment, 1998, Seoul) prescribes
sustainable production and consumption, advocates for cleaner production, eco-
efficiency and preventive measures. Cleaner production should be a part of the
integral preventive strategy in processes, products and services in economic, social,
health and other segments of the environment. This is recommended for all aspects
of planning, as well as for the system of environmental management. Integral and/or
spatial and urban planning are the areas which require favoring the development and
placement of cleaner productions. Main goals of social development (prosperity,
greater employment, higher quality of living and the environment) require, among
others, certain changes regarding development and efficient utilization of natural
resources. Sustainable industrial development implies changes in: a) dimensions
(ecological, economic, political, and institutional), b) processes (ecological balance
and elasticity, production and consumption, sector and public participation,
compliance and responsibility, etc.), c) basic integration principles towards
ecological and socio-economic efficiency, d)main goals of total and industrial
development in decision making process, e) terms of implementation. From the
environmental protection point of view, for sustainable industrial development
planning it is important to respect the principles of transgenerational equality and
rights, especially in utilization of natural resources – soil, water, energy sources, raw
materials and other, as well as the integration of environmental protection and
development. These principles are to be conducted in all phases of industrial
planning. Globally, the main principles are: ecological and social efficiency, within
the utilization of natural resources: a) energy saving and prevention of exploitation
of non-renewable resources, substitution of non-renewable resources, b) rational
usage and recycling of renewable and partly renewable resources, depending on the
environment capacity for their renewal, c) limiting the gas, liquid and solid waste
emission to the absorption capacity of the local environment (minimalization of
waste by adjusting the emission level to the ecological capacity of the environment).
Basic principles of sustainable development imply the preservation of the local
environmental capacity, minimization of pollution, eco-efficiency in exploitation of
minerals (and all other) resources, application of caution principles in investment
and planning in the decision making process, application of the principle that ‘a
pollutant is financially responsible’, application of EIA, SEA, IPPC instruments
and other. Having in mind new European development trends and economic
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competitiveness, based on promotion of concurrency development of production and
services, innovations, entrepreneurship, technical progress, greater introduction of
the sustainable development principles, all these have put the industry and mining
sector in a rather difficult situation ( in relation to ecology requirements and
standards, requirements to dematerialize production, to reduce energy consumption,
to introduce eco-efficient technologies), etc. In the mining industry, application of
basic principles of sustainability is even more complex since the material input (and
output) are usually massive. It requires a longer period for adjustment and
preparation of this sector for the implementation of the principles and policy of
sustainable development. In 1999, basic principles for the mining sector (Berlin
Guidelines, 1999) were adopted and they should be applied by the governments,
mining companies and industries for the processing of minerals: 1. recognition of
high priority for ecological management by the process of licensing, development
and application of the managerial system in environmental protection. It should
include EIA (environment impact assessment) at a very early phase, pollution
control and prevention measures, monitoring and surveillance over activities, and
relevant procedures; 2. Recognition of the importance of socio-economic
assessments and social planning in mining operations (on the level of politics and
project level also); 3.Establisment of ecology accounts in industries and
governments at high level of management, strategy and decision-making processes;
4. Encouragement of workers at all levels, to accept responsibility for ecology
management and the provision of adequate resources; training for ecology
management; 5. Ensuring participation and dialogue with local communities and
other interested parties concerning ecology and social aspects in all phases of mining
activities, with participation of women and other marginalized social groups,
6.Acceptance of better practices for minimal ecology degradation, in accordance
with a special environmental regulation; 7.Acceptance of ecology-based
technologies in all phases of mining activities; 8.Provision of additional funds and
new financial arrangements, for improving ecologic performances of the existing
mining operations; 9. Respect of risk analyses, and risk management in adopting the
regulation, its design and its application in mining activities, including hazardous
waste disposal; 10.Improvement of infrastructure, of information system services, of
training and skills for environmental management in accordance with mining
activities; 11.Avoidance of ecological regulations such as trade barriers and
investments; 12.Recognition of the connection between ecology, socio-cultural
conditions, human health and safety, local community and natural environment;
13.Recognition and acceptance of economic and administrative instruments, by
supporting tax policy for reducing pollution and introducing innovative
technologies; 14.Investigation of validity and practicability of the reciprocity
principle in the contracts for the reduction of trans-boundary pollution;
15.Encouragement of long-term investments in mining industry by simple
environmental standards, with stable and predictable ecological criteria and
procedures.
In the planning of sustainable development of industry and mining, socio-political
principles are relevant as well, among which, especially public participation,
strengthening regulation mechanisms and institutional involvement, development of
partnership of different actors, communication, education and consensus in the

decision-making process concerning investment projects. Unfortunately, in previous
history of mining development, an evident inertness and indifference was present
together with a common attitude of politicians that due to ‘moon landscapes’ and
pictures of surface mines, this sector is a general ‘baggage’ or burden for a society
(Industry and Environment, 2000). The relatively bad reputation of the mining
industry in the EU is in constant focus of environmental regulations. This sector
should be more open for the requirements of ecology. Establishing of indicators for
sustainable development of European mining industry is a positive step towards
helping the companies in this evaluation and for improving of their ecologic
performances, as well as towards the approach based on strict, scientific estimates of
environmental and health risks, assessment of socio-economic influences onto the
regulatory instruments, the issue of competitiveness i.e. increase in productivity and
employment (Euromines, 2005). According to the Chemicals Regulations EU, 2007
which is to be implemented in the mining sector 2013-2018, it is planned that all
companies which produce more than 1000 t of chemicals must be registered.
Most important issues of the mining industry are: economy of mining complexes,
market, sustainable development, environmental compatibility, impact on local
community, impact of the local community on the production process in the mining
complex, technical-technological issues, globalization and international cooperation,
etc. For instance, some general estimates on the increase of copper demand on the
market (on average 3, 9% per year, in the EU 8%, USA 9%, China 10%) and on the
existing and planned deficit of raw materials, concentrates and final products made
of copper (especially in Europe) indicate a future dramatic growth in the
development of new production and processing capacities and a growth of the
existing capacities worldwide. A special accent, in mining industry development, is
put on sustainable development and on the issues of environmental protection,
health and local community safety and relations with the society (for example,
through a social work license). Zeković S. 2007, points out, that the following
questions are the most important from the aspect of sustainable development of the
mining industry:
• Policies and regulation in the mining industry and metallurgy sector in relation
to social, economic, environmental issues and local community;
• Social issues and early involvement of local management/community into
development corporate strategies;
• Risk assessment, duration of products and its implications on sustainability;
• New development (of mining complex) based on better management of mining
gangues and waste management;
• Water management
• Energy management (energy saving and the minimizing of greenhouse gases),
etc.
Modern European economic development policy is based on growth of
competitiveness, knowledge, innovations and entrepreneurship (including principles
of sustainable development) and implies a stronger pressure on the mining industry
to be more eco-friendly. While, in developed countries, there is a trend to encourage
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and stimulate the mining industry, primarily, in order to provide enough minerals
from raw materials, semi-products and the growth of national income, however their
readiness to open new mines in developed countries is decreasing. Reasons for this
lie in, among others, the strict environmental requirements regarding environmental
protection, ecological consequences, compensations, high risk and potential
accidents, etc. in this sector. After the incidents with the bursting of embankments
and flotations in some mines, the areas with no possibility for opening new mines
are more numerous, with the manifestation of NIMBY syndrome (Not In My Back
Yard) (Ostensson O., 2000). There are also serious restrictions in the domain of
economic and ecological responsibility, including the environmental damages due to
mining activities. Delay in acceptance and implementation of the above-mentioned
policies would certainly postpone the adoption of new strategic plans regarding the
mining industry development, and they would be founded on the principles of
sustainable development.
Europe needs development of natural resources in order to decrease its dependence
and sensitivity on/to the global market, especially in trade with raw materials/metal
ores. The cost structure of the mining industry mainly depends on the local
conditions and factors, while the prices of metals are determined on the global
market. The main components in the cost structure of mining industry and
metallurgy are energy sources, ecology taxation and work force expenses, and they
are closely dependant of regulating policies. Owing to the regulating decisions of the
EU, which command higher penalties and other extra costs for ecology, the process
of relocation of companies for metal production as started, as well as their expansion
and the transfer of ‘know-how’ and direct foreign investments to Eastern countries.
It is assumed that, with the EU expansion, the average GDP per capita for 15
member-states will be 10% lower, especially due to the more dynamic growth of
GDP in new member-states (according to Kovačević R.,2004, in the period between
2000-2004, the growth rate of GDP in these countries was 3,2% and in old member-
states 1,8%)
Low-carbon corporate economy of the EU

The EU economic growth policy, in accordance with the Kyoto protocol on climate
changes, especially treats the issue of climate change impact on corporate business
and management risks. Special attention is given to the introduction of low-carbon
sources in the corporate business strategy, i.e. minimizing carbon consumption in
operations by respecting the criteria of ’low carbon’ in decision making processes.
Results of the survey performed leading word companies (Green Corp, 2007)
illustrate that around 71% of enterprises realize that their market position
depends on environmentally responsible behaviour; 40% of enterprises think that
carbon consumption is neutral; 55% of enterprises are not ready to include these
criteria in their future operations; 67% of enterprises think that energy-saving affects
their business; 26% of enterprises are willing to accept renewable energy resources.
Important elements of the corporate model of business and investment based on
sustainable principles of the EU are: energy efficiency of the enterprises and
branches (short-term expenses – long-term savings); minimizing of energy/carbon
consumption – best corporate policy; increase in demand for environmentally-

friendly products; positioning of corporate companies as leaders in ecology;
implementation of the principle: minimize carbon consumption – maximize profit;
investment risk and possibilities owing to climate, the investors’ expectations and
impact of factors for minimizing the energy/carbon consumption; influence of
changes in climate and of principles of sustainability on management risk and
positioning of the enterprises, i.e. share holders, pension funds, insurance and legal
firms to climate risk management through their portfolios; role of big enterprises in
the development of low-carbon industry (their influence in establishing a regulating
system, state institutions, etc.); investments in low-carbon future - investing into a
low-carbon industry; importance of the promotion of the so-called "green giants" or
"demonization" challenge in industry; evaluation of the best ways of introduction of
renewable resources; understanding and recognizing the new investment
possibilities of the enterprises; instruments for the application of the Kyoto protocol
onto the corporate level – low-carbon oriented development. Identification of risks
deriving from the climate change and its possibilities include natural resources and
raw materials, supply channels and logistics, production process, products and
services, workers, market, consumers’ demands, location, local community. Also it
opens up questions concerning the consequences deriving from the application of
the preventive measures regarding climate change in corporate business such as:
consequences on the company finance financial, market positioning, investors’
liability, and security. By implementing the Kyoto principles and requirements into
the existing risk management system at a corporate level, it is meant the establishing
of the scenario and implications on the environment and business, as well as the
implementation of new practice models. For example, in the EU in 1990, the copper
production complex used 4,6 Mwh/t, while in 2006 the usage was 1,7 Mwh/t or 63%
less (Zeković S.,2007).
NEW EUROPEAN ENERGY POLICY AND STANDARDS FOR MEMBER-

STATES AND CANDIDATE-COUNTRIES, IN THE PROCESS OF EU
EXPANSION – THE ADJUSTMENT OF THE INDUSTRY SPATIAL
DEVELOPMENT IN SERBIA
The EU Program of Concurrency and Innovation 2007-2013 estimates that ‘the
present level of energy consumption is untenable and that larger import of gas and
electricity carries certain political and economic risks. In addition to the EU energy
policy from 2001, member-states suggest the introduction of a new energy policy for
Europe, aiming to bring it into a new post-industrial revolution – into the
development of low-carbon economy in accordance with the aim of reducing
the emission of greenhouse gases.
One of the main goals of the energy policy is to develop renewable energy
resources, with a higher participation of these resources up to 12% in 2010, in
fulfilling the demand for energy. The ambitious and realistic goal of the new EU
energy policy is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to 20% in 2020, in comparison
to the figures from 1990. Furthermore, the European Committee suggests
maintaining the EU’s leading role in renewable energy consumption, proposing a
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new target – 20% of renewable and combined energy sources until 2020, with the
exploitation of nuclear energy in order to reduce the consumption of fossil fuels.
Today, nuclear energy makes up 14% of the world energy consumption and 30% of
the electricity production in the EU.
One of the main goals of the new energy policy is to save 20% of total primary
energy consumption by 2020. This indicates that the EU should consume 13% less
energy than today, thus, saving 100 billion euros and 780 t CO2 per year.
The focus of these policies is on the rationalization of production and energy
consumption from traditional and renewable resources, as well as from the new eco-
friendly resources in compliance with the EU Strategy for Sustainable Development,
The Green Book of the European Committee on the European strategy for safe
energy delivery and the Program of Concurrency and innovation of the EU 2007 –
2013. This new EU energy policy relies on the general strategic goal and
development directions for the European territory, society and economy on the
principles of competitiveness, innovation, entrepreneurship and sustainable
development. From the aspect of energy consumption policy, the sustainable
development is based on future low-carbon developed economy in the EU, i.e. on
development of the economy based on low-carbon energy sources. Development of
the EU economy relies, as well, on promoting investment in ecological innovations.
Eco-innovations are all innovations (ecological technologies) that aim to achieve
significant and obvious progress towards sustainable development, i.e. the
innovations that are oriented towards the reduction of negative environmental
impact and/or towards efficient and responsible exploitation of natural resources,
including energy sources, all with the assistance of the general EU Competitiveness
and Innovation Programme 2007-2013. The utilization of renewable energy sources
has not only many ecological advantages, but also has become the biggest growing
technology/industry in the EU, offering new and innovative jobs. The development
of technology and industry based on renewable resources utilization also contributes
to the industrial and social cohesion of the EU.
The EU countries are main players on the international energy market, thus making
the EU a big importer and the second consumer in the world. Energy is the key
geopolitical and economic factor in all European and global developments.
Concerning energy, the EU is very dependant on import – 50%, and this figure is
likely to grow up to 70% in 2030, unless something is done (European Commission,
2001.). Natural gas is imported 70%, oil 90%, and coal 100%. That is why the EU
expansion is relevant for changing this trend, since some candidate-countries (or ex-
candidate countries) are big producers of primary energy (for example: Poland -
coal, Romania - oil and gas, Kosovo – the highest energy potential for coal mining
in the Europe – note S.Z.). This situation resulted in the adoption of certain
documents and measures by the European Committee in 2001 - The Green Book of
the European Committee for the European strategy for safe energy delivery. This
document projects certain activities which should increase the energy flow stability,
safety and prosperity, and the EU expansion is a key factor for this. The energy
platform includes relevant laws on energy in the EU, regulations and policy, as well
as good institutional functioning (for instance: instruments of control as a legal
framework in the implementation of the Directives of gas, electric energy, nuclear

safety, the production of electric energy from new and renewable sources on the
local market, etc.). Regarding the implementation of new and renewable sources of
energy, the EU member-states are required to adopt general national targets in
accordance with a global target – to make 12% of total national energy consumption
from new and renewable resources, by 2010. In the Article 47 of the EU Programme
of Competitiveness and Innovation 2007 – 2013, it is stated that it will be almost
impossible to increase the participation of renewable energy more than 12% in
primary demand for energy in the EU by 2010.
In the process of EU expansion, from the aspect of energy, the candidate-countries
and the potential candidates (like Serbia) should fulfill eight requirements, among
which is paying special attention to social, regional and environmental consequences
of restructuring mines. In this context, restructuring and development of mining
industry and energy supply, in wider terms, represents also the implementation of
preliminary activities from the set of recommended measures for dealing with spatial
consequences as a result of the restructuring and development of mines. General
recommendations for candidate-countries are: (1) to make decisions on energy
policy with a transparent time schedule for the restructuring of this sector; (2) to
prepare their local energy market (in compliance with the directives on gas, electric
energy, transboundary trade with electric energy, electric energy from renewable
resources); (3) to improve the energy network in accordance with the European
market; (4) to perform necessary preparations for emergency situations, especially
by providing oil reservoirs for a 90 day period; (5) to focus their attention on social,
regional and environmental effects of the restructuring mines; (6) to ensure the
minimizing of waste energy and to increase the utilization of renewable energy in
their energy balance; (7) to ensure the safety of nuclear waste and its responsible
management. All candidate-countries for the EU membership are responsible for the
realization of these directives. This will require significant investments. Although,
the EU will continue to financially support these countries from its pre-membership
funds, big investments will have to be undertaken by the candidate-countries
themselves. In such a situation, private investments will become more important in
providing a stable climate for investment.
For opening up the local energy market and harmonizing it with the EU market,
Serbia’s National Strategy for the Integration of SCG into the European Union
(2005) defines some strategic directions of energy policy and its harmonization with
the EU: (a) reforms in judicial-legislative frame; (b) structural-organizational and
ownership changes. The development policy of energy supply includes obligations
set in long-term strategic documents for Serbia’s development and international
conventions and agreements (The Kyoto Protocol, the European Energy Charter, the
Agreement on Energy Cooperation for SEE, etc.). Environmental protection is to be
applied in accordance with local regulations and EU practice (coordination will take
place until 2015/2018).
In the long-term period, Serbia is expected to follow this trend of proclaimed
European strategy for the development of low-carbon economy (in the development
of enterprises and small consumer branches, eco-friendly energy consumers, the
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NOIE consumers, etc.). Although nowadays, for instance, the sector of iron and steel
and non-ferrous, chemical sector and the industry of construction materials have a
small participation in the added value of total industry (under 17%), in the energy
consumption in the group "Industry" they participate with over 70%. For example,
energy costs in the copper complex in Serbia, participated with 60% in material
costs of production with strong effects on the quality of local and regional
environment. Inefficiency of basic and intermediary sectors in the energy production
is the consequence of inherited industrial structure which has to be significantly
modified in the future period. In reference to the estimates given by Serbia’s Energy
Supply Development Strategy by 2015., an increase in the production activities in the
energy non-intensive branches (with a ten times lower energy intensity) is to be
expected, which could correlate with the European trends in these sectors. It is
estimated that, by 2015, the renewable energy sources will make 2% of the energy
balance in Serbia. Around 350 million euros will be invested in priority programs
NOIE by 2015, out of which 100 million euros into the industrial sector.
The most important role in the transition of the energy sector in our and other SEE
countries, towards their functioning in accordance with the EU standards and their
entering into the European energy market, plays the Treaty establishing Energy
Community, 2006. Its goal was to establish an integrated market for natural gas and
electric energy, and to provide a stable regulatory and market frame for foreign
investments in the production of electric energy and its transmission network,
together with improving the environment, energy efficiency and renewable energy
sources. It is assumed that the implementation of this Treaty may have, among other,
significant spatial and ecological effects and incentives for private entrepreneurship.
HARMONIZATION OF TERRITORIAL INDUSTRY DEVELOPMENT IN

TOWNS OF SERBIA WITH THE PRINCIPLES OF EU TERRITORIAL
AGENDA
For the efficiency of the strategic planning of sustainable industrial development and
dislocation in Serbia in the following period, it is necessary to incorporate the
European strategic framework, concept and spatial-planning practice. During the
transition of Serbian economy and society, the harmonization with the terms of the
EU industrial policy, with the policy of concurrency and small and medium
enterprise development, with the policy of mining industry and energy supply, is a
very complex and huge economic and planning challenge. It will take plenty of
reforms to encourage new pro-European concepts of planning, concepts of defining
transparent policies, priorities in the territorial development of the industry (
structural, regional, local) and the implementation of the planned solutions
(standards, indicators, instruments, measures, etc.). Transition of the social and
economic system in Serbia towards a market-oriented economy has, among other
things, a certain effect on the changes in spatial industrial organization, on the
initializing of new locational-spatial industrial forms, complex models of regional,
technological, urban development, etc. Initial elements for defining the national
strategy of industrial spatial development are:
• Consideration of relevant general principles, goals and instructions in

documents about the EU industrial policy (Lisbon Agenda, 2000, many
resolutions and decisions issued by the EU), together with integration and
strong focus of the Lisbon Agenda on national strategies/development policies
and the overcoming of the existing gaps;
• Competitiveness and innovation program of the EU 2007-2012;
• Harmonization of the strategic planning of spatial industrial development in
Serbia with the principles of the Territorial Agenda EU (TA, 2007), Leipzig
Charter on Sustainable Development Cities, 2007)
• Harmonization with the European documents on sustainable development –
"Strategy of the EU sustainable development" (2001,2002), Action plans
"Towards sustainability and development of the EU" (1993-2002) in the part
regarding sustainable spatial industrial development;
• Implementation of European directives in industry and environmental
protection, such as IPPC Directive, SEA Directive, etc. ( incorporated into
Serbian environmental laws, 2004);
• Introduction of relevant institutions, human resources and infrastructure to
sustainable development planning (including industry), coordination and
networking of various systems, development of instruments for TA
implementation and modes for its participation in spatial and sector industrial
policy, transparent cooperation on different levels, transboundary and
international cooperation;
Territorial Agenda (2007) as a new strategic European document on territorial
development and cohesion includes a few key challenges: 1) climate change; 2)
prices of energy resources; 3) globalization; 4) the EU expansion; 5) excessive
exploitation of ecological and cultural resources; 6) demographic challenge. TA
priorities are: 1) polycentric development and innovations; 2) management and
correlation between urban and rural areas; 3) promotion of clusters in transboundary
areas; 4) expansion of the European road network TENS; 5) risk management due to
climate change, trans-European risks; 6) ecological structures and cultural resources.
Institutional suggestions of TA are directed towards the protection of the EU
territorial cohesion, i.e. of the EU members, as well as towards the focus on ESPON
2013, implementation of the instruments for assessment of territorial impact – TIA
(Territorial Impact Assessment) in spatial development policies. The EU is planning
to make a TA Action plan by the end of 2007, with an analysis of the effects of the
EU revised policies on territorial development and cohesion. It is concluded that a
new improvement in the quality of living in the EU requires an improvement of the
European spatial planning, and better results from this new TA policy. In accordance
with the above-mentioned new European TA priorities, hitherto ESDP principles are
no more valid.
Potential implementation of TA in spatial planning of industrial development in
Serbia should rely on defined priorities – territorial cohesion and sustainable
territorial development:
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(a) polycentric spatial development and introduction of innovations in all
segments of industrial and social activities;
(b) better relations between urban and rural areas (positioning of industry in
metropolitan area, medium and small towns, boundary and undeveloped
regions, corridors, rural areas, etc.);
(c) promotion of clusters in transboundary areas in all Serbian regions;
(d) better utilization of the potentials of corridors and TENS network in the
country;
(e) including the risks of climate change into corporate planning and
management, and the ‘low-carbon’ economy at this level, as well as
infrastructure efficiency;
(f) resources management (water, energy resources, ores and minerals, etc).
Development and spatial organization of the industry in Serbia should be based on:
a) general and specific development goals (competitiveness of industry in
knowledge-based segments of classic and high-tech branches) which include
relevant European policies; b) respect for the inherited characteristics of the existing
spatial structure in this field; c) new location factors of the industry and potential
territorial limitations; d) new locational-spatial forms in industry (technology,
industrial and science parks, high-tech agglomerations – development corridors,
economy zones, free zones, business incubators, etc.; e) criteria of territorial
allocation of investments into this area, the principles of sustainability, low-carbon
oriented production, etc.; f) development of instruments for the implementation of
spatial planning, etc.
From the aspect of the proclaimed new policy of EU concurrency, a dominant role
of the knowledge-based economy, innovations and entrepreneurship can be seen, i.e.
the so-called ‘learning economy’, as well as the ‘low-carbon economy’. The issue of
different options for future spatial development can be raised in line with the
continuing fundamental changes in knowledge and innovations. Indeed, it is a
choice between various uncertain perspectives of spatial planning and the
development of a ‘certain’ / planned future. According to Jaksic M. 2004 the
challenge in front of the 21st century, is not in establishing a fixed and final utopia,
but in the creation of ev-topia. In other words, instead of utopia (a Greek word for
‘non-existing’ place) – creation of ev-topia (a place which evolves and develops
through new economic poles, mainly in peripheral parts of urban areas), as a part of
a support system to knowledge, its involvement, and the adjustment of skills to the
conditions, uncertainties and goals of the environment.
Having in mind the complexity of spatial development and the present intention to
unify spatial-planning policies and standards within the European territory,
according to Jensen O.B., Richardson T., 2004, there is more and more stress on the
spatial phenomenon of the so-called European mono-topia (meaning the unification
of place, spatial structures, expansion of new economic poles in suburban parts of
towns, etc.). In order to overcome the adverse effects of spatial mono-topia it is
necessary to modify one’s understanding of the priority to implement universally
efficient ways and mechanisms of planning of the industrial balance in certain areas
and /or segments, towards the co-existence and acceptance of the local situation,
locally ‘coloured’ structure of the system, its complexity, adaptability and

particularity. The development should be adjusted to specific spatial conditions, i.e.
depending on the incentive and restrictive circumstances, partly on inherited
characteristics, but also partly on the institututional framework as well. However,
relations between these elements are highly influenced by a political and social
power, in complex correlation with the market economy, globalization process and
new economic poles in the urban areas.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF NEW ECONOMIC POLES IN URBAN AREAS

In the Green Paper on EU cities, the basic aims of urban development have been
defined, based on the improvement of the quality of environment in these territories:
(1) environment protection and management, which means reduction of uncontrolled
pressure and growth of various activities, with the restoration of cities; (2) the
curtailment of city participation in the causes of pollution, which means careful
planning of the economic activity expansion and the use of spaces in the city that
have been already ruined by devastated industrial and commercial objects. It is often
the case that such objects in the cities are abandoned because of old technology and
for other reasons, so it has been suggested that these spaces (brownfields) are put to
good use by reconstructing them. The experiences in planning industrial
development in Eastern–European cities have been directed more towards new
construction (greenfields), and less towards activating abandoned industrial and
other kinds of locations (brownfields).
Throughout Europe the question of the mode of organization and management of the
development of economic activity in cities is raised. To enable this progress a
compromise is necessary among the numerous key elements and mobilization of
effort towards for example, economic issues, establishing a public/private
cooperation, promotion of political interests and socio-cultural ideas, goals means
and support. In addition to the general European trend of lessening the inter- and
intraregional differences, in planning spatial development it is important to establish
new "economic poles of development"in urban areas and metropolitan peripheries.
According to Burdach.J., 2006 it is about a discourse of periphery growth
(metropolitan). At the same time, a trend of faster economic growth of periphery EU
regions can be noticed with the acceptance of new member-states. In other words, a
presence of a new discourse of double periphery growth – growth of perihery
metropolitan areas and growth of periphery EU regions (especially city areas) can
be noticed. New economic poles in metropolitan peripheries are a result of high
participation of public sector in all aspects of their development (especially in
providing heavy infrastructure, support in reducing spatial disbalance, etc), but also
because of new foreign and domestic investment. The term "new economic pole"
means various kinds of new dynamic centres with functional specialization in the
metropolitan periphery. Basic spatial forms of new economic poles in urban areas
(suburbia) are industrial parks, technology parks, manufacturing complexes,
shopping malls, logistics centres, business centres and others. State intervention,
schema of regional planning and local actors have a significant role in their
development.
95
In some big towns of Serbia (ex. Belgrade, Novi Sad), new economic poles – new
economic, commercial, industrial, entrepreneurial zones, developed by planning or
spontaneously in the suburbian areas (along motorways, and major roads) are a
priority in spatial development and planning of spatial organization of a certain area.
The reasons for such a trend are manifold - from lower land prices, available
building land, proximity of residential areas, favourable conditions on location and
others. The perspectives of European spatial development (ESDP) have identified
urban expansion of "work" zones as a big problem, and somewhat opposite to the
term of sustainable compact city, above all, because of traffic augmentation, greater
energy consumption, greater costs of infrastructure, communication costs, negative
effects on the environment, endangering the agricultural land et sl. Because of this,
the tendencies of deurbanization are being transformed into suburbanization,
because in periphery metropolitan areas the level of growth of economic activity is
rising rapidly, as well as the costs of infrastracture, ecology etc. New centres of
production and consumption have an influence on the transformation of suburbia (
as mainly residential zones in an urban periphery) into post-suburbia (which
signifies the process of transformation on multifunctional locations). According to
Burdack,J., 2006, the existing concept of classic spatial models of cities
(standardized "rings" and sectors linked by radial vectors of communication) are
more and more transformed into polycentric forms, formed by clustering different
kinds of locations for different purposes. A trend of the "breaking up" urban
structures into many specialized and fragmented localities in an inhabitated structure
is evident. This process begins the development of a "functional archipelago" in an
urban fabric, unlike centres et sl., which is a consequence of transition of an
industrial into post-industrial society, i.e. transfering the agglomerative advantages
of cities onto a regional/periphery environment. Based on the experiences of
European cities, the size of new economic poles in urban peripheries is 5.000-10.000
employees, depending on the size of the metropolitan areas.
In the research of the development of new economic poles-functions of spatial
clusters in a determined spatial entity, the agglomerating mechanisms have an
important role. In the typology of new economic poles in an urban/metropolitan
periphery, the modus of agglomerative mechanisms of clusters of functionally linked
firms ("functional cluster") and "incoherent" clusters is very important, as well as
the functional specialization of poles. The generally accepted classification of poles
is the one on "dynamic" and "stagnant". To the first ones belong, for example,
shopping malls, airport zones of development, technology parks, zones of business-
commercial activity in the urban periphery, while to the others ("stagnant") usually
belong the relicts of the Soc.-realistic period (classic industrial, work zones, military
complexes et sl.)
The development of new economic poles in cities is a consequence of activiating
new locations and changing the existing spatial organization under the effect of
multinational companies and the development of activities in accordance with a
knowledge-based economy. On the other hand, according to Dovenui Z.,Kovacs Z.,
2006, the pst-communist development of eastern-european cities demonstrates
hybrid forms of dislocation – relics of a spatial structure from an earlier period and it
shows a new phenomenon of structure transformation by way of dislocating

neweconomic clusters, formed by spontaneous agglomeration of
"incoherent"clusters characterized by the absence of intercompany linkage.This
process has taken place in a relatively short transition period, under the effect of the
market forces and the process of a globalized production, trade and consumption.
The development of new economic poles is a dynamic process, initialized by the
development of a "critical mass" in the local and regional dislocation of activities.
The new economic poles are understood as a great area of concentration of
economic activity consisting of many "points" (entreprises, plants, facilities etc.)
pivots, branching, which have a specific spatial configuration. They are the initial
nucleuses of the growth of new employment in city peripheries, and an early signal
of polycentric structure of areas. In urban planning until recently the traditional city
peripheries were identified as a combination of industrial and work spaces, family
houses, traffic corridors and greenery. However, in the recent practices of urban
planning , it is becoming more evident that these spaces are more sensitive to market
signals and initiatives in comparison to thecity zones. In addition to high-tech
industrial and business activity, there the activities of transportation services are
developed, as well as logistics, production and wholesale ( storehouses, warehouses
etc.) and retail (shopping malls) and various services.
CONCLUSION
In compliance with the EU industrial policy, sustainable development of this sector
should be based on a vision with clear development goals oriented towards:
restructuring of production into knowledge-oriented branches through the
development of small and medium enterprises; eco-restructuring of the branch
matrix towards dematerialization of production; development of energy efficient
low-carbon economy, higher concurrency of the area and development of industry
and mining sectors; defining the regional policy based on technical progress,
reducing the differences in the levels of development and the principles of
sustainability; implementation of novelties into the growth of enterprises in order to
provide sustainable development; implementation of the Kyoto Protocol in
corporative ‘landscaping’, introducing low-carbon energy consumption and risk
management in company operations and its spatial organization; implementation of
‘integral pollution control’ in enterprises, including waste prevention; transparent
concept of responsibility for ecological damage; emission standards for all industrial
sectors; gradual reduction of air and water pollution, according to the emission
standards for specific sectors (the existing sources of pollution require a certain
transition period to implement the measures of environmental protection); tax
benefits and subventions for enterprises that comply with the environmental
protection standards and apply the results of research; tax stimulations for applying
new technologies (which replace non-renewable resources with renewable ones,
improve energy efficiency, reduce industrial waste and pollution); ensuring that
enterprises have easy access to financial means for environmental protection as a
precondition for its implementation; utilization of ‘clean’ technologies; rational
exploitation of energy, raw materials and materials; risk management.
97
The possible consequences for future territorial development of industry in Serbia if
it fails to meet the requirements of the European policy in industry, mining industry,
energy sources, spatial planning and environmental protection, could lead to a) its
further restructuring process and increased competition of local industry within the
new development phase; b) process of spatial planning of the industry and mining
development (falling behind in concepts, methodology, spatial-planning policy,
planning instruments and their implementation) in country, regions, towns,
municipalities and in some enterprises; c) environmental protection, due to the
falling behind in the implementation of the principles of sustainability (especially
precaution) at different spatial and corporate levels; d) eco-restructuring and
sanitation of the environmental effects; e) defining the strategy for sustainable
spatial development of industry and mining, according to TA; That is why, it is
essential to respect and to allow market trends and globalization mechanisms to
effect spatial changes and the development of new economic poles in urban
peripheries, together with the influence of strong institutional and political forces,
with channeling the of public interests.
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99
THE MAGIC MIRROR OF SUSTAINABILITY:

GLITTERING IDEAS, GLOOMY REALITY
Aleksandra Stupar 1
Abstract
The idea of sustainability has become a controversial issue with different and very broad
interpretations and definitions during the last two decades. Placed in the limelight by the
contemporary global community, the concept of sustainability turned out to be one of the
basic postulates for further development and an opportunity for competitiveness in the
global network. Consequently, this 'magic' term was deliberately (mis)used whenever it was
necessary to justify the hasty decisions and 'progressive' strategies - jumping over its real
importance, forgetting its necessity for the environment and adopting its ready-made
globalized aura for the short-term advertising.
However, since the real influence of sustainability cannot be comprehended without
consideration of all social, technological, political, economic and ecological factors, this
paper will focus on numerous discrepancies between 'sustainable' ideas, concepts, actions
and their outcomes in the urban space. The examples from all over the world, usually
backed by the power of new technologies, display different and mostly distorted images of
this practice, offering various planning and political approaches, idealized objectives,
blurred strategies and confusing results.
Key words: sustainability, globalization, strategy, society, technology
INTRODUCTION
Following the rules of the global competition, the city of the 21st century has
become a unique collage of contemporary needs, (anti)utopian images and inherited
patterns that evolved into a new urban landscape. Today, its multiscalar nature is
based upon powerful financial and information systems, stretching its boundaries
through real and virtual networks. Simultaneously, the city accepts reinvented
patterns of (un)sustainable production cycles which could easily become the
universal constant of our epoch. The intervening of new flows and overlapping of
different modes of our existence derive completely changed physical matrixes,
bonds and structures. The contemporary cardo and decumanus are raised high above
the three-dimensional image of terrestrial orientation getting their new significance
through the recently promoted elements - communication and movement,
sustainability and (global) community.
1
dr Aleksandra Stupar, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Architecture University of
Belgrade
Nowadays, the sustainability could be interpreted as one of the globalisation myths,

a necessity for successful survival at the global scene, but, simultaneously, it could
be perceived as a tool for political manipulation with (un)expected results.
Therefore, it is possible to establish links between ‘transparent’ and hidden motives
of ‘sustainable’ actions, discover the true nature of their ‘outcomes’ and, finally,
determine the basic role of sustainability in the urban development and regeneration.
At the same time, the impact of globalization on the fragile balance between natural
and artificial environment is still under consideration. Exploiting the term
‘sustainability’, the forces pro and contra globalisation have been trying to justify
their positions, strategy and objectives which often collide and annul each other. The
degraded living environment, as a consequence of increased production with
decreased production costs, acts like a boomerang. Consequently, a great number of
initiatives have been launched on international as well as governmental and non-
governmental organisations’ level. Establishing new networks, creating a set of new
principles, regulations and standards for different worldwide activities and problems,
they have directly or indirectly moulded a new global order, but the social,
ecological and economical equilibrium is yet to be achieved.
The mile-stone summits, declarations, promises and agreements about sustainable
development - from the "United Nations Conference on the Human Environment"
(Stockholm, 1972), the Brundtland Commission (1987), the Rio summit (1992),
Rio+5 (New York, 1997) to Rio+10 (Johannesburg, 2002) and Kyoto (1997, 2005) -
are still far from in-depth implementation, trying to bridge the gap between political
statements and terrestrial reality. Their significance lies in the symbolical message
transmitted all around the world, although its original meaning is often altered -
according to local conditions and (un)predictable political and financial winds.
Therefore, sustainability remains a ‘trendy’ term incorporated into the blurred
global/local strategies while, ironically, the ambiguity of the globalisation process
still represents the only truly sustainable category.
REPRESENTING THE SUSTAINABILITY, SUSTAINING THE

REPRESENTATION?
The cities shaped by globalisation represent mediators, transmitters and transformers
of global flows, adopting the imperative of global competitiveness as an aim and/or
a tool of urban economical sustainability. At the same time, every city emphasizes
its uniqueness and advantages, which should be based upon complex financial,
technological and cultural fundus. The latest technologies have been embraced without
too much hesitation and, as a result, the inherited urban topography has been
transformed. Nowadays, it displays a multidimensional image of limitless networks,
uncovering the collection of activities more or less autonomous from spatial units
and traditional material structures. Obviously, the malleability of the physical and
functional formations has become an imperative which should ensure the endurance of
our cities, establishing multiple levels of entangled spaces which could be perceived
as vivid patchworks and/or unpredictable matrixes.
The ‘urban menu’ is also adjusted to the new demands, providing the globally
‘approved’ set of preferable/feasible activities - finances and business, command,
101
control, culture, creativity, knowledge, media, tourism and new technologies. They
complement each other and generate numerous combinations in diverse spatial
formations, creating the trans-urban and trans-national systems. However, urban
potentials are, as always, projected through physical structure which should be, more
then anything else - attractive. Beside loud and aggressive rhetoric and inventive
marketing campaigns, urban nodes should also provide global (land)marks which
connect urban space with contemporary networks and flows - on practical and
symbolical level. Consequently, the sustainability of urban development and
regeneration is ‘guided’ by powerful combination of politics, media, international
capital and economic competitiveness.
As a result, urban landscape transforms itself into the ‘positive’ image - oriented
from the ex-industrial toxic legacy to the post-industrial business-leisure-culture
collage, ready to host the new global elite. Unfortunately, the ecological correctness
updated by the demands of sustainability is often artificially imposed and
manipulated in order to place a city in the limelight of the world scene. The
illustrative example of this practice could be the city of Syracuse [Short, Kim, 1999]
whose new city logo (1986) introduced the idea of the improved urban identity.
Built upon the idealized image of clean lake and resymbolized skyline, it
deliberately removed unwanted industrial iconography although reality was not so
attractive or changed as the logo-image presented. However, the other examples,
such as Glasgow, Barcelona and Singapore, represent the positive side of the city-
marketing story whose materialized strategies have become the role models for
others.
The idea of sustainability, explicitly or implicitly used under the flag of urban
regeneration and development, brings a new meaning to the urban space even
though its real influence is very questionable. Under the pressure of global
countdown, the grand projects initiated by important forthcoming sports, cultural,
scientific, technological and political events are chasing the 'deadlines' speeding up
the usual planning procedures, trying to shorten them as much as possible.
Therefore, the phenomenon of EXPO, Olympic Games, World championships or
'Cities of culture' has become a financial impetus, the driving force of urban
development and a huge step out towards the international recognition.
The city of Seville used EXPO ‘92 to connect old urban centre with suburbs and to
build new infrastructure, but this ‘project’ also had important political connotations.
The main idea was to support economical development of the Andalusia region
which should have become a new node in the global/regional network. Providing the
necessary urban and technological backup, as well as improving its urban
connectivity, Seville ambitiously applied the rules of the global game. The new
urban vision, (re)generated from the EXPO heritage, has been mostly oriented
towards the specific needs of international research globetrotters. Consequently, the
facilities such as a science park, university, research and training centres, high-tech
companies and digital telecommunications network were intended to initiate a new
cycle of urban sustainability on the local/regional level. However, this financial
'adventure' was not very well accepted by the other users of state funds - the
expensive push-up of this region turned out to be more 'sustainable' for the Madrid
politicians, then it should have been for the Spanish economy.
The other example, EXPO ‘05, which was held in Aichi prefecture in Japan, offered
a different view about the problems of the globalized world. Interweaving the global
and local dimension and translating the ancient knowledge into the language of
highly advanced technologies, this event emphasized the possible symbiosis of
global myths and traditional values. The world harmony and importance of nature in
this case were not used just as a motto ("Nature's wisdom"), but were included into
the broader context of sustainability. Nevertheless, the latest technology, which
supported this comprehensive idea, was also applied in the Corporate Pavilion Zone,
where the most famous Japanese (inter)national companies had their multimedia
exhibition sites. Offering a very attractive mixture of entertainment, science and
metaphorical messages they verified the essence of the future global sustainability
which has to be supported by three crucial pillars - nature, technology and capital. In
the case of Aichi and its post-EXPO life, the long-term sustainability is still to be
confirmed.
Sustainability on the run could be seen in Barcelona, Sidney and Athens - the ex-
hosts of the Olympic Games whose urban tissue, life and global attractiveness are
still under the positive spell of this international event. Their devastated and
neglected urban areas are again set in motion offering a post-modern recipe for the
urban resurrection, but these concentrated investments inevitably leave clefts in
urban economy which city has to fulfil with higher taxes and higher costs of living.
The same story follows almost every flagship project, but the magic word
'sustainability' seems to be an ingredient in each one of them - even if it represents
just the formal statement without the actual implementation. However, a glimpse at
the numerous urban and architectural projects realized from 1990 to 2003 in Graz
(the Cultural capital of Europe in 2003) reveals a strong dedication to the issues of
sustainable development, recognized by the local authorities as the best approach for
the regeneration of the sensitive urban environment. The results are impressive - the
past and the future coexist together, architecture has become a public concern and
the city has found its balance between nature, heritage and progress, with all its
wonders and responsibilities.
GOING WITH THE GLOBAL STREAM

In the attempt to regenerate or to (re)develop their economical base global cities use
the verified ‘successful’ patterns which enable their metamorphosis from the old-
fashioned cocoon of industrial/port city to the positive post-modern image based
upon tertiary activities. However, the ideas exploited in this case should present
form with the content, because, according to Immanuel Kant, thoughts without
content are empty and even though they can lead our actions, they cannot teach us
anything. Evidently, the perception of the surrounding is not possible without
evocation of all space ‘links’ which we have had up to the present moment and
memory itself is not possible without perception. Unfortunately, although memory
presents one of important elements to be used for the directed and/or selective
103
design of urban spaces, it could be a subject of political and/or architectural
manipulations.
Usually, urban history is recalled whenever a city needs new financial resources
which would be helpful for further development and regeneration. The successful
renewal and transformation of polluted and abandoned river banks, seashores, ex-
industrial areas and old city quarters enables important infusion of capital imposing
a new (or rediscovered) urban identity as a collage of business, shopping and
housing. Moulded to attract exclusive clientele, these urban changes have a
significant symbolical value for the circle of sustainability because the overcrowded
urban nodes are forced to recognize their own hidden potential which has been often
neglected and misinterpreted.
Accordingly, it is not surprising that the humanity again focuses its attention on the
urban waterfronts because, since the ancient times, water has been the natural
symbol of our existence. Furthermore, its continual flow and the mythical role of
regeneration, purification and initiation suddenly have become very important for
the officially imposed imperative of sustainability. As a result, images of the
recently regenerated ports and docks not only reflect the power of capital, but
reanimate the role of water which 'opens' the city and connects it to the rest of the
world. Consequently, the chance for the balanced and comprehensive development
of these areas has been found in the coordinated strategic actions whose final output
reveals amalgam of complex and complementary activities and preserved identity.
This model, for example, has been applied by Helsinki and Hamburg, where the
independent, ecologically acceptable zones were established, while the waterfronts
in the lower Manhattan, Sidney, Le Havre, London, Glasgow and along the Pacific
Rim (Tokyo, Osaka) have been occupied by global business which develops the
new, powerful financial/commercial front of techno-capitalistic ‘sustainability’.
In contrast, cities like Bristol, Buenos Aires, Genoa or Jakarta used their own urban
heritage, emphasizing the importance of collective memory embodied in the old
activities, their spaces and cultural uniqueness. However, the example of Puerto
Madero in Buenos Aires [Schneier-Madanes, 2000] is a reflection of global
dichotomies which could be found even in a sustainable planning approach. From the
beginning, the urban regeneration of this waterfront was oriented towards the
promotion and preservation of the old port identity, rehabilitation of the docks and
internal restructuring. New infrastructure, along with the whole set of global activities
and famous architectural names, certainly has been attracting many investors but for
the total success and its future sustainability few problems have to be solved. One of
them is economic, social and spatial exclusiveness of this area which again underlines
the huge social gaps, the second one is the lack of proclaimed city-river interaction
and, finally, there is the question of further investments which is always sensitive,
especially in the cases of unstable national economies.
However, one fact should be emphasized: even though numerous examples of urban
regeneration cannot be completely justified as 'sustainable' initiatives, in the brief
moment of our presence they have become impetuses for urban revival and
development. Although frequently used for local political promotion and global
competition, they have influenced at least short-term positive effects - but the real
balance between costs and effects, local and global benefits and losses, has not been
achieved.
Evidently, the ideal model for sustainability is still a myth, caught in the web of
global forces and high expectations.
SUSTAINABILITY VS. TECHNOLOGY

Transmitting the messages of preferred technological apex which should be
achieved, cities instigate a unique ‘archemical’ chain reaction - mixing the
computer-generated spaces with blurred ideas about efficiency, sustainability and
identity. Applied on countless levels and scales, these glamorous chimeras cause
different effects, leaving behind labelled architectural shells without a proper role in
the circle of environmental sustainability.
Overlapping and coexisting in the new realm of interconnections, cities introduce a
different logic of activities and structures, shaping the ambivalent trans-urban
systems readable on uncountable levels and perceptible in various scales. However,
in spite of these tremendous changes, the principle of agglomeration could still be
recognized, even though it is now related to the production and processing of
information. Furthermore, every urban transformation usually mirrors the aspirations
of urban centre/node. Consequently, the urban changes will be certainly more
radical and visible if the city has an important role in the world system or if it tends
to increase the competitive advantages.
Although the advanced technology could cause ambiguous feelings and distort
human perception, it is more then obvious that its power moves our world in the
same direction - contracting the space and time distances, imposing the logic of
networks. As a result, the importance of ‘the place’ is reduced, the number of
different real and virtual matrixes/flows is drastically increased and the higher urban
and global effectiveness are encouraged and demanded. However, the world of
globalization still has its physical limits which cannot be completely vanquished by
modern technologies.
Responding to needs, desires and aspirations of the global society and hiding within
the aura of sustainability, the myths of globalization - identity, community,
cosmopolitanism and networking, have become a specific hybrid of our unconscious
inheritance and technologically shaped future. The new ICT concept, as a main
skeleton of the present global comprehension, supports these new 'ideals' and alleviates
their implementation. At the same time, it creates a false image of our 'cosmopolitan'
community and its multiple identities, which often do not include integration and co-
operation, but isolation and total ignorance. However, information and media systems
enable intensive interaction between global citizens, creating a new, virtual frame of
the human existence based upon contemporary networks.
The basic urban informational infrastructure - telematics, becomes one of the major
urban investments. Although proclaimed as one of the driving forces of social and
ecological sustainability and urban efficiency, it could lead, according to some
authors, to the fracturing and disintegration of urban economics and to its
transformation into the collections of units under the global influence [Graham,
105
Marvin, 1996]. Simultaneously, the imperative of sustainability could be recognized
in the planning and coordinating of different global and local traffic networks. Their
patterns, character, intensity and capacity have an important influence on the global
hierarchy. However, this kind of intensification could be a threat for environmental
sustainability, too.
On the other hand, maybe the best illustration of the place-movement-technology
synapses is a recent technique of urban transformation, introduced by the computer
software developed by Bill Hillier [1996] and the Space Syntax laboratory.
Analyzing the urban configuration and measuring the factors of space connectivity,
integration and permeability, this method reveals the new potentials of urban
context, identifies possibilities for urban regeneration and tests different options for
the problem solution. The final output should be the most favourable model of
physical and functional structure which defines new data about multidimensional
dynamic and desirable balance of necessary economic, social and ecological
elements. Consequently, the role of this ‘ideal’ model becomes very important for
planners and designers because it could be used as a booster for all kinds of urban
sustainability, their harmonization and protection.
The good example of the interaction between sustainability and technology is the
Urban Community Initiative. With its two program periods (URBAN I, 1994-1999
and URBAN II, 2000-2006) it has encouraged the promotion of sustainable
development, as well as a creative and innovative regeneration approach in 188
sensitive urban areas in cities within the EU (selected in both phases). According to
the Commission Communication of 28 April 2000 to the Member States, the list of
priority activities underlines a necessity for a mixed-use redevelopment of
brownfields, development of economically efficient, effective and environmentally
friendly integrated public transportation and anti-exclusion/anti-discrimination
strategies. The issues of employment, entrepreneurship, environmental measures,
urban governance and information technologies are emphasized accordingly.
Therefore, the selected projects have incorporated technology as an important
element, applied directly or indirectly to increase the quality of life and advance the
expected development.
The city of globalization definitely reinforces its image with different attractions,
deliberately reinventing its forgotten segments. These remains of the urban legacy are
gradually revived and improved, introducing the wonders of high technology and
sustainability - as a unique ‘hallmark’. Consequently, various modes of urban-
technology symbiosis are planned and implemented in order to activate and generate
attractive places and events, infiltrate new groups of consumers and increase global
potential(s) of urban nodes. Most of these interventions, motivated by the on-going
global competition, are oriented towards urban promotion and driven by the
requirements of ecological and/or techno-capitalistic sustainability. However, the
relation between sustainability and technology could be materialized in various ways.
Fostering the sustainability - Singapore

In order to support its economy, Singapore - the world’s second most network-ready
country/city - launched the ‘ONE-NORTH’ Initiative which should direct the urban
future towards the knowledge-based economy. The strategy, named after the
geographical position of the city, represents a long-term investment. It should attract
the new techno-elite and upgrade the high-tech industry creating a science hub
around the main ‘technological corridor’ in the western part of Singapore. At the
same time, the development of this dynamic environment officially proclaims
establishment of the ‘vibrant, well connected and sustainable community’ for the
new economy. Therefore, the development is guided by four key principles:
• organic growth and constant rejuvenation
• non-contiguous growth
• dynamic mixed use
• seamless connectivity.
The strategy should be implemented through the several development phases,
spanning more than 20 years. Consequently, the ‘ONE-NORTH’ is also divided into
seven districts - Life Xchange, Vista Xchange, Central Xchange, Future Xchange,
Wessex, Ayer Rajah and Temasek - and each one of them will have its own focus.
For example, Life Xchange should represent a bio-medical research campus with an
urban park, central plaza, residential and business activities, as well as a number of
diverse urban environments. Vista Xchange should stimulate more corporate and
business activities which should support the further development and (economical)
sustainability of the area. Central Xchange should provide fusion of ICT and media
industries, set up the traffic infrastructure for the whole area and become the main
node of MRT (Mass Rapid Transit) and PMS (People Mover System).
Some of the districts (Wessex, Rochester park, Nepal Park) also have important
historical and environmental significance which will be protected, creating the
interesting combination of intensified land use, various open spaces (Buona Vista
Park), electronic and natural topography, creative and innovative communities,
private-public partnership and global capital.
Obviously, Singapore foresees its future as a city of technology, structured around
clusters/hubs of bio-science, R&D and info-communication technologies. However
it also promotes and applies basic principles of sustainability, strongly emphasizing
its futuristic dimension and symbolic.
Pic. 1.- Singapore, One North

Initiative - development zones
for a city oriented towards
technology and sustainability
(Waikeen, N. and J. Ryser, eds.
(2005), Making Spaces for the
Creative
Economy - ISoCaRP Review,
ISoCaRP, Madrid, pp. 153/150)
107
Proclaiming the sustainability - Barcelona
There are some cities which are searching for another kind of technological
stimulation and sustainable balance. This time, technology becomes the key issue of
regeneration, setting up the new standards for inherited physical surrounding. The
example of Barcelona, and its district Poblenou, represents one of the interesting
strategies used in order to achieve a preferred level of excellence. Consequently, the
abandoned ex-industrial area should be transformed into an innovative productive
district focused on knowledge-intensive activities.
Actually, the Poblenou - district 22@bcn, used the high-tech stimulus as a generator
of urban renewal, following the basic principles of sustainability and flexibility. As a
result, science and technology, together with government and business, should
encourage intensification of new networks of innovation, creativity and cooperation.
Additionally, the main objectives of the plan are focused on fruitful synergy of
complementary urban activities, density growth, introduction, promotion and
support of knowledge-intensive activities, flexibility of the renewal process and
modernization of infrastructural networks.
Pic. 2.- Barcelona,

district 22@bcn
(Poblenou) -
regenerating the
surrounding, creating the
sustainable space for
technology
(Ajuntament de Barcelona
(2003), Urban Renewal in
Poblenou District of
Activities: 22@bcn, Ajuntament
de Barcelona, Barcelona, p. 12)
The major force of the future growth is concentrated in

the 'Seven Motors':
• 22@Media (Barcelona Media Park - audiovisual sector, education, research
and technology)
• 22@TIC (ITC sector - private companies, public institutions)
• 22@Bioempresa (biotechnology companies)
• 22@Campus (inter-university campus for technology and business - teaching,
research, innovation in the fields of sustainability, mobility, energy and water
technologies, architecture, urban planning, construction)
• 22@Emprendedores (business development - oriented mainly towards the
incubation and growth of technology based companies/research centres)
• 22@Technologico (technology centres - intermediation structures between

research and institutes)
• 22@Poblenou (quality of life and employment in Poblenou, interaction
between different actors, new links, initiatives, introduction of digital
projects/new technologies, education).
Promoting the new economic, scientific, training and cultural activities in the district,
Barcelona has achieved a high level of public-private collaboration, added a new
‘technological’ label and created an urban symbol of innovation. The 22@Barcelona
certainly tends to create a new urban structure, adjusted to the changed technological
demands of the contemporary society. At the same time, this part of the urban tissue
should provide a new living environment for the different types of users responsible
for creation and application of new technologies. However, in spite of the loud
propaganda, local community does not share the same enthusiasm. Obviously, the
future in the pro-techno environment is not sustainable for everyone.
Challenging the sustainability - Dubai

Frequently, the technology has been used as a tool for drastic transformation of
environment. However, one of the most impressive contemporary examples - Dubai,
reveals different layers of this practice, whose final aim is to insure a prosperous
future based upon breath-taking projects and plans. Therefore, Dubai implements the
grand schemes of the future - sustaining the growth and enhancing the wealth.
Becoming one of the most developed and prosperous urban nodes in the Gulf region,
it is fully dedicated to the success of its global promotion. Setting up the strong
communication and transport infrastructure, it provided a fertile ground for different
advanced services and initiated a new development trend which should ensure
higher global and regional efficiency.
Pic. 3.- Dubai - the

largest building site in
the world: technology
as a tool for
materialization of
luxurious utopia
(Waikeen, N. and J. Ryser,
eds. (2005), Making Spaces
for the Creative Economy -
ISoCaRP Review, ISoCaRP,
On its way to the global recognition, the city has followed the human, economical
and geopolitical imperatives, making the power of technology and money more then
obvious. The airport expansion, new hotels, shopping malls, artificial islands, the
tallest towers and the latest attractions represent the new icons of the progress.
However, the impact on the local ecology and the long-term viability of the plan are
still questionable.
Sustainable or not?
109
TOWARDS THE SUSTAINABLE REGENERATION?
In general, urban regeneration considers improvement of economic, social and
environmental conditions caused by the new socio-economic and technological
demands. Declaratively, the main aim of every regeneration project should be the
well-being of the city and its citizens, but some post-regeneration evaluations do not
confirm a positive and planned result.
Preferably, the regeneration initiatives should embody a combination of policies and
practice enabling a comprehensive and integrative approach, long-term
sustainability, reduction of social disparities and protection of environmental values
(including urban heritage). Therefore, the selected strategies are usually oriented
towards the modernization of urban infrastructure and buildings, reorganization of
production sector, diversification of activities and/or development of high
technology. Furthermore, the process of regeneration could be considered as:
• compulsory - to activate abandoned areas (e.g. Bilbao - Abandoibarra and
Galindo, Sao Paulo - Nova Luz, Mexico City - Centro Historico/Brasil 44,
London - White City Development)
• anticipatory - to reanimate economically, ecologically and/or socially declined
communities (Caracas - San Rafael Upgrade Project, Ho Chi Minh City -
‘PMU 415’ slum upgrading project, Rio de Janeiro - Favela-Bairro)
• entrepreneurial - oriented towards realization of large projects, with
questionable sustainability (for example Milan - ex-Fair Zone, London - City
East, Tokyo - Marunouchi district)
• collateral - as a result of infrastructural transformation (for instance, the
insertion of new traffic nodes/networks or reorganization and modernization of
the old ones - Bordeaux’s tramline, LA - High Speed Rail, Istanbul -
Marmaray Project, La Spina - Turin).
Usually, regeneration programmes are structured around some of these features and
combined with a selected urban ‘theme(s)’. As a result, some cities (re)create zones
with a progressive techno-business outlook, while others connect their cultural
tradition with the latest innovations. The difference between a radical and moderate
approach is noticeable in the skyline and general spatial composition of regenerated
area, while its content could be inclined towards future or nostalgia. However, the
imperative of sustainability is always present, at least as a notion.
The case of the Lisbon’s 1998 EXPO site (now extended and named ‘Parque das
Nações’) is a good example of a self-sufficient urban unit. The main idea was to host
the World Exposition, simultaneously improving the condition of the area which
covers nearly 340 hectares, including five kilometres of the riverfront. The main
regeneration concept was focused on the link between the city and the river, its
modernization and preservation of its essential character. The ‘purified’ urban
setting, planned as a new node of urban centrality, represents the glittering picture of
globalization - labelled architecture, exceptional facilities, luxurious residential
quarters and conveniently packed corporate activities - all attached to the new
infrastructure and supported by the latest technologies. Almost ten years after the
public inauguration, the ‘Parque das Nações’ remains one of the Lisbon’s main
attractions - in spite of the ongoing debates. Obviously, the radical approach is

always the controversial one - stakes are higher, the sustainability vague and
benefits seem placed too far in the future.
Pic. 4.- Expo area (Parque das Nações), Lisbon - sustainability in the long run?
The landscape which reveals ambitions, improves the previous condition, incorporates contemporary
technology and certainly brings a new identity of the ‘place’. Financial, environmental and social
effects still have to be verified.
The other mode of regeneration is more locally oriented, taking into consideration
urban legacy as a competitive advantage. It is usually caused by previous or future
infrastructural solutions and combined with a public interest and environmental
improvement. For example, the moderate approach could be recognized in the
redevelopment of the old railway area in Antwerp (Spoor Noord) where a
comprehensive regeneration has started. The result of this transformation should be
mainly focused on leisure and recreational activities placed in an urban landscape
park, but the regeneration program also includes new cultural, educational and
commercial activities, a student campus and a monumental footbridge which should
connect this part of the city with a new marina - Willemdok. In this case, the
sustainability of the solution is more evident, incorporating the invisible threads of
technology and history.
Pic. 5.- Damplein, Antwerp - the square created on the top of the new railway tunnel, with the
renovated Antwerp-Dam station. The old station is now transformed into the community information
centre, while the tunnel represents a part of the new urban and traffic infrastructure for the North-
South railway connection.
111
Some cities, like Philadelphia, combine different approaches and themes, even
within a single location. The Navy Yard (around 1200 acre), situated along a historic
waterfront at the confluence of the Schuylkill and Delaware Rivers, is one of the
cases where radical and moderate model of regeneration have been applied creating
a new competitive environment of a city. The area is divided in five segments - the
Shipyard, the Historic core, the Corporate centre, the Research park and a zone for
the future development. The Historic core allows a possibility for renovation of
existing buildings, the Shipyard offers its existing and new amenities, while three
other zones introduce a new, ‘globalized’ set of activities, merging business,
consumption, research and high-class residence. The connectivity and accessibility
are also improved and modernized in order to underline the potential of the whole
area. Additionally, one of the interesting ideas is the Keystone Innovation Zone,
which promotes collaborative innovation between academic institutions, government
research and private industry. The technology sectors, such as power and energy,
nanotechnology, advanced manufacturing, communications and IT, homeland
security and life sciences are the focal point of this initiative.
Obviously, there is neither single nor universal solution for the problem of urban
regeneration, but there are some models and themes which have become quite
popular. For instance, the frequently exploited cultural regeneration, generally used
to confirm the prevailing or preferred urban identity, turned into a global fashion,
followed by urban nodes from highly developed as well as developing countries.
However, it appears to be an insufficient accelerator of the economic growth.
Therefore, the importance of the knowledge economy is increasing, bringing out
some new spatial and technological demands. Certainly, they should be fulfilled by
significant investments in urban infrastructure, innovation and environment,
imposing the quality of sustainability.
Supporting the sustainable regeneration

The prevailing opinion is that the sustainable regeneration ought to be based upon
local conditions with the necessary technological backup in every phase and every
aspect of the process. Evidently, the technology facilitates construction and
application of databases, the conducting of relevant analyses (for example - SWOT)
and formulation of possible strategies. Additionally, it represents an instrument for
the development of complex scenarios, models or designs, simultaneously
improving impact assessment, implementation and evaluation. For example,
AMT3D is an Ad-engine based on 3D software technology developed by a
consortium of European research institutes led by the University of Leeds. It could
be used in the process of urban design, stakeholder consultation and marketing,
enabling the calculation of the local and environmental impacts of proposed
development.
The interesting mixture of technology and regeneration could also be seen in the
project RESTART (Renewable Energy Strategies and Technology Applications for
Regenerating Towns) which was promoted by the European Commission and
coordinated by RESET (Renewable Energy Strategies for European Towns). The
result of this initiative was a realization of eight large-scale building programs in

participating cities:
• Area Metropolitana Barcelona (Molins de Reis - district heating with
biomass)
• Glasgow (rehabilitation of the Lighthouse of C.R. Mackintosh which now
hosts Scotland's Architecture and Design Centre, offices and the Renewable
energy advice centre for the promotion of renewable energies)
• Greater Lyon (Solar Habitat - renovated dwellings, with reduced energy
consumption)
• Turin (‘The Science and Technology Park for the Environment’ )
• Rotterdam (new district of low energy dwellings in the Stoopweg area)
• Copenhagen (renovation of an 1870-1900 urban block - visible balance of
resources)
• Porto (rehabilitation process in the historical centre)
• South Dublin (energy-efficient housing).
The urban regeneration also confirmed the emergence of numerous mutations of
traditional building types affecting the generation of new spatial typologies with
eye-catching envelopes for multiple activities. Consequently, the flexibility of urban
space is stimulated, while the number and capacity of recombination possibilities are
increased. Besides sustainability, the contemporary urban space and architecture
should offer adaptability, transformability, movement and interaction, leading to a
necessary flexibility that responds to changing situations and adjusts to a higher
urban dynamism [Kronenburg, 2007].
However, in spite of the successful examples, the issues of technology, culture,
identity, ecology and flexibility are often ignored. Even though the concept of
regeneration puts forward globally approved requirements of sustainability, the
reality often demonstrates distorted images of idealized planning models.
Consequently, the actual result of the urban regeneration is usually an uneven and
highly accelerated development, directed by the imported or replicated scenarios,
suitably inserted into new and/or renovated buildings and ‘wannabe’ pulsating
public spaces. It thus comes as no surprise that a number of examples represent just
a mere recycling of a model and an idea, lacking an in-depth elaboration and a
proper evaluation. Apparently, the urban regeneration and its sustainability still
cannot maintain the expected equilibrium.
Sustainability on the edge

The wide scope of sustainability could indeed be very arguable when we descend
from the throne of global prominence to the margins of the global network. Strongly
affected by various processes - economical and political transition, civil wars,
migrations, ethnical and cultural transformations, these 'peripheral' areas of the
contemporary world are facing serious difficulties to adjust themselves to the new
challenges and different impacts. However, the unpleasant position of the 'invisible'
nodes exposed to the negative influences of the global flows has finally caused the
113
rising need for urban redesigning which could change and upgrade the perception of
the city space and the reception of the trans-national integration processes.
Apart from the pro-Western techno-glorifications, there are number of cities, mostly
in Asia, Africa and South America, which are still unable to cope with everyday
problems caused by poverty, migrations, fast-growing population, degraded
environment, social inequalities and outdated, inadequate technologies. In their case,
the process of regeneration is especially sensitive, usually oriented to community
support, education, integration and mobility, switching the influence of the
contemporary technology to a user-friendly mode.
Simultaneously, some other countries, which are still struggling with their
unpleasant political heritage, are also trying to trace their future, but the problem of
numerous priorities could influence serious oversights on different levels. Therefore,
a planned spatial infrastructure development, improved knowledge base,
strengthened cultural interactions, harmonized cross-border relations and contacts
could be the primal output of the strategic approach defined by all interested
participants and institutions. For example, the problems of environmental
degradation are usually caused by numerous factors - highly polluting technologies,
the lack of proper waste facilities, insufficient ecological monitoring and the
consequences of war and conflicts. Thus, regional monitoring and ecological
management, new technological possibilities, as well as multilateral environmental
strategies, could provide a solid foundation for the introduction of sustainable
postulates: renewable energy, waste reduction, organic production and recycling.
CONCLUSION
The contemporary city and its media-focused society have become an experimental
polygon where the rules and guidelines of sustainability could be tested and
confirmed. However, the numerous problems, conflicts and paradoxes remain and
multiply, while the flamboyant picture of globalized landscape obviously distracts
our attention from the everyday bitterness and emptiness.
The urban structure, shaped by so-called ‘flexible capitalism’, advanced technology
and ad-hoc strategies, reveals the logic of a confusing collage, upgraded by the
electronic webs and simulated experiences. The flows and networks, which
simultaneously support and shake the stability of urban systems, intersect each other
absorbing everything and everyone in the labyrinth of the technological progress,
multiplying identities and questionable prerogatives. However, the idea of
sustainability has been the important initiator of numerous changes in our
environment, offering innovative solutions, protecting or incorporating the legacy of
previous epochs and stimulating the imperative of the global well-being.
The role of sustainability has obviously been multiple and ambivalent and often
unsynchronized with real conditions and expectations. The complexity and
comprehensiveness of this term allowed numerous interpretations, opened a waste
field for polemics and became a certain kind of wishful fulcrum for the future
development. Acting as a publicly announced guarantee for urban efficiency,
environmental protection, real and virtual connectivity, social integration and global
initiation, the story of sustainability reflected the weaknesses and paradoxes of the
globalized world.
The Kyoto Protocol, which finally came into force on 16 February 2005, is just the
latest example of this global practice presenting the ambivalent approach to the
problems of global sustainability. After an eight-year preparatory period more then
140 countries have ratified the accord, which sets limits to emissions of greenhouse
gasses from industrial nations between 2008 and 2012. However, the United States
and Australia rejected the protocol as damaging to their economies, while China,
India and Brazil (as big nations with rapid industrialization and rising pollution) are
in the group of developing countries which do not have imposed binding limits in
the first round of emission cuts. The global importance of this document obviously
did not unite the global community, and global environmental sustainability has
again lagged far behind the interests of powerful local economies.
The mirror of sustainability frequently shows the picture of double standards,
leaving the numerous questions unsolved and covered by the vague priorities. ‘The
road to Hell is paved with good intentions?’- hopefully the sustainability will not
become just one of them.
References
Ajuntament de Barcelona (2003), Urban Renewal in Poblenou District of Activities:
22@bcn, Barcelona
Appadurai, A. (1996), Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization, Basil
Blackwell Press, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota, Cambridge
Augé, M. (1999), An Anthropology for Contemporaneous Worlds, Stanford University
Press, Stanford, CA
Batten, D. (1995), Network cities: creative urban agglomerations for the 21st century, Urban
Studies 32(2), pp. 313-327
Brouwer, J., Mulder A. and L. Martz, eds. (2002) Transurbanism, V2_Publishing, NAi
Publishers, Rotterdam
Castells, M. (1998), The Rise of the Network Society, Blackwell, Malden, MA
Dubai Municipality (1999), Dubai Urban Area - Structure Plan, Planning & Survey
Department, Planning Studies Section, Dubai
Graham, S. and S. Marvin (1996), Telecommunication and the City: Electronic Spaces,
Urban Places, Routledge, London
Kronenburg, R. (2007), Flexible - Architecture that Responds to Change, Laurence King
Publishing Ltd, London
Latham, R. and S. Sassen, eds. (2005), Digital Formations: IT and New Architectures in the
Global Realm, Princeton University Press, Princeton
Schneier-Madanes, G. (2000), Buenos Aires aborde son estuaire. L'Architecture
d'Aujourd'hui, 332, pp. 54-59.
Short J. R. and K. Yeong-Hyun (1999), Globalization and the City, Prentice Hall, Pearson
Education Limited, Harlow, England
Waikeen, N. and J. Ryser, eds. (2005), Making Spaces for the Creative Economy -
ISOCARP Rewiev, ISOCARP, Madrid
Development and
organisation of central and
edge urban districts
115
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN LONDON

THE BROMLEY-BY-BOW CENTRE
Judith Ryser 1
ABSTRACT
One elaborates the many folded notion of sustainability, ranging from ‘green’ perspectives
of harmonious living with nature to global capitalism, which resorts to carbon emission
trading as a financial fix to global warming. The presented case study Bromley-by-Bow
Centre, as an urban planning experiment is located in the shadow of the skyscrapers and
wealth of London’s new financial district in Docklands, for a very long time the universally
relevant urban and town planning polygon. At first, in the post 2nd World War reconstruction
and in 1970 it was the area of globally relevant models of urban and Brownfield
revitalisation; today this is the area of a new land development, related to the growth of
London as a global financial centre and contemporary investments models, related to the
construction for Olympic Games, but aiming equally to base its growth on the agenda of
sustainable development and relevant urban & social ecological “footprints”.
The Centre planning agenda and methodological approach, was basically founded on its
only resource, its local population, thus the urban development of the Centre, demonstrates
that people driven sustainable development can be economically and socially successful.
Equally, as the spatial and social polarisation, the hubris of globalisation are already
tangible in this London’s locations, offering very little fall-out beyond its gated boundaries,
Bromley-by-Bow is today, strangely enough, one of the most deprived areas of the UK. This
dichotomy is reinforced by contrasts with the arguably unsustainable tower blocks
mushrooming up in Canary Wharf, for many years London’s global financial heart.
The presented case study, demonstrates how physical regeneration at a more human scale,
alongside social and cultural development can produce a more integrated, sustainable city
fabric in this diverse, multi-cultural and deprived area. This planning approach manages to
pursue its sustainable targets and related “footprints”, despite its location on the edge of the
newly built motorway, ongoing extensions of London and Olympic Games development,
today’s global site for large scale investments, which have yet to be proven to be a long term
benefits to the local East End community, but for the mega city of London as a whole, as
well.
London Mayor’s developmental strategic orthodoxy today relies on and supports the global
might of London’s financial sector, requiring a more runways at London’s airports and as
such, is in a sharp contradiction with his own sustainability discourse. The Mayor’s overall
London Plan, acknowledges the need for new developments, along with a high productivity,
depending on the high value added environment, to attract and retain creative industries.
But such dynamic sectors depend greatly on so called ‘creative classes’, nationally and
1
Judith Ryser, Arch.dipl. EPF-L/SIA Msc (UCL) MCIJ, London, UK
internationally educated elite, which would be working and living in London, alongside with
it’s army of unemployed and unemployable population (up to 25% of Bromley-by-Bows
inhabitants), leading to predictable social tensions.
This strategy, building on creativity, is thus perceived as an inherent part of sustainable
development and it is argued, that the sustainable development does not necessarily depend
on physical growth as such, or on the enlargement of the ecological footprint. It is assumed,
that it can harness internal, intangible resources, such as imagination and drive of the local
population. Out of belief in the community needs and in the inherent ‘creativity’ of people,
the promoters behind this Centre’s project, have elaborated organic and democratic process
of development, as contained in Community Action Network (CAN).
It is argued that the agenda and related methodological approach, originating from this
reconstruction model, could be the propagating paradigm aiming towards sustainable
development, to many other diverse communities and locations.
Key words: Bromley-by Bow Center experimental case study, ecological & social
«sustainable footprints», sustainable communities postulates, «green perspective» and
global capitalism, menagment of organic growth, urban innovation experiment, adverse
govermental policies, preservation of community integrity and ethos, social-spatial
polarisation, «creative class»innovation and development
CONTEXT
Sustainable development has many different interpretations. They range from
‘green’ perspectives of harmonious living with nature to global capitalism which
resorts to carbon emission trading as a financial fix to global warming. The
Bromley-by-Bow Centre (the Centre) experiment takes a middle line. Located in the
shadow of the skyscrapers and wealth of London’s new financial district in
London’s Docklands, Bromley-by-Bow, had to resort to its only resource, its local
population. The Centre demonstrates that people driven sustainable development can
be economically and socially successful.
"London’s population is its most important economic asset"[1] affirms the London
Development Agency (LDA). The Mayor of London states that making "London
greater requires a passionate commitment to innovation, development and
improvement" [2]. London’s growth and global role depends on creativity from
within, as well as dynamic forces from without. With over 400,000 jobs the creative
industries complement London’s financial sector.
Spatial and social polarisation, the hubris of globalisation is tangible in the East End
of London. Canary Wharf, one of Europe’s largest Docklands redevelopment offers
precious little fall-out beyond its gated boundaries. Bromley-by-Bow, one of the
most deprived areas of the UK, contrasts with the arguably unsustainable tower
blocks mushrooming up in Canary Wharf, The City Corporation (London’s global
financial heart) and parts of the West End. Bromley-by-Bow demonstrates how
physical regeneration at a more human scale, alongside social and cultural
development can produce a more integrated, sustainable city fabric in a diverse,
multi-cultural and traditionally deprived area. The Centre manages to pursue its
sustainable approach despite its location on the edge of the newly built motorway
providing access to one of the earmarked extensions of London and the Olympic
117
Games development, a massive opportunity for large scale developers with yet to be
proven benefits for the local community.
The London Mayor’s development orthodoxy relies on, and supports the global
might of London’s financial sector. This includes more runways at London’s
airports in stark contradiction with the Mayor’s sustainability discourse. The
Mayor’s London Plan acknowledges the need for a high productivity, high value
added environment to attract and retain creative industries (understood as the media
and media related businesses, such as advertising, culture and entertainment, as well
as also design, fashion, music, film, performing arts, publishing, etc.). The dynamics
of this sector relies on Florida’s ‘creative classes’, an indigenous and international
educated elite working and living cheek by jowl near London’s army of unemployed
and unemployable population (up to 25% of Bromley-by-Bows inhabitants), leading
to predictable social tensions.
Building on creativity may be perceived as an inherent part of sustainable
development. Sustainable development does not necessarily require physical growth
nor enlarging the ecological footprint. It can harness internal, intangible resources
such as imagination and drive of the local population. Out of necessity and their
belief in the inherent ‘creativity’ of people, the movers and shakers behind the
Centre engaged in an organic and democratic process of development. They
mobilised the physical, mental and cultural resources of everyone who wanted to
come up with original but workable solutions to the benefit of all involved.
Operating at a local level, often at a minute scale and against opposition from the
establishment, they never left sight of the broader picture. This enabled them to
initiate ventures at a much larger scale or with repercussions far beyond the Centre,
mainly with like-minded people. Currently, Community Action Network (CAN), an
undertaking originating from the experience of the Centre, is propagating their
model of development to many other communities.
Initially, the leaders of the Centre gathered energy from people’s frustration of being
left out of the riches which rose in front of their eyes. While attention was focused
on the building boom on the neighbouring Isle-of-Dogs, Bromley-by-Bow could
experiment with alternatives without too much interference. Only when they scored
their first successes, bureaucracy would hamper them. Instead of lending assistance,
officials started to prevaricate or kill off projects they could not name their own.
Deploying the whole paraphernalia of pleading, eating humble pie, confrontation,
flattery, circumvolution and outside help, the team managed to carry out projects,
one after the other, to great insider satisfaction and outsider acclaim. Years before
the LDA adopted its three investment strategies - in places and infrastructure, people
and enterprise, marketing and promotion -[3] the Bromley-by-Bow Centre translated
them into initiatives and implemented them by harnessing people’s self-reliance,
imagination and inventiveness, developing their aptitudes, investing in own
resources and using lateral thinking, multi-tasking and ingenious actions to
accomplish results.
LOCATION AND CHARACTERISTICS OF BROMLEY-BE-BOW

The catchment area of the Bromley-by-Bow Centre extends to some 10’000
inhabitants in a compact Ward of the London Borough of Tower Hamlets. A
motorway (M11) in the East, a main London East West connection in the North
(Bow Road), the railway cutting of the District Line in the South and a large social
housing estate in the West constitute its strong boundaries. Its relative closeness to
the new financial centre in Docklands drove up house prices way beyond
affordability (requiring annual salaries above £ 70’000 when in April 2003 UK
average annual full time earnings for a 40 hour week were some £ 25’170, but full
time earnings in the 10 lowest paid occupations- available at best in the area - ranged
from £10’760-12’532, and the 10 highest annual earnings in Docklands nearby were
between £ 43’580 and 10’556’650).
Bromley-by-Bow is situated in one of the ten densest areas and one of the twenty
most deprived wards in England and Wales. 60% of the local population lives on
social benefits and housing subsidies. The population is mixed with 42%
Bangladeshis, 38% old East End immigrants (white working class, Jewish, Irish,
etc), 20% varied comprising mainly Somalis, Chinese and Vietnamese) speaking
over 50 languages in the area. 50% are Muslims and 50% a mixture of various
Christian denominations and other religions.
"East London" (despite the inclusion of the City Corporation and Canary Wharf, the
core financial services quarters) has an extremely unfavourable mix of persistent
market failure, social exclusion, environmental problems and high crime rates.
Locational disadvantage is expressed in slow employment and population growth.
Both long term and youth unemployment is high with poor job prospects, in part due
to a low skill base. East London is highest on all indices of deprivation.[4]
In the light of the wealth and economic success of London which considers itself,
together with New York and Tokyo one of three top World Cities, the problems
encountered in its East End, together with the uneven distribution of wealth and
opportunities throughout the city and its region are a serious handicap. Time and
again, London has tried to redress these inequalities.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES

The Local Government, Planning and Land Act 1980 paved the way for Urban
Development Corporations to take over planning powers from the local authorities
and use expropriation, wide ranging compulsory purchase powers and public finance
to kick start private sector led development. It also introduced Enterprise Zones,
where existing planning was put in abeyance and exemption from rates, tax relief,
writing off losses and other grants aimed to attract private investment. The London
Docklands Development Corporation and the Enterprise Zone on the Isle of Dogs
set up in 1980 on some 70% state owned land and water from redundant utilities and
port activities initiated a liberal development process which continues its course.
Private investment benefited from public brown land decontamination, infrastructure
provision and cheap or free land, displaced local jobs and people while creating over
50’000 office jobs and 40’000 dwellings.
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More recently, both the central and London government became keen to develop the
East Thames Corridor which became the Thames Gateway, a vast area reaching over
80 km to the end of the Thames estuary. Expecting to grow by 700’000 population
and 636’000 net jobs by 2016 from 7.3 million population and 4.3 million jobs
(including those taken up by commuters, and thus exacerbating Britain’s North
South divide denounced by many) [5], London intends to accommodate these
newcomers and the extra jobs essentially in the East. The successful bid for the
Olympic games 2012 was the most ambitious initiative to redevelop London’s East,
mainly the Lea Valley which used to host heavy manufacturing.
It remains to be seen whether London will be more successful than many other cities
- Paris and Barcelona among them - in redressing its East West balance. In this
macro-context, creating spaces for, and making a creative contribution to the local
economy and beyond has been quite a challenge for the Bromley-by-Bow Centre.
The proposition here is that it owes the durability of its successes to its single
minded involvement of mainly local people. Their efforts have created jobs,
premises and a knowledge base, together with an organically evolving self-
management approach for which they feel responsibility and ownership.
BRIEF HISTORY OF THE BROMLEY-BY-BOW CENTRE

The Bromley-by-Bow Centre [6], a ‘project’ of some 25 years continues to grow. It
started with £ 400 and has a turn-over of way over £ 2.5 million at present. What is
interesting is its process of evolution and change. It started officially in 1984 with a
new Minister, Andrew Mawson, of the United Reformed Church whose
congregation had dwindled to some twenty church goers and whose buildings were
in serious disrepair. The church had been hastily rebuilt after blitz damage during
the second world war and the church hall remained unused, filled with debris and
litter. A refugee sculptor and wood carver from Chile Santiago Bell whom Mawson
met during his conviction theology activities in Latin America helped to convert the
church into a multicultural, multipurpose space and it remains so successfully to
date. He shaped the area for the congregation into an intimate hexagonal space with,
above, a symbolic veil. For diverse cultural events such as the Muslim Eid
celebration, the East End custom of pearly queens and kings, a language festival,
performances and exhibitions of the Centre’s pupils, together with many other
cultural manifestations the veil can be lifted against the ceiling and the church
furniture moved.
Outside the church service the space has been creatively adapted to many other
purposes. In the first instance it was used as a creche and a nursery, despite the
initial opposition by the local planning department to children toilets and a washing
machine. Due to its success, the nursery expanded into four outside premises led by
parents. A ballet school was set up in the church and when it outgrew the space it
moved to new premises in the vicinity, although the ambitious project to convert the
historic buildings on Three Mill Island did not materialise.
The adjacent church hall has been converted into a day care place. More recently it
is also being used as a 70 seat cinema for which the Centre raised £ 5000 to improve
the acoustics and obscure the place. It obtained all the equipment and technical
assistance for free from local firms and gets films from local distributors on chosen
themes, for community events and children sessions in cooperation with the local
schools.
The Centre caters for the elderly as well as for young (often single) mothers,
families in difficulty and people with physical or mental disabilities. Occupational
and art therapy, skill training and learning has been extended into an educational
programme, teaching local residents English and literacy. Children of learning
mothers are cared for during classes. The Centre is providing its own ‘access course’
to higher education and, pioneering one of the first ‘Communiversities’ in the UK, it
has started to offer degree courses.
Over 50 professionals and volunteers are servicing all these activities, including
health care, often on a part time basis. Currently, the Centre has 3 acres with five
buildings. Originally set up as a pioneering voluntary organisation by a handful of
staff and volunteers, the Bromley-by-Bow Centre has become a charitable trust with
116 staff, mostly living locally, not including over 50 volunteers.
The Centre built up, and continues to do so, equitable and complementary
partnerships with other institutions – public, private and voluntary- as well as
individuals to their mutual benefit. They contribute to the Centre’s over 100
activities with focus on health, enterprise, learning, the environment and the arts. In
particular, the Bromley-by-Bow Trust helped to establish a local regeneration
company, Leaside Regeneration Ltd and a housing company, Poplar Harca which,
together brought a £ 200 million investment into the area.
Ahead of their time, these initiatives managed to influence the 2012 Olympic bid,
the national Healthy Living Centre programme LIFT (receiving 1 billion £ from the
government) and the Arts and Health movement. Together with Adele Blakebrough
(who ran a community drug treatment project) and Helen Taylor Thompson (who
established the first mothers and children hospice in Europe, pioneered
physiotherapy and rehabilitation services for Aids survivors and shares best practice
with carers in Africa), Andrew Mawson set up CAN (the Community Action
Network) [7] in 1998 to further social innovation. All members of the CAN network
are entitled to benefit from the totality of the projects. They are all integrating social
innovation and help to change the way of thinking about public service. Part of this
philosophy is to aim at ‘best in class’ and high quality which, in turn, boosts self-
respect and self-confidence.
A strong undercurrent is the belief that a people-centred approach working in teams
to generate ideas and obtain backing for concrete projects is superior to formal
representative and regulatory structures. In Mawson’s view, the latter tend to
prevent action and socio-economic enterprise and can be seen as an engine of
poverty. After all, 9.7% people voted in the Bromley-by-Bow Ward in the national
elections in May 2005 while 31% of the population has been actively engaged in the
Bromley-by-Bow Centre at any one time over the last 23 years. While a third of the
local people is obviously better off by taking active part, the difficulty is to mobilise
the silent and passive local population and to convince them that getting involved is
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to their benefit. Nevertheless, this situation presents a challenge to existing
authoritarian political practices and raises the question of democratic legitimacy.
APPROACH
The Bromley-by-Bow Centre’s aim is to act as an energetic and creative catalyst of
social and economic regeneration of one of London’s most deprived
neighbourhoods. It has developed its own organic model of development based on
traditional community building as well as innovation. It engages both those who are
willing to provide services and those who benefit from them in exploring common
ground and deciding solutions together. Expectation of success and pursuit of
excellence managed to challenge low self esteem, raise aspirations and stem the pull
of mediocrity. Insistence on quality and beauty run through all endeavours. Of
course, individual protagonists were instrumental in making projects happen against
severe odds, but leadership was exercised with a difference to the quick fixes
advocated by managerialism. Energy, drive, charisma, belief in the ability to
achieve commonly worked out initiatives and, most importantly, the refusal to
accept no for an answer made the Centre what it is today and continues to foster its
sustainable shared slow and people centred growth tomorrow. The message so far is
that such a venture takes time and perseverance to succeed, step by step initiatives,
continuous influx of creativity and resistance to exchanging financial security for
mainstream procedures and target culture.
Each new departure arose from local needs. The integrated nursery, one of the first
in the country, was set up to help local women to return to work and earn a much
needed second and often sole income. The idea of ballet classes which evolved into
a ballet school came from the nursery activities, especially of children who were not
used to exercise their bodies. The drive to introduce beauty into a rather bleak
environment led to the decision to plant flower beds around the refurbished
buildings and in the open space designed to accommodate nursery activities.
Identifying people’s needs and making connections between them are the foundation
of many practical ideas to improve and expand the Centre. In this spirit the Centre
engaged elderly and handicapped people who suffered from isolation in gardening.
What were a few flowerbeds tended by them in front of the church have become a
landscaped entrance space and a park which the Centre established in the adjacent
run down and dangerous space with furniture and art works from resident artists. It
now maintains it for the local authority on a long term contract and there is no sign
of graffiti anywhere. It also involved children in designing the play area and created
allotments for local people to use with tools provided by the Centre. The doctors of
the Healthy Living Centre, more fully described below, prescribe gardening therapy
in the park. A further initiative was to create a horticultural learning place where
local inhabitants can acquire a recognised qualification and are expected to set up
their own horticultural businesses under the social entrepreneurship initiative of the
Centre.
By encouraging self-reliance and investment in personal efforts, the Centre has been
successful in helping local people to improve their economic situation by setting up
social enterprises. The Centre used synergy to achieve this. It offered rent free space
to local artists who, in turn, committed some time to offer classes to local
inhabitants, assist disabled persons with art projects, carry out outreach work with
local schools while also working on commissions from the Centre and beyond. Not
surprisingly, the Centre is full of paintings, sculptures, photographs and applied art.
Exhibitions regularly show work produced by participants of these projects. More
than forty community enterprises grew out of this programme involved in silk
painting, furniture making, catering and graphic design. Seven have become strong
social enterprises.
An early project has evolved into the Pie-in-the-Sky café. Initially, volunteers
working for the Centre brought their own food to the premises. These women from
different ethnic backgrounds pooled their resources and provided lunch on a self
financing basis on premises made available by the Centre. After 20 years, the café,
seating 70 at tables made by the resident artists and crafts people, is open to the
general public. It provides cookery classes and teaches healthy diets in cooperation
with the Healthy Living Centre and the local farmers’ market.
THE HEALTHY LIVING CENTRE

The latter was perhaps the most daring and challenging project of the Bromley-by-
Bow Centre. Aware of the poor health in the local community, the Centre is putting
great efforts into healthy living. The trigger to get involved in integrated health care
came from a volunteer with two small children which were looked after by others
from the Centre while she suffered from incurable cancer. It took over five years of
negotiations with the local authority, the health trust and central government which
were initially opposed to the Centre’s people focused approach. Nevertheless, the
Centre supported by its establishment patrons managed to obtain the land from the
local authority for £ 1 in return for refurbishing and looking after the adjacent public
open space. Instead of accepting standard designs and regulations from the
Department of Health, the Centre created an independent integrated place capable of
catering for the health problems of the local people by respecting their diverse
cultures. Believing in long term value for money, the Centre turned into a charity. It
raised a £ 1.2 million mortgage to build its own high quality premises designed by
its own architect, Gordon McLaren. The income of the Healthy Living Centre is
covering the loan costs. It includes a clinic with 4000 patients serviced by general
practitioners who also practice elsewhere in the Borough. It hosts a Primary Care
Trust run by the local authority, as well as Bow Childcare with parental
involvement. The Centre aims to engage the local population in health in its widest
and holistic sense. It developed a toolkit for Tackling Health Inequalities. Thus the
Centre offers primary care which is integrated with the arts, learning, enterprise and
the environment.
There is a deliberate absence of signage, no CCTV and no push button protection on
doors. The reception with a raised floor to bring the seated receptionists level with
the standing public deals with all parts of the Centre. Many activities are taking
place in the entrance hall and adjacent space, including preventive care for babies
and ante-natal and post-natal education supported by doctors from the world famous
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St. Ormond’s children hospital. The artist Victoria Russel is painting portraits of
babies which makes parents return to the clinic. A nurse with an arts degree and Dan
Hopewell a public artist were leading a project with medical students of UCH
(University College Hospital, a large London university teaching hospital) involving
a walking group for diabetes patients. Together they explored the area with local
patients who expressed their health needs visually and in writing. The results were
displayed in the reception hall. Before, the nurse was running an Asthma project
with children who have become much better at taking their medication. Next to the
doctors’ treatment rooms there is a multipurpose space for alternative medicine and
much needed social service support, as most problems of the local population are a
combination of health, social and emotional needs. Both medical staff and those
attending the clinics use a communal kitchen space adjacent to a meeting place
where talks are arranged on diet, healthy living and self-help.
OUTREACH
The London Borough of Tower Hamlets in which the Bromley-by-Bow Centre is
located provided £ 1.4 million towards the social enterprise venture at the Centre
and for running related projects worth £ 200 million for which the Centre attracted
grants from the lottery fund, the EU and other sources. A new building which cost
£ 280’000 accommodates these new activities. As the site is filled to capacity, the
Centre is looking for spaces in the neighbourhood to expand its educational
activities. It is using mobile units nearby in an abandoned church yard for teaching
purposes, thereby saving the listed trees on that site.
Mawson spread the creative Bromley-by-Bow spirit country-wide when he set up
CAN (Community Action Network), a national organisation to assist people in
starting up their own community businesses. In seven years CAN managed to
generate a million social entrepreneurs who have contributed £ 100 to the economy.
CAN encompasses 40 charities and provides a 2787 m2 service area with 300 staff
in prime office space on the Thames opposite the City Corporation. It produces the
Social Enterprise Magazine and on-line facility, runs UnLtd, a £ 100 million
Foundation for Social Entrepreneurs and a social entrepreneur leadership
programme for the NHS, the CAN academy for schools and many other projects
based on synergy with existing resources.
The Bromley-by-Bow Centre has also been instrumental in helping other
organisations getting projects off the ground, especially housing for disabled and
mentally ill persons. The Mental Health Resource centre accommodated in a
disused dairy in Hackney is a point in time. The Bromley-by-Bow Centre organises
regeneration and housing schemes with other agencies, such as Poplar Harca in the
ward and further a field in derelict industrial buildings along the Lea river. Its most
ambitious project to date is its participation as the community partner in ‘Water
City’. This short-listed development project was submitted by Richard Rogers
(architects), Atkins (engineering) and others towards a masterplan competition. It
was overtaken by the masterplan for the 2012 Olympic games for the lower Lea
Valley with more conventional objectives. The project of the Centre aimed to
connect existing deprived communities, now displaced, with developments in the
Royal Docks and the new Eurostar terminal in East Stratford. Akin to Rogers’
design for Universal City, a new town planned but never realised in the Thames
Estuary to house British film studios and build cultural and tourist activities around
this anchor, Water City intended to use local assets, especially the water course, and
combine existing communities and activities with new life from the outside.
What all these projects have in common is that they are conceived inside out
according to a sustainable business model with emphasis on practicality. All project
teams set aside parts of their added value as a multiplier for further ventures. They
exchange their experiences openly by using e-learning and other means of
transparent interaction, together with CAN as networking catalyst.
PREREQUISITES OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

Certain prerequisites emerge for such a sustainable development process. Most
importantly, sustainable holistic and organic development can only unfold over a
long time frame with endurance, patience and resilience, as well as optimism and
enthusiasm from leaders and team workers alike.
Innovative sustainable approaches and chaotic creativity incur risks. They require
acceptance of failure, flexibility and ability to stand back and change tack, as well as
resistance to mainstream routines, especially in precarious financial situations. All
this amounts to social responsibility.
An important part of sustainable development is to invent appropriate institutional
and managerial steering mechanisms. They are instrumental in releasing creativity of
everybody involved in a climate of trust and respect, besides critical communication
and ability to delegate.
The organisational and managerial characteristics influence the physical spatial
environments which such sustainable developments generate. The Bromley-by-Bow
Centre consists of small interconnected buildings designed according to ecological
principles and open spaces with easy access and good links with the surrounding
urban fabric. They are perceived as havens of security in a turbulent and often
hostile wider urban environment.
A feature of sustainable development prominent in the Centre is the cross cultural,
cross professional and cross generational cooperation and operating across levels
and scales of project. This ensures resilience of a sense of belonging by producers
and users alike over time.
Innovative enterprise may find itself marginalised in relation to the establishment
but needs to find ways to engage with it to become mainstream practice in the long
term.
High stake and high risk strategy sustainable developments of the Bromley-by-Bow
Centre cannot be all plain sailing. It encountered opposition from without as well as
from within. Although growing slowly and organically, it had to face problems of
scaling and invent structural changes of managing projects and the Centre itself.
Coping with such pressures and finding solutions time and again requires conviction
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and strength, including accepting defeat from time to time without losing sight of the
main objectives.
Only by keeping everybody engaged is it possible to harness value added, multiplier
effect and synergy. This may be the most challenging point. Adjusting to growth and
change brings tensions but successful sustainable solutions are a fertile learning
ground. New development led planning legislation exacerbates their importance.
The British Government has difficulties in achieving the ‘sustainable
communities’ [8] postulated in recent legislation. In reality, new and temporary
allegiances are being clenched in many places, some aiming at similar community
based development mode as the Bromley-by-Bow Centre.
CONCLUSION
The Bromley-by-Bow Centre is a pioneer of bottom up sustainable development
managing organic growth with creative chaos. Evaluation research sponsored by the
Dunhill Medical Trust sees it as an innovative experiment from which other like-
minded communities can learn. An important lesson is how to resist predatory
development pressures after having turned around a devalued and derelict situation,
how to manage with precarious financing, and how to withstand adverse government
policies and procedures to preserve integrity and ethos as an inherent part of
sustainability.
References
[1] http://www.lda.gov.uk
[2] The Mayor’s Annual Report 2004, GLA, p 2
[3] Sustaining Success: Developping London’s Economy. LDA 2004
[4] LDA. Understanding London’s Sub-Regional Economies. 2003. see also Table A2.5
[5] Ash Amin, Doreen Massey, Nigel Thrift. 2003. Decentring the Nation, a radical
approach to regional inequality. Catalyst
[6] www.bbbc.org.uk
[7] www.can-online.org.uk
[8] ODPM (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister). 2005. Five Year Strategy to Create
Sustainable Communities: Sustainable Communities: Homes for All; Sustainable
Communities: People, Places and Prosperity; Regional Documents.
ODPM. 2005. Sustainable Communities: Summit 2005, delivering sustainable
communities; The Communities Plan.
ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF PUBLIC SPACE IN CITIES

1
Wilfried Schönbäck
INTRODUCTION AND PROBLEM

Public space in cities2 is an economic good. Its supply requires input of capital and
labor, the uses of it are demanded and many parts of it are, relative to the demand,
quite scarce, at least in certain periods of the day, of the week, of the month and/or
of the year. The various kinds of uses happen often simultaneously and are exerting
positive or negative influence to each other. Its size is in many cases limited by
certain of its specific functions, especially through the necessity of users’ spatial
proximity to certain objects and to each other. The spatial density of the users and
uses may have technical, economic or social reasons. In other cases its functions
would be more easily fulfilled by enlargement, which may be, however, quite
limited. In existing parts of cities it is only expandable in exceptional cases in which
sacrifices of edifices are feasible and appropriate investment affordable.
Various amounts of working time and capital for construction and maintenance are
necessary for its provision, depending upon the degree to which its planning,
equipment and formation exceed its natural spatial basis and the immediate
functional requirements of neighbouring edifices. In the minimum it is subordinate
complementary space beside or between structures. Here it contains as the most
important thing merely traffic facilities and facilities for other services to the
bordering edifices. But apparently public space has here no more than a shadow
existence. In many cases, however, it is used for various functions that much
transcend this. Great tasks pose themselves when the public space is to be so
conceived that its potential for the creation of goods and services and living quality
of the inhabitants can be fully tapped. Many kinds of the use of public space belong
to processes of production, others to processes of consumption, leisure and
recreation.
In the course of time people change their claims on the use of public space as well as
technologies change. It must be adjusted to meet new demands yielded by city
development. Hence, a dynamic optimisation of public space as a multi-functional
1
dr Schönbäck Wilfried, Professor, Head of the Centre, Department for Urban and
Regional Planning, Centre Public Finanace and Infrastructure Policy, Vienna
University of Technology, Austria
2
Only public space outside of edifices is addressed here.
127
good is a concern. This usually requires complex processes of adaptation in existing
structures. New plans are hardly less complex. In this contribution several
production-, investment- and consumption-related aspects of public space are briefly
illuminated. This can serve as a help for analyses belonging to real estate and urban
economics, social geography, architecture and others.
FUNCTIONAL DEMANDS ON PUBLIC SPACE

Public space as a whole is many things at once, many of its chief functions are
extremely different: field of communication, place of action for the composition and
cultivation of social relations and for the release of emotions, room for rest and
recreation, promotional space for trade and commerce, market place of commercial
transactions, necessary but annoying traffic space, operating space for the shady and
the criminal, forum for the social integration of marginal groups, public display of
the aesthetic, political promotion and agitation etc.
Public space can itself under certain preconditions give impulses for developments
that would otherwise not at all, or only with great difficulty, come to pass. Under-
standing public space as a particular kind of "instrument" of city- or neighbourhood
development is a challenge that has been often successfully used in recent decades,
in other parts of cities, though, not seldom a challenge yet to be taken up.
The basic task of open space policy is (a) to enable very different activities partly
synergetic and partly in conflict to each other which in general help to create eco-
nomic, social, emotional and aesthetic values (b) happening in a space to which
everybody has simultaneous access controlled best by rules and other means
restricting individual behaviour as little as possible and (c) offering the freedom for
individuals and firms to act in a more private or public way as the like. This poses
the question of the appropriation of those values created with the help of public
space and the role of compensation and reward by prices, fees and taxes as
instruments of control and financing.
In individual areas of the city, not augmentation but avoiding the destruction of
values through effects resulting from a distorted use of public space is a central
issue, in extreme cases through depletion as an effect of sometimes antisocial or
criminal usurpation of public places by aggressive or violent groups.
The elimination of past and the enabling of new functions of parts of the public
space is a common topic of city development discussion. New priorities with regard
to certain functions and their qualities are to be discussed, harmonised with each
other and finally identified. Often the shifting of activities between different parts of
the public space is at issue. Thereafter the main concern is the new priorities’
proclamation, and technical and administrative realisation. This leads to the question
of relevant characteristics of public space and its uses and later on of the instruments
for realising the according concepts and plans.
ECONOMICALLY RELEVANT CHARACTERISTICS OF PUBLIC SPACE

AND ITS USE
Public space is a good of a special sort. Both it and its use exhibit several special
characteristics. What economically relevant characteristics of public space and its
utilisation require attention? The first essential characteristic of this good becomes
visible when it is compared with conventional goods. Material goods are, as a rule,
produced physical objects whose functional suitability and whose aesthetic
appearances allow for special utility-yielding uses on the part of consumers
respectively for income generating uses on the part of producers having invested
capital in such a good as a means of production. Services are activities of producers
that yield immediate utility for consumers, or which are used by producers as inputs
in the production process.
Public space as a good differs from both of these in that it appears purely physically
as space above, between or underneath physical objects, like sealed or unsealed
ground, buildings, diverse accessories as well as trees, bushes, and the like. Public
space rests upon natural spatial fundaments (ground) and, depending upon the
density of constructed edifices in the surrounding area, is fenced off by the
constructed environment (buildings and other physical structures) on one or more
sides, in extreme cases being completely surrounded (physical characteristic).
Public space makes possible that human activities (production, consumption, or
other free time activities) can be executed within it. Public space provides space for
immediate (i. e. from person to person directly and personally perceptible)
individual doing, specifically together and simultaneously with other persons,
anonymous and/or familiar, intended or coincidentally present. Thus, public space
provides a place for people’s immediate individual doing and thus an object causing
utility from using it in relative public within a collective of other humans who, in
immediate spatial proximity, also act, or interact (usage characteristic no. 1). The
corresponding human behaviour can therefore be subjected to a micro-economic
analysis. This allows, for example, the evaluation of spending time in concrete
public places for the purpose of leisure and recreation by determining the individual
willingness to pay for it.
When the individual leaves his private sphere, he or she can usually approach this
collective partially, or at least marginally, via individual route and time selections;
he can or must, at the same time, count on hoped for, un-hoped for, even feared
immediate encounters with others. Hence, potentially value-generating ("positive")
or -destroying ("negative") neighbourhood effects are yielded (usage characteristic
no. 2).
Persons’ immediate, individual doing in public space is, under certain
circumstances, functionally homogeneous, and appears in large quantities (e. g.
commuters during the morning rush). But usually a temporal and spatial
differentiation between peak and off-peak demands for the use of public space can
be observed. Or it is heterogeneous (e.g. skinheads encounter hurrying store
customers or a class of girls from the country, or two contrary groups of away
supporters meet after a football game). This diversity of activity ends raises the
129
potential for value-generating or -destroying "neighbourhood effects" immensely,
more precisely described as effects resulting from spatial and temporal coincidence
of activities.
To what extent are these processes of value-generation or -destruction to be regarded
as transactions controlled by market forces? A market controlled transaction is
basically an exchange of value (e. g. advertisements on billboards, short-term
parking zones, gastronomic services in the sidewalk café, etc.) and counter-value in
the form of a paid market price. Such an exchange presupposes, first of all, that the
good in question be identified indubitably with respect to proprietary law and,
secondly, that autonomous, self-responsible economic subjects are the legal owner
of the objects of transaction (merchandise or service, money).
If legal ownership is not defined beyond a reasonable doubt, or not at all, or if rights
to disposal, either the owner’s or those of a third party (e. g. in the case of rent,
lease, licence, or the like), are not enforceable, then the aforementioned processes of
value generation and -destruction necessarily are no market controlled transactions,
but external effects (positive or negative). Here one-sided or mutual interferences of
different kinds of using the public space, and hence of the agents’ utility, can arise
and may happen without specific compensatory payments on a decentralised,
voluntary (market led) basis. The value changes are thus executed outside of the
framework of the individual calculation of the originator of these effects. This is
usually termed as positive and negative external effects of production, consumption,
or other activities.
Notwithstanding, these effects are of great significance for the individuals
concerned. If the effects are positive, then their externality provokes that they are
executed on a smaller scale than the socially optimal level because the originator is
not fully rewarded for what he has caused. If they are negative, then it is just the
opposite. It is no trivial task to find out the optimum amount of activities having
those effects with respect to society as a whole. And to realise in practice what has
been recognised (or at least conjectured) to be the optimum degree of activities is yet
more difficult, effective means being rare and having often undesired side effects.
External effects immediately between natural persons (positive and negative external
effects type A) usually have no (notable) influence upon material goods in the
property of these agents. Their effects are restricted to changes in the experiential
value in the immediate use of public space, or upon the value of options for the
immediate use of public space (option value of the use of public space).
Nevertheless, these effects can be perceived as quite significant.
Diverse activities in public space provoke or prevent the use of buildings nearby,
and thus also the gain or utility of the owner or charterer to be had from it, and vice
versa (external effects type B). A distinction must be drawn here between the
neighbourhood effects of activities of certain (groups of) individuals in public space
on proprietors or users of real estate on the one hand (external effects type B1)3 and
3
E. g., Schwedenplatz in Vienna’s first district has developed in recent years, much to the annoyance
of the area’s inhabitants, into a social and security-related problem milieu. It supposedly migrated from
the area around Schottentor to Schedenplatz. Why? What effects does this have? What curative
on the other hand the effects of buildings’ forms as well as the activities carried out
within them on the uses of the public space that lies before them. Such effects can be
vivifying or deterring (real estate-induced external effects, or external effects type
B2). It is a chief task of the public authorities (policy for organising and developing
public space) to affect both types of real estate-related neighbourhood effects.
To regulate these external effects is no easy task, nor is it a primary task of economic
system control. Prerequisites for this are rather necessary that are chiefly to be
provided by private parties, such as to respect basic values the freedom and dignity
of all, and to be personally responsible for one’s own action. Public authorities,
however, can in many ways exert an influence on the degree of the bindingness of
these values among private parties. Public authorities can strive for this in the
context of one of their four types of responsibility for the provision of services,
namely their responsibility (a) for setting the general norms of economic behaviour
by legislation, (b) for achievement as producer of public services4, (c) for
achievement as warrantor of certain standards of goods or services appointed by
public hands but produced privately and (d) for achievement as regulator only of the
competitive framework of private production in specific branches, e. g.
telecommunication.
The so-called internalisation of (positive and negative) external effects consists in
that their benefits are accredited to and their costs imputed to their originators. In
many cases this would raise the level of welfare irrespective of who the winners are.
This is the question of the so-called allocational policy (allocational efficieny of
the use of input goods), which is to be distinguished from the question of which
(groups of) agents shall benefit from what degree of this welfare increase. Here the
question of redistributive policy (distributional equity or political acceptance of
who uses what amount the output goods) is spoken of. Always to make this
distinction clear furthers a better understanding of the tasks and instrumental
possibilities and necessities of an efficient open space policy.
PUBLIC SPACE: FOUR TYPES OF GOODS

In order further to describe the economic peculiarities of individual parts of public
space as a good, it is useful fundamentally to distinguish between two types of
goods according to whether the demanders have a price to pay before their use or
not: individual or collective goods. It pays to keep in mind as a second
measures are possible, and what are required? This questions can only be answered by a detailed
milieu study.
4
The Viennese public transportation company sets a risky example of how to deal with such
responsibility, an example that grossly misleads the public with its advertising slogan "The City
Belongs to You" (innumerable posters in 2006 and 2007).
Apparently to the contrary, but similarly misleading is the political slogan that covers innumerable
house walls in Caracas, the capital of Venezuela: ["This Land Belongs to Us All"] (Stadtportrait
Caracas, Austrian Broadcasting Corporation Ö1, 18.08.2007). While the latter abets that collectivism
which is a precursor of totalitarianism, the former suggests an unlimited individualism almost in the
sense of Max Stirner: „Eigner von Allem" [proprietor of everything]. Both slogans come from a quite
superficial populism that has nothing to do with correct proprietary law, nor with rights to disposal, in
a constitutional republic.
131
distinguishing characteristic whether there is rivalry between the users of a good or
not. With an individual good there is per definitionem user rivalry: If it is used by a
demander, then it is not available to others.
With collective goods, contrarily, different manifestations of the second
characteristic are possible. If a collective good is offered to a great extent relative to
demand (or number of demanders), user rivalry does not occur. This is usually the
case with collective goods whose supply is not divisible, and with which it is
immaterial how many demanders use them. No one’s use is interfered with, even if
another user is added. From the perspective of the supplier, then, the costs of
providing the good to other users is nil. In this case, it would be harmful for people’s
welfare to charge a price, because some of them wouldn’t consume the good
anymore and, consequently, would lose the benefit from it without saving costs of
producing it.
If no price is charged for the use of a good and if there is no user rivalry, a pure
collective good can be spoken of. Large portions of public space in a given city are
pure collective goods, e. g. sidewalks or streets in outer districts with only low
demand for its use.
However, there are also two other types of collective goods. On the one hand there
are those for which, in spite of non-rivalry, each user must pay a price. These are
called club collective goods (based upon the circumstance that the demanders form
a sort of club of the use-privileged through the paying of a price). A less frequented
museum or cable television are examples of this. Even the offered services of the
Viennese public transportation system at off-peak times belong to this category of
goods. (They are also called toll goods, which, however, refers to the area of streets
to which they are by no means restricted).
On the other hand, there are collective goods for which user rivalry is given, and for
whose use no price is charged. Such goods is called common goods
("Allmendegut"). The term comes from the Middle High German term originating
in the High Middle Ages "al(ge)meinde" (i. e. "almeine" or "Gemeindeflur"). (The
term also used for this, "quasi-collective good" is not illuminating, as neither the
superterminus for club collective and common good, "mixed goods"). Often user
rivalry exists for the very reason that there is no price barrier, and the good can
hence also be used by users for whom it provides only little utility.
Accordingly, the following fourfold classification of goods has been used for
decades to provide an overview:
Table 1.- Fourfold classification of goods
User rivalry No user rivalry
Exclusion (by a price) of demanders individual goods club collective goods
unwilling to pay
Non-exclusion of demanders unwilling common goods pure collective goods
to pay (quasi-collective goods)
Source: H. Berg, D. Cassel, K.-H. Hartwig, 2003, p. 198 (slightly modified)
Instead of the pair of terms, individual- and collective goods, though, literature on
public finance often uses the alternative terms private- and public goods. The trait
thus cited is quite different from the trait "exclusion-" or "non-exclusion of

demanders unwilling to pay" used above.
First of all, private and public are often associated with the legal status of the
proprietor of the firm offering the good: does the good offered belong to a private or
a public owner? This, however, is immaterial for the classification of goods depicted
here, even if it is essential for other aspects.
The parking sites in short-term parking zones for which a price has to be paid are
individual goods, even though the proprietor may be a public authority, i. e. the
municipality. It is important to realise that the level of welfare attainable from a
parking site depends primarily on how access is organised in combination with the
degree of scarcity of parking sites. If, on the one hand (say at the periphery) there is
no user rivalry the asking for a price (making park sites to a club collective good)
would lower the level of welfare in the city because parking which generates utility
(measured in money terms) lower than the price but higher than nil would be
abandoned without lowering the costs of supplying parking sites at an amount
previously fixed. Free access there would increase the level of welfare (provided
there are no negative external costs of using the additional cars in the city) because
utility from additional parking is realised without an increase in costs. This implies a
net welfare gain. If, on the other hand (say in the centre of the city), there is relevant
user rivalry (i. e. scarcity of the good), the asking for a price (making park sites to
individual goods) would increase the level of welfare in the city because parking
sites would be used by those appreciating them most. The important issue is that a
price (or fee) leads each individual demander to reflect upon whether the expected
personal utility from the utilisation of the good is greater than the price (which to a
greater or lesser degree reflects the costs of provision) which is essential if there is
scarcity of the good. If there is no scarcity the price would again exclude those from
using the parking sites whose personal utility from parking is lower than the price
but this would not lower the costs of supplying the sites This implies a net welfare
loss. Even public legal entities are today required by law to bring about user
decisions based not only on utility but also on price by levying user fees (even if
these do not necessarily cover all costs) on their own responsibility.
Secondly, private/public is a fundamental legal category relevant to observation and
control of citizens by the state. For citizens it is important that much of what they do
in public only be subjected to state control (which often never becomes public)
under strict conditions. This complex requires the fastidious illumination of the
criterion "private vs. public", without its being diluted with the superfluous
ambiguity of homonymous criteria in the classification of goods.
Thirdly, the notion "public" is necessary to express an important characteristic of
most activities being carried out in the public space, namely that they will be noticed
by many other people. To take notice of something in the public space is
particularily important for sales promotion and political propaganda but also for
individual profiling in social networks and at public places belonging to ‘vanity
fairs’. This is different from carrying out activities collectively, i. e. carried out by
many individuals at the same time.
133
Usually no price is charged for the demand for common goods, because the cost of
exclusion of users who are unwilling to pay is prohibitively high per user or because
it is simply not accepted by the user community. Consequences of this are yet more
overuse (overload) of the capacity. An example of this is the sidewalk of a shopping
mall during the pre-Christmas shopping frenzy or the traffic lanes of an central street
during rush hour. In the former case, overuse cannot be reduced by the introduction
of a user fee for technical reasons (the prices would be practically infinitely high). In
the latter case, the introduction of a price barrier would be both technically and
economically feasible, but it is considered neither politically opportune, nor (yet)
appropriate with respect to traffic policy. In such cases other instruments of control
than user tolls are put to use, e. g. the enforcement of a waiting list, user permit or
other means of rationing. Otherwise, the appreciation of the good wanes, or even
disappears altogether.
Notably, each part of the seeming homogeneous public space belongs always to one
of these four categories of good types. This inner differentiation becomes
recognisable only through attention to the two most important economic categories
at all: the degree of scarcity of the good desired (resulting in different degrees of
negative effect of the approach of a new user to the users already present) on the one
hand, and the type of availability of this good (individual or collective).
Temporary Non-Legitimate Exclusive Use of Parts of Public Space
The possibility is to be taken into account that a place belonging to the collectively
used space of the city be used by a group of users in such a way that other users are
displaced or endangered. Such sub-socialised uses of parts of public space must be put
an end, e.g. through guarding and sanctioning, if collective use is to go on undisturbed.
CONTROL INSTRUMENTS
The price is the most important indicator of the degree of scarcity of a good and, at the
same time, source of sales proceeds. Furthermore, it is an information carrier capable
of providing economic incentives. It constitutes the foundation for individual price-
cost-calculations of suppliers of goods and price-utility-calculations of demanders. The
price is the central instrument of control for the supply of and demand for individual
goods as a part of public space, especially (a) rented spaces for gastronomical and
other amusement industries’ uses of public space (e. g. street cafés), (b) spaces for
trade activities and other services, (c) advertising spaces (commercial or other
advertising), (d) zones for parking management ("scarcity pricing") and (e) streets with
tolls that depend upon the degree of negative external effects of individual motor car
traffic carried out collectively at the same time ("congestion pricing").
For the provision of and demand for collective goods other instruments must be
implemented by the authorities in order to solve the problem of scarcity. The most
important instruments of control alternative to a missing market price are:
− Placing legal norms that justify permits or legitimise claims (e. g. legal planning
regulations),
− Public fees (e. g. for the use of public ground, commercial taxes),
− Contractual agreements between the public authorities and private parties,
− Prohibitions,
− Enforcement of compulsory licences for activities (e. g. exclusive temporary use
of part of the public space),
− Mandates (e. g. construction regulations, compulsory preservation of the facades
of buildings under landmark protection),
− Collection of information by public authorities,
− Distribution of information by public authorities for system control
− Setting incentives for negotiations with the aim of contractual agreements
between private parties (without direct influence by the public authorities),
− Coordination of different instruments by the public authorities.
QUESTIONS ON THE WAY TO EFFICIENT PUBLIC SPACE POLICY

a. In what areas of public space are currently the greatest deficiencies?
b. In which areas of public space (functional subcategories, areas) are the
greatest long-term changes (within a perspective of 25 years) to be expected?
c. In which subcategories of public space is the utilisation of capacity, or its
overutilisation currently / in the no-measure-case in 25 years expected to be /
the greatest? Where is there currently / in the no-measure-case in 25 years
expected to be / the greatest need for quantitative expansion of capacities of
certain categories of public space?
d. What kinds of the use of public space should be expanded (and where), what
kinds of use can be restricted or substituted (and where)?
e. In what consist the most important opportunities for qualitative improvement
of public space?
f. In which parts of public space is the character of common goods given? In
which is the overuse the greatest disturbance for the city’s inhabitants / for the
economy? Through which other instruments than a price can the overuse be
reduced there? For which of these common goods are investments in capacity
expansion worthy of consideration? What kinds of expanding the capacity of
public space are technically feasible? What are the costs? What are the
expected benefit-cost-ratios?
g. Are there parts of public space with capacity overuse for which the access of
demanders can be regulated by the introduction of a price, if capacity
expansion is impossible or undesirable?
h. For which parts of public space with fluctuating character as club collective-
and common goods is the degree of overuse sometimes so diverse that a price
differentiation between peak and off-peak periods is worthy of consideration?
i. For which parts of public space with fluctuating character as club collective-
and common goods is the degree of overuse regionally so diverse that a price
differentiation between peak and off-peak zones is worthy of consideration?
j. Wherein would the economic advantages and disadvantages of such price
differentiations consist? What legal regulations or political ideas (goals)
conflict with such price differentiations?
k. What intermittently non-legitimate exclusive uses of parts of public space exist,
and with what instruments can they be returned to a state of normal collective
use?
135
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SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT OF GLASGOW

Branka Dimitrijević1
Abstract
Similar problems can be identified in the rise, crisis, regeneration and planning of cities
regardless of their geographical location. The aim of this paper is to highlight the problems
and solutions that have these universal characteristics and are evident in the urban
development of Glasgow in the past and today.
As Glasgow’s name includes the archaic word for "green", the common interpretation of the
city’s name is "dear green place" alluding to the green banks of the river Clyde. It seems
that the urban planners of Glasgow in the 19th century were inspired by the city’s name
when they planned its future development. Around 1810, Glasgow was the second largest
city in the United Kingdom, after London. As the city centre was densely built around 1840,
planning of the expansion towards the west, and then towards the east and south, began. The
expansion included plans for generous public gardens, tree-lined streets, private gardens for
residents of multi-storey buildings, house gardens, green spaces for sport and recreation
(tennis and bowling), and allotments. Today’s generations enjoy these green spaces which
were developed in the past.
During the 19th century Glasgow became an important industrial centre renowned for
shipbuilding and the railway industry. After the First World War these industries declined
due to the increase of transport by cars and planes. At the beginning of the 20th century
Glasgow had over 1 million inhabitants, but by 1950 the population had almost halved. The
building facades were blackened by smoke from burning coal used for heating. As crime was
rising, Glasgow’s reputation became very poor.
During the 1970s the burning of coal was forbidden, the heating switched to gas, and the
cleaning of yellow and red stone facades began. During the 1980s and 1990s, regeneration
along the Clyde began and is ongoing and expanding beyond the city centre. Several
significant cultural manifestation were organised in the 1990s, contributing to the change in
the city’s image.
The recently proposed Glasgow City Plan envisages further regeneration along the Clyde
and in other city neighbourhoods. The comparison of Glasgow’s urban development in the
19th century with the current plans contributes to the identification of successful past
solutions as the lessons that can inform current urban planning.
Key words: sustainable urban development, Glasgow, natural environment
1
dr Branka Dimitrijević, Director, Centre for the Built Environment, a joint
initiative of Glasgow Caledonian University, Strathclyde University and Mackintosh
School of Architecture, United Kingdom.
137
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE IDENTIFICATION OF SUCCESSFUL
URBAN PLANNING SOLUTIONS
The Academy of Urbanism was established in the United Kingdom in 2006 with the
aim to "create a body of evidence-based enquiry that can inform our quest to
identify and deliver best practice in Urbanism" (Thompson, 2007). The aim of this
virtual institution, which draws together British urban planners, indicates that the
recognition of qualities that make the existing places attractive is the first step
towards the creation of new attractive places. The Academy’s first publication
(Evans and McDonald, 2007) focused on examples of excellent urban planning
which were shortlisted for the Academy’s annual award for cities, towns,
neighbourhoods, streets and places. The principles recommended by the Academy
for creating attractive and sustainable urban spaces are listed at the end of the
publication. The majority of the proposed principles can be identified in the
planning of the expansion of Glasgow in the 19th century. The analysis that follows
indicates the characteristics of the solutions and different consequences of later
renewals of some urban neighbourhoods.
URBAN DEVELOPMENT OF GLASGOW

The topographical location of the settlement from which Glasgow grew (at the foot
of a sacred hill, near an easy river-crossing and a good harbour) induced its
development (Walker, 1993a). The Romans came to Glasgow, but kept only a small
garrison without attempting to develop a settlement. It is known that the King of
Strathclyde appointed Mungo as a bishop in the 6th century, but the exact location of
his church has not been established. The existence of the settlement next to the river
Clyde can be dated to the late 12th and early 13th centuries. The first timber bridge on
the Clyde was replaced by an eight-arch masonry bridge around 1345, indicating
economic growth. The establishment of Glasgow University on the model of
Bologna in 1451 gave a significant boost to the cultural development and the
population growth from around 1,500 inhabitants before the University was
established to 4,500 people in the next hundred years (Walker, 1993a). The 13th
century Cathedral and a modest stone building which was the Lord Provost’s house,
built in 1471 and now a museum, are the only buildings from medieval Glasgow
which have been preserved.
The big fire in 1652 destroyed around one third of central Glasgow and triggered the
prohibition of timber structures on new buildings and the enforcement of a rigid
building line. The remaining buildings with a timber upper structure burnt down in a
second big fire in 1677, after which legislation was passed to ensure that any new
buildings on public streets would be wholly constructed in stone. By the end of the
17th century, the tobacco and sugar trade increased the economic power of the city
which expanded and impressed visitors with its stone buildings and paved and
regulated streets. The union with England in 1707 further contributed to the
economic growth. Some wealthy citizens built splendid mansions, set amid
ornamental gardens, whose architecture was inspired by Palladio’s villas. These
buildings signalled the transition from a densely built medieval town towards the
more disciplined grid of a Neo-Classical town (Walker. 1993b)
Around 1720 Port Glasgow became an important harbour, surpassing Liverpool,
Bristol and Whitehaven through a successful development of the tobacco trade with
Virginia. The deepening of the river bed was undertaken in 1770 to allow access to
large vessels. The shipbuilding industry was launched at this time. Glasgow
expanded towards the west and a new stone bridge was built over the Clyde. At the
start of the 19th century, beside further extension of the city towards the west and the
north, city development planning on the south bank of the Clyde also began.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE WEST END OF GLASGOW

As the city centre was densely built around 1840, the city planners started to plan its
expansion westwards, towards the river Kelvin and beyond. A rectangular street grid
was not extended around the hills which lay east of the Kelvin. The space below the
hills towards the south and the west was planned for a large park, today the
Kelvingrove Park. Beside this substantial park, the Botanic Gardens were laid next
to the river Kelvin. At the top of the hill east of the Kelvin, Park Circus, a housing
development around an elliptical square was planned (Picture 1). Located above the
picturesque parklands and with open views towards the landscape, it was then, as it
is today, a very attractive living space.
Pic.1-. Park Circus Pic. 2.- Kelvingrove Gallery and

Museum and Glasgow University
On the hill west of the Kelvin, another park was planned in which a monumental
Glasgow University building was built in 1870 (Picture 2). The meadows south of
the Kelvin were also transformed into a park in which the Kelvingrove Gallery and
Museum was built in the 19th century. As the parks along the Kelvin are connected,
it is possible to go on a long and pleasant walk in the natural environment from
which the architecture of the most important educational and cultural institutions can
be viewed.
By combining low and high density housing it was possible to achieve a mixture of
different social classes. Three-storey tenements which have one to five bedroom
139
flats are examples of high density housing (Pictures 3, 4). Multi-storey buildings
built of red or yellow stone line the streets. If they are next to the main
thoroughfares, then they might have shops at the ground level (Pictures 5, 6).
Terraced houses have two (Picture 7) or three storeys (Picture 8). The lowest density
is represented by semi-detached (Picture 9) and detached houses (Picture 10).
Pic. 3.- Multi-storey housing of red stone Pic.e 4-. Multi-storey housing of yellow stone
Pic. 5.- Multi-storey housing with shops Pic 6.- Multi-storey housing with shops on
one side of the street
Pic 7-. Two-storey terraced houses Pic. 8.- Three-storey terraced houses
Pic. 9.- Semi-detached houses Pic. 10.- A detached house
Different sizes, types and uses of green spaces can be noticed in the planning of new
urban developments. There are no green spaces in front of the shops (Picture 5), but
if there are no shops at ground level a green barrier rises against the street (Picture
6). Front gardens decorate the access to the multi-storey housing (Pictures 3, 4),
terraced houses (Pictures 5, 6) or detached houses (Pictures 9, 10). The mature trees
along the streets improve the microclimate and increase the visual attractiveness of
the streets (Pictures 11, 12).
Pic. 11, 12.- Mature trees along the streets
Beside public parks (Picture 13) and children’s playgrounds (Picture 14) which are
accessible to everyone, other types of green spaces were also planned.
Pic. 13. -The Botanic Gardens Pic. 14-. A children’s playground

141
Access to the bowling and tennis clubs, which are located amongst the housing, is
possible only to the members who pay for their maintenance.
Pic. 15, 16-. Bowling clubs

The spaces between some multi-storey buildings (Picture 17) and terraced houses
(Picture 19) have been laid out as small fenced parks accessible only to the residents
who live in the surrounding houses and pay for the maintenance of these private
gardens.
Pic. 17, 18-. Residents’ private gardens

Residents who do not have their own gardens and wish to do some gardening can
hire a plot inside green spaces which are planned as communal allotments (Picture
19). The allotments were very useful during the First and Second Wold Wars, and
have again become popular because of the rising interest in healthy eating and
growing vegetables without the use of pesticides. The Scottish Allotments and
Gardens Society actively supports the transformation of some spaces in housing
developments into allotments.
Pic 19.- Shared Gardens

The recently published Glasgow City Plan, whose adoption is planned in 2009,
envisages the development of a large new park, Stirling Maxwell Forest Park, in
which 28 km of paths and bicycle routes will connect forests, open spaces, parklands
and natural reserves, and include the greening of 30 ha of derelict land in the
southwest part of the city (Glasgow City Council, 2007a). The renovation of other
parks in the city suburbs, reclamation of abandoned land and conservation of
existing green spaces are also planned. City Plan also proposes new allotments (0.05
ha per 1,000 inhabitants) with the explanation that allotments "are seen as having an
important and long standing relationship to communities living at high density, with
little or no provision for sizeable private gardens" (Glasgow City Council, 2007b).
When the landscape designers plan new green spaces, they will hopefully find
inspiration in different forms and uses of green spaces laid out in Glasgow during
the 19th century.
The planning of new housing in other parts of Glasgow (e.g. in the South Side)
during the 19th century was accomplished by developing new public parks
surrounded by housing of different density, schools and other public buildings.
Amongst them there were various types of public and private green spaces for
recreation, sport and gardening. The first trams along the main city streets were
running in 1872. The underground which connects the suburbs with the centre was
built in 1896. The underground is still in use, but the tram tracks were removed
when the car traffic increased, and now the buses are used instead.
Despite the economic decline of Glasgow in the first part of the 20th century, solidly
built stone multi-story buildings and houses endured, surrounded by mature trees
which embellish the streets. As there is more floor space and higher ceilings in these
hundred year-old houses than in more modern housing, the flats from this period are
very much sought after. Many of them have been modernised to meet contemporary
needs for comfort, but care is taken to preserve the original features (e.g. decorated
fire places, ceilings with cornices, original windows and doors, etc.) which
contribute to the individual character of each flat and increase its value.
Urban development of the West End of Glasgow occurred in phases which were not
completely planned in advance. As the land was being purchased for new
developments, the partial plans were made by different developers. Some of these
plans were partially completed and then the new ones created (Reed, 1993).
Different urban layouts of the West End neighbourhoods make the stroll through it a
pleasant visual experience as there is no monotonous repetition of street width and
position, nor of building size and design. Although the housing built in the 19th
century shows signs of the passing time, the West End of Glasgow still attracts
inhabitants who are willing to pay a higher price to live in this part of the city and in
buildings which were built at that time. This fact leads to the conclusion that the
principles applied in the urban planning of the West End of Glasgow can also be
applied today as a model for sustainable urban planning. Briefly, these principles
are: planning a large public park in the centre of new housing development;
combining low and high density of buildings built of durable materials; providing
local shops, schools and other amenities; planning different types of private and
public green spaces for recreation, sport and gardening; creating visual and sound
143
barriers by planting high and low vegetation along housing streets; and providing
different types of public transport.
REGENERATION OF THE CLYDE AND WORKING CLASS HOUSING

By 1864, some 1.5 million tons of shipping and over a million tons of cargo were
being handled at the Clyde quays (Riddell, 1993), and as the transport of goods was
further increasing the port was extended and warehouses and granaries built. Big
passenger and cargo steam ships regularly travelled to America and Canada, and
smaller ones to Europe, England, Wales and Ireland. The zenith of the activity in
ship transport was in the decade leading up to the First World War, but after the war
the increased use of cars, buses, lorries and planes for transport signalled the
beginning of the decline of coastal shipping and harbour traffic across the United
Kingdom as well in Glasgow. In the next thirty years the great harbour almost
completely disappeared. As the docks were abandoned and shipyards closed, the
land was sold and there were no ready plans for new activities in the former harbour.
The river Clyde, which was the centre of the economic activities in Glasgow over
two centuries and contributed to its economic growth, was completely abandoned
(Riddell, 1993).
During the 19th century the number of inhabitants in Glasgow was growing and by
the end of the century was nine times higher, reaching 750,000 (Reed, 1993). The
majority of citizens were workers who lived close to the city centre towards the east
and the south in buildings without water or sewerage, which caused three epidemics
of typhus and cholera in 1849-50, 1853-4 and 1863-4 (Edwards, 1993).The city
architect, medical officer and the Lord Provost visited Paris in 1866 to gather
information on the sanitary improvements and developments in Paris which were
going on under the supervision of Baron Haussmann. The delegation saw a network
of sewers and waterpipes which were laid beneath Parisian streets, as well as the
large city squares and uniformly designed street facades (Edwards, 1993). The visit
to Paris influenced sanitary improvements in Glasgow and the regeneration of some
city neighbourhoods such as the Gorbals on the south bank of the Clyde. Several
model housing schemes were built around rectangular inner courtyards as examples
of housing which should be built for workers. However, the size of the flats was
significantly smaller than in the West End and the sanitary conditions were only
slightly improved by locating one common water-closet on the half landings of
staircases.
During the 1980s and 1990s, regeneration along the banks of Clyde began and is
still ongoing. The architect Norman Foster designed the Scottish Exhibition and
Conference Centre on the north bank (Picture 20). The Science Centre (Picture 21)
was built on the south bank as an interactive exhibition centre for children. A new
BBC building has also just been built nearby. The construction of a new Transport
Museum has recently begun as designed by Zaha Hadid. The link between this new
centre on the south bank with the city’s business centre has been provided by the
construction of a pedestrian bridge and Finnieston Bridge (Picture 22) for vehicle
traffic. The construction of another bridge towards the east has been planned to
connect the banks of Clyde in the city centre. Opposite this bridge, mixed-use
housing has been planned around the rectangular inner courtyards similar to the
more compact system of building in the 19th century. These urban blocks will be
harmoniously linked with the existing city context. However, some new housing
along the Clyde has been made up of large stand alone buildings. Their exposure to
the wind has been increased, especially as there are no high trees and none have
been planned nearby. Glasgow Harbour, a recently completed housing scheme, is
enclosed by the river Clyde on the south side and isolated from the housing in the
West End by a motorway to the north. The lack of local shops, schools, public
transport and pedestrian paths in this neighbourhood does not make it attractive
despite the sleek modern design of the buildings.
Pic.. 20 - Scottish Exhibition and Pic. 21-. Science Centre

Conference Centre
Pic. 22- BBC building i Finnieston most
The construction of new public buildings and housing along the banks of the Clyde
can reach a level of sustainability and attractiveness for inhabitants such as has been
achieved in the West End when, beside new buildings, these regenerated parts of the
city get local services, attractive pedestrian paths and green spaces for recreation,
sport and gardening.
145
A recently completed research on sustainable urban development (Frey, 2007) has
given a proposal for a series of parameters which can be used in planning new and
regenerating existing urban neighbourhoods. The proposal related to the use of land
is that the maximum distance from the edge of a neighbourhood to its centre should
be a 10-minute walk or 530m, enclosing a land surface of 88ha (the total land
surface includes streets, a local park, playgrounds and sport facilities, but not forests,
rivers and other open spaces which are beyond the built area although a part of the
city). Within such an urban neighbourhood, 60% of the total land should be for
housing and 40% for communal use (work places, shops, schools etc. including
roads and communal spaces). The total number of inhabitants within one housing
neighbourhood should be 7,500, which indicates that the density would be 141
people/ha. As on average 2.1 people live in one housing unit in Glasgow, a housing
neighbourhood should have 3,571 housing units, indicating that the housing density
should be 67 housing units/ha. In the West End of Glasgow there are 159 to 205
people/ha and the housing density is 76 to 98 housing units/ha – both parameters are
higher than the proposed ones, showing that even higher densities could be accepted
if other components of urban planning are satisfactory.
The research has especially emphasised the unsustainability of developments which
are built only as low density housing without the accompanying services. These
developments increase the need for the use of cars for transport to shops, schools,
work places and centres for entertainment and recreation, which then increases
traffic congestion and pollution in the city centre. The construction of new housing
developments at the edge of a city can not be justified when there are opportunities
to increase the housing density in the city centre, such as is the case in the Govan
neighbourhood.
Glasgow’s City Plan to some extent recommends higher density housing "for sites
close to public transport corridors, stations or key intersections", but it also proposes
that "in areas where the development of housing for the upper-market is to be
encouraged, such as in greenfield or certain suburban locations, lower densities will
be sought" (Glasgow City Council, 2007c). In the 19th century, when Glasgow
experienced higher economic growth than today and when a significant number of
wealthy industrialists lived in it, there were not only families in two bedroom flats
but also families in private villas in the West End. Sir William Burrell (1861-1958),
one of the wealthiest amongst the industrialists who lived in Glasgow and left a
large art collection to the city, lived in a (luxury) terraced house in the West End and
not in an isolated suburb. Class divisions are encouraged by urban planning which
envisages luxury suburban housing and does not enable the mixture of high and low
housing density in a neighbourhood.
The former working-class neighbourhood in the Gorbals on the south bank of the
Clyde is an example of a successful contemporary regeneration. Around 1930, the
Gorbals had around 90,000 inhabitants who lived in poor housing conditions. At that
time the citizens of the Gorbals mainly worked in the shipyards or in the iron
workshops in the vicinity. The disappearance of these traditional industries caused
the worsening of life conditions in the Gorbals. In 1954 old housing in the Gorbals
was demolished and replaced by 24-storey housing buildings and seven to eight
storey housing blocks. The latter buildings were completed at the beginning of the
1970s. As the construction system used for the housing blocks did not meet the
requirements of the local climate, condensation became such a problem that re-
housing started in 1976 and was completed in 1982. During the 1990s a new
regeneration plan for the Gorbals was completed as the Crown Street Regeneration
Project. The regeneration of the whole neighbourhood was planned to achieve a
mixture of private and social housing of high quality and to provide local shops,
public services and recreation and sport centres. Housing blocks have been laid
around internal courtyards which include private gardens for ground floor houses
and communal green spaces for other inhabitants (Pictures 23, 24).
Pic 23. Regeneration of the Gorbals Picture 24. Private gardens and communal
green space within the internal courtyard of
a housing block in the Gorbals
CONCLUSIONS
The comparison of recently completed research on parameters for sustainable urban
development and regeneration with the plans for the development of the West End
of Glasgow in the 19th century shows that the West End was developed according to
certain principles, many of which can be adopted as the basis for sustainable urban
development. The variety of private and public green spaces developed in the West
End in the 19th century has not yet been achieved in the new plans for urban
development and regeneration. The value of the variety of green spaces which have
been developed more than a century ago is that the various needs of different groups
of inhabitants have been met: long walks, bicycle rides or running in interconnected
parks; meeting friends and acquaintances, and interest in botany in the Botanic
Gardens; socialising with neighbours in the residents’ private gardens and recreation
in bowling or tennis clubs. Besides this, housing streets were planned as tree-lined
streets whose high vegetation creates a pleasant visual experience and improves the
microclimate.
147
The regeneration of the Gorbals neighbourhood during the 1970s was not successful
primarily due to the poor quality of new housing and the lack of landscaping among
it. During the 1990s the urban plan for the Gorbals provided a mix of different types
and sizes of high quality housing which allowed for the housing of families of
various sizes and incomes. New housing blocks in the Gorbals have internal
courtyards which are larger than in those built in the 19th century, enabling better
insolation and a combination of private and communal gardens.
New free-standing housing and public buildings along the banks of the Clyde in the
city centre are not currently connected with attractive pedestrian paths and parks,
which is not pleasant for pedestrians. These empty spaces between new buildings
give the impression of incompleteness. Only when they have been complemented
with appropriate private and public green spaces and high vegetation will they be
perceived as parts of the city whose name developed from the words for "dear green
place".
Some general conclusions can be drawn from the selected examples of the urban
development and regeneration of Glasgow which are applicable in the urban
development and regeneration of any place. In housing it is necessary to plan for
various sizes of housing units to ensure a mix of family sizes and of the population
age profile. If public buildings are not surrounded by landscaped green spaces and
accessible to the visitors who use public transport, their attractiveness is diminished.
Existing cities and towns often contain attractive urban neighbourhoods whose
density enables pedestrian access to the centre with local services and public
transport, and attracts residents because of the quality of housing and public
buildings, accessibility of local services and various types of landscaped green
spaces. These local urban qualities should be recognised and adopted as the planning
principles for future urban development, creating continuity with the existing
architectural and urban heritage. This will enable the preservation of the specific
identity of each city.
References
Glasgow City Council (2007a), Improving The Quality Of, And Access To, Greenspaces. In
City Plan - Part 1 - Development Strategy - Environment – GreenSpaces.
http://www.glasgow.gov.uk/en/Business/City+Plan/Part+1+-
+Development+Strategy/Environment/ GreenSpaces/ Improving+the+
quality+of+and+access+to+greenspaces/
Glasgow City Council (2007b) Allotments. In City Plan - Part 2 - Development Policies -
Section 9 - Greenspace Landscape and Environment. http://www.glasgow.gov.uk/en/
Business/City+Plan/Part+2+-+Development+Policies/Section+9+-+Greenspace+
Landscape+and+Environment/ENV+14+Allotments/
Glasgow City Council (2007c) Residential Density. In City Plan - Part 1 - Development
Strategy - People. http://www.glasgow.gov.uk/en/ Business/City+Plan/Part+1+-
+Development +Strategy/ People/Residential+density/
Edwards, B. (1993) Glasgow Improvements, 1866-1901. In Reed, P. (Ed.) Glasgow, The
Forming of the City. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, str. 84-103.
Evans, B. and McDonald, F. (Eds.) (2007) Learning from Place 1. RIBA Publishing,
London.
Frey, H. (2007) Measuring the sustainability of urban areas, a seminar in the Centre for the
Built Environment, held on 6th November 2007.g. on the research within Plus Project C
"Urbanising Suburbia", SUE-City Form (Sustainable Urban Form) Consortium. See more
information on this project at http://www.city-form.com.
Reed, P. (1993) The Victorian Suburb. In Reed, P. (Ed.) Glasgow, The Forming of the City.
Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, pp. 56-83.
Riddell, J. (1993) Glasgow and the Clyde. In Reed, P. (Ed.) Glasgow, The Forming of the
City. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, pp. 41-56.
Thompson, J. (2007) Foreword. In Evans, B. and McDonald, F. Learning from Place 1.
RIBA Publishing, London.
Walker, F. A. (1993a) Origins and First Growths. In Reed, P. (Ed.) Glasgow, The Forming
of the City. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, pp. 9-23.
Walker, F.A. (1993b) Glasgow’s New Towns. In Reed, P. (Ed.) Glasgow, The Forming of
the City. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, pp. 24-40.
149
PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE

URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN GABORONE CITY,
BOTSWANA
Branko I. Cavrić 1
Abstract:
Compared to other emerging African capitals, Gaborone is a relatively young city (only 41
years old), but is one of the fastest growing cities on the African continent (Mosha, 1996).
The ascendance of Gaborone to its present position as the prime urban centre of the
republic of Botswana began in 1961, when the Bechuanaland Protectorate Legislative
Assembly recommended to Britain that a capital town should be built at Gaberones, an area
with comparative geographical conditions. Gaborone of today is a primate city that faces
the same kind of problems like the so-called "mega-cities". For that reason its urban
management try to strengthen implementation of different planning approaches, instruments,
mechanisms and tools. Recommendations for their improvements and search for new
strategies continuously are taking place. The purpose of this paper is to present main
findings from recent research initiatives2 built around indicator’s based monitoring and
controlling system, GIS, SEA and public participation, and other techniques suitable for an
African urban environments.
Key words: urbanization, sustainable urban development, indicators, GIS, SAE
URBANIZATION IN AFRICA AND BOTSWANA

Today, the most significant factor underlying the potential for sustainable
development is urbanization. Urbanization is dominated by three factors: population
growth, rural-urban migration, and subsequent urban expansion. Whereas today,
nearly half of the world’s population is living in urban settlements, this ratio will
increase to more than 70% by 2025. The number of so-called million cities and
mega cities is growing unremittingly. By 2015, the number of cities with more than
one million inhabitants is estimated at about 300 worldwide. Thus, the global
phenomenon of rapid urbanization is the main challenge to planning in the
beginning of the 21st century. The convergence of economic growth, population
1
dr Branko I. Cavrić, Associate Professor and Chartered Town Planner with RTPI
(UK), Department of Architecture and Planning, University of Botswana, Gaborone,
Botswana.
2
Cavric, B., Mosha, A.C., Keiner, M. Salmeron D. (2003): Synthesis Report: Towards Sustainable
Development in Gaborone. In May 2002, the Alliance for Global Sustainability (AGS) sponsored the
international, multidisciplinary and cross-cultural project ‘Designing, implementing and measuring
sustainable urban development’ (DIMSUD).
dynamics and urban expansion offers both great challenges and great potential for
achieving urban-metropolitan sustainability.
Perhaps the challenge and potential of urbanization are nowhere more apparent than
in the rapidly growing cities of the developing countries, most of all in Africa.
Currently, Africa is the continent with the lowest rate of urban population
worldwide, but simultaneously, Africa is experiencing the fastest population growth
rate and, especially, the fastest growth rate of urban population. For example by
2020, only sub-Saharan Africa’s urban population will approach 440 million or 46
percent of its projected total of 952 million (Moor & Warah, 2001; 5). Thus, in
2025, more than 70% of the African population is expected to live in cities. Similar
trend is recorded in Botswana where almost a half of people live in urban areas
(Table 1).
Table 1. The structure of Urbanisation growth in Botswana
1981 1991 2001
Total % Total % Total %
Botswana 941 027 100.0 1 326 796 100.0 1 680 863 100.0
Urban Population 344 201 36.5 606 329 45.6 778 143 46.3
Towns 150 019 15.9 284 551 21.4 343 209 20.4
Townships 5 598 0.6 12 114 0.9 20 451 1.2
Urban Villages 188 584 20.0 309 664 23.3 414 483 24.7
Rural Population 596 826 63.5 720 467 54.4 902 720 53.7
Villages 596 826 63.5 720 467 54.4 902 720 53.7
Source: CSO (1981-2001), GoB (1998)
Prognosis is that more than 50% of the country’s population will have urban
characteristics after year 2003. Botswana now has two cities (Gaborone and
Francistown), 4 towns, 3 townships and 17 urban villages (agro-towns). Comparing
with other parts of the world and Africa, it is almost evident that urban population
growth will continue, and it is one of the most outstanding features of this land
locked country surrounded by Namibia, Angola, Zambia, Zimbabwe and South
Africa (Pic. 1a-c). Urbanisation in Botswana has resulted in Gaborone (in less than
50 years) becoming two times larger than the next largest town Francistown, which
is larger than the other inter-immediate towns several times (Pic.2).
In 1981, about half of the country’s population lived within a radius of 200 km of
Gaborone, and in 1991 the corresponding figure was 100 km, which shows
increased concentration. Gaborone, the capital of Botswana, is one of the fastest
growing cities in sub-Saharan Africa, if not the fastest (Mosha, 1996). It is the
nation’s focal centre, where an overwhelming part of both public and private
investment is made. The population of Gaborone rose from 3600 inhabitants in 1966
(end of the British protectorate) to almost 200,000 inhabitants in 2001. Although
Gaborone is at present far from being a million city, the official population
projection of Botswana points out that the agglomeration of Gaborone will be a half-
million city in 2021 (GoB, CSO 1997). Thus, today’s population of Gaborone will
double in about 20 years. Considering that the population of the 1966 newly
founded capital of Botswana increased eighty-fold in only one and a half
generations, the future urban problems can easily be imagined.
151
Pic.1a-c Botswana’s Pic.2 Gaborone’s geographic settings and land use
geographic setting patterns
Large picture: Proposed land use in the Gaborone City

Development Plan 1997-2021. Top left: Botswana with Land
Boards administering Tribal Land. Left middle: Magnified
view of the Greater Gaborone Area. In the North, West and
South, Gaborone reaches Freehold Land (orange area). In the
East and outside Freehold Land, growth is limited by Tribal
Top: Botswana in Africa Land. Gaborone City (black dot) is the only area of State
Middle: Botswana’s neighbours Land in the area. [modified from National Atlas 2000, p. 163,
Bottom: Gaborone images 184]
CHALLENGES OF SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN SUB-

SAHARAN AFRICA
In Africa, since decolonization, the forming of new nations and the founding of capital
cities combined with the world’s highest population growth rates and a high rural-
urban migration rate has contributed to rapid urban growth. But, unlike Asia and Latin
America where large-scale manufacturing created an impressive volume of jobs, only a
small number of employment opportunities have been generated in urban Africa
during the last two decades. Many of the mushrooming cities in Africa share common
features. Rural-urban migration is certainly an important force. The motivation of the

migrants to leave their homes comes primarily from the promise of economic
opportunities in cities (Silitshena, 1996), in addition to the generally poorer living
conditions in rural areas, natural hazards such as flooding or drought problems in
disaster-prone rural areas, and human-driven disasters such as war and social
destabilization.
The opportunities that big cities offer lead to the hope for a better life, attracting
migrants with the expectation of finding paid employment in the secondary and
tertiary sectors. However, this promise is not always realized and often, rural-urban
migrants are stranded jobless in metropolitan areas. In general, the migrants cannot
afford to buy or rent one of the few available houses or flats, and are forced to live
in squatter settlements, illegal shanty towns with severe crime and drug trafficking,
or even homeless in the street. Rural poor who migrate to cities become, in general,
urban poor. However, in detail, there is much more variation in this aspect across
different developing cities. Especially in the African context, social networks
between established migrants and new arrivals exist. Relatives or descendants from
the same village, who have moved into urban areas earlier, may offer primary
accommodation and give the stragglers a hand (Chabal and Daloz, 1999).
By the year 2030, the UN projects that virtually all global population growth will
take place in urban areas. Only in Africa will the rural population continue to grow
at 0.9% per year (UN, 1999), however, the growth in urban population, at 3.2% per
year, will far outstrip that of rural areas, mainly due to continued rural-urban
migration. As a result, in 2025 more than 70% of the African population is expected
to live in cities (Toepfer, 2002). This tremendous growth of African cities, despite
the disastrous impact of AIDS/HIV on the population, will present unprecedented
social and planning challenge. Thus, beyond social challenges, urbanization can
effectuate severe stress on urban resources and leads to environmental and health
problems, both in the city and in its surrounding settlements.
The most obvious problems are:
• Loss of agricultural land for urban purposes (e.g. urban sprawl)
• Lack of access to safe water
• Lack of sanitation, which leads to pollution of groundwater by nitrates and
bacteria and causes infections from cholera to tuberculosis
• Poor drainage and poor waste management, entailing contamination of rivers
and streams by sewage outflows and waste disposal
• Deforestation because of fuel wood needs (mostly low-income households),
leading to a complete depletion of the vegetation around the cities with
beginning gully erosion
• Air pollution because of increasing traffic, industrial activity, firewood and
litter burning, mixed with dust
• Pressure on land and housing, poor land tenure security, lack of affordable
housing
• Poor urban design, neglected public parks and green areas
153
• Urban poverty in general, combined with unemployment and low educational
level
These problems are not new, but what is new is their scale. Despite new allocation
opportunities, for example, in the mass transportation sector (Newman and
Kenworthy, 1999), there is a tendency that the bigger the cities are, the more natural
resources in the urban area are degraded and the more waste and pollution of air and
water is generated. The problem of a missing or leaky sewerage system, for
example, can much more easily be coped with in a small town of, say, one thousand
inhabitants who mostly know each other and who are aware of the problem, than in
the anonymity of a large city. In the case of the latter, the problems are not only
bigger, there are more social, ecological, and economic problems and all these
problems are interlinked and self-energizing.
The challenge is further exacerbated by ongoing physical expansion, whereby cities
explode and spill over administrative boundaries, impairing city management and
impacting surrounding settlements and satellite towns. They are unable to provide
basic services like drinking water, electricity, health care facilities, and so forth. If
public administration cannot offer those services to its citizens, the gap between
urban rich and urban poor becomes even more evident. Only those who can afford it
have access to better living conditions – sending children to private schools, for
example – while the poor are struggling for their sheer survival. On a global scale, a
similar disparity exists, as the poorest cities remain disconnected from the global
economy. The long term prospect for the poorest cities, particularly those in Africa,
looks dim. As Hall and Pfeiffer (2000) suggest, there is "no mechanism in sight
capable of reducing the gap between the richest and poorest urban areas," and these
areas are largely located in Africa.
CHALLENGES OF SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN

GABORONE
All the above-mentioned challenges for urban development in Sub-Saharan African
cities also occur in Gaborone. In the following, their specific forms are shown in more
detail. They are grouped according to the three dimensions of sustainability—society,
economy, and environment - although most of the challenges are overlapping.
Society
Housing
With the Botswana Housing Corporation (BHC) and the Self Help Housing Agency
(SHHA), Botswana has good instruments to make housing affordable to many citizens.
Unfortunately, the programme does not include the very poor. What happens if
immigrating poor people cannot afford to buy a plot and build their own small
residence on it can be seen in "Old Naledi", the last remaining squatter-like settlement
in Gaborone, where people illegally settled many years ago. After a project to resettle
these people in "New Naledi" failed, government decided to upgrade the quarter.
Access roads, fresh water and sanitation are provided step by step. But it is not easy to
do so because the structures are completely unplanned and thus not always easy to be
reached.
Urban Poverty
The most obvious cause of urban poverty is lack of formal income. The causes for
an insufficient income are lack of wage employment and insufficient opportunities
for self-employers. The degree of income distribution in Gaborone and the whole
country is very high. But the problem of unemployment is not only caused by
insufficient opportunities of work. Another cause to be mentioned is the lack of
skilled manpower. Since the demand for skilled workers is increasing, the unskilled
remain unemployed. The rural-urban migration causes a lot of unemployment in the
urban centers. Within the city, the low-income residential areas show the highest
population densities. The results are a high level of alcoholism, unemployment,
school dropouts, crime and prostitution (Policy on Housing 2000). Poverty also has
an influence on health issues. Infant and child mortality is common, among other
reasons because of malnutrition.
Economy
Decentralization/Privatization
Almost 70% of the city‘s recurrent budget is given as a grant by the central
government. The development budget is granted by the State. It is very difficult for
the local authorities to open up new sources of income, although there would be
some to find. An example worth mentioning here is that there is no parking fee
charged over the whole city area. Between 1994 and 2001, the number of employees
in the private sector rose from 136,200 to 152,900. In the same time, the number of
employees in central and local government rose from 81,800 to 106,400, so the
growth rate of employment in the public sector is higher than the one of the private
sector (Statistical Bulletin, 2002). Large industrial areas have not been planned to
accommodate small scale outlets. There are not enough plots for small-scale
operations, so these activities take place in residential areas, which inhibits further
expansion.
Unemployment/Diversification
Labor-intensive industry suffers from the South African market, which plays a key
role in the whole region. In South Africa, a functioning market as well as the
necessary infrastructure already exist, resources are cheaper, and the quality of
products is better.
Thus, small-scale producers are very much competed by South African enterprises,
though assisted by the Citizen Entrepreneurial Development Agency (CEDA). In
March 1994, the employees in Botswana‘s private sector were estimated at 136,200.
Until September 1998, this number declined by 10,000 (Statistical Bulletin 2002).
This is no good sign for a developing country, which tries to strengthen its economy.
Another reason for high unemployment rates is the development towards a more
skill intensive employment mix. That is the reason why more and more unskilled
workers remain unemployed.
Informal sector
The growth of manufacturing, the engine of industrialization, has not been able to
match the rate of urbanization. The result is a lack of employment, which causes an
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engagement of the people in the informal sector. This economic sector is not
consistently treated by the authorities. The informal commerce is situated on "no-
mans-land", that is, within road reserves, on parking slots and the like. Most of the
structures (vending stores) are constructed with temporary materials like card
boards, corrugated iron sheets and cartons. Apart from the eminent visual pollution,
these structures pose the danger of converting the cityscape into a slum (GCDP,
2001). A lot of peripheral shopping centers are popping out of the ground. These
centers cannot be reached by non-motorized transport within a reasonable time, so
street vendors settle all over the city's area. They also follow the customers and settle
next to the large shopping malls.
Environment
Water / Electricity
Due to ongoing growth of residential and commercial areas, the pressure on existing
water and electricity supply and sewage networks is rising.
Land use
The 1963‘s Master plan for Gaborone followed the principle of a Garden City,
allowing low densities. Even with the expansion of Gaborone City, the demands for
plots continued to outstrip supply. Planning could neither satisfy the high demands
for plots nor could it turn the page from cost-intensive low-density, low-floor
housing to low-cost high-density and multiple floor housing. In 1997, there were
33,339 planned, developed and undeveloped residential plots covering 2,544
hectares of land in the city. This is an average plot size of 760m², which is about
25x30 meters, and the most of the plots hold one single storey house (Pic. 3).
Pic. 3 - Land use utilisation in central Gaborone shows the typical
single storey sitting houses on large plots
Source: Department of Surveys and Mapping, 2002
The need to densify is obvious, and the sprawl situation in the city is evident. Older
residential zones for high-income groups have plot sizes of 2,500 m² and more.
Mostly, vast single storey houses cover only between 100-150 m² of the plot, which
gives very low ratios of sum of all floor spaces to plot area (0.4 to 0.6). Even with
the revised SHHA the maximum plot size for the high-income categories is limited
only to a maximum of 1000 m². On those plots, building coverage is approximately
around 10-20%.
The consequences are an uncurbed urban sprawl and still long waiting lists for new
plots. Motswana (the people of Botswana) are not used to live in multi storey
buildings. As the migrants come from rural areas, where land seems to be an
ubiquity, there is no need to build technically complex and costly two- or more floor
houses. Moreover, on the tribal land in the surrounding villages, like Tlokweng or
Mogoditshane, every indigenous person gets a plot for free. This partly explains the
enormous growth of these settlements, which are becoming huge dormitories for
people working in Gaborone. The population of the neighboring town of
Mogoditshane, for example, grew between 1991 and 2001 by an annual rate of
10.54% (Statistical Bulletin 2002). Living in single storey houses on his own plot
means high living standard on the one hand.
On the other hand, such a type of settlement is very inefficient in terms of maintenance
and servicing, the land use is enormous and maintenance and other services are very
cost intensive. There are hardly any mixed land use areas in the city. Commercial
activities are mostly concentrated on commercial and industrial areas so far. Thus, it is
difficult to go for daily shopping on foot within a few minutes walk, because shopping
facilities are concentrated in dispersed shopping malls separated from residential areas.
Transport /Traffic
Traffic volumes are consistently increasing, due to an increase in vehicle ownership
and population growth. This has resulted in traffic congestion during peak hours
along main city arteries. Especially the area around the bus and railway stations
needs to be upgraded in terms of road network and parking facilities. Due to lack of
maintenance, Gaborone‘s streets are not very safe. This might be one reason—
besides culture or tradition—why hardly any bicycles are seen on the city‘s roads.
This looks strange to visitors from abroad, since the terrain is completely flat and
thus would be predestinated for the use of bicycles. In 1997, about 30% of the
transport modal split was in respect of walking (Statistical Bulletin, 2002). Public
transport within the city is completely run on private basis. There are some defined
routes where mini buses (10 to 20 passengers) run during the whole day. These
vehicles are mostly in a bad condition and often overcrowded. In addition, the
drivers of the mini buses have the habit to hoot all the time in order to attract more
clients. This may provoke accidents and be very annoying to other citizens. In the
evening, after 8 p.m., there is no adequate public mass transport. At least normal
taxis and the so-called "combis" (taxis which take one everywhere but can not be
ordered to every place) are available all day long.
Social Segregation, Exclusion and Poor Mixture of Functions

Due to its role as the administrative centre of Botswana, only residential zones for
government staff were planned in the decade 1965-75. The in-migrating rural
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population was ignored for a long time. This led to unplanned squatter settlement
(for example, Old Naledi) and also to a segregation of social classes and income
groups in Gaborone’s residential areas. As a result, social mix between high-income
and low-income families became one of the most important strategies for urban
planning in residential areas (Mosha 1996). But still, there is no culture of
neighborship (Silitshena, 1996). People are mostly oriented towards living inside the
electricity-fenced walls. Besides the social mix, the functional mix is also poor.
Until the Development Control Code was enacted, the Gaborone City Master Plan
did not allow mixed uses and changes of use.
Residential zones in Gaborone are mainly huge mono-functional areas and do
typically not comprise shopping facilities for the daily need. For the provision, long
distances have to be covered to the American-style shopping malls and commercial
centers that have been installed at the periphery of the city. The preferred mean of
transportation are private cars. Although traffic in Gaborone is not yet perceived as a
major problem, peak-time congestions are common. The ongoing use of leaded
gasoline also leads, to increasing air pollution. Public transport is non-existing.
Privately run mini busses ensure the traffic needs principally for working commuters
from the surrounding settlements on main roads, but there is no overall coverage for
transportation. The poor conditions of roads and signaling as well as the condition of
the mini busses cause high accident rates (Mosha, 1996).
Past Planning Failures: Expansion and Shortage of Land

At the eve of independence of Botswana, a first master plan for the future capital
was prepared in 1963. It was designed for an administrative function with maximum
of 20,000 inhabitants by the end of its planning horizon in 1983. Essentially, the
plan was
characterized by a comparatively low-density form of development based on the
Garden City model with generous provision of pedestrian walkways, open spaces
and closely tied neighborhood units. Equally important, the plan contained two
significant features, which today would be regarded as inappropriate. Firstly,
housing development was polarized with high and medium income on one side of
the town and low income on the other; and secondly, the urban structure was such
that it allowed little space for expansion outside of the original layout. In addition,
the plan did not take into account any possible growth from in-migrating job seekers
(Mosha, 1996). In reality, the population in 1983 was threefold than assumed. This
underestimation of population growth brought with it a great deal of consequences,
like shortages in serviced land for housing, as well as stress on the existing
infrastructure and other facilities. Furthermore an uncontrolled leapfrog expansion
led to an overspill of Gaborone to the peri-urban settlements and loss of arable land
that seriously engulfed the urban fringe villages of Mogoditsane, Tlokweng
Mmopane and Metsemothlaba. The shortage of serviced and cheaper land and the
resulting pressure on the surrounding settlements led in 1980 to the creation of the
Greater Gaborone Planning Area (Pic. 4). In 1994 the Greater Gaborone Structure
Plan was prepared to serve the expansionary needs of urban fringe areas for a period
of twenty years (1994-2014).
Pic. 4 - Greater Gaborone Area
Source: DTRP, 1994
Solid waste and recycling

There are a lot of illegal dumping sites and burrow pits within the city's limits,
especially in the peripheral areas. This is both a serious environmental problem and
a visual damage to the city's image. Littering devaluates areas of natural beauty with
potential for passive recreation. Since production of waste rises with an increasing
prosperity—which will happen according to the national Vision 2016—the waste
problem must be monitored carefully. Separation of different types of solid waste is
not common in Gaborone. Although about 1/3 of Botswana‘s aluminum cans are
recycled, there is still a huge lack of education, awareness and governmental
initiative concerning this subject. What is happening at the moment is that all sorts
of waste are collected and brought to the landfill.
Sanitation
The use of pit latrines and the overcrowding in the old SHHA areas can cause health
problems, and pollute the ground water. Overspilling of sewage ponds endanger
both the ground and superficial water, like e.g. the Gaborone dam or Notwane river.
There is an urgent need to connect all plots to adequate water and sewage services.
The storm water drainage of Gaborone looks mostly bad. The open channels are
often filled with mud, sand or rubbish after heavy rain episodes. This leads to
recurrent floods in the city‘s area, enhancing the spreading of diseases.
Air and noise pollution/Energy
Gaborone is not yet affected heavily by polluted air. There is no mining close to the
city, and although some sites are congested during rush hour, the overall traffic
volumes are still moderate. But vehicle ownership is increasing enormously, traffic-
intensive de-central shopping malls mushroom around the city and the surrounding
villages are becoming huge dormitories from where many people go to work by car,
mini bus or on foot. This development should be monitored since the air quality is
likely to be affected. Another source of air pollutants are the numerous burrow pits
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in the back yards where rubbish is burned. Many citizens, mostly the poor ones, use
wood for cooking. This has a double environmental impact. First on the shrub
vegetation around the city and secondly on the air, which is polluted by the
combustion products. In the same way as air pollution, too much noise is also often
caused by high traffic volumes. Since they are subject to rise, noise pollution is
going to be a topic of discussions in the future.
Conclusion on environmental issues
The above mentioned Gaborone city problems, constraints and challenges, need to
be solved or at least alleviated. To do so, it is very important to define what state
must be achieved. Therefore goals and objectives need to be defined and addressed
as well as corresponding measures to achieve these goals. The following section
tries to define such goals and objectives. They were deduced from the existing
problems described in this section and are also based on existing goals of different
plans and policies, such as the Gaborone City Development Plan, the Urban
Development Plan and others.
GOALS AND OBJECTIVES OF SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT

The concept of sustainable development was introduced in Botswana only in 1990
with the National Conservation Strategy (NCS). Although the NCS is meant mainly
for protected areas like national parks, game reserves and forest reserves, its sense
could also be applied on urban development. One key sentence in the NCS that
could also figure in an improved urban development policy or a strategy for
sustainable urban development, is: "Achievement of sustainable development calls
for comprehensive evaluation of environmental and economic implications before
major new developments are undertaken" (GoB, 1990:2). If this exigency of 1990
would have been taken into consideration in the development of Gaborone, then
perhaps several unsustainable development could have been avoided. But still,
‘concerns with sustainability city development are not yet prominent in local
planning concerns’ (Molebatsi 1996: 133). In other words a lot of work remains to
be done based on the following goals and objectives which can direct sustainable
urban development:
• Development of a comprehensive strategy for sustainable urban development
• Need for provision of plots for the steady growing population and financing
physical and social infrastructure
• Creation of higher densities by intensification of use through rezoning
• Re-development of mono-structured areas, mix of functions
• Applying the principle of social mix for better integration of different groups
• Re-development of open spaces, implementation of (existing) landscape
master plans, greening, cleaning and maintenance
• Creation of a public transport system to avoid health problems
• Improvement of waste management situation by an integrated system of
reduction/reuse/recycling and upgrading of old dumping sites
Society
Housing
One might think about a more compact settlement structure with multi-storey
buildings rather than remain on the concept of single storey houses on huge plots.
Urban Poverty / Migration

To slow down this migration, it is mostly the push-factors in the rural areas that
must be reduced, because the pull factors of the economic centers will continue to
rise.
Children / Youth
It is easy to influence young people, especially children. This fact should be
regarded as an opportunity. Children and young people need more facilities where
they can meet. By providing such, e.g. sport grounds or youth centers, it can be
avoided that children end up hanging around in the streets, committing small scale
crimes or consuming drugs out of boredom.
Education /Professional skills

One of the main tasks of education is to train the youth for the world of work to
reduce the level of crime committed by young people. This also implies that there
are enough employment opportunities. Batswana must also be made aware of their
rights in the context of justice, but also concerning participation.
Gender issues
Women‘s status in Botswana‘s society has to rise in the future if they are to
contribute to the country‘s economic growth. Especially social services for single
headed households must be enhanced, but also issues such as rape or teenage
pregnancy and the position of adolescent mothers are urgently to be addressed.
Housing ownership for single-living mothers must be supported. By elevating
women‘s status, the high fertility rate would also come down, since less unplanned
pregnancies occur and less children would be born whose main purpose is to ensure
a more or less livable life to their parents in their old days.
Economy
Diversification
People need to be informed what markets they could get hold of. 95% of the small
scale projects are sewing and knitting (1997), leading to a big competition within the
limited market (UDP, 1997). The importance of entrepreneurial skills must be made
understood, as well as, how to apply these skills in the busy world of commerce.
Decentralization/Privatization
The integration of the private sector into government’s work is of importance.
Furthermore, the city’s authority should be given more freedom in decision making,
revenues etc.
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Unemployment
The provision of employment opportunities is a basic goal. On this, the future of
Gaborone’s development will strongly depend.
Informal sector
The authorities should make the informal commerce unnecessary by provision of a
vivile structure of shopping facilities, last but not least to provide the city’s
appearance.
Environment
Water / Electricity
The supply of safe and affordable drinking water and electricity on every plot should
be the target of a well developed city. This would also lead to a better health
situation. To reduce the consumption of safe water, people must be aware of the
possibility of using rain water for several purposes. Also surface runoff can be
collected, e.g. for irrigation uses. Furthermore, media such as telephone and radio
should be affordable for every household to make all citizens available for e.g.
publicity and to rise communication. The rise of awareness towards environmental
or health topics could be communicated more easily, even to the elderly ones.
Land use
Encouragement of plot intensification and densification where possible within the
city is an imperative.
Transport / Traffic
The provision for pedestrian and cycle tracks has to be addressed by future planning,
and the respect of drivers towards pedestrians and cyclists must change completely.
Open spaces
However, these open spaces would be essential for biological and hydrological
balance, they could create better climatic conditions and give the city a friendly
appearance. As the city is growing fast and green areas are becoming more and more
a rarity, the protection and upgrading of the remaining areas is a matter of urgency.
It should be considered that Gaborone has the opportunity to become the center for
financial services of the SADC with a busy character, where close recreation areas
are required. The Gaborone dam and its surrounding area is one of the last fragile
ecosystems around Gaborone which must be protected from physical development
and water pollution.
Solid waste and recycling

By recycling paper, glass, iron etc., Botswana could create new jobs and, of course,
protect the environment.
Sanitation
Waste water can, if recycled in a correct way, be reused for ground water recharge,
potable water or irrigation. Since the water situation in Botswana is not the best,
research and training in water recycling must have a high priority.
Air/Noise pollution
The prevention of nuisance by possible noise or/and air pollution should be
improved.
Energy
Botswana has very good conditions to promote photovoltaic plants, since there is a
lot of sparcely used desert land where these plants could be allocated. Solar energy
can also be
OPPORTUNITIES FOR SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Gaborone today is an economic engine and generates a lot of income in the formal
and informal sectors. It is a market place that attracts investments of local and
international enterprises. Due to its educational infrastructures (for example the
University of Botswana), Gaborone is a center of "know-how", research,
information and communication. In Gaborone, some ‘good governance’ policies that
create opportunities for sustainable development, are already in use. They are a base
for sustainable urban development, but are not sufficient. However, there is still a
quest for a Gaborone City’s sustainable identity as a whole and for its constitutive
parts. Notwithstanding, this identity can be created only through mutual conjunction
of key city stakeholders from different sectors, and especially in the form of public-
private partnerships, where mutual thinking should embrace social, economic and
environmental issues as one count.
Self-Help Housing Programme

In 1974, the Government of Botswana established the Self-Help Housing Agency
(SHHA), which had the task of implementing site-and-service schemes that were
meant to support low incomers to build houses on the basis of self-help and self-
reliance. Plots of 450m² were provided for free to low-income groups and plot
holders were given security of tenure through certificates of right. In 1992, the self-
housing program was reviewed. The plots were no more delivered at no cost, but
charged a fixed sum according to the income group of the applicant. Due to the
ongoing demand for new plots, the plot size was reduced to be 200-300 m² for low-
incomers and 375-400 m² for people with a middle income. SHHA programme
corresponds to criteria of minimum standard and construction norms, like the
construction of toilet facilities (at least pit latrines), the payment of service levies for
water from a standpipe and for garbage removal. Today, the fully serviced plots
belong to the State, which charges rents on it, and the 99 years land tenure in SHHA
areas is one of the pillars of social sustainability and security (Brennan, 1994). In
this sense, the possibility of inheriting plots provides social justice and security. In
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order to prevent speculation on the plots, the plot holder is not allowed to sell his/her
house before ten years, unless he will be charged the full market prize.
Framework for sustainable development planning

The prime objective of Physical or Spatial Development Planning is to plan the
proper use of land, ranging in scope from the detailed design of a layout of
individual sites in either urban or rural areas to the spatial distribution of activities
between different regions of a country. With the ongoing decentralisation of
planning functions and expected changes in the current Town and Country Planning
Act – TCPA of 1977, there is an opportunity to consider how land use planning at
different spatial levels should provide the context for planning and sustainable
development (see Pic.5).
Pic 5. - Hierarchy of existing physical planning levels and plans in Botswana
DEVELOPMENT PHYSICAL PLANNING

LEVELS AND PLANS
NATIONAL REGIONAL SETTLEMEN LOCAL

PLANNING PLANNING T PLANNING PLANNING
National Regional Urban New

Physical Master Settlement Development
Plan Plan Development Areas
Plan
District Village Upgrading

Settlement Development Areas
Strategy Plan
District Specific
Integrated Areas
Land Use
Plan
Source: GoB (2004), Compiled based on the Physical Planning Handbook for Botswana (p. 78-83)
All physical development plans are prepared for widely different areas and the form,
content and adopted mapping scales vary accordingly. All physical plans are
composed of 2 major components: (i.) written statement and (ii.) maps. The written
statement is an essential part of every physical plan, needed to describe the
background of the plan, the decisions it contains and how they were arrived at. All
plans should aim in their written statements (technical reports) to explain the
following:
• The legal, spatial and socio-economic framework for the area in question.
• The present conditions, problems and prospects of the area.
• The relationships of the plan to other plans and programmes concerning the
area in question.
• The policies and proposals of the plan.
• The phasing of any related proposals.
• The method of plan implementation.
For convenience and clarity it is also important to stress that every plan operates
with different maps underpinning different scales and level of details, extending
from 1: 1,000 (e.g. for a detailed layout) to 1: 1,000.000 (e.g. national, regional
planning). The reasoning behind it depends on the choice of the planning type and
problems to be covered.
National Planning
Botswana is contemplating to prepare a formal national physical plan into which all
the regional, settlement and local plans have to be fitted. It is expected that this plan
provide a spatial framework for the co-ordination and implementation of
development programmes and projects at the national level, with an emphasis on
generalized comprehensive planning coupled with policy formulation and co-
ordination. A future National Physical Development Plan for Botswana will be a
plan which deals with spatial aspects of a nation’s social and economic development
and consists of background studies, reports, plans, maps and other material which
could be used as management tool in the communication of policy to government
agencies and in the allocation of resources.
Regional Planning
There are three types of regional planning in Botswana namely: regional master
planning, district planning and integrated land use planning. The regional master
planning is response to two types of problems - the problems of socio-economic
disparities between regions of the country and the physical environmental problems
of growing urban areas, which can only be tackled effectively on a supra-urban
scale. Regional disparities in economic and social development are particularly acute
in western and northern Botswana, and there is a huge contrast between the
Gaborone and South-eastern Region, and the rest of the country. Gaborone
dominates Botswana and the life of the country is centred around it. Planning at this
level results from the National Settlement Policy, which has divided the country into
four Planning Regions. Each region comprising a number of administrative districts.
Such plans are broad brush in nature, aimed at tackling issues having an impact on
wide areas. They provide an overall framework for all district settlement and local
plans setting general directions for district and settlement development,
infrastructure and social services provision, economic/financial requirements and
appropriate land utilisation. Since its establishment as separate planning category the
two regional master plans has been prepared for the Western region and the South-
eastern region. The survey and proposal maps for regional plans are drawn at a scale
165
that best indicates the planning authority’s intention for the region in question.
Appropriate minimum scales range from 1:500,000 to 1:1,000.000.
The district and sub-district planning is implemented through preparation of the
District Settlement Strategies (DSS). The use of terms such as "strategy" and
"strategic" in these plans implies significant action for resolution of issues at district
and sub-district levels. A "strategy" is effectively the package of all the policies and
proposals required to resolve or ameliorate the major settlement and land use
development problems identified as strategic. The DSS is an elaboration of the NSP
at the regional level. Together with District Development Plans which are mostly
economic in nature, they tend to outline proposals for government spending. The
DSS deal solely with the treatment of strategic issues and the most pressing planning
problems of urban and rural districts and their distinctive parts. The end product of
the DSS is a written statement and illustration maps. Each policy or proposal in a
DSS contributes to the strategy as a whole, and give a clear guidance to developers
and planning authorities on acceptable developments in the district, zone or
settlement in question. The recommended scale for survey and planning DSS maps
range from 1: 250,000 to 1: 1,500.000.
The Integrated District Land Use Plans (IDLUP) deal with spatial aspects and
potentials for social and economic development of a district or part of a district
based on its land and soil suitability and capability. Its written statement consists of:
a.) survey background study and b.) planning report with maps showing the
arrangement of different land use zone designations. The IDLUP serves two broad
goals: first to protect people and property from natural and man-made hazards and
second, to protect and maintain important natural and man-made values. In the
preparation of IDLUP, the most common methodology that planners use is land
suitability analysis (LSA). The IDLUP applies LSA to identify various alternative
sites and zones for different types of land use activities and developments. The
IDLUP would likely examine large segments of the entire land base of a district
community before identifying potential zones and areas for agriculture, forestry,
wildlife, conservation, settlements, infrastructure corridors, etc.
Settlement Development Planning

The nature of settlement planning in Botswana is mostly concerned with general or
master planning of major urban and rural settlements. Basically, there are two types
of such plans i.) urban settlement development plan; and ii.) village development
plan.
Urban Settlement Development Plans (USDP) in Botswana have developed over
time and have been shaped by numerous legal, political, and social forces.
Understanding these forces is a prerequisite to understanding what the plan is and
what it can and cannot accomplish. The USDP as a static comprehensive (e.g.
master, general) guide to the urban community’s future is giving way to a
comprehensive planning process that includes the environmental, social, economic
and urban management objectives. An USDP usually consist of three components:
(1) a description of existing conditions; (2) a statement of goals and objectives; and
(3) a description of future needs-and proposals for meeting those needs. All USDPs
should consist of proposal’s map in a scale from 1:5,000 to 1:20,000 depending on

the settlement size.
A village development plan (VDP) is a typical replica of its urban counterpart. There
are no necessary differences in the plan format, time periods, graphical presentation,
and implementation schedules. The most suitable scale for presenting proposal maps
is from 1:2,500 to 1: 15,000 for the built-up area of the village. In the case of
proposals maps for a village hinterland the scale can vary from 1:25,000 to 1:
50,000.
Local Planning
Local planning deals with details of development in urban and rural settlements,
providing the basis for development control and for co-ordination of public and
private development investments. It provides guidance to all parties involved in
carrying out development. It establishes also policies and proposals in a very fine
detail using zones, blocks, plots and sites as basic spatial units. This is usually done
on a "proposal map" based on the Department of Surveys and Mapping base line
maps in scale 1: 5,000 and/or larger (1:2,500; 1: 1,000). In practice, the local plan
demonstrates the land-use implications of what is proposed, supported by a written
report describing the background to the plan, the decisions it contains and how they
were arrived at. Actually it is concerned to achieve the optimal allocation of
resources between all of the competing needs or uses within part of a settlement.
After approval of the settlement development plan, the planning authority is free to
continue the planning process through the preparation and adoption of local plans
which cover smaller areas, settlements and their parts. According to the Physical
Planning Handbook for Botswana (GoB, 1997, p.82-83), there are three different
kinds of local plans in Botswana: i.) detailed layout plans for new development
areas; ii.) detailed layout plans for upgrading areas; and iii.) detailed layout plans for
specific areas
Conclusion on planning instruments

In summary, the division of physical development plans into different levels and
sectors as presented above may provide a coordinated and easy understandable
planning hierarchy. The content of these plans must suit the requirements of the
stakeholders at the different levels. The institutional and policy framework should be
adapted to the multilevel system and make provisions for a proper coordination of
the plans and conformity to each other.
MEASURES AND TOOLS FOR SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT

IN GABORONE CITY
Indicators for Sustainable Urban Development

As of today, three different indicator sets are in use:
1) Botswana’s National Agenda 21 (developed by the UN) contains a broad range
of indicators for social, economic and institutional aspects as well as for
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natural resources (http://www.un.org/esa/agenda21/natlinfo/countr/botswana/).
The data of these indicators are comparable to those of the other UN member
countries.
2) The "Vision 2016", an UNDP supported strategic framework of the
Government of Botswana, is meant to guide all national policies and programs,
and contains a monitoring and evaluation (M&E) system. This is to enhance
the implementation of the development objectives of the Vision 2016 and also
of those fixed in the national development plans. This M&E system is
designed as an on-line database system. Based on the formulated future
challenges for Botswana, an indicator system with more than 100 indicators
has been developed. Government and other stakeholders report their activities,
mainly in form of data referred to the defined indicators.
3) A third application of an indicator set, also developed by an organization of
the UN (United Nations Center for Human Settlements; UNCHS) serves to
compare Gaborone with Francistown, the second largest city of Botswana.
This indicator set is a simple spreadsheet for collecting and analyzing a data
set composed of 23 "key urban indicators" and 9 "qualitative data sub-sets" for
the "Istanbul +5" assessment procedure. Thus, indicator sets are known tool in
Botswana. This makes it easier to introduce them also into sustainability
oriented spatial planning. Despite the UNCHS indicators for the comparison of
Gaborone to Francistown, a comprehensive indicator set for sustainable urban
development on the level of Gaborone does not exist.
Proposal of a comprehensive indicator set
Based on the existing indicator sets and on the goals and objectives, a set of
sustainability indicators for the city of Gaborone has been proposed and discussed
with local stakeholders.
Society
• Water quality
• Water consumption
• Provision of water
• Provision of electricity
• Self-Help-Housing Agency (SHHA) promoted buildings
• Unemployment
• Poor population
• Infant mortality rate
• Crime incidents
• School enrolment
• School staff
• Class size
• Health care
• HIV rate
• Modal split
• Public administration
• Teenage pregnancies
Economy
• City product
• Privatization
• Local government revenues
• Employees per sector
• Unemployment
• Shopping facilities
Environment
• Land use change
• Plot size
• Space for recreation
• Waste disposal
• Sanitation connection
• Air pollution
• Noise pollution
• Energy consumption
For most of them, periodically updated data bases are available. However, for some
of them no data exist (for example, noise pollution). For this, additional measuring,
and respectively the use of GIS are indispensable.
Use of indicator-based monitoring and controlling in urban planning

Since spatial development is very complex, it is important to use tools and models,
which help to reduce this complexity. The urban development of Gaborone reveals
that a systematic spatial observation and a definition of development goals are
necessary in order to achieve sustainable urban development. The proposed
Monitoring and Controlling Concept is a tool which suits the ongoing planning
process and is a comprehensive framework used for strategic and operational urban
planning. It is a mean for collecting data and information in a systematic manner,
which can then be used for objective and well-founded decision-making. Since
spatial development is a dynamic system, development planning tends to be a
continuous process and its goals, measures and instruments need to be adapted
continuously to the changing framework. Often, the preparation of a development
plan is perceived as a ‘compulsory task’, which must be made once, and then several
years later again (revision). The approval of a plan build then the end of the planning
process (Keiner, 2003). Because of that ‘static physical planning’, the
implementation and the effectiveness of development plans do often not achieve the
goals. Therefore, plan preparation, implementation and revisions should be
embedded in an ongoing process strengthen by efficient monitoring and controlling.
Controlling is a part of the monitoring process and incorporates the comparison
between the goals of the development plan and the current state of the development.
This comparison allows determining whether the goals and objectives have been or
are being achieved and where measures must be taken in order to achieve them.
169
Thus, basic information for the plan revision can be provided. Monitoring and
controlling can be combined to assess and evaluate the spatial development and to
gain information for further steps.
Monitoring
Monitoring means a continuous spatial observation, gathering information (e.g.
statistics or GIS analyses) that covers a long time period and a wide thematic range.
Monitoring is a systematic ongoing analysis of the environment and allows
revealing critical developments. Since monitoring always provides up-to-date
information development trends can be determined at an early stage. It provides a
‘picture’ of the moment. The indicators measured are also used for controlling and
evaluating. A predefined monitoring system raises continuous information on spatial
development, and indicators measured should be predefined covering a wide variety
of topics.
Controlling
Controlling is a common management tool in private companies to compare the
goals with the current state of the company. According to this comparison measures
are taken to achieve the defined goals. The continuous process of ‘definition of
goals’, ‘implementation’ and ‘controlling’ helps to enhance the efficiency and
effectiveness of spatial planning as well. Whereas monitoring delivers extensive
information about the current state of the environment, controlling only considers
the goals defined in the development plan and associated processes.
Controlling is divided into strategic and operational controlling.
1) Strategic controlling is focused on the goals and objectives of a development
plan. It can be subdivided in
2) Analyzing the validity of goals
3) Analyzing the achievement of the goals
4) Operational controlling relates to the implementation process in general and
the measures taken. There are also two different types of evaluation:
5) Analyzing the execution of measures (by simple check-lists)
6) Analyzing the effectiveness of measures
Working out a monitoring and controlling concept
To achieve high effectiveness and efficiency of monitoring and controlling, the
following preparation steps are suggested:
• Definition of goals for the (spatial) urban development of Gaborone. The goals
should conform to higher policies and basic principles of sustainability.
• As a further step, for these goals the corresponding indicators and target values
should be defined. The proposed indicator set may serve as starting point.
• For all these indicators, the required raw data, the source, the availability etc.
should be determined.
By following these steps it can be assured, that the data collected is directly used in
a process which has a direct or indirect impact on decision-making. Today in
Gaborone, there is already a lot of data available, which could be part of a
monitoring and controlling concept. At the same time, there is a lack of data in the
area of spatial observation, and the management of all the available data is still
uncoordinated. The availability and quality of the data therefore do not meet the
requirements of a comprehensive spatial monitoring and must be improved.
Controlling procedure
The controlling procedure should be a well defined process of data collecting,
analyzing and reporting, preparation of plan revision and approval. It should be
embedded in an institutional framework facilitating its effective and efficient
implementation. Technical and personal requirements are supplemented by suitable
policies, legislation and distribution of responsibilities. The following figure
proposes a controlling procedure regarding the different elements and the
responsible authorities involved (Thalmann, 2002).
IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PROPOSED INDICATOR SET

The implementation of the Monitoring and Controlling Concept and its
accompanying changes of the institutional and policy framework has a considerable
impact on the planning process in Gaborone. Changes are expected to occur in the
effectiveness, efficiency, transparency and acceptance of the planning process.
Pic. 6 – Recommended controlling procedure
Source: ARE, 2001

171
It is proposed to create a "Committee for Sustainable Urban Development"(CSUD),
which is attached to the physical planning unit of Gaborone‘s City Council (Pic. 7).
It is supported by experts from other departments, such as economy, environment,
social services and law. The CSUD provides the local and national authorities with a
recurrent (for example, bi-annual) "Report on Sustainable Urban Development"
(RSUD). This report contains the results of indicator analysis and recommendations
for further development. In order to obtain data for each indicator, the CSUD
delegates the tasks of data collection, analysis and communication. In this context,
the Central Statistics Office (CSO) plays a key role since many relevant data is
handled there.
Pic. 7 - Data collection (steps 1-3) and reporting (step

4) by the Committee for Sustainable Urban Development
Source: Bührer,2002
Equipped with the indicator referred data, CSUD analyses the effect of plans and
programs and gives recommendations for further development. It also points out
major lacks in policies and legislation, thus also giving an input to the national
authorities. Thus, a virile communication between the national and the local level is
important. This can be achieved by the Report on Sustainable Urban Development
as base of information. Thus, national authorities have a reliable source about urban
development in Gaborone. The local authority also uses the RSUD to assess the
contribution of projects and measures to the achievement of the defined objectives.
Pic. 8. - Iterative process of plan review or development, supported by the RSUD
Source: Bührer,2002
The expected outcome is that national and local plans will be free of conflicts and
that national and local interests will be considered on both levels. Apart from the
communication within the country, the international exchange of information is
important as well. Benchmarking with other cities, both from developed and
developing countries, especially with other fast growing cities in Africa, as well as
the exchange of information can contribute to achieve excellence in planning. Also,
best practices can be offered and learnt from.
The role of GIS

The proposed indicator set could facilitate a systematic analysis of the spatial
development of the city. The monitoring data require a comprehensive thematic and
geometric database. The data can be collected, managed and processed by various
kinds of tools and instruments depending on their character. It is necessary that they
are collected, managed and stored according to specific guidelines, so that data
transfer, analysis and calculation is possible. GIS is a useful tool to meet all these
requirements. In order to implement the Monitoring and Controlling concept it is
proposed that a Geographic Information System (GIS) and Scenario technique be
elements of future physical planning processes in Gaborone. These two tools help to
assess the changing environment and the dynamic development process of the city.
GIS is a computer based tool, which allows to analyze past and present
developments and to provide data and information for future planning issues. GIS
may also be used, for example, for land use analysis, as well as for the description
and planning of the spatial structure.
The information acquired through this research is a starting point in recognising the
dynamic relationship between those two: human and organizational aspects of GIS
technology implementation efforts to make a positive step forward. The existing
implementation framework assumes bureaucratic heritage, which is contrary to the
modern GIS system building, in which proper sensitizing of human crew and
organizational base flexibility, should be the major features for successful GIS
development. It will be necessary to devote more financial and managerial efforts to
look at the positive side of GIS use in different organisational and human settings.
However, the revised approach will definitely effect organizational performance and
influence different individual and group behavior towards wider acceptance of new
technology.
The way forward is not going to be easy and short one especially with regard to the
existing functionality of GIS which does not correspond fully to the requirements of
different users. Interorganisational GIS activities will continue to raise the
opportunities for complications in establishing departmental partnerships, and
require additional negotiations over cost, accuracy, responsibility and many other
issues involved. It is clear that the future of human and GIS organisational changes
in Botswana will be easier to advocate than to practice (Azad and Wiggins 1995;
Budic-Nedovic and Pinto, 2000; Cavric, 2002). In order to improve the quality of
the basic data and to enhance the spread of GIS application the strategy of the DSM
proposes to set up an integrated Geo-Information System. A coordinated GIS
management requires less man power, financial resources and provides a higher
173
quality of basic data. Furthermore, the latest initiaive on the National Spatial Data
Infrastructure (NSDI) developments are also showing a positive move towards
governmental GIS integration and more efficient data exchange.
Limits to indicators and controlling

The usefulness of indicators depends thus on their suitability, appropriateness, and
the precision of the relation to the conclusions. Using indicators without defining
target values increases the risk that indicators become a mere collection of data
without influencing the decision-making process. Therefore it is necessary to define
specific, quantifiable, target values or "standards" that show changes and trends over
time.
Indicators have their limits and usually are small quantities of information that
reflect the status of different systems including urban systems as well. They cannot
measure all objectives of the underlying strategies and plans and can only reflect a
part of the actual state of development. It remains difficult to explain the complexity
of urban development by indicators only. Due to the varying interpretations of their
results, even if the selection of indicators follows comprehensible criteria, indicator
based analysis remains subjective to a certain degree. One should remember that it is
just the interpretation of the indicators which gives them their significance, and that
any quantitative information must always be supplemented by qualitative analysis
within the controlling process.
IMPROVED MECHANISMS AND STRATEGIES FOR SUSTAINABLE

URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN BOTSWANA
In the previous sections, tools to enhance sustainable urban development, like
indicator-based monitoring and controlling and the use of GIS were discussed.
Additionally, there are existing planning mechanisms and strategies that can be
helpful in designing the full set of sustainable urban management tools. The
following discussion highlights their importance and applicability in Gaborone’s
context.
Goal formulation
Most of the assessed mechanisms and tools - except the National Settlement policy
and National Policy on Housing - do not have a clear hierarchy of goals and
objectives. The link between goals and the measures, which go with them, is mostly
missing, too. To improve the performance of the plans a clear hierarchy of the goals
is necessary. Additionally, measures get mixed sometimes with goals which
complicates the clarity of a plan or policy. To develop a structured and clear plan or
policy, the existing tools such as a "hierarchy of goals" must be used correctly. After
having accomplished a structure of the different goals, which distinguish between
superior and subordinated goals, measures must be defined to achieve these goals.
Disposition in phases of these measures, as accomplished in the plans must be
prosecuted. Additionally, the responsible body for implementation of these measures
must be fixed.
Planning system improvements

In order to guarantee sustainable development, planning efforts must be effective
and efficient. A clear hierarchy of the instruments requires that all the tools have a
clear function in the process and that the resources both financial and personal are
used in an optimal way. For example in the current planning system the Greater
Gaborone Structure Plan (GGSP) and the Gaborone City Development Plan (GCDP)
fulfill more or less the same duties. As the only difference GGSP covers a bigger
planning area. This duplication must be prevented. Due to the absence of the South-
East District Settlement Strategy up to now, the framework of planning is
incomplete. The fact that the planning system is changing and new instruments are
under preparation. Nevertheless, the current structure of plans can be adapted in the
reviews and integrated in the new planning system.
The South East District Settlement Strategy (SEDSS), and South East Region
Master Plan which are recently adopted, however not yet implemented, should guide
Gaborone’s physical development planning. In addition, the goals and objectives of
the Vision 2016, adjusted to the needs of Gaborone, should be included in this
strategy. This Settlement Strategy should include the city of Gaborone, even if the
city area does not belong to the South East District. Coordination of Gaborone and
its surrounding areas is crucial for the development of the region. The geographical
extension of the plans should be adequate to the geographical extensions of the
problems they are supposed to solve. Therefore, the Greater Gaborone Region is the
optimal geographical extension to be planned. This enables Gaborone and the
surrounding settlements to work together as equal parties in a coordinated manner.
Synergies may be used and the implementation of such a plan is easier due to the
integration of all settlements‘ interests.
Declaration of the whole country as a planning area

Currently, 16 regions, among others Gaborone, have been declared planning areas.
In those areas, physical plans have been successfully implemented. Outside planning
areas, development plans are advisory and not legally binding. To avoid
uncontrolled and uncoordinated spatial development it is necessary that the whole
country is declared as a planning area (as proposed in the report of the Second
Presidential Commission on the Local Government Structure, p. 80). A first step in
this direction was made in the National Settlement Policy, 1999, where 4 planning
regions covering the whole country were designated. However, there are no
regulations related to the necessary coordination of regional master plans and
development plans for designated planning areas. Additionally, the system should be
set up in such a way, that the conformity of the development plan is guaranteed both
horizontally and vertically.
Scenario technique
Scenario Technique is used as a means to evaluate future development alternatives
considering particular aspects of urban development. Scenarios are hypothetical
sequences of events, designed to understand the causes of a possible future
development and to describe what might happen under certain assumptions.
175
Scenarios are often used to illustrate complex situations, relevant relations and
possible consequences for the future development. "Alternative futures" can be used
for generating additional scenarios, for establishing criteria for systematic
comparison of various alternative, or for the analysis and examination of specific
issues. Scenarios are used as means to describe plausible development alternatives in
spite of many uncertain parameters. Thus, scenario technique is seen as a suitable
‘tool’ for the planning of Gaborone and is proposed to be applied in the future.
Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA)

It aims primarily at ensuring that environmental consequences are fully included and
appropriately addressed in the earliest appropriate stage of decision-making on par
with economic, and social consideration (Wiseman, 1997). SEA further includes the
preparation of written report on the findings of the evaluation and using the findings
in a publicly accountable decision making (Wiseman, 1997). For each strategic
decision making stage, there is a corresponding environmental input. SEA provides
an appropriate opportunity in which physical planners can ensure that local
plans take on board environmental issues. SEA process covers the following:
• Characterization of the environment- in which environmental stock that could
be affected by the development plan is identified and assessed
• Scoping of the plan ensures that the plan covers an appropriate range of
environmental concerns.
• Appraisal of the plan’s contents – asses environmental effects using matrices
From the above, a model SEA for local physical development plans in Botswana
could involve the following:
• Setting sustainability objectives (possibly linked to Agenda 21)
• Setting plan objectives
• Setting environmental targets and/or carrying capacities
• Comparing alternative locational strategies
• Describing the baseline environment
• Identifying environmental criteria- e.g. noise, ecology, air quality
• Scoping
• Preparation of compatibility matrix
• Preparing matrices of policies v. environmental criteria
• Preparing matrices of proposals v. environmental criteria
• Preparation of written description of policy impacts
• Preparing a written description of proposal impacts
As in the case of the environmental assessment methodologies discussed in the
previous sections, SEAs are essential methodologies through which physical
planners can ensure that environmental concerns have been adequately incorporated
in planning decisions.
Public participation
Botswana’s Government has recognized the importance of the involvement of
people in the planning process. The early consultation contributes also to an
effective planning, because plans don’t have to be adjusted radically in the
proceeded planning period and a broad common sense about the future development
is already established at an early stage. In the current plans and policies, good as
well as bad examples of public participation can be found. Aware of the fact that the
inclusion of the public is easier with concrete projects such as in the UDP than with
general policy questions (physical plans, policies), a maximum of consultation shall
be aspired.
According to Serati (1997) planning participation and consultation structures in
Botswana exist at various levels of society. Some of these structures are formal.
Some consist of elected representatives while others happen to be formed on an ad
hoc or voluntary basis. Some of the formal structures like Village Development
Committees, Council Committees and the Council itself, Land Boards, Tribal
Administration, District Administration and Parliament are already taking part in the
planning process.
These structures are further supported by technical sub-committees like the Village
Extension Team, the District Land Use Planning Unit, Physical Planning
Committees in Councils and Works department technical sub-committees, which all
provide technical advice. These committees and units in most instances are also used
to mobilize the participation of the communities in development projects and at
times this is done through the kgotla (local village committees) meetings. Traditional
leaders (chiefs, headmen etc) play a very important role in mobilizing their
communities to participate in development planning. Here they are quite successful
in such commitments especially in the rural areas as the communities can relate to
the projects in their own environs (Mosha and Cavric, 2001).
Several possibilities to improve public participation exist. Basically, it is
distinguished between active and reactive public participation. Active public
participation starts already at the very beginning of the development of a physical
plan. The procedure for instance, which is used for the UDP, could be adapted to the
physical plans. Ward development committees have proven their applicability to
detect the people’s needs in developing the Urban Development Plan. They could
also function as a source of information for the development of physical plans or
policies.
Reactive public participation is already more famous and an accepted tool. After
experts have accomplished a first draft of a physical plan or a policy, public may
have access to the physical plan or the policy and examine those. Judgments and
opinions of the public or the associations may influence the further accomplishment
of the plan or policy. The internet may be used here as well as a virtual "public
place". Nowadays the power of the internet may not be disregarded. Botswana’s
youth is very familiar with the internet. Therefore, using the internet to gather the
needs, ideas, visions and opinions of the public to conceive the overall guidelines for
spatial development could be tried in Botswana through internet.
177
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The studies undertaken in the case city of Gaborone until now reveal not only
problems but also workable solutions. Sustainable development is the only
development alternative for Gaborone. A sound balance between social, economic
and environmental factors is absolutely necessary for a successful future of the city.
The urban growth of Gaborone is limited to the area within the city boundary.
Since Botswana has now only 1.7 million inhabitants, it is not likely that Gaborone
will develop to a million or mega-city. However, a further urban sprawl of Gaborone
cannot be sustainable, because it is economically and socially not affordable. If the
development of Gaborone is judged to be not sustainable, what then is a sustainable
city? There are a lot of hypothesis for an answer.
Haughton & Hunter (1994) propose: "A sustainable city is one in which its people
and businesses continuously endeavor to improve their natural, built and cultural
environments at neighborhood and regional levels, whilst working in ways which
always support the goal of global sustainable development". Bars (1999) argues that
sustainability is a complex system including ecological, economic and social
elements, and we can’t achieve sustainability without merging all three together and
analyzing their profound effects on each other.
The future growth of the surrounding area of Gaborone may be more important than
that of the city itself. Therefore, physical planning of the city should be part of the
comprehensive planning for the Greater Gaborone Area. Despite the limited
population growth, the development of the city continues; social and economic
changes as well as new needs concerning environment conservation require periodic
modification of the framework.
Taking the above definitions of a sustainable city into account, a first approach for
Gaborone should be that more emphasis has to be laid upon a clearer definition of
what is sustainable urban development in the context of Gaborone. Then, the
harmonization of existing and coming policies and development plans as well as
their orientation towards sustainability is a must. For this, a comprehensive strategy
for sustainable urban development for Gaborone is to be worked out. As a first step,
urban indicators should be developed and integrated in a GIS-based monitoring
system that is able to screen the development of Gaborone and to derivate there from
concrete needs for action.
The central and local government must be aware that physical planning is an
ongoing process facilitating the provision of a sound social, economic and
ecological environment for future generations. The preparation of a ‘Vision for a
sustainable Gaborone’ serves as a basis for subsequent modifications of
development plans. The Monitoring and Controlling Concept helps to guide and
shape the urban development and planning processes.
To ensure a successful implementation of the Concept, all stakeholders must be
involved in the preparation of development plans, goals and visions. All elements of
physical planning must be accepted by a majority of the population and follow
national and international standards related to sustainability. The implementation of
spatial monitoring and controlling and the application of new analytical tools should
be coordinated with other reorganization projects of planning procedures.
Rural development and decentralization has still to be more strengthened. Future
Regional Master Plans, Integrated District land Use Plans and District Settlement
Strategies should highlight the potentials of the rural areas, creating regional centers
and attracting public and private investment for improved living conditions out of
Gaborone.
Regarding the complex tasks for future planning in Gaborone and the limited human
resources (limited number of planning experts in government agencies and in the
private sector), a continued training and capacity building of staff of urban and
regional planning inside the country has to be strengthened (Cavric & Mosha 2001).
The implementation of Analytical tools and the Monitoring and Controlling Concept
does not automatically lead to a sustainable urban development, unless the social,
economic and environmental dimensions are considered when defining the goals and
development proposals.
Furthermore, the institutional and policy framework must suit the requirements of
the monitoring and controlling procedure. However, the concept and the proposed
changes of the planning procedure constitute an ideal framework for sustainable
development. Its content and application depends on the decision-makers. It might
be helpful to launch projects to improve the spread of the idea of a sustainable
Gaborone. The combination of ‘sustainability-aware’ people, of the controlling
procedure and of a suitable institutional framework helps to guide and shape the
development of Gaborone in a sustainable manner.
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Problembewältigung der Megacities. Paper prepared for the International Conference
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http://www.undp.org/hdr2002, September 2, 2002.
181
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT OF TOWNS IN SERBIA

Nenad Spasić, Jasna Petrić 1
Abstract
After the Second World War, the development of towns in Serbia is characterised by an
intensive population growth due to significant migrations from rural to urban settlements.
An intensive population growth was experienced in Belgrade, as well as in a few larger
cities, which attracted the significant part of immigrants from rural as well as from smaller
urban settlements. During the 1970s and ‘80s, when the economic development is in
concern, certain number of small and medium-sized towns had a more dynamic population
and economic growth than Belgrade.
However, in the last decade of the previous century, a noticeable concentration of political
and economic power happened in Belgrade, which reflected negatively in terms of
stagnation in development of other Serbian urban settlements.
Following the political and economic crisis in the 1990s and subsequent transition reforms,
the majority of urban settlements in Serbia faced economic collapse whilst the investments
were directed to Belgrade, and this, in long term horizon, would be totally unsustainable in
reference to the requirements of more balanced regional development, territorial cohesion,
territorial capital management and competitiveness. With marginalisation of other towns in
Serbia, it becomes mostly apparent the need to substantiate the new original urban
competency. Such situation indicates the necessity of delivering and implementing new
urban development policy for the Republic. The experience from some European countries
regarding the encouragement to small town development may be of use here.
Key words: sustainable development, towns, stagnation, economy, population, policy
INTRODUCTION
Significant spatial and demographic changes have been among the key
characteristics of the Republic of Serbia in the second half of the 20th century,
mainly caused by the dynamic primary urbanisation process, i.e. intensive migration
flows from country to town. What is a particularity of this process is that it keeps
intensity even in the period of the so-called demographic transition that has featured
Serbia in the late 20th and beginning of the 21st century. Decrease in natural growth
as well as significant aging of population are most noticeable effects of the
demographic transition process. However, these negative effects had begun to reflect
1
dr Nenad Spasić, Senior Research Fellow, Director of the Institute of Architecture and
Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia.
dr Jasna Petrić, Research Fellow, Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning
of Serbia
on the primary urbanisation in Serbia only when the traditional demographic

"reservoirs" (dominantly rural areas) showed first signs of "exhaustion" [Stojanović,
Vojković, 2005].
Within general trend among most nations to "urbanise", there are large differences in
the scale, speed and spatial distribution of urban change and development of urban
centres [Spasić, Petrić, 2006]. The population growth in towns of Serbia, which has
mainly been due to immigration, has resulted in formation of demographic
expansion areas leaving on the other side the areas of constant depopulation.
Former have a relatively small territorial cover, with high level of people and
activity concentration, whereas latter represent the emigration areas, which are
territorially large, relatively unpopulated, dominantly rural in character, and largely
encompassed by the demographic transition. The areas of expansion are formed
around urban hubs with strong overall growth (in demographic and economic
terms), and these can be mainly found around major development axes, where in
Serbian context the most significant one has been the (Sava) Dunav-Morava axis
[Stojanović, Vojković, 2005].
In comparison to the European average (80%), Serbian level of urbanisation (56% in
2002) is relatively low, which is the result of late industrialisation and some political
decisions in former Yugoslavia. With the break-up of Yugoslavia, its urban system
had been divided into six more or less incoherent urban systems (Serbian2,
Slovenian, Croatian, Bosnia and Herzegovinian, Macedonian and Montenegrin).
Compared to its neighbouring countries, Serbia is less urbanised than Bulgaria,
Hungary and Montenegro, more urbanised than Albania and Bosnia and
Herzegovina, and at the same level of urbanisation as Croatia and Romania.
The changes in function, physical structures and organisation of the urban areas in
the last half a century in Serbia have had many spatial and social implications. In
reference to the four phases of the urban development cycle (Urbanisation –
Suburbanisation – De-urbanisation – Re-urbanisation), Serbia is well in the
suburbanisation phase qualified by urban sprawl and all of its negative implications
threatening sustainable urban development.
From Central Serbia’s urban settlements (117 in total in the year 2002), the most
numerous are the small towns (89), followed by medium-sized ones (25), and 3 big
cities. Their roles in regional organisation of the country and local development vary
as does their population size. However, the concept of decentralised urbanisation,
regionally balanced and dynamic polycentric urban system, which was proposed by
the Spatial Plan of the Republic of Serbia (1996), has not come to life.
Belgrade, which is home to 26% of urban population in Serbia (excluding Kosovo
and Metohija) has always been a magnet to immigrants from rural as well as from
smaller urban settlements. When the economic development is in concern, during
the 1970s and ‘80s, some small and medium-sized towns of Serbia had exhibited the
fastest rate of the GNP growth as well as very high employment rates [Spasić, 1984;
Malobabić, 1997]. However, this trend has changed especially with the last decade
2
Serbian urban system is not homogeneous as it encompasses territories of Central Serbia and
Vojvodina. Kosovo and Metohija has been placed under UN administration since 1999.
183
of the previous century, when the political and economic power highly concentrated
in Belgrade, incorporating to a stagnation of other Serbian urban settlements.
With this in view, the key pointer to unbalanced regional development of Serbia is
the urban agglomeration of Belgrade with all its development characteristics, thus
requiring the advancement of macro-regional development centres which would
mitigate the acute issues of imbalance [Derić, Perišić, 1996]. It is argued here that
small and medium-sized towns’ renewal should represent a basis for more
sustainable urban and regional development, and the investments in small municipal
urban centres would encourage population to stay in these urban settlements instead
of decanting to cities, especially to Belgrade.
COMPREHENDING A SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Sustainability, despite being vague and ambiguous term, has now reached a near-
universal status of being a desired concept of "good". Indeed, its very fuzziness
allows different theorists and actors to have diverse or even conflicting
interpretations of what sustainability means. Although some fear that "the term is
now in danger of becoming an empty shibboleth" [Daly, 1992:249] or that "it has
come to mean whatever suits the particular advocacy of the individual concerned"
[Pearce et al.,1989:1], its greatest virtue is for being radical and not yet offensive in
its tripple-bottom-line approach of equally promoting and weighing, in a balanced
manner, economic growth, environmental protection, and concern for social equity.
As a part of global sustainability, urban sustainability entails examining urbanisation
within the context of dynamic and complex place-specific social, economic,
political, and ecological processes producing urban growth.
Original concerns over modern urbanism arose in the context of 19th century
urbanisation and industrialisation in Europe and North America when it was "only
Britain, North-West of Europe and the USA that had more than 25% of urban
residents" [Pacione, 2001]. Since that time, a world in which most people lived in
rural areas has been transformed into a predominantly urban world. One-third of the
world's population lived in urban areas in 1960. By 1999, that number had increased
to 47%. The urban population continues to grow at a rapid pace and there is
estimation that in year 2030, more than 60% of world population will live in urban
areas whereas in the EU countries it is already around 80% of urban residents. Urban
populations are having and will continue to have a growing impact on the earth's
environment through their increasing numbers and their rising per capita resource
demands. Characteristics of urban places such as high population density, energy
consumption, and agglomeration and scale economies continue to have direct
implications for the economy-environment relationship, and vice versa.
Understanding urban sustainability requires engaging with the particular kind of
locality associated with urbanisation and the urban. A focus on the urban level
implies that urban localities induce certain challenges and opportunities for
achieving sustainability. However, one of the basic premises of the analysis here is
that a sustainable urban settlement cannot be achieved purely in internal terms. With
extending patterns of global economic trading, and increasingly global exchanges of
environmental resources and waste streams, it is futile and virtually meaningless to

attempt to create a sustainable town in isolation from its broader hinterland area.
The idea of working towards sustainable urban development suggests the need of a
value system different from the one that dominates the world today. An important
pointer here is that sustainable development must be planned for and that market
forces alone cannot achieve the integration of environmental, social, and economic
concerns.
For putting these conceptual foundations into operation, the following approaches,
or models of sustainable urban development analyses have been identified:
1) Self-reliant urban settlements. This approach centres on attempts to reduce
the negative impacts of an urban settlement beyond its own bioregion. The
main problem of this approach is the danger of taking regional autarky to
unacceptable levels. When discussing "islands of sustainability", Wallner et al.
[1996] argue that urban settlements need to build internally and connect
externally, since the areas that are wholly self-reliant may survive but "do not
make any contribution to the evolution of the whole economic system towards
sustainability", neither learning nor sharing with other regions.
2) Redesigning urban settlements. This is perhaps the dominant approach
adopted by most Western planners and architects. From this perspective, a
central feature of moving toward sustainable development has to be the
redesigning of a city, including the very layout of the city at the regional scale
– should we opt for decentralised concentration, for corridors of urban
expansion, or for continuation of the sprawl [Breheny and Rookwood, 1993,
Haughton and Hunter, 1994]?
3) Externally dependent urban settlements. Here it is essentially followed the
conventional or neoclassical view that environmental problems could be
addressed effectively by workings of the free market. This is in marked
contrast to the "steady state" approaches of ecological economics, which
emphasize the interconnectedness of economy and ecology within a context of
the finite possibilities offered by ecosphere, in terms of resources availability
and ability to absorb wastes.
4) Fair shares urban settlements. With this approach to sustainable urban
development, it is especially pinpointed a fair trade of environmental assets,
with a particular view to ensuring that exchange does not take place in ways
that degrade donor environments, economies, and societies, e.g. those of rural
areas or of smaller urban centres. It needs to be emphasized that there are
enormous practical and conceptual difficulties in isolating and gauging the net
impacts of "exchange". The word net is here important, since urban settlements
will inevitably generate a series of positive impacts on parts of their hinterland
areas, providing much needed investment and jobs [Jacobs, 1984]. Reducing
the calculus to environmental inputs and outputs is immensely problematic in
this sense, especially at the level of an individual urban settlement.
It is difficult to provide a definite set of criteria for evaluating relative merits of each
of the four approaches outlined here. They share a fairly strong base of common
185
assumptions and common policy directions, e.g. the shifts toward higher residential
densities and mixed land uses advocated under the redesigning urban settlements are
also central to self-reliant urban settlements’ approach. Each model in fact embodies
distinctive assumptions of what creates non-sustainable behaviour patterns in urban
settlements and in their surroundings, and from this point how policies in support of
sustainable urban development should be framed.
Sustainable development in context of urban settlement’s size

The new development of the sustainable urban movement tries to put agglomerating
and congesting forces as benefits and drawbacks of urban settlements into the
context of city3 size and urban development thresholds. Basically, these forces build
a correlation between the urban settlement’s size and its sustainability. In other
words, it is assumed that there has to be an optimal city size where the above
mentioned agglomerating forces counterbalance the congesting forces in such a way
that general long term equilibrium could be achieved, and some previous empirical
observations suggest that this "optimal size" could be found within the range of
small and medium-sized towns [ESPON 2006 Programme – ESPON 1.4.1, 2005].
Potentials and challenges of small and medium-sized towns are comprised in their
economic and demographic function, as well as in institutional aspects. Latter (the
governance aspect) has to be seen as a particular potential of small and medium-
sized towns allowing them to be closer to the citizen and more flexible to react to the
citizens needs.
Although, traditionally, the debate on rural-urban interactions has been dominated
by interest in the ways in which the very large cities influence the development of
national space, it is small and medium sized towns (the lower-order centres in the
urban rank size hierarchy) that are often seen as playing a crucial role in rural-urban
interactions given the usually strong link and complementary relationship they form
with their hinterland. In the academic world, opinions differ as to their possible
contribution to the spread of modernisation, their impact on the development of the
rural areas, their functioning as service centres and their role in damming the rural
exodus [Hinderink and Titus, 1988]. However, the conventional wisdom of policy-
makers and regional planners is that small towns play an essential role as regional
service centres in rural hinterland development through direct production linkages
and "spread" and "trickling down" effects. The reinforcement of the small town
production and institutional structures not only contributes directly to rural and
regional development, but is even seen as a necessary condition, which is justified
by the general paradigms of modernisation and dependency theories [see:
Rondinelli, 1988; Evans, 1992; Gaile, 1992].
It is an issue how strongly should small and medium-sized towns be linked to cities,
and to what degree should small and medium-sized towns be the focus of sustainable
development policies?
3
The terms "city" and "town" have different meanings but this is not a subject of this work, therefore
they will be used interchangeably.
In answering this question, one position is that small and medium-sized towns are
elitist in structure and organisation and that their development would enhance
already privileged individuals or groups [Schatzberg, M., 1979]. According to this
stance, small and medium-sized towns are primarily parasitic, and allow draining of
rural areas of their resources, which are then invested in metropolitan centres. Thus,
the implication of such rationale is that small and medium-sized towns should not be
deliberately developed. If they are encouraged to expand, they may become
exploiters of the surrounding rural areas and bring to further rural-to-urban
migration.
A counterargument is that small and medium-sized towns are not necessarily
parasitic. Many of them perform the beneficial functions, identified earlier, that are
essential to rural development. Much depends on how economies of small and
medium-sized towns are developed and on the ways by which the linkages between
them and larger or smaller communities are organised.
With a sustainable urban development argument as a starting concept it can be
inferred that small and medium-sized towns exhibit some features consisted in the
model of redesigning urban settlements. On the other hand, there are small and
medium-sized towns that already show characteristics of bigger cities with inner city
differentiation and the separation of functions. This means that the following threats
are possible – suburbanisation and peri-urbanisation of these towns, which then lead
to damaging instead of a stimulating relationship between small and medium-sized
towns and their hinterland. Conversely to that, small and medium-sized towns have
the opportunity to revaluate rural areas and present "the golden middle" in urban and
regional planning, combining the advantages of cities and rural areas. With building
networks of small and medium-sized towns, target is to reduce the polarisation
between premium cities and the periphery thus reinforcing sustainable regional
development.
DEVELOPMENT CHARACTERISTICS OF SERBIAN TOWNS

In many respects, urban development of Serbia (former Yugoslavia) paralleled that
of other areas of the formerly traditional world. With industrial growth the towns
have mushroomed, "swollen by the influx of countrymen who have abandoned their
herds and fields, motivated by the familiar push and pull stimuli so frequently
described in the literature of urbanisation"[Simić, 1974].
As in other countries of real-socialism, the state was also the main subject of
urbanisation in former Yugoslavia. Urban settlements, especially the federal and
republic centres had been the focus for all investments which were directed to
industry as well as for development of infrastructure and public services. Likewise
in other Central and East European countries, the network of urban centres here
reflected the situation in which the territory was sharply divided between the centre
and the periphery. This is a consequence of the political idea that people, assets and
territory could be efficiently controlled by methods and techniques of strict
centralisation. On the other hand, the development of rural settlements was provided
only by means of voluntary tax of their residents, impeded by the monopole prices
187
of the state companies, e.g. for the provision of telephone, home water supply, etc.
Therefore, it is not surprising that the total population growth was primarily
concentrated in the 5 to 15 km radius from the urban (municipal) centres, whilst the
rest of the area has been emptying out or "vegetating" in demographic terms [see:
Pušić, 2004; Petovar, 2007; Perišić, 1985].
Population movements from rural to urban settlements of Serbia and from primary to
secondary, and then tertiary sector of activities have been influencing the succession
of urbanisation phases, which manifested through demographic, functional and
physiognomic changes of urban as well as rural settlements, both territorially and
chronologically [Tošić, Nevenić, 2006].
Prior to further analyses of the urban settlements in Serbia, it is important to reflect
on the definition of a town, which generally varies from one country to another. In
theory and in practice, there are several criteria that may be applied in distinguishing
urban from "non-urban" settlements, e.g. statistical, quantitative, administrative,
functional, morphological, sociological, etc. In Serbia, the Census statistics in the
period 1948-2002 used one of the two criteria for differentiation of settlements:
administrative-legal (settlement is considered as urban when it is legally declared as
such), and quantitative-statistical criterion (a settlement is considered as urban if it
has at least 2,000 inhabitants and 90% of non-agricultural working residents, but this
percentage can be lower if the population is larger). A former criterion was used by
1948, 1981, 1991 and 2002 Censuses, while the latter one was applied for
determining urban settlements in 1953, 1961, and 1971 Censuses. Without any
intention to discuss further the issue of the most apt criterion for the official
classification of urban settlements in Serbia, here we focus more at the conditional
categorisation offered for the purposes of this paper:
• Small towns (urban settlements with population up to 20,000)
• Medium-sized towns (urban settlements with population between 20,000 and
100,000)
• Big cities (urban settlements with population of over 100,000)
Table 1. –Urban settlements’ categories in Central Serbia according to Censuses 1948-2002
Urban 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991 2002
settlement
Num % Num % Num % Num Num % Num Num Num % Num.
category
Belgrade 1 4.8 1 2.0 1 0.9 1 1 1 0.9 1 0.9 1 0.9
Other
0 0 0 0 2 1.8 2 2 2 1.8 2 1.7 2 1.7
big cities
Medium-
sized 3 14.3 5 9.8 21 18.6 26 21 21 18.6 26 22.4 25 21.4
towns
Small
17 80.9 45 88.2 89 78.7 87 89 89 78.7 87 75.0 89 76.0
towns
Total
21 100 51 100 113 100 116 113 113 100 116 100 117 100
urban
Source: Republic of Serbia Bureau of Statistics (RZS): Population Census 2002, Book 9
In terms of the urban settlements’ numbers in certain categories it can be noticed that
small and medium-sized are the most numerous (more than 90% of all urban
settlements in Central Serbia) while the big cities include just 3 settlements:
Belgrade (separately observed) and other big cities (Niš, Kragujevac).
On the other hand, in terms of population size according to different urban
settlement’s categories, Belgrade has always taken the largest proportion of urban
residents, followed by medium-sized, small towns and other big cities.
Table 2. – Population of Central Serbia (number and %) according to settlement types
Year 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991 2002∗∗
Populat. Populat. Populat. % Populat. % Populat. % Populat. % Populat. % Populat. %
Belgrade∗ 1,087,91 1,168,45 1,119,64
397,711 477,982 657,362 10.7 657,362 13.6 899,094 17.1 19.1 20.1 20.5
5 4 2
Cities 88,656 107,358 144,597 2.4 144,597 3.0 220,639 4.2 290,393 5.1 322,696 5.6 320,097 5.9
Medium 1,027,24 1,044,20
263,077 324,563 455,236 7.3 455,236 9.4 663,884 12.6 900,703 12.7 17.7 19.1
towns 2 2
Small
179,150 214,142 276,293 4.8 276,293 5.7 402,955 7.7 513,350 10.1 590,928 10.2 590,869 10.8
towns
Other
3,225,64 3,339,63 3,289,79 3,289,79 3,063,78 2,902,10 2,699,58 2,719,53
settlement 74.8 68.2 58.4 53.0 46.5 43.8
4 6 2 2 3 3 6 6
s
Source: Republic of Serbia Bureau of Statistics (RZS): Population Census 2002, Book 9 – Comparative analysis of
the population numbers in the period 1948-2002
∗ inner urban area of Belgrade
∗∗ 2002 Census data according to the new methodology (principle of the present - de facto population)
Graph 1. - Change of the population intake by different types of settlements in Central

Serbia in the period 1948-2002 (in %)
100
90
80
70
Belgrade
60
Other big cities
50 M edium-sized towns
40 Small towns
30 Other (non-urban) settlements
20
10
0
1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991 2002
In the functional hierarchy in Central Serbia, small towns are either the municipal
centres or supplementary municipal centres4, rarely the sub-regional centres,
whereas medium-sized towns are all regional or sub-regional centres. In relation to
4
It is important to stress that there are 22 municipalities in Central Serbia without towns, i.e. their
municipal centres belong to the category of ‘other’ (non-urban) settlements. These municipal centres
have a potential of becoming small towns in the future.
189
their wider territory, small and medium-sized towns develop in one of the following
ways:
• Insular small and medium sized-towns as poles for rural areas. They are
developed by concentration of local population and functions in smaller
municipal centres. Because of industrial development they have been
transformed from commercial, trading and managing centres into urban type
settlements with developed labour functions.
• Settlements located at the fringe of a smaller or larger urban
agglomeration. This is a typical situation of the peri-urban small towns. They
are located at the fringe of a large agglomeration, that is to say a major city
and its functional area.
• Network of small and medium-sized towns. Small and medium-sized urban
settlements which form a functional network with their suburbs and
surrounding villages that show some urban features. They represent "the
spatial structure that consists of cores of a higher nodal level and surrounding
settlements that are functionally compatible to them" [Tošić, Nevenić,
2006:142].
Big cities are complex regional functional urban systems (macro regional centres)
which are seen as major decentralisation engines for regional development. Yet, in
the last decade or so Niš and Kragujevac, which belong to this urban category in
Central Serbia, show the signs of constant recession and call for fundamental
restructuring, primarily in the economic sector [ibid.:142]. Belgrade agglomeration
or Belgrade Metropolitan Region calls for individual observation since its
development is a product of centralised power at the state level with a domineering
capital which clusters the majority of economic development, trade, services and
human potential of a country following the so-called ‘Centralist French Model’
[Maričić, Petrić, 2007]. Belgrade is the home to 20% of residents in Central Serbia.
The index of urban primacy (5.87) (ratio between the numbers of Belgrade and Novi
Sad’s inhabitants, latter being the second largest city of Serbia) shows clear
Belgrade’s dominance. As Tošić and Nevenić (2006:140) point out, it is a discord
between the number of inhabitants of the leading settlement and other urban
settlements that indicates a lack of correctly and uniformly developed urban system
in Serbia, i.e. the urbanisation flow which had not been directed at the right time.
In this paper there is a particular focus on development of different categories of
urban settlements in Central Serbia, being observed in two distinctive periods: 1948-
1981 and 1981-2002. These periods (primary urbanisation and demographic
transition) are chosen because they mark a contrast in urban development of Central
Serbia.
Primary urbanisation of towns in Central Serbia in the period 1948-1981

It was discussed previously that the urban population of Central Serbia has marked
an intensive growth in the post-World War II period. In the observation of
population growth by different categories of urban settlements for the period 1948-
1981, one can notice that it was small and the medium-sized towns that had the
highest increase in their populations (2.9 times and 3.4 times respectively). In
comparison, Belgrade demographically grew 2.7 times, while other big cities grew
3.2 times in the same period of time. Conversely, in other (non-urban) settlements
the 1948-1981 population loss reached 24.6%.
It can be said that, within the observed period, small towns were the first in line of
absorption of the rural-urban migrations in Central Serbia [Spasić, Petrić, 2006:10].
Around 70% of all immigrants to small and medium-sized towns of Central Serbia
came from non-urban settlements in comparison to 55% that came to Belgrade and
65% in other big cities.
Graph 2. - Immigrants to urban settlements in Central Serbia according to the settlement
type of their origin in 1961 (in %)
100
80
60 Urban
40
Mixed-type settlement
20
Rural
0
Belgrade Other big cities M edium-sized Small towns
towns
Graph 3. - Percentage of immigrants to urban settlements in Central Serbia according to the

place of their origin in 1961
100
80
60 Out of Serbia - another republic
40 Another municipality in Serbia
20 Same municipality
0
towns
The origin of the incoming population to all urban settlements in Central Serbia was
typically the municipality which was not the same as the one where the new
settlement of residency was located. However, the origin of urban immigrants was
primarily at the territory of the Republic of Serbia. Belgrade diverged from this rule
191
since half of its immigrants came from all other places in former Yugoslavia due to
the capital’s attraction supported by the policy of centralisation.
In terms of economic development according to different urban settlement’s
categories, in the period 1948-1981, it was Belgrade that achieved the highest level of
concentration of per capita national income in Serbia (37.5%) as well as the
employment (38.5%) [Spasić, 1984:27]. Basically, with its developed infrastructure,
large market, qualified work force, and so on, Belgrade was able to achieve the
exhibited concentration of activity, by inducing at the same time the stagnation of
other urban settlements (especially other big cities and medium-sized towns of Serbia).
Graph 4. - Per capita national income in municipalities with urban seats of different
categories in 1979 (Central Serbia’s per capita national income average =100)
180
160
140
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
Belgrade Big city Municipalities Municipalities
municipalities with medium- with small town
sized town as a as a seat
seat
As it can be observed from Graph 4, the per capita national income in 1979 was in
direct relation with the population size of settlements in Central Serbia. However, as
some previously conducted research substantiated, in the 1970s it was the small
towns that in relative terms had the fastest growing index of per capita national
income (606.9), followed by Niš and Kragujevac (554.9), medium-sized towns
(524.2) and then Belgrade (509.9). Similarly, the relative index of employment in
the 1971/79 decade spoke in favour of small towns (309.8), which were followed by
Belgrade (150.8), medium-sized towns (165.2) and other big cities (Niš and
Kragujevac) (129.3) [ibid.:27].
Demographic transition of towns in Central Serbia in the period 1981-2002

Generally speaking, urban population trends in Central Serbia in the last two
decades (1981-2002) have had the same direction pointing towards demographic
stagnation in its urban agglomerations and continual tendency of growth in
demographic dimension of its small and medium-sized towns [Stojanović, Vojković,
2005]. The most dynamic population growth in this period was recorded by
medium-sized towns (13.7%), followed by small towns (13.1%), whereas big cities
(Niš and Kragujevac) grew at the slower rate (9.7%). Belgrade’s population growth
was 2.8% in this period, pointing to its relative demographic stagnation.
As a consequence of the socio-economic transition in the period 1981-2002,

Belgrade showed the level of immigration attractiveness which was not as high as it
used to be. At the same time the city hasn’t had the capacity to compensate this drop
in immigration by enhanced natural reproduction of its residents (consequence of a
demographic transition).
More to the point, in the period of "demographic transition" which in Serbia started
with the 1980s, natural population renewal was primarily focused in urban
settlements. However, as it can be observed from Graph 5, starting with the 1990s
Belgrade has showed a negative natural population growth so that it has been
primarily medium-sized and small towns that have compensated for the lack of its
natural population renewal.
Graph 5. - Change of the natural population growth rates by different types of urban settlements in
Central Serbia in the period 1981-2005
12
10
8
Belgrade
6
4 Other big cities
2
M edium-sized
0 towns
Small towns
-2
-4
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
Regarding the immigration component of urban settlements’ growth in Central

Serbia in the period 1981-2002, small and medium-sized towns continued with the
trend from the previous period, i.e. around 70% of their immigrants came from
"other" (non-urban) settlements. On the other hand, there is a noticeable increase of
immigrants from other urban settlements in Belgrade (60%) which means that
instead of the traditional rural ‘reservoirs’, it is the towns which have become the
main suppliers of Belgrade for its total population growth.
Graph 6. - Immigrants to urban settlements in Central Serbia according to the settlement type of their
origin in 2002 (in %)
100
80
60
Urban
40
Ot her (non-urban)
20
0
towns
193
Following the trend from the previous period, people who migrated to urban
settlements of Central Serbia in the period 1981-2002 dominantly came from the
settlements at the territory of the Republic (more than 70% of immigrants) which
refers to small, medium-sized towns and big cities apart from Belgrade. In Belgrade,
on the other hand, there is a large percentage (55%) of people who came from
different countries (e.g. former Yugoslav republics5).
Graph 7. - Percentage of immigrants to urban settlements in Central Serbia according to the
place of their origin in 2002
100
80
60
Out of Serbia - another republic
40
Another municipality in Serbia
20
Same municipality
0
Belgrade Other big Medium-sized Small towns
cities towns
The recent economic development of different urban settlement’s categories in

Central Serbia can be observed through per capita national income which is
measured against the national (Republic of Serbia) average per capita national
income. By following this indicator’s change in the period 1996-2005 (Graph 8), it
can be noticed the extreme difference between Belgrade and all other urban
settlements. Although big cities in general had per capita national income which was
above the national average until 19986, it was only Belgrade that kept its large
economic primacy in the consequent period. Small towns mark a constant drop of
per capita national income, but some reason for optimism can be found in
development of medium-sized towns whose per capita national income has been in
steady rise despite being slightly bellow the national average.
5
During the 1990s, a significant number of refugees came to Serbia due to civil war which took place in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Croatia, Slovenia, as well as many came as internally displaced people from the territory of Kosovo
and Metohija after the year 1999. The estimation is that approximately 380,000 people immigrated in this way, out
of which more than a third came to the capital city [Petrović, 2007].
6
Year 1999 was a turning point as the country was stricken by NATO bombing.
Graph 8. – Change of per capita national income in municipalities with urban seats of different
categories in the period 1996-2005 (Republic of Serbia’s per capita national income average =100)
180
160
140 M unicipalities with small town
as a seat
120
100 M unicipalities with medium-
sized town as a seat
80
60 Big city municipalities (Niš,
Kragujevac)
40
20 Belgrade
0
1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
CONCLUSION
Small and medium-sized towns are seen as important regional intermediaries
between rural areas and big cities. In order to achieve a system of decentralised
urban concentration which is seen as a sustainable urban pattern in many European
countries, modern urban networks have to be generated with support of small and
medium-sized towns that are perceived to play a major role in counterbalancing
domination of big cities and their suburbanisation.
Within Serbian urban context, town (city) status has been the result of decisions
coming from the top. In addition to this, strong urban centralisation policy primarily
oriented the investments towards Belgrade as the capital city. Regarding the
urbanisation process in Serbia, in the first phase of primary urbanisation which lasted
until the end of 1970s, small and medium-sized towns were the first in line of
absorption of the population that migrated from the rural areas. This was also the
foundation for small and medium-sized towns to attain relative economic boost in this
period. Similarly, big cities were also in this period dominantly "supplied" by new
inhabitants coming from ‘traditional rural reservoirs’, but Belgrade’s economic
performance was superior to any other city. In the consequent phase of demographic
transition, Serbia’s demographic revitalisation has primarily laid upon positive natural
growth of population in small and medium-sized towns. They overtook the role from
rural settlements regarding new population supply for the big cities, especially
Belgrade which has had negative natural population growth starting from the 1990s.
Yet, the continuation of other Serbian towns’ marginalisation in light of political and
economic crisis in the 1990s and subsequent transition reforms, calls for urgent
measures for delivering and implementing new urban development policy for the
Republic.
From the sustainable development perspective, together with advancement of macro
regional centres that are seen as major decentralisation engines for regional
development of Serbia, the emphasis should also be made on support for small and
medium-sized towns as intermediaries in sustaining the network of urban
settlements.
195
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HERITAGE REGENERATION AS AN INSTRUMENT OF

SOCIAL CHANGE
Nadja Kurtović-Folić 1
Abstract
There are two ways in approaching the regeneration of old city cores. First, the
heritage is placed at the heart of the regeneration sheme. Second, the government or
big businees take a lead role in the comprehensive regeneration of the old city core,
frequently with a little regard for built heritage or local communities.
The paper deals with the different approaches of how to use built heritage of a
regeneration area as a recource through the civilising influence of visual continuity
they provide, while also supplying a visual link with the past that gives both an
important and fascinating insight into history, as well as an expession of the relative
permanence of civilised society.
Key words: Built heritage, Old city cores, Social changes, Regeneration sheme,
Long term efforts
INTRODUCTION
When the discussion is devoted to heritage and transformation of society it appearce
that the most delicate topic is how the historical heritage is confronted with the
constant flux of the contemporary world. The thoughts are then centred mainly
around issues of heritage protection in the context of the transformation that Central
and South-Eastern Europe have seen since 1989. That is because there is the
difference in the way that Central and South-Eastern Europe understands many
geopolitical and historical concepts. This difference has a crucial infulence on both
the theory and the practice of heritage protection, and hence on the legislative and
financial solutions employed in this field. The fact is that since 1989 little attempt
has been made in those countries, including Serbia, to modify the system of
financing and managing culture that was created for a socialist states and a
command and control economy. Over the years it has become clear how toleration
of previous systems has compounded lot of dillemas, generating a sense of lack of
stability and omnipresent frustration. The lack of a clerly defined cultural policy on
the part of the state has been the source of many misconceptions in terms of
establishing the task of cultural and heritage protection institutions. The greatest loss
1
dr Nadja Kurtović-Folić, Professor, Faculty of Technical Sciences, University of
Novi Sad
197
of the national economy, however, is that the potential of culture as a factor in
economic development and a source of new jobs is being ignored, which is in turn
blocking its use as a major social policy tool.
The past for the future remains the primary mission of the heritage protection
institutions. And this is the reason why our day-to-day work consists on the one
hand in protecting everything that combines to form our identity and often defines
the meaning of our lives, and on the other in attempting to prepare the youngest
generations of citizens for the challenges presented by the demands of modernity.
Doing this we must be fully aware that change is vital in order to keep abreast of this
rapidly evolving world, but we also must realise that in order to change, society has
to attain a certain level of education.[Purchla, 2005] Work in heritage protection
institutions requires exceptional comprehension of the complex relations between a
range of issues, relating to economics, law, politics, society and even philosophy, all
of which have to lead us through fields long recognised as heritage and new areas by
which this domain was considerably extended at the turn of the 20th and 21th
centuries and infuses us above all with concern for the preservation of balance
between culture and economics and culture and politics.
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CULTURAL HERITAGE FOR SERBIA

TODAY
There is a short answer to any question on the appreciation of the significance of
Serbian cultural heritage today. That heritage is vitally important, yet it was for long
treated as peripheral to the ongoing process of widening and deepening the Serbian
culture. Fortunately the outcry from broad segments of Serbian civil society against
the original intention of many Serbian leaders to sideline cultural issues produced
satisfactory results in respect of the treating cultural heritage, but there remains a
great deal to do.
Not only Serbian citizens but non-Serbian people is well aware, even if inchoately
and incoherently aware, that Serbia, to the degree it is entity, is more cultural than a
political, or even today, an economic entity; second, that the influence has been as
widespread as it has been profound, representing, together with some few others, the
seminal cultural forces that have shaped Balcan region; third, that Serbian culture is
one of the very few field where Serbia could play as one of the main heirs and
continuators of the European cultural tradition.
Yet, despite this vital role of the cultural heritage in the Serbian tradition mention of
the phrase "cultural heritage" often leads to embarrassment, and when some attempt
is made to give the concept content, this usually evaporates into platitude aboutits
infinite variety. Actually that particular platitude happens, like to so many others, to
be mistaken. A process of cross-fertilisation between civilisations that have ruled
over Serbia through time must be carefully distinguished from a shared organic
development.
There are however some good reasons why people habitually become incoherent
when discussing the cultural heritage. Among them is the fear of cultural
determinism, the fear, to put it in a more modish form, that those using this type of
language without hesitation are those who beleive that cultural differences cannot be
overcome, and that culture is set to become the world's primary fault-line in the
future.
On the other hand, one of the recently acquired strenghts of Serbian culture is that it
has developed certain attitude and structures which permit a variety of beliefs, of
life-styles and of identities to be accommodated without imminent fear of
breakdown. This significant achievement of modern Serbian culture, although not a
secure achievement in an atomised consumer society, as we shall see, presents a
model which a large number of societies in South-Eastern Europe might well wish
and be able to adopt. It serves as an excellent, if rare, disproof of the thesis of
cultural determinism, granting the hope, if never the certainty, that cultural clashes
which seem insuperable may be overcome if there is mutual respect, understanding
and engagement.
If the fear of cultural determinism is one good reason many have been hesitant to
speak of the Serbian cultural heritage, an even better one has been disputable
relationship between heritage and history. Broadly speaking "heritage" is a word
with positive conotations, which however at once brings to our mind official
occasions and hypocritical panegyric, while "history" is a neutral word with
connotations of laborious research, scholarly disputes, learned publications we have
rarely read but have sometimes heard about at second hand and a good deal of often
embarrassing "deconstruction" of received historical accounts that featured in our
school text books.
The point is accurate, but here too there is abelief that there is an effective response.
"Heritage" is indeed that part of the historical record that we consiously appropriate
as representing the segment of our past we wish to honour and to retain. What we
accept as "heritage" however has always varied and always will vary as the decades
pass. The relationship between "heritage" and "history" is a shifting, not a static,
relationship. Historical research is one of the crucial determinants of what will be
acknowledged as "heritage" in the future: the other are the gradual changes in
cultural values in any society, which inevitably take place over time.
The importance of historical research in relation to "heritage" is particulary critical
in puncturing the balloons habitually sent up by most society filled with a gaseous
mixture of hot air and pride. Not alitlle damage was for instance inflicted on Europe
by a number of articles that appeared at the beginning of the wars of sucession that
ultimately ended the Yugoslave state which proclaimed that certain Eastern and
South-Eastern European countries would find it exceedingly difficult to become
democracies because they were on the wrong side of the religious schism that
divided Europe in 1054. These articles took for granted a wrong date for the Schism,
an unexemined and mistaken assumption as to the existence of continous hostility
between all peoples on different sides of that line ever since, and an unhistorical
presumption that the nature of that division must have had something to do with the
rule of low or modern democracy. Such views look obtuse today, less than fifteen
years later, when countries then told their history made it nearly impossible for them
to be democracies have been operating as such for a number of years without greater
199
strain than one would expect in any state that had long endured totalitarian rule
imposed by a foreign power. [Claes, 1993]
This quite recent example of the abuse of history in the cause of creating a spurious
"Western European heritage" which could then be distinguished from "the lesser
breeds without the law" to the East and South-East, teaches us the dangers of
allowing discussion of heritage to become detached from historical scholarship. Yet
it is always to some degree so detached, because we all grow up at least to some
degree conscious of having heritage, yet very few of us are historians, and none
capable of carrying on a meaningful dialogue in every historical field relevant to the
process of enunciating what we feel to be the European and Serbian cultural heritage
today.
This second objection therefore contains a great deal of force. It teaches us three
things. First, that the definition of heritage is an ongoing process. Heritage, like
feelings of identity, is not stable, but, however powerful, is mutable over time.
Second, that we must never allow an apreciation of our heritage to obscure the many
less appealing elements of the historical record as established by scholarly research:
proclaiming "heritage" should not become a way to "pretiffy" history. Either we
must acknowledge the unfavourable aspects of the Serbian past as part of our
heritage, or, more probably, if we wish to retain "heritage"as by definition reffering
to what we accept as a positive aspect of our inheritance, then we must continually
relate heritage to history and subject facile enunciations of "heritage" to empirical
scrutiny, and, where necessary, withering critique. We all however live and operate
with some concept of heritage, just as we all live and operate with some concept of
identity. To avoid the attempt to partially define it does not prevent us operating on
certain assumptions as to what that heritage may be, and unexamined assumptions
may well have dangerous consequences. By contrast, to constantly examine and test
those assumptions will refine them, reformulate them, and give them great
persuasivnes.
A CHANGING SOCIETY, A CHANGING HERITAGE POLICY

Heritage is a process, not a form. This fundamental characteristic is quite critical
when considering the uses of the past in the present. To treat heritage as if it were a
form, an artefact, building, spatial locus, or ensamble of structures or natural
phenomena, whose prime management must be preservation, protection from
change, renders it logically devoid of instrumental usefulness. Preservation, whether
or not compromised by the generally meaningless term "conservation", cannot be
anything other than the prevention of change with as its end-state the maintenance of
what was into the present and the future.[Graham, Ashworth, Tunbridge, 2000]
Heritage and change are not contradictory ideas. Development is change with as its
goal the altering of what is into something else. That the preservation of the past is a
logical and practical impossibility is not the relevant point, which is that no amount
of well-meaning attempts at compromise, seeking balance or the like can modify
these absolutes in any way. You can preserve, or actually attempt, always
unsuccessfully, to preserve, or yoy can develop: you cannot achieve both, and no
talk of achieving a balance between the two can conceal the contradiction.[Cohen,
1999]
Heritage, however, and fortunately for this argument, is a quite different paradigm
that has nothing in common with the condition, processes or goals of preservation
exept that it is often confused with it. Heritage is whatever presents choose from
imaginated pasts for contemporary use and for bequeathing for the use of imagined
futures. Heritage is a process, not a category or associations. As a process it can be a
public policy option. However, there is no predeterminated end-state and the
contemporary goals of the process can be multiple and variable. Thus heritage can,
without intrinsic difficulty or contradiction, be policy driven.
It is worth labouring the implications of the difference in paradigm between
preservation and heritage if only because heritage development is frequently
confronted by objections and misgivings based upon a preservation approach that
just has no point of logical contact with heritage approach. The result is discussion
and argument that cannot be resolved because the propositions cannot connect with
each other. That is good news for those seeking to exploit heritage as an instrument
of policy, whether in itself or in support of other instruments.
The Serbian heritage list includes movable and immovable goods. Immovable are
divided into archaeological sites, spacial cultural-historical wholes, cultural
monuments, and famous sites. Those four groups can posse’s different value,
namely extended, great and only cultural value. Of these, architectural heritage is the
most tangible kind of heritage. The concentration of heritages sites is very high in
Serbian cities. The historical city centres of Belgrade, Novi Sad, Sombor, Subotica,
Vrsac, Pancevo, Kraljevo, dating from medieval times until second half of the 20th
century, are also protected.
The market economy has changed our society and brought with it completely new
outlook on our towns and cities. Cityscapes have undergone remarkable changes
caused by the building chaos, formally named building boom that began in the mid-
1990s. Building activity has been especially lively in Belgrade. Preservation of
architectural monuments was crucial question also during the joint process of
building up the new nation status and establishing some kind of a free market
economy. The creation, or recreation of the cityscape in our capital city Belgrade in
the 1990s and 2000s is clearly dominated by a special kind of market ideology
urging citizens to keep hold of investors at all cost by putting their business interests
above all others. In the fast developing society of present-day Serbia people still
often consider preserving something old as a way of hindering progress and a
display of hostility towards contemporary society and the modern urban lifestyle.
Predominant group of architects are constantly accusing the institutions dealing with
built heritage of hampering progress, and media coverage of protection of
architectural monuments focuses in particular on the more conflict-ridden cases.
During the last 15 years heritage conservation has met with different attitudes. One
of the main aims is to analyse the link between heritage and transformation of the
society. This is not the only possible interpretation, however: it could refete to mean
the evolution of the term "heritage" itself in connection with the transformation
201
currently underway in this part of Europe, and to the changes in the system of
heritage protection as an inevitable consequence of the wider processes of change
that began in 1990. In fact, both of these issues should probably be adressed in
discussion of this topics, as in practice they are interdipendent, and their combined
effect is to produce an entirely new situation for the field of monument protection.
In terms of conservator's practice, the transformation of the heritage preservation
system is of greater significance. The transformation process that has been underway
for less than a decade in Serbia and for more than a decade and a half in the rest of
Central and South-Eastern Europe initiated development and events that met with a
very broad base of support in society and gave cause for great hopes. The previous
system was criticised in virtually all its aspects, and hence when change came,
improvement was expected in all areas of life. People believed that the
transformation would be a comprehensive, positive renewal of the entire Serbian
reality. Changes for the better were expected in every field – politics, the economy,
social life, culture, and education.
But these hopes were, of course, ill-founded. The transformation was focused on and
subordinated to only selected objectives. The point of departure and indeed the
prime focus for Serbian transformation process was the country's political and
economic system. Socialism, characterised by state ownership, limited private
ownership and freedom of activity, and restrictions on democracy and local
government, was to be superseded by a system free of all these weaknesses (the first
step to capitalism). And it was to that aim that all conceptions, plans, resources and
actions were subordonated. This meant that in practice the transformation process in
Serbia thought through, planned, controled and enacted only in priority areas.
It does not mean, however, that other areas have remained untransformed. The
experience of nearly two decades has shown us that this is a ubiquitous process, as
in practice the economic and political system is the foundation of everything that our
reality is composed of. Radical systemic transformation forces gradual change in all
areas. However, in the vast majoriy of cases these secondary processes are not
planned, controlled and executed with any awareness of their aims and
consequences. This is why the transformation was accopmanied by so many
negative developments, which were simpy not foreseen. To sum up, the
transformation of our everyday reality is a process comprising two types of change.
One is the resulčt of deliberate assessment, planned, controlled and put into action
consistently and fully, and the other, much more common, necessitated by the first
type of change but not preceded by analysis: unplanned, uncontrolled, and
incomplete.
This being the case, the effects of transformation should be analysed separately for
every area, starting with the question of whether a given area was one of the
priorities and goals of transformation. Was it in the first group, for which
transformation was a deliberate process, ot the second, which simply had to adapt to
the new reality? Was it a subject or an object of transformation? The answer to this
questions as regards conservation in unequivocal: the construction of a new system
of heritage preservation was not one of the priorities of the Serbian
transformation process. And hence the second conclusion that can be drawn from
this statement is that this system is being transformed under the infleunce of changes
conditioned by the priority areas of Serbian transformation. This is an important
point of departure that defines the scope of subsequent discusssion.
Given this awareness that the nascent heritage protection system is a derivative
product of the sustemic transformation, the next question concerns the shape of the
system that is emerging from the transformation process in Serbia. As yet there is no
definitive answer to this question. Transformation is still underway in Serbia and the
new heritage preservation system has not attained its ultimate form, as the new Act
on the Protection and Preservation of Heritage is not discussed and passed yet.
Indeed, this is a logical consequence of the relationship between priorities of
transformation and the remaining areas as mentioned above. Transformation is first
effected in the priority areas and only then is the adaptation of other areas
undertaken. Hence in the initial phase of transformation, non-priority areas suffer a
period of wainting, suspension. During this period discipline is incoherent and
haphazard. Old mechanisms cease to function before ones have taken effect, and
specialists at the head of particular disciplines lose full control.
With the regard to heritage protection, for moveble and imoveble goods, this process
can be summarised as follows: during the first phase of transformation, heritage
protection lost its status as an autonomous discipline; and secondly, conservators as
a professional body have lost full control of the heritage preservation system in the
course of the transformation process. In other words, only after the foundations for
the new economic and political system of state organisation have been laid, can
transformation start to take place in areas like monument protection. That means,
once new laws, new institutions and the new system of state organisation are in
place, this transformation could start. First came system change (socialism declared
that the state was fully responsible for preservation of monuments), and only some
time later were certain consequences of this change effected, e.g. the change of
ownership forms, responsability, and financing of monuments. Actually, the care of
monuments is now devided between more than four ministeries (Ministry of Culture,
Ministry of Religions, Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, Ministry of
Infrastructure and Ministry of Ecomics and Regional Development)
The process of adjusting the various areas of life takes place ina particular order.
First come the changes that are a direct consequence of the principles underpinning
the new system. Within the heritage preservation system these areas are as follows:
• form of ownership
• responsability and financing for heritage
• heritage status
• the postiton of the conservation office
Adapting this elements of the system to conform with the new laws forms the
backbone for the new system of monument protection. In many Central and South-
Eastern European coutries the skeleton of this system is becoming increasingly
legible, but it is not the same situation in Serbia. Only part of this process is adopted
and it works with many misunderstandings both from the part of owners and from
the part of the state and local administration.
203
In many Central and South-Eastern European countries the basic tenets of the new
heritage preservation system have been formulatetd, and the next stage of
transformation already commence. This involves adjusting the remaining (technical)
aspects of the previous heritage protection system and supplementing them with new
elements. In this phase of transformation the discipline regains its autonomous
status, and this means that its specialists can retake control of the heritage
preservation system. And it is at this stage that a detailed conception for a new
system should be created.
The Serbian system of heritage preservation is precisely at the starting point in the
transformation process. As such, it is time for conservation specialists to conduct a
thorough anaysis of the situation, define their aims and ways to achieve them in the
new conditions, and decide which parts of the old system can continue to function in
the new reality and which need altering or eliminating. This phase of the
transformation is a long-term process, as it involves not only the implementation of
administartive, legal or financial solutions, but also aspects such as attitudes, habits,
prejudices and training.
One fact that needs to be emphasised is the pressing need for a new conservation
doctrine. (Kurtović-Folić, 1997) Without a clear definition of the object of
conservation protection and rules for conservation action (which must serve the
whole of the area classified as heritage) conservation will lose its status as an
independent discipline. And this will prevent it taking full responsability for its area
of activity.
It also need to be said that the transformation of the monument preservation system
may not be a success - there is no guarantee that the new system will provide
sufficient protection for heritage. People in countries undergoing transformation
from socialism to capitalism tend to believe that the various areas of the new reality
will function efficiently We know that lot of Western countries – the best organised
and richest among them, which have respect tradition – have effective monument
preservation systems, and we we would like to project these successes onto
ourselves, assuming that we will have have similar good systems. But there is no
guarantee that we will. What we have to remember is that the way such heritage
protection systems work does not depend solely on the fundamental system that
underpin them but on many other factors, such as the nature of the countries'
heritage, cultural policy, the cultural cohesiveness of their societies, attachment to
tradition, ethnic structure, degree of prosperity, the rule of law, financial priorities,
volume of turist traffic, climate, etc. Scores of factors shape the heritage
preservation system in any country. In synthetic terms one might say that a market
economy is doubtless as indispensable condition for an efficient heritage
preservation system, but it certainly is not the sole necessary condition. And hence it
needs to be stated unequivocally that the systemic transformation underway in
Serbia does not guarantee the creation of an effective heritage presrvation system. In
creating a new heritage preservation system all the above conclusions need to be
taken into consideration.
The process of transfomation of our heritage protection system is accompanied by a
redefinition of the concept of heritage itself. This is something that is taking place on a
global scale, has been underway for over three decades, and has coincided with our
regional transformation by chance. It is the product of many, also often global changes
that occuring in the conteporary world, such as economic expansion, the threats to the
natural environment, globalisation, the evolution of the media, migration, the
widespread sense of endangered identity, the explosion of tourism, political
transformations, and the awakening of national, racial and regional consciousness.
(Kurtović-Folić, 1998) There are many such processes and phenomena, and one of
their combined consequences is that the traditional term "monument" has been
supeseded by the concept of "heritage". These terms vary in many respects, and a
detailed discussion of this issue is unnecessary here. Suffice it to point out that the
latter is more capacious. A monument belonged to the world of art; heritage belongs to
the world of culture. A monument was judged according touniversal criteria; heritage
according to individual criteria. Universal conservation principles could be applied to a
monument, which is impossible in relation to heritage.
The difference between a monument and heritage essentially invite the statement that
the otological status of monument and heritage is different. One might say that a
monument has the status of an element (as a document) of the past. It belongs to the
past, and hence conservation of a monument basically involves preserving the
substance and form of the object unchanged. A monument should be excluded from
the process of contemporary transformations and should be solely the object of
research and protection. Heritage, on the other hand, is part of the contemporary:
heritage has the status of an element of the present, and the main purposes are
contemporary. Hence it may be transformed and altered. Conservation work should not
be limited to preserving the extant form and substance. Heritage has an "owner" and
that owner wants to exploit it to their own ends. Heritage may be interpreted, valued
and exploited in various ways. This makes a system for heritage protection far more
complex and consequently harder to construct than a monument protection system.
Up to now in Serbia there was a monument protection system; in the face of present
transformations a heritage protection system needs to be created. The difficulty lies
in the fact that the monument protection system cannot simply be transformed into a
heritage protection system.
To recap on this issue of a dual tranformation, one might say that the political
transformations have led to the formation of a "political skeleton" system for
heritage protection. These changes and the expansion of the concept of heriatge have
created the need for a new conservation doctrine (which would operate within that
skeleton and at the same time extend to the modern concept of heritage). The
primary task (of the consrvator community) is therefore to devlop a new
conservation doctrine, one that will take account of the conemporary conception of
heritage and point up appropriate conservation rules tailored to that conception, and
to the reality on the ground in Serbia.
However, neither the formation of this "political skeleton" system nor the
development of a new doctrine can guarantee that a new heritage protection system
will come into being. The genesis, or rather the operation of such a system is more
complex, and conditional on factors at least partially beyond the control of
205
coneservators themselves. To explain this issues we first need to look at how a
heritage protection system works.
In its broadest terms, a heritage protection system may be defined as the sum of all
elements and conditions that determine the fate of heritage (from individual objects
to the entire resource). Such a definition of a heritage protection system has no
instrument value, of course, as it is too wide, and so we need to apply criteria by
which to organise it. From the conservation standpoint a practical defining criterion
would be the possibility and ability of conservators to influence the shaping of the
various elements of the heritage protection system. using this criterion, three areas,
or levels, can be distinguished in any heritage protection system.
• Conservation doctrine can be considered as the first level of the heritage
protection system
• Organisation of services, financing, law, training within the monument
protection system can be considered as the second level of the heritage
protection system.
• State system and policy, model of culture, economic growth, wealth of society,
etc. can be considered as the third level of the heritage protection system
The functionality and efficiency of every heritage protection system is the sum of
the quality and cohesion of all three levels. If this quality or cohesion (between the
levels) is lacking, the system will not function properly. The rather vague term
"quality of the levels" refers to all the different aspects of the various elements of
each level. For instance countries differ objectively in their degree of wealth (which
translates into the size of their national budgets), and this in turn determines the
quality and organisation for financing of their conservation services and
conservation work. Differences in the average wealth of the populations of various
countries will affect their ability to finance the upkeep of individual historical
objects. Level of income is not the only determinant, of course; the interest,
awareness and comprehension of the citizens of a given community (country) as
regards heritage preservation is also very important. Only when values such as
identity, tradition, and respect for and acceptance of history are considered
important within a community will there be any hope of its accepting the costs and
restrictions involved in preserving heritage.
And this is why it is not sufficient to assueme, as is case in the heritage protection
system currently being constructed, that when privatisation of ownership takes
place, responsability and financing for heritage come with it automatically. For if in
given society there is not a sufficient group of wealthy people with an interest in
historical building stock, prepared to shoulder the burden of protecting that stock,
the system will quite simply fail.
The "quality" of the various levels of the heritage protection system, then, is a
defining factor , but also one that objectively restricts the efficiency of a given
system. Cohesion between the levels, particularly between the second and third
levels, is also vital. It is inevitable, and natural, that in heritage protection system the
second level is adjusted to the third. This means that in spite of the even very active
participation of the conservation community in the functioning of the second level
(the organisation of the services, the legislation and the financing), the solutions
ultimately constituting this level are defined primarily by conditions imposed from
outside the realm of conservation (the nature and policy of the state, the wealth of
society, the character of its culture, its development needs, etc). Quite simply, the
constituent elements of the second level are so vastly dependent on external factors
(third level) that these levels have to form a cohesive whole. Thus, even if solutions
unsuited to the realistic situation in a given country are created, they will simply not
be implemented (as the examples of so many statutory regulations on co-financing
of conservation work and attempts by conservation offices to execute them have
shown). Hence the cohesion of the second and third leveles of the protection system
can be considered a rule, and conservators are powerless to alter that fact. In support
of this thesis it would be pertinent to point out that nowhere in the world is there a
monument protection system that is more efficient that the overall level of
organisation in a given country.
The consequences of this interdependence are given even further-reaching, of
course. Conservation doctrine itself (the first level) must also be formulated in such
a way as to take account of the capacity of the other elements of the system (the
second and third levels). Hence both the theory defining a monument and the rules
according to which conservation is carried out must account for reality. This leads to
the conclusion that conservation doctrine may not be formulated on an autonomous
basis. For while conservators themselves control doctrine (level one) in full, they
cannot exploit this autonomy arbitrarly. In other words, no definition of a monument
or rules for conservation should be implemented that would be impossible to put
into practice or that would be aplicable only to part of the historical stock. This is
particurarly true in the case of conservation practice (the rules for conservation
action); from the research and documentation stage, through the rules for conducting
conservation work, to the principles of administartion and supervision in
conservation. In this case it would undermintal to define unrealistic assumptions, as
this would undermine the credibility of the entire discipline and the faith of the
conservator community in the sense of its work. Yet this exactly what is happening
at present.
From a different angle, the need to take account of the surrounding reality in
formulating conservation doctrine by no means implicates either a necessity to
conform to it or a negative authoritarianism. What is does implicate is the need to
seek compromise between the objectives of conservators and the feasibility of
achieving them. In current practice this means above all conceding to renounce both
the asumption that all monuments are of equal value and the universalism of
conservation principles. A conservation doctrine must recognise the diversity of
forms of contemporary heritage and provide for forms of protection that will allow
that diversity to flourish.[Petzet, 2004]
The overview of the functioning of a heritage protection system shows
unequivocally that conservators do not have full control over such a system. The
reality may be expressed as follows: level one is controlled entirely by conservators,
level two is partly under their control, while level three is beyond their control. This
"skeleton" was used as the basis for making the strategy for conservation of built
heritage exposed in the Belgrade Master plan adopted in 2004.
207
These relationships also confirm that the transformation of the political system,
which in turn transforms the third level, is crucial to the way the whole heritage
protection system functions. In practice it is in fact beyond the control of
conservators, which means that heritage protection as a discipline is not
autonomous. This is the reason why changes to the heritage protection system are
necessary if the political system in a country experiences change.
Conservators therefore have to take the folloving action:
• Firstly, they must make a thorough analysis of the changed situation, and
realistically define needs, potential and limitations.
• Secondly, they must redifine conservation doctrine, i.e. the object, and
principles for its protection.
• Thirdly, they must define a target model for a heritage protection system that
will be cohesive at all three levels.
TIME OF CHANGE FOR THE CULTURAL HERITAGE IN CITY CORES

Every society and every political and economic system operates within the context
of a certain relationship with the past – relating to it with admiration and respect,
imitating it, or ceonversely, programmatically rejecting it and destroying some
vestiges of it. Here come the words of Charles de Tocqueville who said: "When the
past does not illuminate the future, the mind of man wanders in the dark". The fact
that since the Industrial Revolution the past has become an alien, strange, even
foreign country, markedly removed from the reality surounding us, does not mean
we have stopped needing it. On the contarary: the more modern our world, the
keener we are to pay "visit" to that overseas territory and draw on it in a variety of
ways. Cultural heritage, then, as a capacious collection of material and intangible
values, is a resource that is constantly being transformed, adjusted and interpreted
contemporaneously by many users [Graham, 2006]. Our angle on the past, what has
survived of it, and the way we use that legacy, is constatly changing. The spectrum
of what is considered worth preserving is widening, new interpretations are
emerging, certain aspects of the past are endowed with significance, while others,
deliberately or imperceptibly, are allowed to disapeared from the lanscape or the
collective memory.[Ashworth, Tunbridge, 1996] The erasing of collective memory
is well known strategy which was conducted during the war in former Yugoslavia at
the end of 20th century.[de Vries, 2004]
The political and economic turning-point in Serbia have markedly altered
approaches to the past. In the new reality heritage has ceased to be considered solely
an element of a non-productive "superstructure" and has largely become a market
asset whose ultimate shape is the product of the complex interplay of supplay and
demand, with many aspects previously forgotten or ignored being rediscovered and
emphasised.
The perspective of the Belgrade as the capital of Serbia and few other cities with
historical cores seems a particularly interesting ones from which to look at the
opportunities and challenges that the recent period of systematic transformation has
created for heritage. Those cities with very rich stock of monuments, and the
subjects of a vast body of intangible meanings and associations, a richly layerd

fabrics of tradition, and a multidimensional heritage. Those cities are also places
where heritage was central to define the national identity as early as the end of 18th
and in 19th centuries, and has been subjected to both "sacralisation" and
commercialisation to a high degree. After the Second War II historical city cores
gradually were officially protected as national treasure, but on the other
systematically degraded and altered, by process such as forced industrialisation, an
ineffective centralised system of administration of historical property, and other
ideologically motivated measures. In adition, the rate, diversity and scale of the
transformation of this heritage in the last two decades have been very great.
The political transformation has contributed to the changing character and function
of main cities central districts. The attempt of the restitution of private ownership
and the restoration of the ground rent mechanism have fuelled the quest for the most
profitable uses of city-centre properties. The slogan "back to the Centre" and the
commercialisation of this space became visible trends. The number of retail outlets,
horeca establishments, entertaimnet venues, banks and other financial institutions
soared, both in the heart of the cities, and in the surrounding historical quarters.
Newly built or restored buildings usually gained commercial functions. As a
consquence of these redevelopments, the character of many central areas began to
shift from primarily residential with some commercial to primarily commercial-
oriented.
The chages in function were accompanied by a change in form. In the initial period
of the transformation the alteration to the urban fabric were largerly cosmetic.
Conversions of available vacant space, in particular ground floor and cellar areas of
townhouses into offices, shops, cafés and restaurants, did not wreak significant
changes to the structure and external appearance of these buildings. However, as the
market economy matured, and especially since the end of 1990s, increasing volumes
of major refurbishment projects have been conducted, transforming townhouses into
luxury commeriacial-oriented buildings. Renovation of buildings, reclamation of
vacant space, and infill projects closing gaps in streetfront façades are all beneficial
to the cities, and testify to their economic vitality and the usefulness of their
heritage. But pressure to reap high profits from refurbishment projects means that
avilable plots are often overdeveloped, and the buildings erected unsuitable in form
and scale to the historical context of the cities. Renovation and alterations to
historical buildings often include the construction of one or more further storeys, the
removal of authentic architectural ornamentation, joinery and fittings, and often the
replacement of historical fabric with new, pseudo-historical or other unsuitable
forms.
Beleiving themselves free to do as they please with their own property, investors
often ignore formal restrictions imposed on them by the conservation or construction
authorities. This tendency is compounded by the dynamic growth of the real
proprety market and the favourable climate it has been enjoying without interruption
for several years, which create the temptation to abyse the system. Moreover, tha
larger number of businesses on the property market than during the real socialist
period and the accelerating pace of change are rendering administrative bodies
209
responsible for monument protection and spacial order incapable of monitoring
these dynamic conversions, not to mention conducting effective inspections of
investors' actions. Hence although the transformation period provided an oportunity
to reverse or at least halt the post-war degradation of the built stock of cities
historical districts after years of neglect, the current often voluntaristic and radical
changes present a threat to the integrity and authenticity of the historical tissue.
The city's material heritage does not comprise only individual pieces of monumental
architecture; it is composed of many "ordinary" buildings that only together
constitute a unique, harmonious whole (ambiance of ones' city).[Fielden, Jokileto,
1998]
There is a growing contrast between the spectacular achievements of conservators in
restoring key public buildings, sacred architecture and other monumental structures
to their former glory, and the deepening degradation of the city's cultural landscape
as a whole. In spite of certain attempts, there is still no effective system of support
for the private owners or residents of townhouses that would encourage and
motivate them to conduct renovations in accordance with conservators'guidelines.
Most of the new pieces of architecture that have been created in the centres of main
cities of Serbia in recent years have contributet no new positive values to the cities
architectural heritage. Tha majority of them represent and symbolise the absolute
subordination of architects to the wishes of private investors. There has also been a
lack of flagship projects that could contribute significant new values to the urban
landscape.
Neither are there the necessery legal instruments for effective control of the changes
occurring in the urban space. For most of the culturally most precious quarters there
are no valid masterplans, done with respect to the built heritage, which means that
decisions governing building activity in these areas are largerly undertaken in a
discretionary, ad hoc manner, by closing the eyes of the urban and city managers.
Although there is much talk about the need for a holistic vision for the regeneration
of historic urban complexes, to date no such cohesive, integrated concept has been
fortcoming. The next challenge will be to translate the interest expressed by the city
authorities and non-governmental institutions and organisations in the fortunes of
the city's material heritage into conrete, systematically implemented ventures and
programmes. Up to now, even where such programmes have been drawn out they
have largely gone no further than the conceptual stage.
The lack of a unified vision for the historical city centre is clearly visible in the
actions of local government in successieve terms of office to improve the appearance
of public space and furnich it with small architectural forms. Although much money
has been spent on numerous studies, there has never been a single, consistently
implemented vision. In effect, the various small architectural features in the city
centre were added at different and even opposing conceptions. The facelift of the
few city cores, such as in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Subotica, Pančevo, Kikinda, was
accompanied by the erection of city transport stops, benches, newspapershops,
lamposts in a historicising style. However, this conception was not extended
consequently in one historical area, so the efect is of a mélange, delicate, preciously
designed pieces are juxtaposed with heavy, angular stone benches, rughf telephone
booths and litter bins different again in the style. Debate on the aesthetics of the city'
s public spaces is desperatly needed for years.
The economisation of the urban space has also caused the marked deterioration of
the visual qualities of the urban ineriors by signs and advertising. Granted, the
streets in the centre are no longer grey and drab, but they also often have little in
common with harmoniously shaped urban interiors. Proprietors of shops, restaurants
and other service establishments are no longer content with attractive window
displays: advertisments of all sizes, often large, and in agressive styles and colour
schemes that clash with the historic buildings, and hung more or less anywhere.
The lack of urban vision and effective control of the city's landscape does not only
affect the centre. The mushrooming peripheral districts, expanding chaotically and
with a singular lack of coordination, are an example of "divided", "fragmented"
urban space in which every investor and developer styles their enclave as it suits
them, creating series of architectural "islands". A short walk around the old city
districts with residential estates reveals a prime example of this trend. As such the
urban planning and architectural heritage of historical Serbian cities is not being
enriched nor continued on the outskirts of the city.
CONCLUSION REMARCS
The above discussion illustrates clearly that heritage is a dynamic concept, one that
cannot be defined and set in stone. It is constantly being reselcted and reshaped. It is
contemporary "heirs" who decide which relics of the past are worth preserving and
how they should be used. As a resource that serves a range of "users", for some it
will thus be a key element in integrating local communities, a symbolic component
of the identity of a site or a quarter, while others it will be the core of, backdrop to or
inspiration for tourist and entertainment products.
For Serbian major urban centres rich in all kinds of heritage, this aspect of their
identity has become an opportunity and potential development resource. In many
respects the transformation period has proved deeply inspiring. Many cities in Serbia
have experienced a tangible process of recognition, acceptance and use of previously
dissonant heritage, regeneration of many historical areas, and the launch of many
fascinating projects and initiatives. At the same time, however, cultural heritage in
increasingly becoming a market asset. Its new and reinforced commercial functions
are instrumental in the renewal of the urban tissue and in emphasising certain
elements of heritage, but can also constitute a danger to its preservation. For
instance, renovations and alterations to historical buildings are not always performed
in accordance with the requirements of the art of conservation or accepted by the
local community. The investment pressure from property developers and owners can
and does lead to permanent impacts on the urban space that do not always conform
to conservators' guidelines. The increasing functional specialisation is a major factor
in the changing landscapes of city-centre areas. Horeca buisiness exploit heritage,
often trivialising it and contributing to the extinction of certain unique aspects of
historic areas. The speed of change is increasing markedly, as in the number and
variety of actors making their imprint on the urban space, arbitrarily altering and
211
interpreting the city's heritage. This is leading to a growing number of conficts
between different interest groups, nationales and aims, such as public and private, or
local and regional.
Making use of heritage is therefore not synonymous with sustainable management of
it. The challenge posed by the transformation period is to change the approaches to
the legacy of the past. Management of cultural heritage in our times needs to be
undersood as a process much more complex than the traditional practice of
preservation and conservation of monuments. Its role is to manage changes in the
urban space, i.e. to exert a deliberate inflence on the nature and type of change in
society.
in this respect the reistated institution of local government has a major role to play.
It is local authorities that should be creating and implementing development
strategies and by-laws, acting as the responsible owners of municipal property and
often as key investors and initiators of regeneration strategies and other heritage
protection projects. The broad spectrum of local authority responsibilities also
implicates the need to create attractive public spaces, monitor and control changes,
educational endeavours, multifaceted interpretation and promotion of that heritage.
Without an active, diverse local authority heritage policy, instead of realising its
potential as the fundamental factor of urban development, heritage will be reduced
to an over-exploited resource at the mercy of market forces. This is something that
many of the cities of Central Europe already enjoy rising inflows of foreign tourists.
We have to analyse those foreign experiences and try to avoid those problems.
References
Claes, W. (1993), "The Legacy of Communism and the Future of Europe", an introductory
address to the European Forum, August 1993, (W. Claes, ex-Secretary General of NATO,
ex-Belgian Foreign Minister)
Cohen, N. (1999), Urban Conservation, The MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass.
Graham, B.J., Ashworth, G.J., Tunbridge, J.E., A Geography of heritage, Arnold, London
2000.
Fielden, B., Jokilehto, J. (1998), Management Guidelines for World Heritage Sites,
ICCROM, UNESCO, ICOMOS (2. izdanje)
Kurtović-Folić, N. (1997): "Novo tumačenje doktrine zaštite graditeljskog nasledja",
Prostorno planiranje, regionalni razvoj i zaštita životne sredine 3, (ur. N.Spasić), IAUS,
Beograd, pp 153-172.
Kurtović-Folić, N. (1998): "The Cultural and Spiritual Status of the Danube Area in Serbia
and Europe", Spatium 4, IAUS, Beograd, 14-19.
Petzet, M, (2004), "Principles of conservation: an introduction to the international Charters
for Conservation and Restoration 40 years after the Venice Charter", Monuments and
Sites, Vol.I: International Charters for Conservation and Restoration, ICOMOS, Munich,
7-29
Purchla, J. (2005), Heritage and Transformation, International Cultural Centre, Kraków.
Vries, G.de, (2004), "Citizenship and Memory", Heritage and the Building of Europe, (ed.by
S. Quaedvlieg-Mihailovic and R. Graf Strachwitz), Maecenata Verlag, 19-29.
SUSTAINABLE TOURISM DEVELOPMENT IN CITIES

Saša Milijić, Nikola Krunić, Marijana Pantić1
Abstract: Basic sustainable city tourism development framework, being the most interesting
for all kinds of tourists throughout Europe and having a continuing growth, has been
analyzed in this article. There are two challenges for sustainable tourism development in
cities: 1) necessity in adequate response to increasing number of tourist expectations and
needs motivated by diverse cultural, business, entertainment, trade, sport and other offers,
or the need for constant enhancement and renewal in offer, as well as benefits for a city; and
2) necessity in planning and tourism development in a way that will be useful to the local
people, through urban environment’s improvements, as well as to the local government,
trough financial incomes that are stronger than pressures. The role and importance of urban
tourism development subjects, consisting of private sector (transport, accommodation, tour-
operators, thematic parks and manifestations, etc.), public sector (city government,
planners, public transport and infrastructure, information, national tourist organizations,
etc.) and institutions of tourist interests (museums, galleries, historical monuments, etc.)
have been analyzed here. The main goal is to point to the key dimensions of tourism in cities
and urban areas, and their three aspects: tourism product planning according to enlarged
demand; information modeling for making a city more attractive; and tourism growth
influences on sustainable development (transport, cultural, ecological, social and economic
aspects). Experiences in sustainable tourism development in the EU cities are particularly
analyzed in order to make a selection of principles to be recommended for Serbia.
Key words: tourism, sustainable development, city, tourist offer, planning.
INTRODUCTION
Urban tourism development is one of the oldest tourism forms, where trend changed
depending on activation and popularity of other tourist destinations. Nowadays,
approximately 80% of European population live in medium or big towns, making
Europe the biggest building continent, where the question of urbanism and planning
is faced with the number of problems (traffic, environmental pollution,
unemployment, tourists’ pressure etc.). Cities are not only places of economic,
cultural and social development, but places where people spend free time and
1
. dr Saša Milijić, research fellow, Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia,
Nikola Krunić, MSc, research associate, Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of
Serbia,
Marijana Pantić, BSc, Ministry of Science scholar researcher, Institute of Architecture and
Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia.
213
holiday. Beside finance and business, political power concentration and influence,
industry, tourism in cities start to be one of key service activity. (Hall, S., 2005.)
World tourist organization (WTO) estimates that until 2020 it will be more than 1,5
million tourists, and that more than 300 million of people from around the world
will be employed in tourism and most of them in cities (WTO, 2003). European
metropolis start intensive development of urban tourism that become the most
popular form of holiday. It is predicted that urban tourism will have the biggest
growth in the frame of European economy, the one that nowadays, together with
complementary sectors, make more than 11% of local communities income and
provide employment for more than 12% of work people (or about 20 millions of
employers), with annual rate of growth above total employment rate of growth
(Tourism Policy 2006, and Denman R., Ehrlich K., Bell M., 2007). In 2000-2005
period the number of bed/nights in European cities raised for 16,5%, opposite to rate
of 1,4% for total tourism. Urban tourism development can be observed as a result of
the increase of population mobility, creation of unique market, and also more short
vacation practice, where small and big cities are unavoidable destinations.
Urban tourism depends on few factors, like size of the city, its history and heritage,
morphology and environment, geographical position, image, management of tourist
services quality (tour-operators, travel agencies, hotels, restaurants etc.) etc. Beside
this, few other factors (as hospitality, security, cleanliness and climate conditions,
traffic and tourist visits organization, environment quality etc) have influence on
experience of tourist about city destination, on level of the pleasure, and as a result,
the will to visit again and recommend destination to other potential visitors.
Urban tourism includes activities as: leisure and relaxation connected to specifics of
urban zones; business contacts are connected to economic, social and cultural
destination standards; and conferences and assemblages are connected to
infrastructure that is available in the city. Managing of tourist services have to take
into consideration three levels of interest: visitors’ pleasure; tourist employers’
pleasure; and integration of tourism and local community interests measured trough
inhabitants’ pleasure and other social and economic subjects, also trough
environmental protection and sustainable use of natural and cultural resources.
The most often cities resources that guarantee access to positive changes in contexts
of urban and regional tourism development is long and stable tradition, in
combination with rich cultural heritage, as a main base of tourist destination. For the
purpose of better connections and promotion of urban tourist destinations few
associations are established and one of them is "European Cities Tourist Network",
made of more than 85 cities (with more than 100000 inhabitants and 3.000 beds) in
30 European countries (Tibbott R., 2003). One of the goals for sustainable tourism
development is defining common criteria for tourist course to be followed. These
criteria make useful base on city level, and tourist cities level also, enables statistical
integration and analyses and information assessment about capacities, number of
visits and bed/nights, interview results etc.
Urban tourism in Serbia, although in an intensive development phase, is marke as
modest in World and European frames. Development of special steps away from EU
countries is an essential part of urban tourism. Besides few large cities, Serbia does
not dispose great offers, organized in a frame of this type of tourism. According to
the number of visitors and standards of offer Belgrade and Novi Sad are at the
forefront, while according to bed/nights spas and cities lead.
In this exposition about urban tourism, the most important questions and problems
of sustainable development of tourist and recreation activities and spaces are
expressed in context of modern trends in EU cities with given recommendations for
implementation of that access to Serbian cities.
SUSTAINABLE TOURISM DEVELOPMENT

Tourism as travelling for leisure, sport, cultural events, religious pilgrimage, health
rehabilitation, education, science and business has become one of the most important
economical activities at the end of XX and beginning of XXI century with the most
intensified development and growth in cities. City tourism is rather spontaneously
developed than it was made by intention. This point of view is based on various
factors: daily trip increase, as one of the main characteristics in urban development,
transit tourism and visitors taking vacation in city surrounding destinations, increase
of planning and spending holidays in cities as target destinations.
World wide, but especially in Europe the widely accepted thesis is that tourism
could become a victim of its own success if not directed towards sustainability.
Biodiversity, functioning of ecosystems, space capacity, natural resources and
irreplaceable cultural heritage, or functioning of urban areas, could be jeopardized
by uncontrolled tourism development.
Sustainable tourism in cities should be: informative (for tourists showing its
tradition and culture that could be interesting for guests); support destination
integrity (by activities emphasizing local character, such as museums, architecture,
festivals, gastronomic offer, heritage, esthetical values, "atmosphere", and some
cases of night life, popular traditional activities and attractions etc.); useful for local
community (employment and education, local supply, social services, better traffic,
etc.); contribute to resource capacities (reducing pollution, minimizing waste,
energy consumption, etc.); respect local culture and tradition (tourists learning
and observing local specificities, including the usage of at least few most common
words from local language, local people learning about visitor’s habits
differentiating from their own); working towards heritage, urban functions and
local culture sustainability, without its product abuse; endeavouring more to
quality than to quantity (measuring tourism success, concerning duration of stay,
money spent and its experiences of quality, not only by number of tourists); and
form image of fantastic destination (tourists bring new knowledge to home, share
it with friends – which ensures continuation of successful business for a destination).
In course of overcoming possible conflicts it is necessary to define key aspects of
sustainable tourism development in relation to (Denman R., Ehrlich K., Bell M.
2007):
1) Economic increase throughout:
• Ensuring long term competitiveness, accessibility and tourism enterprises and
destination prosperity; and
215
• Ensuring qualitative employment possibility, offering fair incomes and all
employees’ conditions and avoiding all kinds of discrimination.
2) Social equity and cohesion throughout:
• Local community life quality improvement throughout tourism, engaging in
planning and managing process;
• Ensuring of secure, satisfying and fulfilling tourist experiences, available to
everybody, without any kind of sex, religious, competence or any other way of
discrimination.
3) Environment and cultural heritage protection throughout:
• Minimizing environmental pollution and degradation on global and local level,
throughout limited resource engagement for tourism activities; and
• Cultural heritage and biodiversity maintenance and strengthening contributing
to its respect and preservation.
Sustainable tourism process will be enforced by demand/or legal obliges in making
Environment Impact Assessment as part of the plan and projects for certain tourism
destinations. Doubtless, even the smallest increase in tourist number has an impact
to environmental parameters, as it is waste production, water and energy
consumption, transport impact as a pushing force for tourism development, etc.
Tourism activities towards sustainability are various, and recognized mainly in
declarative validation of different strategies, more than a real care about
environment and implementation of declarations in practice, usually depending on
private interest and responsibility and in the same way are in the city government
control. Anyway, there are signs that occupation and reaction level on sustainable
tourism development implementation is increasing, which is illustrated by business
contacts in the chain of tourism services where tour-operators demand respect of
sustainable standards. In EU countries, hotels in urban areas must take into account
strict rules and be very well integrated in urban space. Also, significant
improvement in visiting and holiday tourists’ awareness is visible, partly succeeded
by support of media. Tourists are very interested in destinations they are visiting,
they have to be attractive in environmental quality and well organized, functional
and diversified by the local tourism offers. However, percentage of tourists that are
taking only environmental quality as a main goal of vacation, is still pretty low.
Both- internal and external tourism offer qualities (EC, 2000) are important for
sustainable tourism development. Internal quality is a level of services that tourists
get through chain of experiences and information that influence their impressions on
tourism destination before the trip. Internal quality has short term goals directed
towards motivating tourist to travel. External quality comprises offer levels which
tourists get at the destination and includes range of accommodation services,
transportation, recreation, etc. External quality has long term goals leading towards
sustainable tourism based on rational use of resources, tradition preservation,
overcoming the traffic jam problems, environmental preservation, etc.
Continual preoccupancy of tourism capacities and permanent quality rising in
services differentiate cities as destinations where changes in number of tourists are
minimal during the year, an important condition in competitiveness as preconditions
for sustainability. Opposite to cities, littoral Mediterranean areas or mountain

destinations have extreme seasonality which partially influence sustainability and
require completeness of tourism offer in space, aiming prolongation of season by
additional programs during a year..
CITY TOURISM DEVELOPMENT TRENDS

Main trends in tourism market development in cities have been analyzed from a
point of demand and supply (EC, 2000).
Urban tourism demand raises 4% in average within the last 10 years comprising of
35% in international trips of European population. This globally implemented kind
of tourism, participates at the market with 18%, surpasses other kinds of tourism and
shows further trends in customer increase. Urban tourism increase has been
influenced by various factors, as are already increased population mobility, unique
market, more than one short vacation practice, etc. European continent is becoming
more and more a network of cities and towns where developing trends combined
with social-demographic changes (increased life quality expectations, shorter
working weeks, and continual growth of available incomes) contribute in ensuring
diverse visitor profiles (different generations, multi-language, different social levels,
etc.). Offer flexibility and diversity, giving wide scope of activities, providing few
days stays for tourists followed by cultural events, shopping, sport and some kinds
of social and thematic activities, especially contribute to demands of urban tourism.
Tourism market development trends, regarding offer could be described in following
way:
• Strategic choice of many cities is, aiming at economical growth, tourism
products development based on historical or contemporary heritage;
• Increased air transport accessibility and railway quality (high speed trains),
altogether with reasonable prices and almost unstoppable offer promotions, are
relevant reasons standing behind increase of urban tourism;
• As cities are, in most of the cases, less and less industrial and more and more
service centers, tourism is considered as fundamental factor for development
strategies, socio-economical renewal and recovery;
• Cities are considered as destinations supplementing neighbor and traditional
destinations, where cultural values visitation and trips motivated by shopping
could be offered as addition during a relaxing holiday on the beach, mountain
or village;
• Urban tourism has affirmative role in local, regional and European policies,
whether regional development, environment or employment is an issue;
• Urban tourism has essential role in political life requiring constant and serious
local government participation for economical and social issues and big
public-private investments needed for infrastructure development,
multifunctional hotels, sport, conferential and commercial centers etc.;
• Information accessibility on tourism potentials and offers by Internet
influenced competitiveness and positioning of cities on the market;
217
• In competitive surrounding, need for competitive education of human
resources is created (visitors orientation, language knowledge, new
information and communication technologies, etc.);
• Local government becomes aware of fact that tourism development is in
relation with land use and city traffic planning process, especially important
for city core zones where, usually, tourism offer is concentrated, but where
traditional urban functions should be preserved, etc.
INFORMATION MODELING FOR TOURISM IN CITIES

Modern development of information and communication technologies allows fast,
efficient and qualitative collecting, managing and presentation of various data types
for broad categories of users. Application of these systems and technologies mostly
contribute to development of cities tourism and tourism in general.
It is possible to determine three groups of information, for tourists, for tourist
organisation, and finally for tourist planners.
Information for tourists based on internet, is an efficient tool for fast searching,
selection and finally, determination of a city as final tourist destination. Today, it is
possible to search many location and destination, make selection and hotel
reservation, choose the way of travelling, organise tour programs, etc. Internet
forums are useful for sharing information about service quality or giving advices
"from first hand". GoogleEarth internet service based on GIS technologies gives us
satellite images, 3D models of terrain and objects from around the world, and gives
oportunity for adding personal photos and information on maps. This enables the
final user to get information and even virtually experience planned destination.
Information for tourist organization are also based on information prepared for fast
web searching and internet usage. There are many ways to present this informaton,
from personal web presenatation, hotels and locations/destinations..., to linked data-
bases on national or transnational level. Good example is
www.visiteuropacities.info, web service that gives links to national and other tourist
organizations and operators in Europe. Also, modern technologies allow us to track
tourists during their stay, by using magnetic/electronic cards as: ski-passes, tickets
for public transport, tickets for cultural institutions, shopping centres etc, according
to unique tourist destination. When tourists use their cards, central database gets
information about location and other relevant information: age, gender, interest
group of tourists, stay duration etc. Information collected contributes to better and
efficient organization and tourist destination presentation.
Information for tourist planners are based on complex analysis and managing of
various statistical data to simple, accessible and understandable information, which
combined with above mentioned examples contribute to better planning of tourist
offer, with all elements that are required: organization, land use and infrastructure.
Using internet services, web pages and forums allows fast determination of hot-spots
tourist offers, managing location and conceptualize offers. Also, GIS technologies
and their multimedia abilities give simple access and service to many categories of
users, from tourists to professionals. Good example of integrated usage of GIS,
multimedia presentation and lined databases can be seen on web presentation of

many European cities (one of them is Tallin, Estonia, on www.tallinn.info).
Three groups of basic indicators are important for analysing and planning of cities
tourist destination: tourist intensity, tourist investments and economical importance
of tourism. (Burhin F., Paskaleva-Shapira, K., Santamaria, S., 2003)
"Tourist intensity" is based on relation between the number of tourists and city
population, and for Europen cities this number varies from 1 tourist, up to 50 tourists
per inhabitant/resident. Maximal density or tourist intesity for cities is hard to
quantity in terms of sustainability (it is conditional category or even political
decision), so in this case it is better to use approx. value of 14 tourists per inhabitant
for European cities. In some cities, despite a low rate of tourist intensity, most
popular areas are crowded by tourists which contribute to the loss of ther traditional
ambient and atractivness. Also, there are other ways to show this tourist intensity:
number of beds or night spending per sq. km (spatial index), or per 100 inhabitants
(demographic index). Spatial index is less acceptable for countries with large
unpopulated areas, but demographical index is not comparable to tourist destination
area, so in practice both indexes are used complementary.
Level of tourist development can also be determined through intensity of using
tourist infrastructure, shown by relation between the number of night spendings and
number of beds. Tourist investment are shown trough the sum of investments in
development of city tourism per city inhabitants, which indicates potentials and
advantages of destination tourist policies.
Economical importance of tourism is considered a key component of strong local
tourism policy and condition for forming partner relations to achive sustainability in
city tourism. Level of economical importance is shown trough the number of
employees in tourism in relation to the sum of city employees, which indirectly
produce added value of tourist sector. The main indicator of level of economical
importance of tourism, recommended by WTO is approx 7,5% employees in tourism
(12% with complementary sectors).
Table 1 shows some indicators of tourism development important for analysing and
planning of tourist destination in their approx values and quality ranks.
Table 1. Important indicators for analysing and planning of city tourist destination
Indicators Approx. values
Tourist/Inhabitants 14,01
Local community budget/Inhabitants (€) 11,18
Employees in tourism/Employees in city (%) 7,41
Culture and tradition in city tourism sector
3,00
(1=brand new, 3=...., 5=long tradition)
Partnership based on (1=...., 5=full)
Public policy of sustainability (Agenda 21) 2,52
Tourist sector that affirm sustainability 3,56
Public conscience for applying of the sustainable development 2,91
Factors of successful partnership of subjects for tourism development
(1=not important at all; 5=very important)
Dedicated to partner activities 4,19
219
Indicators Approx. values
Political support 4,23
Financing/funds 4,12
Good practice 3,88
Legal framework 3,04
Technical support 3,2
Results of questionnaire (5 of "yes" answers)
Is sustainable tourism development present in the city? 61
Is sustainable tourism development included in all aspects of environmental
56
protection?
Source: Burhin F., Paskaleva-Shapira, K., Santamaria, S. (2003).
PARTNERSHIP AS CONDITION FOR SUSTAINABLE TOURISM

Urban area management, especially in respect to development and protection of
tourism destination, demands close co-operation and city government interest,
tourism activities, public services and integration of city government activities with
participation of private sector, various associations, non governmental organizations
etc. This kind of partnership supports political synergy, integral approach in
planning and governing, common strategy development, resources integration, more
attractive tourism product development, etc., demanding dynamic communication
between all tourism development parties (Graf. 1). Process is becoming more
complex with importance of city centre because many interests appear, in many
cases very difficult to recognize formal partners in the process. Tourism
attractiveness of cities and towns would be reduces if there is a low co-operation
level and partnership between development stakeholders, manifested throughout low
service quality, unadjusted needs of local people and tourists or inappropriate public
and tourism functions location (Baud-Bony, M., Lawson, F., 1977).
Graf 1. Tourism development stakeholders communication

Most relevant factor for tourism development is local government. For tourism and
complementary activities in cities government strategy is created and its
implementation done in correlation with other stakeholders . City government, with
possible regional and national governmental level (especially present in Spain,
France, Italy and Great Britain), provides, regarding tourism, following conditions:
financing of activities and public interest facilities, building area ordering,
legislation, etc. (Dabić D., Milijić C., 2006, Skinnarland, K., 1999). Local
government role is strengthening by globalization process, municipality co-
operation on international level and exchange of experience and knowledge
regarding different questions. The order and city development for tourism needs are
the most usual.
The functions of market integrated tourism offer are organized in city tourism
centres within tourist associations, organizations and agencies and reflect tourism
development market stakeholders associations at a certain destination as developed
and profitable financial and marketing distribution of interests in tourism offer,
competitive enough to other offers in the surroundings.
Public services and facilities functions, relevant in tourism, in tourist city
destination comprises of: traffic, public information, health services, culture,
administration, accommodation, trade and craft services. Traffic presents a key
function not only for the city and its region, but for global tourism offer as well. Air
traffic is a key factor for foreigner visits in city tourism. Road traffic is of primary
and rail traffic of secondary importance for national visitors. City traffic is of
priority importance for the city and city tourism.
Local community, as a subject of tourism development, getting efforts in creating
qualitative and functional urban environment, attractive for living and work, as well
as for tourism development, considering following rules (Lane, P., 2005, and Urban
Design for Sustainability, 2004): city identity, cultural heritage, local community
tradition and tourism offer preservation and promotion in local and wider scales;
maximal efficiency in public infrastructure, facilities and space use making as
minimal negative effects to the environment as it is possible; balanced and equal
economy, promoting new jobs in tourism and making conditions for urban renewal;
treatment of the soil as valuable resource which has to be used in the most efficient
way, according to expected city compatibility and avoiding of urban sprawl where
ever it is possible; city, monitoring of cities, towns, their surrounding and transport
corridors in functional relation; improvement of green areas and corridors reaching
ecological quality optimization in urban spaces; use of new (ecological)
technologies in construction process, transport, heating, waste reduction; etc.
There are more active partnership examples with some more stakeholders in tourism
development in cities such as (EC, 2000, Denamn R., Ehrilich K., Bell M., 2007):
different enterprise’s foundations (e.g. Amsterdam); consumers associations (travel
clubs, etc.); non governmental organizations (on different levels) promoting
different sustainability aspects; private/public sector representatives (e.g. Goteborg
with company belonging to shared property of municipality- 55%, of Goteborg
region- 15% and private sector representatives- 30%), etc.
Precise steps in partnership governance on city tourism destination consist of few
strategic steps, with closer features:
1) State analysis and problem definition which limit tourism development:
221
• Data collecting and categorization about current state in tourism, number of
beds, hotels and other types of accommodation, enterprises, employment,
visitor facilities and services, state of environment, relative tourism
contribution to the economy, etc.;
• Cultural and natural resources evaluation, including conditions and sensitivity
for further use;
• Tourism infrastructure capacities evaluation (including transport);
• Discussions and opinions of local community;
• Tourism business review, performance, needs, etc.;
• Visitor profile, needs and satisfaction review;
• Evaluation of existing policies and instruments in plan and strategy
implementation;
• Existing co-operation efficiency evaluation and recognizing any kind of
obstacles towards better co-operation;
• External factors evaluation- opportunities and threats: market trends; and
observation, competition analyses, environmental changes etc.
2) Recognition of subjects possible to lead project, getter and associate all parties’
interests:
• Definition of duties of all parties in course to prepare and apply strategy and
action plan by sustainability principles based on common visions and identity;
and
• Establishment of organization to have mandate to lead process and its
conditions.
3) Definition of measures and policies for strategy implementation:
• Strategic priorities, preparation action programs, leading agencies supporting a
process, time framework and group of available resources, etc.; and
• Monitoring (indicators establishment and state observation, annual review and
reports on achieved strategy goals, proposals for revision, etc.).
Some of the examples supporting and depressing city ordering and development
measures for tourism needs include:
• Combination of few kinds of traveling in public transport network (train,
airplane, subway, bus, tram, ship, taxi, bicycle, hiking etc.) of high quality and
affordable prices (even free, in some cases);
• Definition of garage location at the edge of the city, near to public transport,
aiming to release the core of the city, by on-line information system principle;
• Specific products and services for tourists as affordable inter-modal tickets for
all kinds of public transport and visits to museums, free practical tour guides
for the city, tickets for the attractions, etc;
• Specific products and services promotion for tourists with tourism
stakeholders (travel agents, tour-operators, journalists, etc.), hotel managers,
restaurants, conference organizations, potential tourists, local community, etc.,
animating the greatest number of tourists;
• Education program for employees in tourism getting into direct contact with
tourists, from taxi drivers, receptionists, guides to conductors etc.;
• Giving advantage in certain land use realization where certain tourism activity
has priority, for example: pedestrian zone in the center, bicycle trails and
walking paths from/to tourism attractions, etc.;
• Special measures for local people and supplying services enabling free
circulation in the city, but also stimulating personal vehicles use reduction; and
other.
BASIC FEATURES OF URBAN TOURISM

European cities
Basic feature of city tourism in European cities is increasing number of tourists,
accommodation capacities and overnight stays with permanent tourism offer quality
improvement. Overall number of overnight stays in European cities has increased
for approximately 64% during 1980-2000 period, and approximately 24, 2% during
1995-2000 period, and approximately 16% during 2000-2005 years, which is much
more comparing to growth rate in overall tourism. During 1995-2005 German,
Spain, French, Netherlands, Portuguese, Finish, Swedish and Belgium cities
recorded growth of over 50% in number of over night stays. This growth is result of
increased mobility, creation of unique market, or interest for leisure time in city
(Schmidt, H.W. 2002/2).
There are clear differences in tourism development parameters in European cities
comparing to national average, resulted from specifics of each country and city.
Therefore, Netherlands has high bed density (app. 33,7 beds/km2 and 7,2 beds per
100 inhabitants), and also high density in number of over night stays (2398,4 over
night stays/km2 and 5,1 over night stays per capita). Comparing with national
average, number of beds and over night stays in urban regions e.g. Amsterdam (app.
164, 7 beds/km2 and 36.931 over night stays/km2) is five and fifteen times bigger.
Similar proportion in those tourism development parameters, at the side of the cities,
is in other European countries.
Also, there is a big difference concerning volume of accommodation capacities in
hotels and in percentage of national tourists in national tourism flow. While average
accommodation capacities for tourists in Great Britain is 20 beds, approximately 134
in London. A bit different situation is in Brussels and Berlin where volume of
accommodation capacities reaches almost the tripled value of national average. In
EU statistics average accommodation capacity for tourists is in range > 80, 40-80
and <40 beds, which is, for some regions, shown on the Picture 1. Percentage of
national tourists in national tourism flow has different features. While national
tourism in Brussels is 7.8%, in London reaches 18.1% of overall number of over
high stays. The same phenomenon is recorded in Paris and Athens, where national
tourism was bigger than foreign visits. In EU statistics, average percentage of
national tourists in overall number of over night stays is in range > 70%, 50-70%
and <50%, as shown for some EU regions on the following Picture 2.
223
Pic. 1. Average size of accommodation Pic. 2. Average share of national tourists in

capacities for tourists, shown by regions overall number of over night stays, shown by
regions
Source: Schmidt, H.W., (2002/1)
The greatest city tourism development is recorded in big European metropolis, in

Berlin, Barcelona, Prague before the others, where development in over night stays
went over 550.000 during 2000-2005 period each year. Then come Milan, Dublin,
Rome, Budapest and Hamburg, where 300.000 additional over night stays has been
recorded (Graf 3). The most developed European cities concerning number of over
night stays increase during 2000-2005 period were Dubrovnik (130%), Tallinn
(92%), Ljubljana (71%), Zagreb (64%), Valencia (60%), Turin (50%), Bratislava
(46%) and Barcelona (37%). Paris and Rome are metropolises with highest nominal
growth in number of over night stays in 2005. Only Paris succeeded to achieve 2
millions additional over night stays in 2005, to get beyond 35 millions over night
stays and 150.000 beds, confirming itself as the greatest and the most interesting city
destination in Europe. The fastest growth on the national market for European city
tourism in 2000-2005 period is recorded in Spain, France, Britain, with rates of
57%, 37% and 28%, respectively. Also, Italian and German city tourism market
have shown stable growth of 23% and 18%.
Judging by potentials, cities in Serbia could not achieve tourism development of
other European cities in number of hotels (e.g. Amsterdam with 600, Vienna with
350, Madrid 1242, Lisboan 412, London 1134, Dublin 604 hotels, etc.) and number
of beds, but certainly could get closer in service level and tourism offer quality and
standardization in most of the accommodation capacities and introducing with new

kinds of accommodation (small hotels and pensions), in Belgrade, Novi Sad,
Subotica, Niš at first place, but in other towns as well.
Graf 2. Average value in over night stays growth in European metropolis during 2000-2005 period
Source: Sager C., Ponti O., Stiernstrand O., (2007).
Comparison analysis of Serbia and Austria shows approximately the same proportion
in overall area (88361:83859 km2), population (8100779:7532613), some
characteristics of capital cities of Belgrade and Vienna (by area 360:415 km2 and
population 1288745:1562482), but big differences in some tourism development
indicators (number of tourism beds, number of over night stays, % of employees in
tourism and tourism incomes). Whilst Austria provides 930835 beds, equally dispersed
in cities, spas and mountain tourism centres and settlements (with 5% or 41834 in
Vienna), and produce over 90,7 millions of over night stays (with 7,7 millions or 8,5%
in Vienna), Serbia provides only 85634 beds, mostly dispersed in few cities, mountain
centres and bigger spas (with 10840 or app. 12% in Belgrade). Difference, concerning
number of beds, is 11:1 (in capital cities 4:1), number of over night stays 14:1 (in
capital cities 7:1) on the side of capacities in Austrian cities. Similar proportion is in
number of employees in tourism activities with 10% in Austria and 3% in Serbia.
Therefore, difference in tourism share in national product is over 20% in Austria and
2% in Serbia.
Table 2. Comparison review in tourism development indicators of some European countries

and cities
No.bed. No.over No.over
No.bed. Number of
Country/ 2 No. No.inh./ Nomber / night night
P, km / over night
city inh. km2 of beds 100 stay/ stay/
km2 stays
inh.* km2 inh.
Serbia 88361 7532613 85 85634 0,9 1,1 6684592 75,6 0,9
3224 1594977 498 11.925 3,7 0,7/ 1.360.934 422,1 0,8
Belgrade
360-city 1288745 3579,8 10.840 30,1 0,9 1.213.865 3371,8 0,9
Novi Sad 699 309608 443 1495 2,1 0,5 129.287 185,0 0,4
797 251362 315 3.246 4,1 1,3 220.203 276,3 0,9
Niš
452-city 235940 522 1.372 3,0 0,6 63.419 140,3 0,3
Novi
742 87643 118 646 0,9 0,7 68.047 91,7 0,8
Pazar
Austria 83859 8100779 96,6 930.835 11,1 11,5 90.710.280 1081,7 11,2
Vienna 414,9 1562482 3765,9 41.834 100,8 2,2 7.687.546 18528,7 4,92
Netherla
33882 15863552 468,2 1.141.823 33,7 7,2 81.262.588 2398,4 5,1
nd
Amsterda 219,0 734540 3354, 1 36.067 164,7 4,9 8.088.000 36931,5 11,0
225
No.bed. No.over No.over
No.bed. Number of
Country/ No. No.inh./ Nomber / night night
P, km2 / over night
city inh. km2 of beds 100 stay/ stay/
km2 stays
inh.* km2 inh.
m
Portugal 91906 10201566 111,0 487.102 5,3 4,8 41.955.089 456,5 4,1
Europe 1.307 56359 43,1 1.350 1,0 2,4 200.000 153,0 3,5
Spain 504790 39726973 78,7 2.624.908 5,2 5,2 344.670.612 682,8 8,7
Toledo 232,1 71110 306,4 2.358 10,1 3,3 500.000 2154,2 7,0
Germany 357020 82150302 230,1 3.070.372 8,6 3,7 298.504.422 836,1 3,6
Source: Schmidt, H.W., (2002/1), Municipalities in Serbia (2006)
Serbian cities
Transit and purpose trips to Serbian cities, mostly because of business, started to
increase after the First World War, in the Kingdom of SCS. First the tourism flow
started in Belgrade and than Novi Sad and Subotica, but also in other Vojvodina
towns, and at the end in Niš, Kragujevac, Šabac. The flow has remained dominant
till nowadays, regarding shear in overall number of visitors, foreign visitors and over
night stays in Serbia. All the other kinds of tourism in Serbia are younger than city
and spa tourisms, and each separately (except the youngest mountain tourism) had
small shear in tourism flow (Dabić D., Milijić S., 1998).
Most of the tourism beds, approximately 124.000, existed in Serbia at the end of
eighties of XX century. This range of beds is reduced to about 112.000 in 1991, with
further tendency in reduction, to be only 85.000 in 2005. The greatest number of beds
is in spas with around 40%, then in cities with around 30%, more than half is in
Belgrade ad Novi Sad, and then on the mountains and other tourism places (around
20%). Concerning that, number of tourists cities are dominant (with over 60%), and
then spas (with around 15%), and mountain places (with around 18% of tourists),
approximately the same are rated by over night stays: cities (with around 36%) and
spas (with around 31%), after which come mountain places (with around 28%).
Table 3: Structure of number of tourists and over night stays in leading destinations in
Serbia
No. of tourists % No. of over night stays %
Serbia 1.997.947 100,0 6.684.592 100,0
Belgrade 702.746 35,1 1.206.022 18,0
Novi Sad 73.175 3,7 128.751 2,0
Other town places 489.056 24,5 1.230.451 18,4
Spas 306.015 15,3 2.071.529 30,9
Mountain places 369.705 18,5 1.869.936 28,0
Other places 57.250 2,9 177.903 2,7
Source: Municipalities in Serbia (2006)
City tourism centres in Serbia were defined for the first time in Spatial Plan of
Republic of Serbia, where 20 tourism cities, of national and regional rang, were
pronounced and at the same time proclaimed as a centres of tourism zones and
regions. Local rang of city tourism centres, mainly consisting of middle and small
towns were not treated in this document and were left to be more precise defined
throughout regional spatial plans and municipality plans.
City centre functions in Serbia are of the importance for tourism activities but still
not completely developed or coordinated. Beside insufficient capacities of
accommodation, organizational-governmental functions are not present
appropriately in tourism and sport and recreation sectors. There is lack of education
of employees in tourism, environmental and cultural heritage protection, as well as
the national, regional and local territorial governing based on sustainable
development principles (Dabić D., Milijić S., 2006).
Governing-organizational function of Serbian cities has just started to develop, but
tourism zones and regions are still not enough articulated in its gravitation, as well
as particular developments and profitable interests connected to it. Also, in cities of
Serbia public services and facilities are not adjusted properly to city tourism needs.
As far as the health and accommodation services and trade situation is concerned,
the situation is tolerable. Traffic, culture, administration and facilities are not
adjusted to tourism needs and the biggest short-coming are in relation to tourism
information technology. Regarding national regulations and engagement of non
governmental organizations Serbia is still far away from sustainable tourism
development expectations. High percentage of illegal buildings, not so rarely
supported by the state government authorities, impair service activities authorized to
protect and implement adapted plans and projects and NGO activities are reduced on
verbal reactions.
The state of Serbia in its transitional period is trying to follow European experiences
in tourism development. Government brought Tourism Development Strategy of
Serbia (2006), where the advantage to city tourism has been given over other
tourism kinds. The city offer of material bases and diversity is evaluated and it is
most real to be achieved till 2015.
Cities, as basic potentials for tourism development, confirm analysis that part of
income structure is realized within tourism activities. Regarding these indicators
incomes less than 100.000 euro were recorded even in 75 municipalities of Serbia
(taking into account settlements in Kosovo and Metohija where data are not
indicated). Income of half million euros is realized in 45 municipalities, one million
euros in16 municipalities and 32 municipalities realized to five million euros. The
biggest urban centres and the most important tourism locations in Serbia realized in
total around 135 million euros in Belgrade with even 94 millions, Raška (Kopaonik-
Suvo Rudište) 11 millions, and then Novi Sad, Vrnjačka Banja, Čajetina (Zlatibor)
and Niš. Of about 228 million euros of income, already mentioned centres realized
almost 60%, and the City of Belgrade alone over 40%.
City tourism centres of Serbia are still underdeveloped in respect to city tourism
and even less concerning functions important for tourism zones and regions.
Organized city tourism, similar to European metropolis offer, has started only in
Belgrade and Novi Sad, as dominant city destinations, mostly in sub-segments of
urban manifestations and business tourism, with dominant hotel-accommodation
offer concept and without precisely registered flow of city vacations. Real potentials
of Belgrade and Novi Sad tourism offers, together with some other towns are not
even used anywhere near. Some smaller towns developed only health-recreational
sub-segments (mostly for national tourists only) and sub-segment of manifestations,
227
but their tourism centre role is still irrelevant, so it is not convenient to talk about
developed, but only about potential city tourism centres.
Pic. 3. Municipalities of Serbia by part of incomes within tourism activities (2003)
According to: Municipalities of Serbia, accommodation facilities income in public sector (2004)/приходи од
угоститељства у друштвеном сектору (2004)
CONCLUSION
Urban tourism development is very intensive and is becoming one of the most
popular types of holidays. Further urban tourism makes considerable incomes and
employment for local community. The result is population mobility and the increase
of market globalization, and also tourist habits changes-they practice few short
holidays during one year. Flexibility and variety of offers spatially contribute to
urban tourism demand.
Quality tourism can contribute to urban areas development by promotion of
competition in business, forwarding social needs and keeping cultural and natural
heritage. To be successful in every field within the frame of tourist destination,

tourism development has to have integral access based on sustainable development
Principal and international standards are guided to please the needs of tourists as
well as local community. The sustainable tourism has also: to be based on reliable
information; to support integrity of city; to contribute to preservation of resources;
to respect local culture and tradition; but also to be creative and innovative; to long
more for quality than for quantity of offer, or to form image of fantastic destination.
While urban tourism mostly represents city potential, there is a possibilty that
suddenly becomes a threat if preassure of tourist visits start to be uncontroled. It
might lead to loosing city identity and traditional festivals and other motives
progressively loose importance of tourist atractions. Also a lot of joint factors of
urban development undoubtedly have influence to tourism: need to improve access
and cities historical kernel reconstruction, enriching cultural offers, quality solutions
with clear moving direction signalization, new parking and garage building,
improving of public transport based on inter-modality, city utilities arrangement,
waste system managing, pollution reducing etc. If process of urbanization is
uncontrolled, it can lead to local concept of loosing offer, quality, green areas and
decrease of real estate value, traditional activities quality and local inhabitants’
quality, environmental pollution. Everything above mentioned does not make fair
conditions for tourism development.
Changes of informative and communication technologies had considerable influence
for development of urban tourism and tourism in total. Three basic groups of
information are set apart,: identifications of tourists, tourist organizations and tourist
planers needs. For sustainable development are very important information about the
planers’ needs, spatial tourist intensity, tourist investments and economic importance
of tourism and all that in combination with GIS and available internet services can
considerably improve tourist offer planning.
Sustainable development in cities understood partnership and cooperation of city
administration, tourist affairs, public services and local community, with
participation of private sector, different associations, NGO's etc. These partnerships
stimulate integral access to planning and managing, defining of common strategies
and development of more attractive tourist destination.
Main characteristic of urban tourism in European cities is number of tourist growth,
accommodation capacities growth with constant quality of tourist offer
intensification. The average growth of total number of bed/nights in European cities
is 16%, in period 2000-2005., that is much bigger regarding growth rate in total
tourism. In cities of Germany, Spain, France, Holland, Portugal the marked growth
of bed/nights is over 50%. It is declared as a big difference in a review of tourist
development elements regarding national average, which is a result of every state
and city characteristics. By comparing with the national average, the number of beds
and bed/nights in European cities is bigger up to fifteen times. Also, a big difference
is present regarding accommodation capacities in hotels size, as well as in
participation of domestic tourists in national tourist circulation. The biggest
development of urban tourism is marked in big European metropolis, first of all in
Berlin, Barcelona and Prague, followed by Milan, Dublin, Rome, Budapest and
229
Hamburg etc. Metropolises with the highest nominal growth of bed/nights in 2005
are Paris and Rome. Paris succeed to make over 35 million of bed/nights and
150.000 beds, confirming itself as the biggest and the most interesting city
destination in Europe.
Functions of city centres in Serbia important for development of tourist activities are
still not completely developed and coordinated. Beside insufficient tourist
accommodation capacities, there is no managing and organization function in
tourism that is enough developed, as well as territory managing based on sustainable
development principles.
Today, there are about 85000 tourist beds in Serbia and one third is in cities.
According to the number of tourists, cities dominated, then spas and mountains,
while according to the number of bed/nights cities and spas are approximately equal
and are followed by mountains.
Comparing analyses of Serbia and Austria show approximately the same rate in total
area, number of inhabitants, similar specifics of capitals Belgrade and Vienna, but
there are huge differences in only few tourist development indicators. Difference in
number of beds is 11:1 (4:1 regarding capitals), and 14:1 regarding bed/nights (7:1
in capitals) for the benefit of tourist capacities in cities of Austria.
Having in mind potentials, cities in Serbia can not, in the near future, reach tourist
development of European cities in respect to the number of hotels and number of
beds, but can be close regarding level of services and tourist offer quality, as well as
standardization of most accommodation capacities and introduction of new types of
accommodation, first in Belgrade and Novi Sad, but also in Subotica, Nis and other
potential urban tourist centres.
Urban tourism sustainable development in Serbia will depend on respecting and
applying of Spatial and Urban Plans. Unplanned development, uncontrolled building
and timeless city organization in Serbia will lead toward loosing its identity and
authentics, and by that will lose its attractions for tourism.
Final goal of cities tourism development is to keep competition and at the same time
accept sustainability, confirming that in a long period, competition depends on
sustainability. Perspectives are in continuing of tourist development, but also in
tourist flexibility of that process to be adapted to market and local community
demands, as well as to environmental protection.
References:
Baud-Bony, M., Lawson, F. (1977), Tourism and Recreation Development, The
Architectural Press Ltd., London.
Burhin, F., Paskaleva-Shapira, K., Santamaria, S. (2003), Sustainable Urban Tourism,
European Governance for Sustainable Urban Tourism, Bencmarking Report, Research
project of Key action 4 City of Tomorrow and Cultural Heritage, Program within the ″Fifth
Framework Program″ of the EU Contract n0 EVK4-CT-1999-00001, 33 pp.
Dabic D. Milijic S., 1998, Belgrade, A Contribution to the Historz of Tourist Development
in Serbia, SPATIUM, No 4., pg. 27-34, Institute of Architecture and Urban ang Regional
Planning of Serbia.
Dabić D., Milijić S., (2006), City Tourism Centers in Function of Tourism Zones and
Regions Development on Example of Serbia, Valjevo and Valjevo Mountains, Sustainable
Development and its Surrounding 2, Institute for Architecture and Urban and Spatial
Planning of Serbia, special edition 49, Belgrade, str 46-60.
Denman R., Ehrlich K., Bell M. (2007), Tourism Sustainability Group, Action for More
Sustainable European Tourism, Report of the Tourism Sustainability Group, European
Commission, 48 pp.
European Cities Tourism Research and Statistics Working Group (2004), Proposal for
Questionnaire Design for Tourism Visitor Surveys in European Cities
European Commission (2000), Towards quality urban tourism, Integrated quality
management (IQM) of urban tourism destinations, Enterprise Directorate-General Tourism
Unit-EDGT, Brussels, ISBN 92-828-7543-1, 168 pp.
Lane P. (2005), The Production of IQM Strategy and Three Year Action Plan for Wrexham
County Borough, Tourism Planning and Leisure Consultancy Services, 51 pp.
Municipalities of Serbia, Republic Direction for Statistics, Belgrade 1981-2006.
Sager C., Ponti O., Stiernstrand O. (2007), European Cities Tourism Report 2006/07,
European Cities Marketing-ECM, www.europeancitiesmarketing.com,
Skinnarland, K. (1999), Thinking Globally, Acting Locally: The Role of the Cities in
Sustainable Development-Case Study on the City of Seаttle, Greening of Industry Network
Conference-Best Practice Proceedings, Sеаttle.
Schmidt, H.W. (2002/1), Dynamic Regional Tourism, Statistics in Focus, Industry, Trade
and services, Theme 4-14/2002, Eurostat, ISSN 1561-4840, European Communities.
Schmidt, H.W. (2002/2), Sustainability of Tourism Flows in the EU, Statistics in Focus,
Industry, Trade and services, Theme 4-28/2002, Eurostat.
Sustainable Tourism Development (1992), UNEP Industry and Environment.
Tibbott R. (2003), European City Collaboration, European Cities Tourism, 43-45 pp.,
www.europeancitiestourism.com.
Tourism Policy (2006): Towards A Stronger Partnership for European Tourism, Commission
of the European Communities, Communication from the Commission, A renewed EU,
Brussels, www.ec.europa.eu
Urban Design for Sustainability (2004), EU Expert Group on the Urban Environment
Hall, S., (2005), The World’s Urban Systems: A European Perspective, Global Urban
Development, ESPON, Volume 1, London, www.globalurban.org
WTO (2003), Tourism Destination Sustainability, World Tourism Organization,
www.uneptie.or./pc/tourism.
Energy efficiency and
environment in
towns and cities
231
THE SHAPE OF THE CITY, THE FORMS OF

SUSTAINABILITY
TOOLS FOR THE EVALUATION OF THE ENERGETIC AND
ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY OF BUILDINGS: EXPERIENCES IN
FRIULI VENEZIA GIULIA
Paolo Tomasella1
Abstract
Starting from a certain urban landscape, where buildings and destinations are defined only
in terms of a real estate market that sells and consumes, the contribution shift his attention
on the possibility of reaching the achievement of sustainable buildings in energetic and
environmental terms even through the recovery of local traditional techniques. A new
approach towards sustainable construction could be provided by the «ITACA protocol for
the evaluation of energetic and environmental quality of a building», an innovative tool in
Italy that allows to assign a level of sustainability in the building construction. The policy,
officially approved in 2004 and composed of a technical data series, presents every possible
requirement to assess in the sustainability building and can be adapted to the different
national and regional realities. An initial validation of the system was carried out through
some experimental verification and in the recovery interventions of the urban
neighbourhood of Panzano near Monfalcone.
Key words: city forms, sustainable buildings development, local traditional techniques,
systems of evaluation, energy efficiency.
«I selected as a subject the shape of the city of Orte. I picked a shot that
before showed Orte only in its utmost stylistic perfection. All I need to do
is move the film-camera and – there – its architectural profile is spoiled,
defaced by something foreign which is that building appearing in the
background, on the left. Do you see it? […] This bumpy and old paving is
a humble thing, it cannot even be compared to certain marvelous art
works of the Italian tradition. Nevertheless, I believe that this petty alley,
so humble, should be preserved with the same tenacity, with the same
rigor, with which we defend the art works of a great author. No one would
fight with rage to protect it. Instead, I precisely choose to defend
something that is not coded, that no one preserves, and that is an art
piece, so to speak, of the entire history of the Italian people, of a wealth of
men with no name, who, however, worked in an age that has then yielded
the most valuable fruit in the works of art and authors. Anybody would
1
dr Paolo Tomasella, Architect, Friuli Venezia Giulia Autonomous Region –
Central Directorate for the Environment and Public Works, Italy
promptly agree with you on the need to defend a monument, the façade of
a church, a bell tower, a bridge whose historical value has been now
established, but no one realizes that what must be defended is rightly this
anonymous past, this nameless past, this popular past.»
(Pier Paolo Pasolini, from documentary film The shape of the city, 1973)
THE SHAPE OF THE CITY - CONSIDERATIONS ON A FEW

CONTEMPORARY URBAN PHENOMENA
More than thirty years have passed since Pier Paolo Pasolini, in a documentary film
of his, formulated a harsh accusation against the environmental, urban and therefore
cultural deterioration of the country. In his remark, Pasolini added: «The situation of
the forms of the city of the Italian nation is definitely irremediable and catastrophic.
[...] After all, the destruction of the old world, that is, the real world, is taking place
everywhere. Unreality is sweeping through building speculation of neocapitalism».
These statements, which are as outdated as up-to-date, can only make us think even
today. Since then, the process of urban enlargement has become increasingly more
alarming, to the point that now it appears as a relentless phenomenon with
irremediable consequences (fig. 1).
Figure 1. Present-day profile of the city of Orte (Rome). In the foreground: chaos and
speculation under the historic walls.
Capitalistic urban planning has generated the urban sprawl, a phenomenon which
now more than ever should be seriously considered. From the time of Pasolini till
today, the logic of the diffused city has prevailed, i.e., a city spread over the territory
and characterized by fragmented landscapes connected to one another through a
system of no rules.2 Under the influence of the promotion of the service industry,
enterprises have continued to locate themselves outside historical cities, while an
2
Comp. Francesco INDOVINA, La città diffusa, DAEST, Venezia, 1990.
233
ever-increasing population has moved from the agricultural areas near the new
service-providing centers (shopping malls, megastores, multi-screen theatres, etc.),
the real bastions of consumption able to satisfy any need expressed by the
citizen/consumer, including the new demand of sociality.
According to Marc Augè, we now live in a world of non-places identical in all
cities. «The places that give us only a temporary occupation are increasing: hotel
chains, vacation clubs, rooming houses, elder homes. Networks for the conveyance
of people or information and apersonal exchange methods expand: credit cards,
automatic vending machines, mail order trading. Whether in London, Paris, Milan or
Rome, we stroll in the same way: same stores, same mimes, food sellers, currency
exchange machines and the feeling of aloneness»3.
As Corboz believes, the hybrid city has consolidated, a fact that has generated a
territory resembling a leopard pattern fabric, which contains inside a inhomogeneous
group of urban centers, as well as production hubs, landlocked areas, agricultural
land and archeological spaces interspersed with leisure-time and residential areas
with different population densities4. Where there are multiple landscapes, we
experience a sense of loss of the traditional values of place recognizability and of the
concept of harmony. In its stead, an unstable, discordant and cacophonic reality
takes form. Disorder has become a structural element in contemporary landscape5.
The so carried-out experiences in our cities over the last few decades seem to consist
of a formless and inhomogeneous group of building types that exclusively abide by
meaningless rules governing urban instruments. The elements composing them
appear increasingly more often as the result of an industrial process, executed
according to the exclusive observance of preset performance standards and for
which there is a lack of assessment of the consumption of energy, raw materials and
the emission of hazardous and polluting substances during the building process, thus
proving increasingly more often to be the outcome of a mere productive standard
practice, where buildings and constructions seem to find their shape and definition
only with respect to a real estate market that sells and consumes.
If the whole of alternative urban-planning knowledge, which started with Patrick
Geddes and his Bio-regionalism and the theorization of the garden city by Howard,
and went on with the proposal of a linear city by Soria y Mata or the cluster city by
Ernst May, seems at this point to be hardly able to oppose speculative expansion, a
current and urgent subject of consideration is certainly the identification of a
sustainable urban model that keeps into account the contrast between compact city
3
Comp. Marc AUGÉ, Non luoghi: introduzione ad una antropologia della surmodernità, Elèutera
Editrice, Milano, 1993.
4
Comp. André CORBOZ, Ordine sparso. Saggi sull’arte, il metodo, la città e il territorio, edited by
Paola Viganò, Franco Angeli, Milano, 1998.
5
See Alberto CLEMENTI, Giuseppe DEMATTEIS, Pier Carlo PALERMO, edited by, Le forme del
territorio italiano. Temi e immagini del mutamento, Editori Laterza, Roma-Bari, 1996; and also Tom
TURNER, City as Landscape, E & FN Spon, London, 1996. After 1991 the phenomenon of urban
sprawl has dramatically exploded and is now also visible along the Adriatic coast, in the cities of
Croatia to Montenegro.
and diffused city, also through a careful evaluation of the environmental quality of
the new constructions to be executed6.
ALTERNATIVE PROPOSALS: SYSTEMS FOR THE EVALUATION OF

THE ENERGETIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY OF BUILDINGS.
THE ITACA PROTOCOL.
Given this state of affairs, the overall reconsideration of the building good, intended
as both a single building or an entire compound, appears to be inevitable, also in
consideration of the changed needs of users who assert with ever increasing force
the need to live in dwellings that are healthy and a proper part of the context where
they belong. The awareness on the subject of ecologically sustainable living has
inevitably grown over the last few years, also as an effect of the increasingly more
alarming realization of the environmental deterioration surrounding us. The out-of-
control variable in fact is climate change, which can be fairly considered as a
scientific datum. Luckily, awareness is growing that the natural and man-made
environments may become a possible resource and the field of application of
territorial policies connected to the environmental needs for a sustainable
development.
Regarding the above, the obligation, which cannot be delayed, to formulate new
scenarios corresponding to sustainable life styles also rests on public institutions,
which now feel the pressure of the need to make new decisions, and promote actions
aiming at supporting sustainable economies. The direct action of a public agency, in
synergy with other actors in the building sector, may have significant implications
and constitute an instrument for the promotion and growth of the awareness of
citizens on the territory in which they live.
The various initiatives promoted and adopted by some Italian regions, first for
experimental purposes and then as part of real policies aiming at supporting
environmentally friendly design and building, should be placed in this scenario. The
need to coordinate the efforts that the various Italian administrations had already
made in regard to sustainable building has led many Italian regions to create a
common work table where it is possible to share experiences, draw conclusions and
propose operating methods as homogeneous as possible for the entire Italian
territory.
Therefore in February 2002 the Group of Interregional Work on sustainable building
was created and established at the headquarter of ITACA (National Association for
Innovation and Transparency of Public Contracts and Environmental Compatibility),
a technical body that groups together all the representatives of Italian regional
administrations. Thanks to the coordination of Friuli Venezia Giulia and in
observance of the program presented at the Conference of the Presidents of the
Italian Regions and Autonomous Provinces, the Group worked towards the
definition of an evaluation method able to identify the most important characteristics
6
Comp. Paolo SICA, Storia dell’urbanistica. Il Novecento, Editori Laterza, Roma-Bari, 1991, pp. 7-
61.
235
and requirements for a building or group of buildings to satisfy the need for
environmental sustainability.
Through the work carried out, an effort was made to pay attention to all those
solutions aiming at the use of renewable or alternative resources, the adoption of
design expedients to contain energy consumption, the analysis of the most adequate
materials to be used in construction and new design quality criteria.
The Work Group tried in particular to code a very articulated subject through an
evaluation method that could keep into account different problems, divided by wide
thematic areas and with which it could be possible to examine the sustainability
implemented in strategies and design choices, construction and temporary operation
of buildings, exploitation of natural resources, and also with regard to a shared urban
planning.
Using as a reference a valid study carried out by Environment-Park of Turin for the
construction of the Olympic village for the 2006 Winter Olympics, the Group has
produced an organic set of rules and criteria, drafting a technical instrument that can
be immediately applied for the definition of a construction work based on
sustainability requirements.
The proposed method takes inspiration from a more general evaluation method
known as Green Building Challenge or GBC, created by an international network of
25 member states from all over the world, which provides a summary of the
experiences carried out in all these countries in the discipline at hand with methods
that often differ from one another and continually evolve over time. GBC in fact is
an evaluation system that can be adjusted to the local conditions where it is applied
(climate, economic and cultural conditions, environmental priorities, etc.) without
however altering its basic structure. After all, the GBC method has been designed to
incorporate the different environmental priorities, technologies and construction and
cultural peculiarities of the various nations. Considering that many scientific
institutions had already joined the international network created through the GBC, it
was deemed that it could be taken as an inspirational model for the creation of a
nation-wide system. In fact, the consideration was made that this system, given its
flexibility of application, could better solve the specific needs of the matter. Based
on these experiences, the so-called ITACA Protocol for the Evaluation of the Energy
and Environmental Quality of a Building was prepared, a technical instrument that
can be adapted to the most diverse realities existing over the national territory and
whose final version can be found on the website www.itaca.org.
Thanks to this instrument, a totally innovative evaluation method was drafted, which
allows, for the first time in Italy, to recognize a building having characteristics that
can be defined as environmentally sound.
The integral version of the ITACA Protocol is accompanied by a large number of
sheets (70), which illustrate every possible requirement deemed necessary for the
verification of the inclination to sustainability of the construction work. Each of
these requirements is thoroughly explained, even from a regulatory standpoint. The
final version of this technical document has been approved in Rome on 15 January
2004.
With the new analysis method, an effort has been made to identify most of all a
process, divided by broad subjects, to take into consideration the possibility to
incorporate the concept of sustainability in design strategies and in the construction
and temporary operation of buildings. The Protocol examines the various needs and
organize them into seven “Evaluation areas”, which encompass the objectives and
the strategies of the matter by means of individual subjects that are broad although
sufficiently clear to prove effective. Each individual subject relates to the
environmental quality of interior spaces and outside environment, consumption of
resources and environmental burdens, quality of services, management and
transportation. Each individual evaluation area includes a number of “Categories of
requirements”, with each category containing in turn individual “Requirements”
along with performance indicators or parameters useful for the assessment of the
fulfillment of qualitative or quantitative values. Each requirements corresponds to an
assessment sheet on a specific subject relevant to sustainability. The final result of
the technical assessment corresponds to a score that expresses the level of
sustainability of the built work against a reference scale.
The whole of wellness and useability requirements of a building corresponds, in the
quoted document, to the need to improve the quality of dwelling in observance of
the maximum receptivity of the ecosystem, to the assessment of the possibility to
renew natural resources, to the balance between natural and man-made systems,
always with a view of promoting a reduced consumption of non-renewable energy.
It is important to note that the proposed requirements are characterized by several
basic elements that can be summarized as follows: they have a substantial economic,
social and environmental value, they can be quantified or even just qualitatively
defined – although according to criteria as precise as possible –, they are
corroborated by scientific evidence and they have characteristics of public interest.
The so-defined evaluation method constitutes the first fundamental step in the
direction of environmental sustainability of civil construction works to be applied in
favor of the stimulation of public and private residential building.
Regarding the assessments carried out in a few experimental cases for the validation
of the applicability of the system, it has been found that in many respects the
proposed method is rather articulated and more conveniently applicable to quite
large construction works. Therefore, the possibility has been considered to integrate
it with a reduced evaluation system composed of 28 sheets, i.e., the Simplified
ITACA Protocol, which has incorporated those requirements deemed essential and
indispensable for the execution of environmentally sound works. A simplified
version of the Protocol has been adopted also because the determination has been
made that it could enable the application of environmentally sound building criteria
also in relation to those individual or small works that in general represent the most
conspicuous part of building activities carried out by private subjects. The reduced
system therefore represents an easier way to make operational a new approach to
responsible building design. The criteria for the calculation and attribution of scores,
as well as the evaluation procedure, correspond to those of the integral Protocol.
237
The definition of a method for the assessment of the environmental performance of a
building activated by the ITACA Protocol, represents the first practical response to
European Directive 2002/91/EC, issued with the purpose of promoting the
improvement of the energetic performance of existing and newly-built facilities (fig.
2). With the introduction of some evaluation criteria, the Protocol has somehow
anticipated the issue of the energy certification of buildings, which has been set out
by national regulations only a few years ago through Legislative Decree No. 192 of
19 August 2005, as subsequently amended and integrated by Legislative Decree No.
311 of 29 December 2006.
Figure 2. Classes of energy efficiency and scale of consumption categories according to the
parameters set out by national regulations.
On a local level, Friuli Venezia Giulia, in an effort to incorporate ITACA’s views,

has enacted a regional evaluation system. The system consists of 22 estimation
sheets included in six evaluation areas. Although the structure of the national
evaluation system has remained unaltered, the Regional Protocol for the Evaluation
of Energy and Environmental Quality of Buildings (VEA) has fine-tuned the analysis
criteria, introducing an alphanumerical attribution of the level of
energy/environmental sustainability (figg. 3, 4).7
Figure 3. The seven groups of energy and environmental classes set out by the regional
Protocol (VEA).
7
The regional Protocol has been included in the regional regulations by Article 6 of Regional Law No.
23 of 18 August 2005, “Provisions on environmentally sound building”.
Figure 4. Summary tables of the assessment sheets provided for by the regional Protocol
(VEA) with the indication of the level of difficulty (1 = easy, 2 = medium, 3 = difficult) and
the estimated time to carry out the technical check.
Although a few steps forward have been made, there still is a lot to do as far as the
quality certification of building products is concerned. Pending a more exact
definition of the matter, and based on the indications given by the Protocol, it is
possible to assume, with a view of reducing environmental impact, that the preferred
choice will fall on those materials whose life cycle can be scientifically assessed as
environmentally sustainable – using the Life Cycle Analysis (LCA) – and that fulfill
the following requirements: a) Correspond to close production cycles, with
renewable raw materials and with the possibility of global recycling; b) Consider
energy saving as a goal to pursue throughout extraction, production and distribution
of materials; c) That such materials be found free from radioactivity and volatile
substances recognized harmful for human and environmental health; d) That
reintegration of renewable resources in the natural cycle is guaranteed.
239
TRADITIONAL CONSTRUCTION TECHNIQUES AS A POSSIBLE
RESOURCE IN THE PROCESS OF BUILDING INNOVATION.
The principles formulated by the national evaluation system wish that the
development of new bioclimatic building types will tend towards a balanced
regionalism, to be also intended as the preference for those materials and
construction techniques that have local relevance, in order to bring about the
recovery and protection of the socio-cultural resources associated with vernacular
tradition8. In this sense, all those constructive elements typical of local traditional
building are recognized as worth of protection, since, given their origin, they are
fully compatible with the principles of environmentally friendly architecture.
Construction elements and solutions typical of local tradition may allow the
development of innovative technologies and techniques consisting of the use of
typical materials. The evaluation Protocol recognizes and stresses, among other
things, the importance of materials such as wood, raw earth and insulators in natural
fibers, since they are suitable for the construction of buildings more compatible with
the natural surrounding, given the quality of their performance and easy recycling
during the stages of transformation and dismissal of buildings.
In our region, this possibility is also supported by the fact that Friuli Venezia Giulia
presents, from the mountain areas to the lagoon, numerous traditional alternative
types of peculiar interest (fig. 5)9. In particular, in the lowland of Western Friuli,
raw-earth bricks, and the related traditional construction methods, were largely used
in the past. Although many such rural constructions have been torn down even in the
recent past, it is still possible today to find in the region buildings made with raw
earth that for sure would be worth of more attention and enhancement even from a
historical and cultural standpoint. We are not only making reference to the well-
known fishing country houses (Casoni) in the lagoon valleys of Grado and Marano,
but most of all to those rural houses especially present in the Friulian lowland near
Pordenone, between the Livenza and Tagliamento rivers, and nowadays referred to
as lowland country houses (Casoni di pianura). These are real architectural
emergencies to be protected (fig. 6)10. Recovery and enhancement of constructions
with raw materials and old traditional construction techniques with pisè de terre or
adobe may represent today new extraordinary opportunities for the building sector
(fig. 7).
8
On regionalistic architecture, see Sergio LOS, edited by, Architettura e territorio, Franco Muzzio
Editore, Padova, 1990. In Friuli Venezia Giulia: Sergio LOS, Natasha PULITZER, edited by, La città del
sole. La progettazione urbana ambientale-energetica, Regione Autonoma Friuli Venezia Giulia, Trieste,
1985.
9
On traditional architecture of the region, see at least Emilio SCARIN, La casa rurale nel Friuli,
C.N.R. Comitato Nazionale per la Geografia, Firenze, 1943.
10
On raw-earth architecture: Mauro BERTAGNIN, Architetture di terra in Italia. Tipologie, tecnologie e culture
costruttive, Edicom edizioni, Monfalcone, 1999; Gaia BOLLINI, Marco LION, edited by, La costruzione in terra
cruda in Italia: verso una normativa nazionale, Editoriale ECO, Roma, 2005.
Figure 5. Types of rural houses in Friuli: 1. Forni Savorgnani type; 2. Sauris type; 3. Val
Degano type; 4. Tarvisian type; 5. Carnia type; 6. recent type from the Upper Tagliamento;
7-8. foothill types; 9. courtyard type from the high plain; 10. low plain type; 11. large
lagoon house (from Scarin, 1943).
241
Figure 6. A typical country

house (Casone) of the Friulian
plain in Maron di Brugnera,
Pordenone (from Bertagnin,
1999).
Figure 7. Françoise Jourda and Gilles Perraudin. Houses in pisé in l’Isle d’Abeau, France
(1981-1984).
In this respect, we may find some points of contact and identify some typological
and technological similarities with the traditional architectural heritage in Serbia,
having traditional construction archetypes and methods of great relevance, whose
level of refinement may very well constitute the indispensable prerequisite for the
experimentation of new regionalistic architectural types (fig. 8).11
Figure 8. Types of rural houses in Serbia (from Petrović, 1955).
11
On vernacular architecture in Serbia at least Branislav Ð. KOJIĆ, Stara gradska i seoska arhitektura u Srbiji,
Prosveta, Beograd, 1949; Ðorđe PETROVIĆ, Narodna arhitektura. Doksati i čardaci, [s.n.], Beograd, 1955;
Aleksandar DEROKO, Folklorna arhitektura u Jugoslaviji. Narodna arhitektura-II, Naučna Knjiga, Beograd, 1964;
Aleksandar DEROKO, Narodno neimarstvo. Architecture folklorique I-II, Académie Serbe des Sciences et des Arts,
Beograd, 1968. On the same subject, particularly interesting is the study carried out by Igor MARIĆ, Tradicionalno
graditeljstvo Pomoravlja i savremena arhitektura, IAUS, Beograd, 2006.
243
THE NEIGHBORHOOD CONTRACTS. THE PANZANO-MONFALCONE CASE.
Thanks to its being extremely innovative, the validity of the method and most of all
the fact that for the first time it has been possible to define a number of objective
elements based on scientifically recognized aspects, the ITACA Protocol could be
applied in Friuli Venezia Giulia as early as during its experimental stage. In 2003,
the system was included, as an evaluation criterion, in the call for tender for the
execution in the Region of innovative urban programs called “Neighborhood
Contracts II”, an instrument that allows local administrations to benefit from specific
state aids for the execution of public works of urban redevelopment.
Still within the regional context, it is particularly worth mentioning a large initiative
of urban redevelopment which was financed and completed a few years ago and
strongly meets the criteria of sustainable building, i.e., the project for the renovation
of twelve existing small buildings in the Quarter of Panzano in the Municipality of
Monfalcone (fig. 9). The quarter is one of the widest and most interesting examples
of blue-collar neighborhoods existing in Italy. It developed in the Mid-twenties in
connection to the creation and evolution of the Monfalcone shipyard. The
architectural and urban structure of the neighborhood – which is very particular and
peculiar compared to the city – was in a condition of advanced structural and
environmental deterioration. Beginning in 1998, the Municipal Administration of
Monfalcone started a participated proposal of Neighborhood Contract for the
renovation of the occupied core section.
With the purpose of pursuing the reconstitution of the identity of places, also thanks
to the spontaneous formation of a quarter committee, the urban redevelopment of the
area was started, within the broader perspective of social reintegration of residents
(fig. 10).
Beside the works of urban redevelopment already carried out, renovation works of
the twelve historical small buildings have been completed and executed according to
criteria of environmentally sound building (figg. 11a, 11b). After the renovation and
preservation of the original architectural characteristics, the quarter was recently
returned to the residents.
Figure 9. Aerial view of the Quarter of Panzano (Historical Archives of the Municipality of Monfalcone).
Figure 10. Overview of the urban redevelopment project of the Quarter of Panzano
(Archives of the Municipality of Monfalcone).
Figures 11 a. and 11 b. Front elevations of small residential buildings (1920-1921) in the

Quarter of Panzano (Archives of the Municipality of Monfalcone).
245
A CROSS-BORDER ITALY-SLOVENIA COOPERATION PROGRAM ON
SUSTAINABILITY.
The activity implemented regarding the subject of sustainability was not limited to
the mere regional territory but has taken on over the last few years a transnational
value. With a view of enhancing and recovering traditional settlement types and
techniques, it is worth mentioning the cross-border cooperation program Interreg
III/A Italy-Slovenia 2000-2006, carried out with the Republic of Slovenia and called
“Settlement models and types with a view of environmental sustainability in the
Italy-Slovenia cross-border areas”. The objectives of the program, whose activities
have been completed during 2005, were exactly about the discipline of sustainable
building and environmental compatibility of civil constructions.
The final objective was to provide a definition – through an analysis phase supported
by adequate environmental indicators – of an evaluation system of appropriate
sustainable settlement models, under an urban, typological, functional and constructive
standpoint. With a view of identifying practical proposals for a balanced development
of the cross-border areas, the settlement characteristics and construction techniques
used in the two bordering territorial contexts have been taken into consideration,
through the study and analysis of three study areas, i.e., Drenchia-Tolmin, Duino
Aurisina-Komen and Muggia-Koper (fig. 12). The analysis of the three case-studies
has led to the formulation of possible strategies for a sustainable development in the
cross-border areas, guidelines that have been put together in a publication edited by the
Department for Architectural and Urban Design of the Faculty of Architecture of
Trieste.12
CONCLUSIONS
With a view of sustainable development of the building sector, we see an ever-
increasing number of municipal and provincial administrations that have formulated,
or are formulating, plans, projects or regulations that provide for a higher energy
efficiency of buildings as well as models and instruments for the assessment of
project sustainability on an urban or building scale through its prior evaluation.
Despite the encouraging signs of a turnaround from a consolidated practice, the
achievement of the objectives concerning environmental sustainability in the
building sector may meet, during a more practical implementation stage, obstacles of
a technical kind and most of all mistrust and skepticism.
In this scenario, building policies, especially if they aim at environmental
sustainability, must be inevitably connected to those of other sectors. First of all, with
those of an industrial kind or connected to the subjects of energy and transportation.
Anticipating this scenario, the evaluation Protocol opted for the support to public and
private activities that are particularly concerned with the protection of natural
resources, as well as with urban planning and building activities that comply with
12
See Ilaria GAROFOLO, Elena MARCHIGIANI, Linee guida per lo sviluppo sostenibile del
territorio transfontaliero Italia-Slovenia, DPAU, Trieste, 2005.
sustainable development, with a tendency to privilege and enhance the historical,

environmental, cultural and social peculiarities of each individual region.
Figure 12. Strategies for a sustainable development in the Italy-Slovenia cross-border areas. A case study
Drenchia-Tolmin. Scenarios: present-day conditions, abandoned territory, trivialized territory,
sustainable cross-border territory networks (from Garofolo - Marchigiani, 2005).
These last aspects appear fundamental to make sure that the entrepreneurial world
takes into consideration this new way of building, maybe through the issue of a
mandatory directive stressing the importance of energy saving, as well as the design
and construction quality of the works as a whole. With this view, provisions laying
down possible forms of stimulation for the execution of public or private residential
housing should bring about the shift from the current culture of building at the lowest
cost with the maximum profit towards aware and well-considered building choices.
All experiences made so far, and the related results, may be shared at the appropriate
stages with the purpose of jointly developing and divulging a new culture of
sustainability of the territory.13
13
I would like to take the opportunity to vividly thank and remember Architect Igor Marić from IAUS, the Institut za
Arhitekturu i Urbanizam Srbije in Belgrade and all the colleagues of the same institute who have made it possible for me
to participate in the convention, contributing to the success of the written report.
247
PRINCIPLES OF ECOLOGICAL AND ENERGY

EFFICIENT URBAN PLANNING AND APPLICATION OF
RENEWABLE ENERGY SOURCES – PRESENT
CONDITIONS AND POSSIBILITIES
Mila Pucar 1
Abstract
Climate changes on Earth, higher greenhouse gas emissions, soil, air and water pollution as
well as the depletion of energy resources are the effects of intensive usage of traditional
energy sources, especially fossil ones. All this seriously threatens the existence of living on
this planet.
Buildings represent around 50% of the overall energy consumption. It is possible to
implement principles of bioclimatic planning and design with exploitation of renewable
energy sources (RES) to improve the efficiency and lower the overall energy consumption
for residential purposes (heating and cooling, lighting, water heating, etc.) It is necessary to
define basic principles which would allow the broader application of new, energy efficient,
methods, especially in urban environments.
Inadequate infrastructural equipment is the resulting problem of the uncontrolled growth
and territorial expansion of cities. Since infrastructural equipment is expensive to be
established after the initial development of certain district, energy efficiency and renewable
energy sources could prove to be an important supplement to the energy distribution system.
This paper gives methodological recommendations concerning the principles of energy
efficiency and RES exploitation, for possible implementation in reconstruction of the
existing, and design of new buildings.
Positive worldwide examples are leading us to believe that these principles are possible to
establish, and that it is achievable to increase the efficiency upto 50% in respect to the
traditional design and construction methods.
Through the usage of renewable energy sources, it is possible to significantly achieve
savings in residential and water heating, lighting, production, etc. Renewable energy
sources are becoming a standard in planning and research as well as in application.
By the end of the previous, and at the beginning of the current century, an array of
conventions appeared (Agenda 21, Habitat 2, Kyoto agreement – Kyoto protocol) with the
same goal to institutionalize issues of environment devastation and initiate less obtrusive
energy sources. Ratification of such conventions meant that the planning and design
practices needed new urban plan and project implementation mechanisms in urban
environments, as well as partial public participation in all issues of significant importance.
1
dr Mila Pucar, Research Counselor, Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial
Planning of Serbia, Belgrade
Yet, it wasn’t until the Fourth ministry convention in Aarhus (Denmark) in 1998 and
ratification of the Convention on information accessibility, public participation in the
decision making and legislative in issues with environmental impact, that a significant
advance happened in enabling the public participation in all phases of planning.
Consequently, Aarhus convention determined active participation of the general public in
the fields such as energy, with special emphasize on renewable energy sources application
education.
This paper covers an array of possibilities of public participation and gives
recommendations on harmonization of the local energy legislative with the basic principles
of the Aarhus convention, especially concerning the exploitation of renewable energy
sources. The possibility of local communities’ inclusion in numerous internationally
coordinated and organized programs, with local government support and active
participation of the general public has also been covered.
Key words: energy efficiency, renewable energy sources, public participation.
INTRODUCTION
The growing consumption of fossil fuels not only carried the depletion of it’s
sources, but it caused global ecological disturbances as well. The gass pollution of
atmosphere which causes the "greenhouse effects", degradation of the ozone layer
which protects life on Earth from excessive radiation and global warming are all
problems that should concern present generations, and threaten to endanger the
future ones.
Another pressing global issue is the energy crisis that started in 1970’s as an effect
of the misbalance at the oil market. The reserves of fossil fuels (both the researched
and presumed) are limited and according to the predicitions they could become
depleted by the mid-century, depending on the actual fuel type, and this could lead
to another energy crisis.
The energy crisis followed by the ecological crisis of both local and global scales
changed the general attitude towards the level and method of resource exploitation
and considers it unsustainable nowadays. This could be backed with the information
on air and water pollution, chemical changes in the atmosphere, appearance of the
ozone holes, soil degradation, disappearance of plant and animal species, loss of
rainforests, etc.
The most important world organizations confronted these problems. Ministers of the
member nations of the International energy agency (IEA) published it’s predictions
in 2001:
• if today’s trends are continued, by the year 2020., energy consumption will
rise 60%, and mostly in developing countries;
• oil, coal and gas as well as nuclear energy will continue to dominate
worldwide, with that oil and gas will be limited to only a small number of
countries;
• most of the world population will face energy shortages.
Is it possible to solve these problems and how? How to sustain Earth and it’s life,
how to achieve energy and world trends independence, how to improve energy
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efficiency of human habitats are questions asked not only by the scientists,
professionals and politicians, but general public as well.
Teams of professionals are working on these issues through different forums, plans
and action programs. "World community tries to solve these problems through
broadest cooperation possible and with joint efforts of international organizations
which observe and research basic systems of our planet, and availability of natural
resources and sustainable development" [Round table, Banja Luka, 2001].
The future of energy and society development depends on solving the pressing
ecological problems. Efficiency, economic justification and ecology (3E) are
becoming a symbol of the new approach in solving the survival and development of
society. This definition could be broader, with the introduction of another E, which
stands for energy, and that would primarily be sustainable, or green, energy [Pucar,
2002a].
Green or renewable energy could be defined as an energy, which is exploited using
renewable sources, and its exploitation and consumption doesn’t harm the
environment. The consumption of green energy is growing worldwide, and not only
that this energy could enable local energy independence, but it does not cause gas
emissions. One of the primary goals of green energy is just that, enabling local
consumers to be independent from the primarily energy import, and secondary from
national and regional energy distribution systems [Pugliese, 2001]. Green energy is
usually acquired from local sources, located near the consumers and that makes it
convenient for private capital, which enables a balanced economic development.
Local communities are included in numerous programs which are usually
coordinated at an international level, with local government support and active
public participation. Clearly defined goals with visible, short term results are
primary motivators for the local populace. These results don’t need to be impressive,
but actions that lead to them should be carefully planned and should give impression
to all participants that something is happening and that there is no status quo
regarding the issues. Results are mainly financial advantages, generating new
workplaces, improved comfort of living and preservation of the environment.
To achieve these goals it is needed to coordinate actions between energy
distributors, national and local governments and end users. Communication between
all participants is of great importance. Local government has the key role in this
since they are close to the populace, and could easily spread information and
knowledge among them. If this is done properly, the general public could easily
become a powerful ally in green energy promotion efforts. Positive climate creates
prerequisites for the green energy investments [Pucar, 2002b].
There are possible solutions, and they can be divided in several categories:
• planning and controlling the energy regarding the issues of renewable
development, renewable city and renewable architecture;
• local legislative, standard and technical adjustment with international and
primarily European standards;
• public participation;
• energy efficient planning, design,reconstruction and exploitation;
• application of bioclimatic principles in design;

• application of new and renewable energy sources in design (NRES);
• definition of different pilot projects.
ENERGY PLANNING AND CONTROL

Energy planning and control is a prerequisite for its rational exploitation and
consumption. Energy, it’s planning, exploitation and consumption are among the
most complex disciplines that require integral planning with participation of
professional teams from different fields of expertise.
Long term energy savings could be acquired only if there is a close coordination
between policies of rational exploitation and consumption and spatial planning.
These fields, energy exploitation and distribution and spatial planning should be
especially closely connected.
The first step in identification of the present state is the definition of work
methodologies. The next step is the energy development strategy, establishment of
policies and methods of energy control [Pucar, 2005].
Planning should facilitate prerequisites for the efficient consumption of energy in
different settlement types and should minimize the transport and distribution costs.
Characteristics of existing and reconstructed building fund should define optimal
types of energy distribution.
It is necessary to perform detailed research and assessment of different existing
heating systems on the city level, in the context of quantitative and ecological
aspects and to optimize their specific characteristics concerning the settlement and
resources. Good layout and grouping of objects could further lower the heat losses.
It is necessary to categorize the energy needs for heating according to the
requirements of different building types. By using the operational research methods
it is possible to [Pucar, Pajevic, Jovanovic, 1994]:
• establish typology of settlement and energy distribution system structure;
• define a system of heat distribution which is best suited for a given settlement;
• identify types of settlements for the overall building fund;
for each settlement type, and each system of heat distribution [Pucar, Pajević,
Jovanović, 1994].
In order to analyze different settlement types, it is primarily needed to form a
database for each settlement type using the model studies. This database should be
performed for several characteristic cases (one individual, one collective, one mixed,
one old city center, etc.). This would lead to determination of a unified methodology
for energy analysis of objects.
It is necessary to improve the existing and further develop the system of central
heating, development of gas lines which would enable the substitution of electrical
energy, stimulation of energy efficient appliances, etc.
Energy, it’s planning, exploitation and consumption are among the most complex
disciplines which require integral planning with participation of professional teams
251
from different fields of expertise whose work would need to be connected with an
unified program and who would work under a unified methodology. This
methodology should be nationally unified, but with the preservation of regional
differences and specifics which would complement the mentioned, unified, program
[Pucar, Pajević, 1994].
It is necessary to coordinate the decision making processes on local government
level in fields of urban planning, residential urban development, energy
consumption in building making, preservation of the environment and resources, etc.
COORDINATION OF LEGISLATIVE, STANDARD AND TECHNICAL

REQUIREMENTS WITH THE INTERNATIONAL ONES
Serbia will need to adjust its legislation to European Union requirements.
Projects concerning the energy efficiency and renewable energy are gaining in
importance, and the results of such programs should present a significant
improvement regarding the GHG emissions in the following decades. As by Kyoto
Protocol, GHG emissions should be average 5.2% lower in 2012 than they were in
1990. On September 24th 2007, the Serbian Government ratified, the "Law on
acknowledging the Kyoto Protocol, and the Framework convention of the United
nations on climate changes" and it is published in the Official Gazette 88/07.
To facilitate energy as an all around wealth with long term consequences on the
environment, it is necessary to recognize appropriate legislative framework, as well
as appropriate reimbursement means, with stimulations through tax and other
relieves to further raise awareness of the importance of renewable energy sources
and make them an integral part of human life. This is why a special care is devoted
to education, improvement, legislative and regulative systems. These systems need
continued adjustments for the technological advancements.
It is necessary to regulate planning and consumption of energy on a regional level,
ensuring that all representatives of local governments have a contingency,
distribution and exploitation plans for their regions. These regulations should
provide joint coordination of different plans, and create a fertile breeding ground for
local involvement in the energy exploitation processes. Plans should be adjusted to
specific requirements of individual cities, rural areas and industries.
International conventions and agreements

The second half of the XX century brought an array of problems regarding the
environment. Since the pressure from ecological organizations and other interest
groups in this field was intensified, it was necessary to institutionalize these
problems, and give them strategic and legislative frameworks. Formulating and
ratifying conventions, like AGENDA 21 in Rio de Janeiro (1992.) and HABITAT 2,
and Kyoto Protocol had, at the time, an aim to institutionalize radical opinions of
ecologic groups, which strived towards prevention of the environmental devastation,
for which the fossil fuels were partially responsible. Taking into consideration that
the concept of sustainable development includes preservation and revitalization of
the environment and resources for future generations, it has become one of the
priorities for the majority of the world’s countries. Ratification of mentioned

conventions had a significant impact on the planning practice, mainly because of the
new dimension introduced into the process. This dimension is the environmental
protection, and it in turn, caused definition of new implementation mechanisms, and
partial public participations in main fields of planning and protection.
Aarhus convention – concepts and definitions

Aarhus convention achieved major advances regarding the information accessibility,
public participation in decision making processes and legislative regarding the
environmental protection and planning. This convention was defined during the
Fourth ministry convention "Environment for Europe" in 1998. (it was officially
ratified in 2001.) in Aarhus, Denmark. With this, an active role of public in social
processes became a reality in the developed world, but also a trend in transition and
post-transition states striving towards regional political and economic integrations.
Two basic international processes are built into the Aarhus convention:
• definition of universal, globally coherent, legislative norms regarding the
environmental protection (this includes the problem of energy and introduction
of renewable energy sources)
• regional activities, with emphasizes on process "Environment for Europe"
[Djordjević, Katić, 2003].
Aarhus convention regulates three basic groups of issues:
• right of access to environment and energy problems information,
• general public right to be included in the decision processes regarding the
environment,
• legal protection right in case that the above rights were disputed.
Application of public participation concepts is in sync with basic human right of
healthier environment. With this in mind, the public’s rights could be regulated
through some form of local legislative (through environmental and in this case
energy laws or sets of rules).
According to the principles of Aarhus convention, the concept of "public
participation" presumes possibilities that a single person, public groups, NGOs or
other non-institutional organizations, and industries, could gain access to
information and to state their interests and defend them through legislative defined
actions.
Public participation could prove as a valuable tool in decision making processes
which have hazardous potential on the environment and reflects on all actors
included in the process (politicians, ecologic groups, non-governmental sector, etc.).
This means that in case of the renewable energy sources, any regulation proposal
would need to gain the public participation in order to ensure the legitimacy of the
proposal. On the other hand, in the case of investors (most commonly local
government, or a person acting as delegate of a local government) it is not only
necessary to achieve the agreement of the local populace with the plan’s
253
implementation, or even the program on a national level, but also their continued
participation in all phases of planning to avoid potential conflicts.
To establish participation of all parties in the process in an easier and more
productive manner, public participation is done in several phases:
• previous education and developing consciousness regarding environmental
issues;
• public introduction to the energy strategy for a given locale and positive
ecologic consequences that these programs could have (lower electricity bills,
or, in case of bioclimatic architecture, a raise in life quality);
• public polls on proposed activities, and feelings regarding the substitution of
traditional energy sources with alternative ones;
• survey on proposed procedures and possibilities of public participation.
This type of decentralization in the organization is a prerequisite in the introduction
and active participation of local interest groups’ representatives in the decision
making processes regarding the ecology, energy and public health of certain region.
Institutionalization could, according to the Aarhus convention, be achieved by
forming the local educational info-centers.
The main factors in raising the awareness level are the possibility of access to
relevant information, and introduction of local populace with the environmental and
human rights legislative mechanisms.
Information regarding the state of environment is considered to be:
• parameters of current state of environments elements (air, atmosphere, water,
soil, biodiversity, etc.), pollution factors (energy, gas emissions, noise,
radiation, etc.);
• activities and measures (plans, programs, legal frameworks);
• economic analyses on which decisions regarding the functional assignation of
a certain area are based;
• state of health and safety of populace;
• impact of eventual changes on cultural, historical and heritage monuments,
ambient values, etc.
Aarhus convention gives a list of mandatory activities for inclusion of public in
participation for issuing the approvals. This list includes different types and levels of
decisions, ranging from urban planning, building design, special purpose building
design, etc. Convention discusses a framework for the introduction of renewable
energy sources in certain environments, and public participation in the initial phases
of the program [Durać, Todić, 2003].
PUBLIC PARTICIPATION IN DECISION MAKING PROCESSES

REGARDING THE ENERGY EFFICIENT PLANNING AND APPLICATION
OF RES
Practical application of energy and ecological efficient planning is inherently tied to
the information access and public communication on the advantages of these
methodologies of planning and design. Public should not be limited to local
populace exclusively, but other interest groups as well, like professional public,
industries and stake holders, non-governmental organizations (mostly ecological
ones) and local and regional government members.
It is important to emphasize the role of each of these interest groups:
• it is up to the scientific and professional public to point out prevailing
problems, and offer solutions, and to take part in educating all levels of
populace;
• politicians are important since through their positions, it is possible to form
legislative and financial mechanisms to solve mentioned problems;
• industries present and offer their technical solutions;
• businesses are needed to take part in these processes and to lead the
development of market in this field;
• general public as an active participant in protecting it’s interest in healthy
environment, lower energy bills, etc. in the decision making process.
Rational usage of energy should include various educational activities in forms of
seminars, symposiums, courses, professional specializations, and scholarship funds
for talented young professionals in the field for pre and post graduate studies. Main
purpose of these activities is the introduction of interdisciplinary approach to the
complex issue of energy usage and resource and environment preservation.
Energy saving education programs should be distributed to the general public. The
most efficient and appropriate way of presenting them is by means of mass media,
like TV, radio, newspapers, etc. This is why it would be favorable to include local
broadcasting stations and newspaper publishers. This could lead to series of
educational materials and shows explaining the means of energy savings, benefits
and achievements to the broad audience. This could include a wide set of subjects,
from everyday life to house building issues. These presentations should be combined
with easily understandable economic metrics. Application of these programs should
include materials such as: short movies, magazines, local newspapers, guidebooks,
posters, leaflets, brochures, building plans, and series of lectures, exhibitions,
technical consultations, etc.
Education should not only focus on the means of pollution and their aftermaths, but
should introduce preventing measures for these appearances.
Another important aspect of education is the information on positive experiences of
developed countries in the field of rational consumption of energy and ecology.
The application of renewable energy sources showed greatest efficiency on the local
level because of the fact that on the spatially greater level, these energy sources
couldn’t compete with traditional sources and their systems. Consequently, the
governments of many European countries started programs with the aim to introduce
and educate local populace with advantages of non conventional energy sources
[Kohler, 2001].
These programs are always organized in several levels – research studies,
application of smaller projects, public education in the field of energy extraction
from renewable sources, etc. but also in-situ research, surveys and prediction and
255
measurement of energy potential of a given territory, which is a necessity for
ensuing a program.
These processes included a large number of interest groups, from local government,
investors and ecological organizations, which played an important role in the public
education, and problem actualizing. Pluralism of interests and formation of interest
groups in the introduction of renewable energy sources created a need for objective
and affinity definition among the members of local communities because they are an
important driving force behind the initiatives.
The process of active participation of populace is organized in the preliminary
phases of planning and mostly implies the socio-demographic approach, as advised
by the Aarhus convention. Prior to the application of these programs it is necessary
to , extensively educate the populace on the advantages of these programs (lower
energy and heating bills, compensation of energy sources, life quality
improvements, environment preservation, etc.) by means of public informing and
local education (this could be organized with the local government facilities, or
educational institutions), brochures, and other mentioned methods.
In the past ten years, a special part of the reeducation program in European countries
was enabling the active participation of female public in programs and education in
lines with the work on renewable energy sources application [Nenković, Pucar,
2003]. The reason being that the majority of work capable female population is not
active and this could be changed through the application of the programs. Although
this process is applied on a local level, it is important to emphasize that it is a part of
clearly defined national energy distribution strategy. With this, European countries
facilitated, again, according to the Aarhus convention recommendations, equal
access to the renewable energy for their citizens. One of the important issues is the
inclusion of female gender populace in programs of promotion and implementation
of renewable energy sources, because in rural areas they represent main consumers
(in households, agrarian production, etc.). Introducing women with other means for
acquiring the energy can have positive socio-cultural implications on the overall
populace regarding the program’s acceptance [Nenković, Pucar, 2003]. This is
especially important in economically undeveloped countries.
Another positive impact inherent to the renewable energy sources is that their
introduction enables new job places, and raises local employment level and thus the
standard. Considering that one of the primary means of evaluation of public
opinions is through surveys and polls, and that such methods require previous, even
minimal knowledge on the subject, it is necessary to conduct education phase prior
to the survey.
The evident results from EU represent that the local populace shows initial skepticism
and lack of willingness to substitute traditional energy sources (coal, wood) with
renewable ones, mainly because they treat them as less profitable. These results are
primarily caused by total lack of, or insufficient/ inadequate education and one of the
main points that speak in favor of RES is the comparative advantage they have over
the traditional ones. Further, since the application of such programs represent a
considerable investment, not only important for the local community, but for the
overall view of the national energy, it is necessary to standardize programs of

introduction and exploitation of renewable energy sources [Pucar, Nenković, 2003].
Clause 7 of the Aarhus convention commits government to enable the effective
participation of public in the planning, program and policy procedures. Questions of
public participation and conflict of interest among the target groups would be
ensured primarily with the inclusion of these groups (or their representatives) in all
phases of the program. It is specially noted that there is a need to include non-
governmental organizations with missions in ecology, because these organizations
proved to be the main initiators of development programs in European Union.
APPLICATION OF ENERGY EFFICIENCY PRINCIPLES IN URBAN

PLANNING
Concepts of urban planning based on energy principles imply more rational and
efficient energy wise cities than the ones we live in today. Planning at any level
needs to have a human, ecological and energy efficient component and currently not
many cities have that.
Usage of structural landscape and the structure of singular buildings have a large
influence on the rational consumption of energy. Careful design of buildings,
settlements and urban structures can significantly contribute to energy savings,
provided that the appropriate, multidisciplinary studies are conducted [Pucar, 1989].
When we speak of energy efficiency in planning and application, there are several
levels that need to be mentioned:
• energy efficiency in spatial, regional and urban plans;
• energy efficiency in building design;
• energy efficiency in building and exploitation, etc.
To achieve energy efficient plans on mentioned levels is not only the matter of
planning and implementation. There are large and unused potential for rational
energy consumption in the field of structural engineering. World experiences are
contributing to this thesis. The consumption in Denmark, lowered for 40%, only by
savings, without the investments into new facilities [Roth, 1990]. It is better to
invest into measures that imply energy savings, than to invest into new production
and facilities. Besides the fact that these measures are economically substantiated,
they save resources, influence environment saving and improve the quality of life.
Architects – planners, urban specialists and designers, can do a lot to help lower the
inefficient consumption of traditional energy resources, because this natural wealth
is limited. Mistakes conducted in the planning and building phases of city or city
district structuring are almost irrepairable. If a building is incorrectly designed, from
the energy point of view, or is wrongly oriented, so that daily rooms are pointed
toward the north, and auxiliary toward south, a great mistake has happened, and it
would take considerable effort in redesign and reconstruction to repair this. A
building could be isolated, reconstructed, etc. but if the city district has been
inefficiently planned, there is almost nothing that can be done about it. This does not
mean that single building is not important, especially if it is an important facility,
and a high consumer of energy [Pucar, 2005b].
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Energy savings reconstruction
Considering the fact that in the exploitation phase, around 80% of the energy needed
for the production, building and exploitation of buildings is consumed, one of the
most important tasks in urban planning is the readjustment and reconstruction of
districts, and improving the thermal isolation.
There are methods to lower the energy consumption in old buildings, which use a lot
of currently unnecessary energy for heating and cooling. Building reconstruction is
based on the application of renewable energy sources and thus raising the energy
efficiency.
During the planning of the reconstruction programs, with an aim to improve the
thermal protection, the preference should be primarily on the broader city center.
These buildings are more cost-effective because they provide better energy savings
per unit of investments, the reason being that they are usually built according to the
thermal isolation standards, which actually is not the case with small single family
houses in suburban and rural communities of low density.
The energy efficient building design implies not only energy optimization, but
comfort optimization as well. If these measures of rational energy consumption are
to be applied to new buildings, 2% more should be saved annually than in the old
buildings. This is why it is important to invest into adaptation and reconstruction of
existing building fund as well.
Typology of settlement structure and energy consumption aspect

Cities are divisible into following groups: metropolis, medium size cities, small
cities and satellite cities.
To identify settlement types inside the city, it is possible to divide the city territory
into districts: city center, the first and (depending on the size of the city) second
zone. The next step is the statistical correlation of different types of settlements and
identification of the overall building fund by taking samples. City territory could
further, be divided into two main groups of classification systems, and that is the
existing building fund group (capable for reconstruction) and the newly designed
urban structures.
Following subgroups could be identified inside of the existing building fund
[2002c]:
Residential buildings from 50’s and 60’s - These settlements are the most
inefficient. In the time they were built, energy didn’t appear as an economic
problem. Considering the low rent, it is hard to finance larger projects of
modernization and reconstruction. It would have been an interesting issue to analyse
the new situation, when most of the apartments is privately owned, and when the
standard is low. Motivation and economic possibilities of inhabitants for these
reconstructions and heat isolation is probably minimal.
Existing residential areas, which are located in old city cores – City districts where
there is no centralized heating system, as well as possibility for local heating and are
possibly convenient for reconstruction and heat isolation because they primarily use
individual installations, consuming large amounts of energy. These city districts

contain many large companies that could participate with a significant amount in the
investments.
New residential areas – These areas are most convenient for the application of
energy savings strategy. If these projects are processed as urban, and then
architectural, for new districts and buildings, there is a possibility for achievement of
very high efficiency, lower energy consumption for heating and cooling, and
preserve comfort and the environment. These methods are applicable in high density
residential districts and individual housing districts. Heat isolation standards need to
be coordinated with the designed heat distribution system.
International experiences
International community initiated and applied many actions in this field for the past 20
years. These actions had a goal of stimulating the participation and cooperation of the
United Nations members in solving these problems as prerequisites for the sustainable
development. IT support has been considerable to achieve maximum possible data
validity; this data is used as a base for conception, policies and operational programs
on the international level [East-West Energy Efficiency, 2006].
Rational energy consumption planned actions were the widest and the best organized
in Scandinavian countries, where they gave the greatest results. Sweden lowered its
dependence on the important oil for one half since 1978, and its consumption in
buildings for 25%.
Special attention focuses on education. The most active are the different agencies of
the United Nations, and specially Organization for education and science –
UNESCO. Numerous international courses and seminars are organized by regional
organizations and institutions, which stands as coordinators and focus points for
individual regions.
Energy is also one of the priorities of ECE, and therefore, every third project is, in
some way, connected to the questions of energy production and consumption.
Energy commission has two prioritized areas of interest: sustainable development
and economic development of EU members in Central and East Europe. Energy
efficiency is a subject to several task groups. Development programs of the Cities of
Europe Commission (CEC) in the past decade, achieved several important changes
in priorities of research, and passive solar energy solutions are given more and more
attention. Reason for this is the fact that some of the solar technologies achieved the
phase of economic suitability. Added to this, solar energy can improve thermal and
visual comfort.
Solar settlement Licovrisi, Athens

Architect: Alessandro Tombasis
Solar settlement Licovrisi is located on 7ha, near the Athens. Density of the
settlement is 220 inhabitants/ha. The famous Greek architect Alessandro Tombasis
designed it. It has 435 housing units, and is built as a joint venture of the
governments of Germany and Greece. Common goal of this project is lowering the
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heating energy and cooling for around 65%. The heating needs are lowered by
appropriate architectural and urban measures, as well as by the application of
passive solar energy at one side, and optimization of unconventional active systems
on the other.
The settlement has two groups of buildings where one uses active and the other uses
passive solar elements, like glasshouses, Tromb’s walls, etc.
Picture 1: Solar settlement Licovrisi, Athens,

a) Urban solution, b) Passive solar buildings
Communal apartment heating system is provided. There is an array of tubular solar

collectors on tallest buildings and it can heat water up to 90oC. This water is then
stored in 500 m3 reservoir. Water heated to the max temperature in September can
heat till February, when its temperature drops to 35oC. This settlement is of social
character, whose inhabitants are families with many children, who pay lower rents,
but they pay their energy bills in full, to be motivated to save energy. Energy loss is
daily monitored with special instruments (a combination of thermometer and flow
meter). Each building has a special reservoir for hot water and an electric heater for
usage during the winter months.
Results observed in this settlement are used during the selection and optimization of
passive and active solar systems and project co-financed by the Greek government.
Shanghai example, Lu Jia Zui

Arch. Richard Rogers
Richard Rogers and his team applied it at the Shanghai urban solution contest.
Shanghai is located at an elbow of the river Huang Po. His solution was based on the
concept of integral planning, in which he included energy problems, water supply
and waste treatment. This project applied principles of sustainable compact city.
Solution concept implies polycentric sustainable development planned for 500 000
people, housed in the ring with 6 neighboring units, around the central park. Units
are around 10 min walk away from each other, and connected with light rail
transport.
New part of the city is designed so that it can facilitate a maximum of daylight and
reduce the needs for artificial lighting. Computer modeling produces an efficient
energy consumption plan during 24 hours,365 days. The effect of these measures on
consumption has been measured.
Picture 2: Integral planning concept, Shanghai, arch. Richard Rogers with his team
Less car travel was predicted (60% lower), and higher usage of public transport.
Lower number of vehicles means lower pollution, better air quality and better
conditions for natural ventilation of buildings. A network of pedestrian and bicycle
tracks was planned.
It has been predicted that, the overall amount of energy consumption could be
lowered for 80% with all these measures.
The Shanghai mayor and jury members were not interested in this vision, so a
traditional concept of market driven non-sustainable city, whose priority is
facilitation and development of economic surrounding, which would allow each of
the 7 million bicycle drivers to posses a car, was accepted. The accepted solution is
similar to Fritz Lang’s "Metropolis", with highway networks which connect blocks
with skyscrapers.
Trade center, Toronto
Arch. Santiago Calatrava
The architect Santiago Calatrava received the award at the "by invitation only"
contest for the concept of square and gallery in Toronto. The goal of the contest was
to create a quiet pedestrian zone, protected from surrounding busy streets, and with
different microclimatic conditions.
Although it wasn’t designed as an element of energy efficiency in a building block,
this solution is worth mentioning because it closes an entire block in the primary city
core, in the historical center of Toronto. The block, where the glassed square and the
gallery are located, is mostly consisted of XIX century business buildings, modern
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business buildings, trade center and is connected to the subway station. In this way,
a tranquil pedestrian space is created, protected from noise of adjoining streets, with
mild climatic conditions, which was a basic condition of the contest.
Picture 3: Trade center, Toronto, arch. Santiago Calatrava

Glass covered passage cuts through the block of around 22.000m2, connecting the
lower segments of buildings and creating closed pedestrian zone, a promenade, with
numerous different contents. Gallery is around 106m long, 27m high and 14m wide
and is an alley of white, skewed pillars which branch at the height of 7m and then at
16m, connected with arcs and beams in lacelike latticework, and covered in curved
glass.
Gallery is designed as a standalone construction, but pillars are connected to the
buildings behind them. At the end of the gallery, there is a 30 x 30m square. Ceiling
is carried by 12 peripheral pillars, which are also twice branched, forming a
branched and glassed structure. Interior facades of all the different buildings were
covered with new facades: aluminum construction with double glass, to achieve the
unique look and feel of the square’s interior.
Gallery and square windows can be opened, and air circulation is enabled through
the devices laying on the concrete construction that carries new building facades.
Considering the climate conditions, high density of tall buildings around the square
and gallery and the structure of the object, there were no needs for additional shades,
for sun protection.
Lievre d’Or settlement, Dreux, France, reconstruction

Arch. M. Perinić and D. Perinić
Lievre d′Or settlement is built in the period of two years, between 1965 and 1967 in
the city of Dreux in northern France. Thanks to the development of car and electro
industry, population doubled during the sixties and seventies, which lead to frequent
change of the settlement’s inhabitants and rapid devastation of the district and
buildings [Achard P, Gicquel R. 1986].
District had 593 apartments in 19 residential buildings which ranged in size from
P+4 to P+8 stories. Urban solution is a classic example of the practice in the 50s and
60s, and it was built during the quick rise of population in this industrial region.
Total size of this area is around 11 ha [Project Monitor, 1988].
Picture 4: Beginning of the reconstructions at Lievre D’Or
Main problems which initiated the reconstruction and revitalization of this district
were obvious deterioration of the building fund and low social conditions.
Considering that the mentioned settlement is in the zone outside the city center,
façade vandalism was high. Energy consumption and distribution costs were high,
because of low quality design and bad orientation of buildings.
To keep the inhabitants in the district, and avoid creation of slums near the city
center, city organized an architectural contest for the best reconstruction solution of
the mentioned district, with conditions such as improvements of the quality of life,
lower energy consumption and heating bills, and more appropriate image of the
whole district.
According to the winning design of the architects M. Perinić and D. Perinić, district
reconstruction was facilitated without temporary reallocation of inhabitants and it
contained an application of several different architectural elements like glass houses,
balconies, widening, new windows, different coloring patterns, etc. Building
entrances were highlighted, and apartments on the ground level got gardens. This
project was facilitated with a goal to improve existing building fund, solve
architectural and urban problems, improve the comfort and energy performances,
lower heating price and improve visual impression.
Energy aspect received special attention. A large number of passive solar systems
were used, and whole arrays of different saving methods were applied. With this,
energy consumption was lowered by 50%. Some of these measures are:
• building of independent structures on the south sides of buildings, designed as
widening of sitting rooms or glass houses, apart from rising the size of
apartments, serve as passive solar systems;
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• newly built structures are as independent from the existing structure built on
new foundations;
• southern walls, without windows, are converted into Tromb’s walls;
• all walls and roofs have improved thermo isolation;
• windows have double vacuumed glass, and improved sealants;
• bigger southern rooms and bigger windows.
Installed solar systems, windows, glasshouses, Tromb’s walls are completely passive
system.
Picture 5: South façade
After the reconstruction, a monitoring and acquisition of a large number of

parameters started, and existed for several years. These parameters were, from
inhabitant behavior, to installed systems. All inhabitants were satisfied with the
reconstruction, as well as the method of application. This is especially true with
inhabitants who got glasshouse garden, Energy consumption is lowered for about
50%, with 20% from solar gains, and 28% because of better isolation and new
windows.
APPLICATION OF BIOCLIMATIC PRINCIPLES IN PLANNING AND

DESIGN
The architecture and urbanism have solutions to these problems, if not completely,
then to some significant extent. One of them is the application of bioclimatic
principles in planning and design.
Bioclimatic houses, apart from energy saving, create a more balanced relationship
between human and his surroundings. As stated, bioclimatic elements in planning
and design significantly lower the usage of conventional energy.
Bioclimatic architecture is not a new style or direction in the architectural trends of
XX century. This concept takes into consideration the global method of solving the
basic question of human existence, the habitat. Integration of house with it’s
surrounding and natural energy flows, their usage for comfort without misbalance in
the environment, are some of the goals of bioclimatic architecture. Bioclimatic
architecture is a concept of design and facilitation in a building aiming to become an
integral part of the environment. [Pucar, 2006].
During the long period of cheap fuel, many objects were built without much in their
performances of the surrounding environment. What was already known to the
vernacular architects, we will have to learn again, to build houses which are
appropriate to the environment. Like a plant in a dark corner which reacts to light,
bioclimatic building is adapted to location and climate. Bioclimatic concept is an all
comprising philosophy of design.
Picture 6: Success stories: examples of bioclimatic planning and design a) UNESCO Center,
Vessima, Italy, arch. R.Piano (upper left), b) Residential settlement, Sevilla, Spain, arch.
P.A. Sotomazor, A.D. Dominguey, J.L Asiain (lower left), c) Solar City, Linz-Pichling,
Austria, arch. N. Foster, T. Herzog, R. Rogers (right)
Bioclimatic planning is a concept in planning (spatial, regional, urban and rural)

which integrates location, climate, tradition, customs and many other factors and
characteristics of a certain planned environment. An important step in planning is
the research of climate/microclimate and the environment (natural and artificial) on
the energy consumption [Pucar, Pajević, Jovanović, 19944]. Bioclimatic elements
important in the location planning are:
• climate factors;
• shape of location;
• configuration;
• orientation;
• wind exposedness;
• vegetation;
• relations between individual buildings;
• terrain organization plan and nivelation plan;
• quantity and quality of daylight;
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• pollution and air quality;
• infrastructure.
An important element of bioclimatic architecture is the climate in a broadest sense
and most importantly the most optimal usage of its advantages, out of which,
insolation (incoming solar radiation) is the one of primary interest for planning and
design. Insolation level can be considered as the most important element of a certain
location, because it dictates the proper orientation of a house and its rooms. That is a
first condition for a house to be named bioclimatic or solar. Microclimate of the each
location, which comprises daily and seasonal temperature changes, moisture and air
masses movements and rainfalls are all significant properties of the energy balance
of each habitat.
Solar energy consumption is possible in all types of architectural objects. Solar
architecture is based on the return to nature and finding its balance and laws.
Application of solar energy is feasible both ecologically and economically, because
everyday’s insolation brings a vast amount of energy which is to be rationally
exploited. Bioclimatic and solar houses are designed around the principle that there
should be as much absorption of solar energy as possible in cold weather, to
accumulate it and minimize its dissipation as much as possible, and on the other
hand, to protect it from overheating in the summer.
APPLICATION OF RENEWABLE ENERGY SOURCES

Fossil fuel limits, threats coming from the nuclear waste and pollution are all
threatening to endanger the life on Earth. This is why it is important, more than ever,
to rationally use energy and renewable energy sources.
The goal of energy policies should be to maximize domestic energy sources,
minimize import, and lower the pollution. Renewable energy sources satisfy all three
of these conditions. The most important renewable energy sources are: solar energy,
biomass energy, waste heat and waste resources, wave energy, tidal energy, heat
pumps, small hydro-power plants, etc.
Each one of these sources has its specifics and conditions in which their usage is
economically justified.
Solar energy – is probably the most researched renewable energy and its technology
has developed fast. Facilitating the solar gain is one of the most important aspects of
object planning. In this context it is necessary to perform urban zoning and heat
zoning of buildings, facilitate regulations on height, density and distances between
buildings.
An important advantage of solar energy usage in residential districts is that it is
convenient for individual buildings which could lead to the lower traditional energy
source consumption in low density districts. Application of low-temperature
distance heating based on solar energy should be connected to regulative and
incentive measures for improvements in heat isolation in buildings.
Picture 7: Application of solar energy – passive and active systems

Wind energy – harnessing wind as a renewable energy source involves converting
the power within a moving air mass (wind) into rotating shaft power.
Wind turbines installed on pillars are used for gaining the energy of wind. As the
wind energy depends on altitude, it is the height of a pillar that determines the
outcome characteristics. With greater height of the wind turbine base, more energy
can be encompassed and therefore the generator can be put on height that goes up to
70m. When the vertical distribution of wind intensity for a certain location is well
known, then lifting of the wind turbines up may be economically justified. The
problems which may occur when such devices are installed regard noise and visual
impact to the surroundings. Because there is a fluctuation in the speed of wind, a
special consideration should be paid to integration of this type of energy into the
electric energy system.
Before considering the installation of a wind turbine, the potential site should be
assessed for the available wind resource.
Picture 8: Application of wind energy
Geothermal energy – is already in use in the countries which have conditions for
such applications. In our country, research regarding the application of this energy is
in its late phase. Geothermal energy production is limited to certain locations and
demands actions concentration, so that it could be used in glasshouses and silos in
agriculture.
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Biomass – Biomass represents one of the major RES for the future because of its
huge potential, economic turnover and positive environmental impact. Some
research suggests that the biomass will cover 38% of all energy fuel needs, and
approximately 17% of the electric energy needs by the year 2025.
Burning of straw, corn or wood residues will become even more important as a part
of the concept for energy supply in rural areas.
Picture 9: Biomass energy extraction machine
Biogas and biodiesel – agricultural waste and most importantly manure, can be
transformed into gas and high quality manure in biogas facilities. Biogas could then
be used in a manner similar to natural gas, in facilities of local heat systems.
Global transport is responsible for the 25% of emissions of CO2, and 75% of acid
substances. This is why there is a rising tendency of switching toward the ecological
fuels, one of which is the biodiesel, which can be produced from plants and recycled
household vegetable oil. Mass production of biodiesel is already happening, and this
fuel is more and more accepted among the car manufacturers. In 1993 it has been
concluded that biodiesel lowers the GHG emissions for at least 3,2 kg of CO2
equivalent, per kilogram of biodiesel. These results are improved today, because of
advances in biodiesel manufacturing technology. Biodiesel is low in toxic
substances, and highly biodegradable, which lowers the threat of it’s spillage on
local flora and fauna.
Research in the field began in the early 1980’s because of the need for the affordable
and low health risk source of liquid fuel.
Small hydro-power plants – Favorable conditions for hydro energy production are:
certain river speed, the rainfall level, as well as the accumulation of water in form of
snow or ice during a longer period of the year. Hydro-potential can be used for the
purposes of agriculture, watering, regulation of currents, etc. Hydro energy that is
transformed into electric energy is produced by means of running water or water in
fall.
Picture 10: Production of electric energy from hydro-potential through history
Heat pumps – demand an access to the appropriate local energy source, and create
low-temperature energy into the high-temperature energy. In many installations the
produced energy is 2 to 4 times higher that power used to operate heat pump.
Picture 11: Heat pump operation principles
Waste heat and waste resources – Usage of waste heat for heating is efficient,
because it uses energy, which would normally be lost to the atmosphere.
Waste heat from industrial processes and energy acquired from waste resources, like
recyclables are some of the most affordable alternative energy sources. In this
moment it is hard to find a waste dump location not only because of the ecological
issues, but because of the spatial aspects as well. There are an increasing number of
countries which solve these problems by waste burning. Waste burning facility
location should facilitate economical waste collection, minimize negative ecological
effects on the environment, and enable optimal distribution and usage of the energy
product.
Combined efforts of solar energy and waste heat gave many good results, because
solar energy is the most efficient during summers and waste heat is the most
efficient in cold and cloudy weather.
Advantages of renewable energy
New and renewable energy sources are playing an important role in plans and
strategies for prevention of climate changes, considering the fact that they produce
negligible amounts of GHG (Greenhouse Gas - GHG) (depending on the source and
method of production).
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Advantages of RES are, among others: they are based on local, domestic sources;
they positively influence the lowering of the energy import and pollution. This is an
affordable energy, it contributes to the sustainable development of food chain and
improvement of economic and life parameter standards. Usage of these energies has
long term consequences on the population, especially considering the standard and
life quality. Production of such energies implicates the rise of job opportunities, and
world experiences confirm that they are also positive in keeping the village populace
from fluctuating into cities.
RES are unavoidable factors of both plans and researches and applications. Today
there are numerous RES implementation instruments, like commercial mechanisms,
and similar.
Apart from lowering the gas emissions, renewable energy could facilitate energy
independence. It allows independence to nations, local communities and individual
people from central distribution networks and large energy systems, and thus
improves decentralization of local communities.
Significant attention should be paid to the availability of natural resources on a
certain locale, and especially sun, wind and geothermal energy which should be the
most insisted on RES.
International examples
The idea of involving the local people in the process of decision-making, in
application, or even in investment in projects that support green energy use is very
much present in the developed countries. There are numerous examples from
Denmark, Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Australia, etc. The application of RES in
the developed countries is primarily coming from various governmental
interventions, which raises their concurrencies. Many states, including USA and
Australia are offering tax and investment benefits as subventions to credits, which is
an important incentive for development of green energy and new technologies
[Mountain-International Year of Mountains, 2002].
Village communities in Switzerland are probably the best example of the sustainable
development and the local population inclusion in the process of decision-making
(19). The process which is globally present and which involves the population move
from mountains to lowlands or towns that offer better living conditions, also used to
be typical in the Swiss mountain regions. In order to prevent such process and to
safeguard famous Swiss tradition, certain actions towards finding a better solution
for improvement of the quality of living in the mountains have been conducted in
joint participation of the people in mountains and lowlands. The result of this is a
policy, which made the Swiss mountains among the most developed regions of the
world. The key elements of this policy were:
• mountain communities have been enabled to decide on certain elements of
their regional development and the local resources use;
• national subsidies for agriculture and other forms of mountain development
have been provided;
• health protection and education have been improved;
• the largest part of a profit from tourism has been at the local population’s
disposal.
In the Upper Austria, several villages organized activities for the use of RES. These
projects are special because they involved public interest and public participation in
the local community process. This region covers 11 980 km2, and is inhabited by
1.4 million people. Regional energy actions plan was planned for the five year
period, from 1994 to 1999. Goal was to lower the heating energy consumption for
33% in the new and reconstructed buildings, lower the specific energy consumption
for 2% on annual level and to adapt 30% of installations to the renewable energy
sources. 2010 Plan predicts:
• the doubling of biomass usage;
• installation of million m2 of solar collectors;
• raise in the energy efficiency in the industries for 10%;
• 20% reduction of energy consumption on heating and hot water;
• 30 new companies for green energy production and energy efficiency;
• 1500 new workplaces;
• 15 new research and development and demonstration projects per year.
Eberschwang is a village with population of 350 in the northwestern part of the
Upper Austria where the first wind park of the region is located. Project’s most
interesting feature is its inclusion of local populace. Almost half of the overall costs
of the wind park came from the inhabitants of Eberschwang, either by means of
bond purchases or giving credits. An action with the possiblity to buy bonds for
children, called "for a greener future" existed as well.
Local government found numerous ways of incorporating populace’s actions in the
project. There was a photo competition on the best photo of the wind park,
competition for schoolchildren in naming the wind turbines. These actions resulted
in increasing the feeling that this wind park was a true integral part of their
community and because of that, project had a broad support and no objections.
Frankenmarkt distant heating system is an excellent example how local initiative can
positively affect the development of the region. Cooperation between the villagers
and the local business started in 1996 and after two years of intensive planning,
facility began operation. Biomass enabled villagers to sell their less valuable
products. Total investments in the facility (including the heating network) were 62,6
million Austrian schillings, or 4.5 million euros and because of the care that went
into the planning and calculation, facility is now profitable. Network of 9.6km in
length supports 142 consumers, consisted of households, public institutions and
industries.
Small municipality of Laussa is one of the remarkable examples of the achievements
gained through local initiative. Laussa is located in the rural area of Upper Austria,
at 1000 meters above ground, it has a population of around 1400 out of which more
than 100 are farmers. It all started with foundation of a private association in 1994
(‘Verean Laussa 2000- Tradition und Zukunft’), through which a group of activists
tried to find the sources for sustainable regional development. Starting with the
‘DIY’ solar collector, later on more than 1400 m2 solar collectors have been
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installed, what equals 1 m2/inhabitant. This was probably the largest penetration of
the solar collectors to the European market, and maybe even globally. Besides
setting up a significant number of heating installations, which use wood residues and
briquettes, small hydro powers, PV installations and wind parks, it achieved 100%
supply by RES.
Picture 12: Laussa, Upper Austria

Village communities in Bavaria, South Germany, are using a combination of solar
energy and biomass for heating, production and transport. There are parallel
programs for sustainable agriculture, wood-keeping and local economy, and
program for lower CO2 emissions, to 1000 tons less a year [Fischer, 2003].
Grosenheim village is in the wood covered hills, some 15km from the baroque city
of Viersburgh. Grosenheim is an independent community ruled by 12
representatives, headed by the president and Agenda 21 board.
Local population is motivated to participate in numerous energy saving and
environmental programs. More then 30 entrepreneurs participated in the workshops,
meetings and discussions on topics such as water (drinking water, waste water and
surface water), housing and traffic, then environment, energy, climate,
unemployment and tourism. They facilitated a group of control and management
principles, which formed a base for the village’s development. These principles rely
on the Agenda 21. Grosenheim’s motto is: ″Mitdenken − Mitreden − Mitgestalten″,
or "cooperate in considerations - participate in discussions – make things happen".
One of the energy sources for distant heating of around 30 houses and electrical
energy production is the natural oil. The heart of this system is an adapted diesel
motor, which uses cold pressed seed of turnip. Main advantage of cold pressed plant
oils is their efficiency. Another advantage is that this biofuel grows at fields around
Grosenheim. Facilities’ uptime is 7000 working hours per year, and uses around
90000 liters for 85ha. Turnip seed is, contrary to fossil fuel, a renewable energy
source, which requires minimal processing. Oil produced in this way is not toxic,
has no sulphur, and it is easy to storage and transport. In the case of malfunction,
biodegradation can be prevented without the danger for underground waters. Even
so, any phase of the production could easily be reverted into the natural cycle. This
fuel only needs local transport investment, while the production cycle investment
stays inside the community.
Picture 13: Grosenheim,Upper Austria
A part of public institutions, like church, local government, kindergarten, school and
communal objects are heated using the wood scrap that are created by the
maintenance and consumption of public and private property of woods in the region.
Heated water, of 85oC is distributed to consumers according to the heat network in
isolated tubes.
Idea of using the biomass for heating was an answer to contemporary demands
regarding the climate change and fall of the agricultural production. Farmers and
wood-keepers used that opportunity to gain profits. Biomass heating acquired from
local sources contributed to the stable development of agriculture and lowered the
CO2 emissions.
The next program to be undertaken with inclusion of the local populace is building
of the energy efficient buildings (EEB). EEBs in Germany use one third less in
heating than conventional housing built according to the valid German regulations.
Low-energy houses in Grosenheim went a step further, saving up to two thirds of the
annual needs for heating.
The president of Grosenheim led by the idea to give good example of the principles
of sustainability modified the engine of his car for locally produced cold pressed bio
oil. This idea was accepted, and many car owners of Grosenheim modified their
diesel engines. Ten cars in Grosenheim that use this oil travel 240000 km a year,
consuming 7 to 11 liters per 100 km, depending on the type of vehicle. This means
that they consume 21,800 liters of cold pressed bio oil per year.
These initiatives demonstrate how renewable energy can be used to help the local
economy, include the populace in processes and help them to form a sense of
identity and lower the harmful impact on the environment.
273
In one of the most developed mountain regions of the world, i.e. the Rocky
Mountains of Colorado, local people are involved in programs, which support
various aspects of sustainable development [Widdekind, 2002]. The programs are
conducted in two levels: design and development of energy efficient buildings
(EEB), and the reconstruction of the existing buildings as well as the application of
the ‘green’ energy.
Programs, with the use of wind energy have been quite developed in the Colorado
state. The campaigns for developing the awareness of the local population and the
awareness of a wider community on their own energy potential locally produced and
which is at their disposal have started at the local level of certain municipalities
Programs like "Green Building" and "Building for a Livable Future" are, with
respect to certain climate differences, gaining in application.
Interesting program which facilitates higher application of green energy started in
Aspen (Colorado) under the name Renewable Energy Mitigation Program (REMP).
Idea is that high consumers should replace small part of energy acquired using fossil
fuels with green energy found in the immediate environment. If they do not have
sufficient technical assets, they could pay REMP for such needs. This money is used
to install new devices for the application of green energy in public buildings and
settlements. Wind energy programs are highly popular. Campaigns aiming to raise
the educational level on such subjects played an important role in informing the
local populace on local energy production, and means of consumption for their
purposes. [Aspen Renewable Energy Mitigation Program, 2002].
Ladakh is in the region of West Himalaya in India. The place is bordering Tibet and
Pakistan. It is a cold desert on the altitudes between 2800 and 4500 m above the sea
level. Winters are very cold there, with temperatures that often go bellow -30˚C.
Extreme coldness and dry climate made this area bare without any trees. People of
Ladakh use the manure for heating and domestic use. Ladakh population is 200.000
[Stauffer, 2002].
In the summer, from May to September, main activities of the local population are
directed toward agriculture, and composting. In the winter, because of the extreme
cold and lack of fuel, there are practically no activities. Roads are blocked from
October till May. Heating costs are very high in the households, and in the
secondary and tertiary sector, because of the mentioned colds. Families in Ladakh
spend their time in two rooms of their houses – traditional kitchens and sitting
rooms. Heating expenses are an important part of the domestic budget and is around
10%.
Women in villages, (make the fire, collect and carry firing material, clean furnaces)
perform all the work related to heating. Another issue is the smoke, which is emitted
while burning the manure in furnaces of worse state. Since the rooms are not
ventilated, the air is quite polluted, thus a number of residents suffer from lung
diseases.
Even though the temperature in the winter period is very low there, this region is
quite insolated and the solar radiation can be used as the energy for the room
heating. The quality of isolation by traditional building materials (mud, stone) is not
enough. The activities of NGOs are directed towards education of masons and
carpenters to improve the quality of buildings. Therefore, many public buildings are
heated by use of the solar energy (direct gains, glasshouse appendices) in
combination with the thermal isolation. The development of passive solar craft
centers brought to expansion of trade and improvement of people’s standard.
Schools work during the whole winter with minimal consumption of expensive fuel
and with the support from the government and local communities. Winter activities
of trade centers used to be significantly scarcer, and this is a part of the year when
people have time for shoppings. Passive solar trade centers brought higher
development of trades and rise of standard among the populace. In operating rooms
and birth centers passive solar technology is combined with floor heating to
optimize the hygienic conditions.
Solar energy, gained through application of different types of solar systems, is more
and more globally used in the mountain areas. Solar cookers are in wide use in the
mountain regions of China and India. Heating of rooms with use of solar energy
increases in the Tibet homes. In the higher regions of Bolivia where merely 20% of
the households are connected to the national electric power network and where
wood resources are scarce, the solar systems were introduced into 2.000 houses, and
are used for heating, lighting and cooking. Almost all remote airports and
telecommunication appliances in Nepal use the solar energy.
Micro hydro power stations have enough potential to stimulate economic
development of the local communities. They are reliable in terms of supply; they do
not disturb local tradition, customs or the natural ambience. These are the systems
which are based on relatively simple technology, which use the power of mountain
streams and rivers, transforming it into electric energy which meets the needs of the
local population. Micro hydro power stations are especially convenient for the
energy supply of isolated and dispersed mountain communities and for organization
and use of small water currents. This contributes to development of tourism,
agriculture, water supply and other village household’s activities. For example, in
Saleri, which is a remote village of the Nepal plateau, the micro hydro power station
system empowered the whole community by producing strong mini enterprise that
held up migration of residents towards the urban centers.
PILOT PROJECT DEFINITION

One of the measures is the formation of demonstration zones and pilot projects
which aid in the creation of atmosphere which favors entrepreneurship and market
driven approach to energy efficiency in a way similar to the urban and regional
development zones location in the developed countries. These zones demonstrate the
combined influence: energy efficiency, energy pricing policy, favorable tax
structures, consulting agencies, education campaigns, measurement, monitoring and
control, energy balances, tax relief, governmental donations and favorable crediting
policies, international technical expertise and development programs. All of the data
would be gathered in a database and used in various applications, for instance,
national level development programs or regulative and legislative corrections. The
275
final goal is to use successful examples as an application guide for a broader,
national, plan.
An example of an adequately organized demo project is the Pennilands community,
in Milton Keens, England.
Picture 14: Pennylands, Milton Keens, UK
Energy park is comprised of 177 residential objects. They are all based on the
methodologies of bioclimatic and passive solar design. Goals of this project were:
formation of adequate computer models capable of predicting influences of solar
energy on energy consumption, analyses of high isolation standard methods, energy
consumption measurements, acquiring and analyzing data on occupants’ opinions.
CONCLUSION
Climate changes, caused by human actions, will have a great impact on the global
environment, and world populace will have to face new risks and problems.
Scientific reports emphasize that the adaptation to these changes will demand
knowledge of both socio-economic and natural systems, their sensitivities and
vulnerabilities to climate changes, as well as the personal adaptation capacity.
To answer the rising demand for energy, acquired energy needs to become broader
and more diverse in it’s source from today’s conception of primarily depending on
coal and oil. This equally transcends to the problem of population rising, food and
water needs and civilization progress. It is not possible to solve these problems
without energy, which is one of the most important aspects of development.
Traditional sources will not be able to answer all these needs.
Developing countries show a trend where the energy demand rises proportionally
with rising standards,. This in turn, demands significant financial, human and
technical resources and a broad list of energy sources. According to the scientists,
these countries are the ones in greatest risk of negative repercussions of climate
change. They face numerous difficulties with global climate protection, natural
resources and the adaptation to the predicted effects of climate changes.
Based on the reviews of programs, documents, decisions and responsibilities
brought by many worldwide energy agencies and associations, and on the events and
state of our country, it can be said that the predictions are not overly optimistic, and
that there is a rise in questions of the preservations of life on earth in the near future,
much sooner than it was thought only a decade ago.
However, there are solutions. Regarding the human settlements, there are great
possibilities of rationalizing the energy consumption and lowering the greenhouse
gasses (GHG) emissions. These solutions, most usually, lie in the simple rules for
bioclimatic planning and architectural design. With the application of energy
efficiency in planning and design, the amount of energy sourced from traditional
sources is lowered, protects the environment and improves the living quality.
Sustainable urban planning, from the aspect of rational energy consumption is an
important task for planners, energy engineers, architect. This is why a concept of
energy distribution should lie in the integration of urban planning, production
planning and energy consumption.
Integral planning marks an approach to planning and design in which from the start
and location selection, professionals of different specializations and fields are
oriented towards one another, which could lead to a significant saving, environment
protection and lower the pollution. They find optimal solutions not only regarding
energy efficiency and comfort solution, but all other parameters of sustainable
design. This design concept became possible because of the object model simulation
software. This technology ensures systematic analysis of natural and artificial
energies in a given building or community in their conceptual phase.
Possibilities of energy consumption rationalization are lying in the local renewable
energy sources. Cheaper and accessible energy has long term effects on the
population, especially in the rising of standard and life quality. Application of these
technologies leads to the opening of new career opportunities and is an important
method of keeping people from leaving rural areas and going into cities.
Technologies which enable the usage of local, green energy could contribute to the
sustainable development facilitation, sustainable feeding chain and improvement of
life standard, especially in the undeveloped regions.
By giving the decision making right to local communities and with the protective
policies and practices it would be possible to ensure the right access to the
distribution of wealth (woods, waters, minerals) and to significantly lower the
poverty of local communities and contribute to the resources protection.
Persisting on energy, as an important public good with long term consequences on
the environment, must have an adequate legislative framework as well as the
277
appropriate valorization instruments, with needed stimulations through taxes and
other relief, to raise the consciousness of the need for the green energy to become an
integral part of human activities. This is why it is important to pay attention to the
education systems, legislative and regulative. All these systems must follow the
technical progress of society.
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REGIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL COHESION:

TOWARDS SEE URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
STRATEGY (RENCO)
Ivana Čarapina,
Neshad Azemovski, Sinisa Stevovic, Mihallaq Apostolovski, Marjan Saric, Lena
Bratic, Ana Jovanovic, Teodora Knez-Milojkovic, Zvezdan Moravcevic,
Aleksandra Knez-Milojkovic, Andjelka Mihajlov 1
Abstract
Problems regarding the urban sustainable development in the SEE (South Eastern
European) countries start (and finish) with the fact that urban sustainability issues are not
ranked as priorities and often not enough incorporated in policies. Ranking urban
sustainability issues (land use, energy, climate change, transport, air pollution etc.),
incorporating them in policies and addressing them as priorities would produce better
performances for urban environmen. Together with the efficient and effective
implementation of the global environmental policies and legislation at the regional-national-
local level and exchange of experiences and practice between urban areas in the region, it
will create the clear vision for sustainable urban development in the SEE region, leading to
a framework to support future urban sustainable development strategy in the region.
The purpose of this paper is to present the project Regional Environmental Cohesion:
Towards SEE Urban Sustainable Development Strategy (RENCO) which begun in July,
2007, as well as to mobilize stakeholders as interested parties to support implementation. In
addition, the paper presents the basis of the EU Urban Environment Thematic Strategy.
The project is foreseen as the tool for promotion of urban sustainability issues as the key
constituents of sustainable development vision in general, throughout the SEE region, in
order to address the need for more efficient and effective implementation of global policies
as well as for the harmonization of policies inside the participating countries/territories and
across their respective borders. The importance of the project lays in helping to develop
more sustainable society through regional environmental cooperation and partnership thus
effectively bringing the region from conflict-to-sustainable developed region and improving
the quality of life of all, especially in urban settlements.
Key words: urban sustainable development, regional partnerships/cohesion, thematic
strategy on the urban environment, inclusion of environmental issues in different sectors,
integrated approach, urban sustainability issues
1
"Environmental Ambassadors", Beograd, Serbia, "Konak", Orahovac, Kosovo
territory, "Biosfera", Bitola, Macedonia, "MOST", Zabljak, Montenegro, "Sun of
Liguenas", Korca, Albania ,"Twinning Platform/Center without borders", Sarajevo,
Bosnia and Herzegovina
BACKGROUND
The project "Regional Environmental Cohesion: Towards SEE Urban Sustainable
Development Strategy" is foreseen as the tool for promotion of urban sustainability
issues as the key constituents of sustainable development vision in general,
throughout the SEE region, in order to address the need for more efficient and
effective implementation of global policies as well as for the harmonization of
policies inside the participating countries/territories and across their respective
borders. The importance of the project lays in helping to develop more sustainable
society through regional environmental cooperation and partnership thus effectively
bringing the region from conflict-to-sustainable developed region and improving the
quality of life of all, especially in urban settlements. The active participation of
regional civil society organizations (as well as other stakeholders from different
major groups) will promote and strengthen effective networking and exchange of
experiences as part of bottom-up initiatives which are needed as a way of dealing
with current political constraints on the environmental perspective in the urban areas
of SEE region. It will also reduce the gap between the great will of the SEE
countries/territories to accede to the EU and low level of the knowledge on the
substance of the process in the environmental sector.
DEFINITIONS AND MEANINGS

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT - Sustainable development is people-centred in its
aim to improve the quality of human life and it is conservation-based in the fact that
it is conditioned by the need to respect nature's ability to provide resources and life-
support services. In this perspective, sustainable development means improving the
quality of human life while living within the carrying capacity of supporting
ecosystems.
The idea of each generation's duty to its successors is at the heart of the concept of
sustainable development and was captured by the Brundtland Commission (WCED,
1987) in its report "Our Common Future", which defined sustainable development
as "development that meets the needs of the present generation without
compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs". One of the
many definitions that followed that of the Brundtland Commission is for example,
the one that defines sustainable development as the development that satisfies three
basic conditions: (1) its rates of use of renewable resource do not exceed their rates
of regeneration; (2) its rates of use of non-renewable resources do not exceed the
rate at which sustainable renewable substitutes are developed; and (3) its rates of
pollution do not exceed the assimilative capacity of the environment (Daly, 1991).
However, sustainability is broad in concept and extends the definition beyond
environmental considerations and include issues of social equity and justice
(bringing "human face" as the condition for sustainibility).
The economic growth is also considered as highly important issue. For instance, the
"Charter of European Cities and Towns Towards Sustainability" states that the main
basis for sustainable development is "to achieve social justice, sustainable
economies, and environmental sustainability. Social justice will necessarily have to
281
be based on economic sustainability and equity, which require environmental
sustainability" (ICLEI-International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives,
1994).
Sustainable development is the main general goal for the national policies of all the
members of UN, the international policies, and has been in particular integrated into
the core of EU policies and law.
Agenda 21 proposes the following specific actions related to the national level:
− To strengthen institutional structures to allow the full integration of environmental
and development issues, at all levels of decision-making, and
− To adopt a national strategy for sustainable development.
As the follow-up World Summit for Sustainable Development Plan for Action (2002)
pointed out obligation for each country to adopt SDS (until 2005).
The EU Sustainable Development Strategy (10917/06/EC) sets out the following
overall policy guiding principles:
− Promotion and protection of fundamental rights,
− Solidarity within and between generations,
− Open and democratic society,
− Involvement of citizens,
− Involvement of businesses and social partners,
− Policy coherence and governance,
− Policy integration,
− Use of best available knowledge,
− Precautionary principle,
− Making polluters pay.
The Sustainable Development Strategy (EU Strategy, 2001) provides the broad
framework for promoting sustainable consumption and production in the EU. At
Lisbon EU leaders stated their objective of making the Union the world’s ‘most
competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy’ by 2010. The adoption of the
EU Sustainable Development Strategy in 2001 added a third environmental pillar to
the Lisbon Strategy. The need to pursue, in a balanced way, economic growth, social
improvements and environmental protection was translated into detailed objectives
and actions. The Strategy identifies six key areas: climate change, health, natural
resources, poverty and exclusion, ageing and demography, land use and mobility.
All areas are very much connected with urban sustainibility. The Sixth Community
Environment Action Programme [1600/2002/EC] calls for the adoption of policies
and approaches that contribute to the achievement of sustainable development in the
countries which are candidates for accession (‘Candidate Countries’) building on the
transposition and implementation of the acquis (see more in "Sustainable
Development and Environment towars Europe in 95+ steps", 2006). The 6EAP
complemented by seven thematic strategies with clear objectives and targets in key
areas: air quality, soil protection, sustainable use of pesticides, protection and
conservation of the marine environment, waste prevention and recycling, and
sustainable use and management of natural resources and urban environment.
URBAN SUSTAINABILITY -"Improving the quality of life in a city, including

ecological, cultural, political, institutional, social and economic components without
leaving a burden on the future generations. A burden which is the result of a reduced
natural capital and an excessive local debt. Our aim is that the flow principle, that is
based on an equilibrium of material and energy and also financial input/output, plays
a crucial role in all future decisions upon the development of urban areas."
(URBAN21 Conference, Berlin, July 2000)
For the purpose of this project2 the definition set forth by Hardoy, Mitlin and
Satterthwaite (1992) is taken in the account: "that (urban sustainability) should be
defined to include the minimisation of the use of non-renewable resources, the
achievement of the sustainable use of renewable resources, staying within the
absorptive capacity of local and global waste-absorption limits and meeting basic
human needs."
The half of the world’s population (3 billion people) lives in towns and cities. A
distinction is often drawn between major environmental threats to human life on the
planet Earth on the one hand and local concerns, which are more amenable to
balancing on the other. In this type of discussions, cities and urban regions play an
important role. Over the next quarter-century virtually all population growth will be
in urban areas in less developed countries. Cities contribute to a large extent to
global environmental problems but at the same time people living in cities are
confronted with environmental damage, pollution, health and social and economic
problems. They are prolific users of natural resources and generators of waste and
produce most of the greenhouse gases that are causing global climate change. They
often also degrade local water quality, deplete aquifers, pollute the marine
environment, pollute the air and consume the land. It is estimated that 80 percent of
global greenhouse gas emissions originate from cities. The contribution of cities to
national, regional and global environmental problems is increasing. Furthermore,
many decisions to actually implement mitigating measures, or to enhance service
delivery to citizens, are taken at the level of municipalities.
Different policies, including transport, land use, regulatory, investment, fiscal and
pricing policies to improve the urban situation have been designed and partly
implemented. However, actual urban developments show that these policies have not
been able to stop the decrease of sustainability of our cities. This calls for advanced
methods of policy impact assessment and policy evaluation together with
measurement and identification of the direct and indirect, the short-term and long-
term effects, in a transparent way.
Goals to make cities more sustainable have been formulated (e.g. European
Environment Agency, 1995):
− minimising the consumption of space and natural resources,
− rationalising and efficiently managing urban flows,
− protecting the health of the urban population,
− ensuring equal access to resources and services,
− maintaining cultural and social diversity.
2
as suggested by REC (Regional Environmental Center)
283
URBAN AREA – In this project the "boundaries" of the meaning of the term
"urban"are set in accordance with its definition as a community or settlement with a
population of 2000 and more occupied by buildings and related facilites, taking in
account interest of all countries/territories participating.
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND URBAN SUSTAINABILITY IN THE

SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE
Present Situation in the Region

South Eastern Europe is a region still in the process of transition. UNDP reports that
the level of economic development and the social situation in the countries of South-
Eastern Europe is lagging behind the countries of the EU, calling for radical
measures to increase the economic growth. Rapid economic growth remains the
predominant driver for the policies of countries and territories. Short-term economic
gains (especially in the conditions of low GDP-Gross Domestic product) which
mostly create unsustainable development patterns seem to be more attractive then
the longer-term benefits associated with integration of sustainability requirements
into policy making. In the Environmental Policy in South – Eastern Europe Report
(United Nations Development Programme-UNDP, 2007) it is stated that the first
post conflict priorities were focused on return of refugees and displaced persons as
well as on rehabilitation of basic infrastructure, such as water supply, electricity,
roads and accommodation. In the mid term, the main goals include establishment
and maintenance of the rule of law and macroeconomic stability, acceleration of
economic growth and improvement of living standards through, inter alia,
completing privatisation processes, attracting higher level of foreign direct
investments, and development of small and medium sized enterprises. In most
countries a process of decentralisation and de-concentration of government is under
way, transferring significant responsibilities related to sustainable development to
municipalities and regions.
Restructuring of industry has lead to a gradual improvement in its environmental
performance in some countries, but new problems have emerged across the region
such as demographic decline in rural areas and the pressure of uncontrolled
urbanisation around the cities and along the coasts.
As noted, all countries have developed and adopted national environmental action
plans (or other forms of environmental strategies), and poverty reduction strategies
aiming to deal with the environmental and social dimensions of sustainability. New
environmental and natural resource legislation has been adopted aiming to achieve
compliance with EU directives and international agreements, but its implementation
is still in its early stages.
Sustainable development strives to find innovative solutions to challenges, the ones
that do not place stress on the natural and human environments beyond their
carrying capacities with the emphasis on improving the quality of life of all.
Transboundary cooperation between countries sharing one or more natural resources
is therefore indispensable for creating common frameworks that promote their

sustainable use.
Some of the main THEMES related to Urban Sustainability in SEE
Land use and urban planning

The countries of SEE have experienced intensive migrations, in general towards the
cities, in the last 15 years caused by the war and the effects of economic
restructuring. Rapid increase in urban population is creating a major burden on
public services and infrastructure, while physical and urban planning cannot keep up
with the urban sprawl. Human Development Report (UNDP,2007) states that the
percentage of urban population in Bosnia and Herzegovina has grown from 31.3%
in 1975 to 45.7% in 2005, in Albania from 32.7% to 45.4, in FYR Macedonia from
50.6% to 68.9%. Environmental Policy in South-Eastern Europe report
(UNDP,2007) shows that urban population in 2000 was around 38% , and Serbia
and Montenegro (taken together) measured up to 56.4% in 2003 (Stojanović,
Vojković, 2003).
Many suburban areas have developed illegally, without urban infrastructure and
services. As a result, some of the natural and landscape values that represent an
important comparative advantage of the region are threatened and the quality of life
in urban areas decreased owing to overcrowded neighbourhoods and inaccessibility
of infrastructure and amenities. Transport problems in urban centres have also been
exacerbated. Urban areas are facing the problems of increased volume of generated
waste, air pollution (impacts of heating and transport), change in land use, etc.
especially where the poorest population lives.
The physical planning and permitting system cannot always cope with the
tremendous economic and political pressure for new construction and shaping the
plans in favour of major investors.
Municipalities often lack the expertise needed for good urban planning and lack a
holistic view of the urban development problems. This is visible especially in urban
transport, where pedestrian zones often lack connections, bicycle paths are virtually
non-existent and individual car traffic is preferred.
Better inter-sectoral cooperation is required to ensure efficient permitting
procedures, exchange of information and the integration of biodiversity, natural and
cultural heritage concerns into all relevant sectors as well as capacity building on
how to deal with urban development.
Transport and its related impacts

Air quality, especially urban areas, congestion and mobility/access are growing
problems for cities. Promotion of public transport is the key issue, but it should be
done in conjunction with urban traffic plans.
The number of personal vehicles is steadily increasing in all countries and territories,
mostly in the form of second hand vehicles imported from Western Europe. Along
with this trend most of the investment in the transport sector has been in the
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improvement of the road networks, long distance highway corridors, encouraged
also by the international community as a precondition for economic integration of
the region and communication among neighbours.
At the same time public transport and railways have been mostly neglected.
Promotion of public transport is the key issue, but it should be done in conjunction
with urban traffic plans.
Energy and climate change

Energy production and energy efficiency in cities is a latent problem. In the formerly
centrally planned economies, the real price of energy was distorted and energy
efficiency was rarely a criterion in the construction of public premises and housing.
Increasing prices of energy push especially the poor to search for alternative sources
of energy. Home combustion of charcoal, timber and waste is widespread in the
poorest suburban areas.
All countries in the region are Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate
Change of 1992. Serbia, Albania, Croatia, Macedonia and Montenegro ratified the
Kyoto Protocol between 2004 and 2007, and other countries are in the process of
preparing its ratification.
Emission reductions in the countries are possible owing to the current high energy
intensity, reliance on brown coal for energy production, low energy efficiency of the
domestic sector and high potential for renewable resources such as solar, biomass,
hydro and wind, maintaining high share of rail and public transport instead of road
and private transport; bio-diesel, and improving energy efficiency or phase-out of
energy consuming industries. Unfortunately, the climate change is still widely
percieved as an international problem rather than a real issue in the domestic
context.
Waste management
The amount of municipal waste, construction waste, packaging, end of life vehicles
and similar waste streams have increased in the region resulting from new
production and consumption patterns.
The municipalities lack expertise in the development of waste management plans,
which would build on alternative approaches to the problem instead of simple waste
collection and land filling.
Sustainable society
To recall that the nine principles∗ of a sustainable society are:
− respect and care for the community of life,
− improve the quality of human life,
− conserve the earth’s vitality and diversity,
− minimize the depletion of non-renewable resources,
− keep within the earth’s carrying capacity,
∗
IUCN/UNEP/WWF: "Caring for the Earth", 1991
− change personal attitudes and practices,

− provide a national framework for integrating development and conservation,
− create a global alliance.
Each of the SEE countries is in a position to make shortcuts in progress towards
urban sustainable development by applying mechanisms tailored to their conditions
and learning from the experience of more developed countries.
Towards EU - Securing Urban Sustainable Development Through

Membership in the European Union
At the moment, joining the EU is top priority for Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. The efforts to comply with EU requirements
are perceived to be a key driver in the sustainability and better management of many
economic and environmental initiatives and efforts.
Overall aim of the EU Urban Environment Thematic Strategy is to improve the
environmental performance and quality of urban areas and to secure a healthy living
environment for Europe’s urban citizens, reinforcing the environmental contribution
to sustainable urban development while taking into account the related economic
and social issues. The EU Thematic Strategy on the Urban Environment constitutes
an important step towards creation of healthier and future oriented environments,
building on series of initiatives that have contributed to the development of Europe’s
policy on the urban environment. As noted above, it is part of the European
Community’s Sixth Environment Action Programme "Environment 2010: Our
Future, Our Choice", and is one of seven thematic strategies in the Programme
introduced to provide a holistic approach to key environmental issues that are
characterised by their complexity, the diversity of actors concerned and the need for
innovative and multiple solutions. As set out in the Sixth Environment Action
Programme, the Thematic Strategy on the Urban Environment has the objective of
promoting an integrated horizontal approach across Community policies and
improving the quality of urban environment, taking into account progress made in
implementing the existing co-operation framework, reviewing it where necessary,
and addressing:– the promotion of Local Agenda 21;– the reduction of the link
between economic growth and passenger transport demand;– the need for an
increased share in public transport, rail, inland waterways, walking and cycling
modes;– the need to tackle rising volumes of traffic and bring about a significant
decoupling of transport growth and GDP growth;– the need to promote the use of
low emission vehicles in public transports;– the consideration of urban environment
indicators.
The Thematic Strategy for the Urban Environment is focused on four cross-cutting
themes which are essential to the long-term sustainability of towns and cities, which
have clear connections to the economic and social pillars of sustainable development
and where the most significant progress can be achieved.
These themes, which have been determined in consultation with the EU Expert
Group on the Urban Environment and other stakeholders, are:
− sustainable urban management,
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− sustainable urban transport,
− sustainable construction and
− sustainable urban design.
One of the main challenges of improving the urban environment lies in the diversity
of environmental issues, the multitude of actors and factors influencing the urban
environment and the fragmented approach taken so far.
In all four themes sustainable urban development involves an integrated, long-term
approach to planning and development.
Integrated approaches include long-term strategic visions and link different policies
at different administrative levels to ensure coherency. Integrated environemntal
management also means tackling related issues together such as urban management
and governance, integrated spatial planning, economic wellbeing and
competitiveness, social inclusion, and environmental stewardship.
The Thematic Strategy calls on the national and regional authorities to support
municipalities in achieving more integrated management at the local level. Many
solutions already exist in certain cities but are not sufficiently disseminated or
implemented. Promoting Europe’s best practices, facilitating their widespread use
throughout Europe and encouraging effective networking and exchange of
experiences between cities will help Member States and local authorities.
Due to the diversity of urban areas and existing national, regional and local
obligations it was difficult to establish common standards on all urban environment
issues. It was decided that legislation would not be the best way to achieve the
objectives of this Strategy. Most Member States and local authorities supported this
approach, questioning the need for binding EU obligations on environmental
management and urban transport plans.
Sustainability is defined through strategies that work to conserve energy, resources
and land and that work for equity and the health of people as well as the
environment. Sustainable urban development, while respectful of cultural heritage
and traditions, would work to encourage alternatives and choices, and to inform
decision-makers and consumers as to the advantages of sustainability.
The measures
Need to support local authorities in adopting integrated management techniques will
be achieved through the :
1) Guidance on integrated environmental management
Adopting an integrated approach to the management of the urban environment helps
avoid conflicts between the range of policies and initiatives that apply in urban areas
and helps achieve a long-term vision for the development of the city in addition to
the voluntary initiatives Local Agenda 21 and Aalborg Commitments. In the SEE
region the following cities have signed to Aalborg Commitments: Shkodra and
Tirana (Albania); Kotor and Herceg-Novi (Montenegro); Smederevska Palanka
(Serbia); Kamenica, Lipjan and Podujeva (Kosovo territory); and Ohrid
(Macadonia).
Clearly defined objectives, targets, accepted responsibilities, procedures for monito-

ring progress, public consultation, review, audit and reporting are crucial for
effective implementation of measures.
An Environmental Management Plan:
− covers the whole town or city,
− links different environmental issues (such as energy consumption, greenhouse gas
emissions, water use and treatment, waste, noise, air quality, nature and
biodiversity, transport and mobility, design, natural and man-made risks,
sustainable construction, related health issues, and quality of life as a whole) in an
integrated and co-ordinated way, and
− provides information on the current environmental situation, sets targets for
improvement and actions to meet those targets.
An Environmental Management System:
− is a clear procedure to manage environmental goals and targets,
− is a system that includes target setting, consultation, review, auditing and
reporting,
− defines the organisational structure, responsibilities, procedures, processes and
practices needed to achieve environmental goals and targets,
− provides regular reports to the public,
− can be used to implement an Environmental Management Plan,
− can also be used to help improve a town or city authority’s own internal environ-
mental performance.
Many successful cities have put in place environmental management systems such
as EMAS or ISO 14001 to ensure the delivery of policy objectives and provide
public scrutiny on progress. Technical guidance gives reference to the most relevant
EU environmental legislation e.g. air, noise, water, waste and energy efficiency
directives.
2) Guidance on sustainable urban transport plans
Urban transport has a direct impact on air pollution, noise, congestion and CO2
emissions and it is fundamental to citizens and business. The adoption and
implementation of urban transport plans is obligatory in certain Member States.
Some cities adopt plans on a voluntary basis to improve quality of life or in order to
comply with EU standards to protect human health (e.g. air quality).
Effective, transport planning requires long-term vision to plan financial
requirements for infrastructure and vehicles, to design incentive schemes to promote
high quality public transport, safe cycling and walking and to coordinate with land-
use planning at the appropriate administrative levels. Transport planning should take
account of safety and security, access to goods and services, air pollution, noise,
greenhouse gas emissions and energy consumption, land use, cover passenger and
freight transportation and all modes of transport. Solutions need to be tailor-made,
based on wide consultation of the public and other stakeholders, and targets must
reflect the local situation.
A Sustainable Urban Transport Plan:
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− covers the whole town or city,
− covers all types of transport,
− deals with the environmental, social and economic aspects of transport,
− tries to promote public transport, cycling and walking,
− tries to serve all of the town or city’s citizens.
A Sustainable Urban Transport Plan will include measures to ensure that the social
and economic development of the town or city is balanced against managing the
environmental impacts of transport.
3) Support for EU wide exchange of best practices
Improving local authorities’ access to existing solutions is important to allow them
to learn from each other and develop solutions adapted to their specific situation.
The information has to be well structured, easily available and supported by the right
experts.
− Networking and Demonstration Projects
− Network of National Focal Points on Urban Issues
4) Commission Internet Portal for Local Authorities
Thematic portals on the Europa website for certain specialist audiences will be
developed in order to ease the specific data requests.
5) Training
Many local authorities need specific skills to adopt an integrated approach to
management involving cross-sector cooperation and training on specific
environmental legislation, effective public participation and encouraging changes in
citizens’ behaviour.
6) Drawing on Other Community Support Programmes
The Strategy draws on the opportunities presented by other policies in order to
achieve its objectives.
− Cohesion Policy
Cohesion Fund and Structural Funds are proposed and include significant
opportunities for assistance to address environmental priorities in urban areas (e.g.
waste management, urban waste-water treatment, air quality, clean urban public
transport, energy efficiency, rehabilitation of contaminated land and integrated
strategies for urban regeneration).
− Research
Further research is considered useful on innovative urban management,
rehabilitation of the man-made environment including the cultural heritage,
environmental risk, energy efficiency, clean vehicles and alternative fuels, mobility,
safety and security.
Synergies with other policies

This Strategy is cross-cutting, covering many environmental media and issues.
− Climate change
Priority areas for local authorities to decrease greenhouse gas emissions are transport
and building.
Wider implementation of Sustainable Urban Transport Plans including specific
measures to promote low CO2-emission and energy-efficient vehicles will help
reduce greenhouse gas emissions at the local level.
Sustainable construction improves energy efficiency with a corresponding decrease
in CO2 emissions. Local Authorities can promote such methods by raising
awareness, setting and enforcing standards where possible and adopting best
practices for their own buildings and buildings that they commission through green
public procurement. In this context, retrofitting of existing buildings is of significant
importance.
European Standardisation Organisation has been given the mandate to develop
methods to assess the integrated environmental performance of buildings (beyond
energy efficiency) to allow comparison of buildings across Europe and encourage
exchange of best practices.
− Nature and Biodiversity
Sustainable urban design (appropriate land-use planning) will help reduce urban
sprawl and the loss of natural habitats and biodiversity. Integrated management of
the urban environment should foster sustainable land-use policies which avoid urban
sprawl and reduce soil-sealing, include promotion of urban biodiversity and raise
awareness for urban citizens.
− Environment and the Quality of Life
− Sustainable use of natural resources
Better urban management can reduce the impacts of day to day use of resources such
as energy and water. Avoiding urban sprawl through high density and mixed-use
settlement patterns offers environmental advantages regarding land use, transport
and heating contributing to less resource use per capita.
Building the knowledge base – monitoring progress

To monitor the effectiveness of this Strategy, up to date and accessible urban data is
needed. The Strategy underlines the indicators role as a tool for policy, monitoring,
transparency and communication. They are qualitative and quantitative targets and
timetables against which the progress can be measured and evaluated.
The 1994 Aalborg Charter (and its re-launch in the 1996 Lisbon Plan ) reflects these
needs, by committing the signatory local authorities (now more than 1,860), to the
use of indicators as a supporting tool for policy-making, useful to describe and
monitor current state and progress.
The outcome of the numerous and extensive consultation rounds with towns and
cities, was the agreement on a list of 10 common issues/indicators : Citizens’
Satisfaction with the Local Community; Local Contribution to Global Climate
Change (and/or local Ecological Footprint); Local Mobility and Passenger
Transportation; Availability of Local Public; Open Areas and Services; Quality of
Local Air; Children’s Journeys to and from School; Sustainable Management of the
291
Local Authority; and Local Businesses; Noise Pollution; Sustainable Land Use;
Products Promoting Sustainability.European data on urban environment issues will
be improved, in order to evaluate the environmental performance of European urban
areas over time.
Further Urban Audit is taken based on indicators describing the living conditions in
a number of EU cities, covering economic, social and environmental aspects.
METHODOLOGY/DEVELOPMENT OF THE PROJECT
Goal
The problems regarding urban sustainable development in the SEE region start and
finish with the fact that urban sustainability issues are not ranked as priorities and
often not enough incorporated in policies. Ranking urban sustainability issues,
incorporating them and addressing them as priorities would produce better projects
for urban environment, improving the environmental performance of SEE urban
areas. Together with the efficient and effective implementation of the global
environmental policies and legislation at the regional-national-local level and
exchange of experiences and practice between urban areas in the region, it will
create the clear vision for sustainable urban development in the SEE region leading
to a framework to support future urban sustainable development strategy in the
region.
Specific objectives
The objectives, which will lead to the overall goal of the project and which can be
realistically achieved during the course of the project implementation were
identified through strategy analyses. Those are:
• Diffuse source pollution to be recognized by wider public, as the current
situation shows that the public reacts mostly on the point source pollution.
Informing the public of all existing and different causes of pollution would
broaden the scope of the public positive actions. The percentage of
questionnaire responses acknowledging this issue comparing to the overall
number of responses will present the level of achievement of this objective (in
absolute average No 5 per country/territory=30).
• Increasing the awareness regarding current conditions and possible
solutions in the urban environment sector will bring changes of the
perception towards development and quality of the life. This is best achieved
through the good media coverage of the planned activities and the number of
press releases in relevant, popular, media will indicate to what level. The
percentage of new civil initiatives on the subject of urban sustainability, third
party recognition of the subject, based on the information gathered from and
during the course of this project, and compared to the current number of
similar initiatives will be indicative as well (No. of relevant press releases,
media coverage (1x6=6); Percent of new civil initiatives on this subject
(1x6=6)).
• To increase knowledge on the substance of the process of implementation

of global policies in the terms of the EU accession process, in order to clear
existing common misunderstandings and give support to urban areas for
implementing global norms, agreements and conventions. This will be
indicated by the number of participants (stakeholders and beneficiaries) on the
meetings in each and all countries of the region included in the project and the
percentage of those who are actively contributing, those willing to contribute
to the process compared to their overall number (No. of persons participating
in each and all countries/territory (30 per country territory – average=180);
Percentage of those actively contributing (50%)).
• To increase the political commitment for sustainable urban development
as they have the decisive role in implementing environmental legislation. The
percentage of positive responses and recognition from decision makers on the
outputs of the project will present the level of achievement of this objective
(Percent of positive responses from decision makers on the project outputs
(Absolute No 6)).
• Environmental issues to be included across different sectors in order to
tackle down cause-effect relations that determine the cross sectored nature of
the urban sustainability itself. Percentage of different sectors present and the
number of their representatives attracted during the course of the project is
important in achieving this objective. The average satisfaction with cross
sector cooperation (overall and mean) will be indicative as well as the
prerequisite of the sustainable development in general (Percent of different
sectors’ presence No. of their representatives (in absolute No 3 sectors x 3
representatives x 6 partners=54).
• Recognizing global-regional-local linkages will enable urban areas to better
assess and prioritize their local environmental concerns and to have a voice in
national-regional-global environmental agreements. Number of new
persons/organizations as well as the major stakeholders interested in bringing
these issues closer to the wider public is indicative to this objective (No. of
new persons/organisations interested (in absolute 6)).
Achieving the above stated objectives will directly contribute to the addressing of
the urban environment issues (land use and urban planning, transport, energy and
climate change, waste management and water) as priorities, demonstrating the
sustainable development approaches for the development of policies and future
regional practical demonstration projects as they are intrinsically linked to the three
pillars of the sustainable development and recognize the need for structures led from
the top with political commitment in addition.
Activities
The following detailed course of activities is and will be taken by each partner
during the course of time of the project implementation.
− Assessment of the environmental US issues and policies in each country/territory.
− Regional analyses on core issues of urban sustainability.
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3
− Creation of the side event on EfE Conference 2007- –Held on October 11th,
2007. There were 56 participants present from 10 countries/territories (Serbia,
Kosovo, Montenegro, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Hungary,
The Nederlands, Kazakhstan and Moldova) and 7 stakeholder groups (NGO,
International organizations, Research / Academia, Central Government, Local
Government, Business, Media). The brochure was printed and distributed in 420
copies. Media coverage included project and partners websites. This was the only
one side event at Belgrade 2007 Conference with multiethnic representatives from
Kosovo territory.
− Partnership building with defined stakeholders and wider public through opinions
and outputs of activities; The questionnaire on urban sustainability issues will be
develloped with inclusion of opinions of Ad-hoc Expert Committee, an
disseminated on the meetings with stakeholders throughout the region.
− Creation of the final assessment regional report on urban sustainability – RENCO:
Towards SEE USDS.
− Presentation and dissemination of the outreach document (final report).
The methods are:
− Comparative analyses of the urban sustainability issues and policy obligations in
each country/territory, and horizontal analysis of common issues between
countries/territory, preparation and dissemination of questionnaire leading to a
cooperation framework to support possible future actions on local/regional level.
− Assuring partnerships on local and regional level, providing the cities/towns
stakeholders as well as wider public the possibility to participate in the document
development.
− On the best available knowledge basis across community policies.
− A transparent, interactive "on line" process, any interested or concerned party can
follow and take part in the process of the project implemenatation through the
forum which will be opened on the RENCO website http://www.renco-
project.org/
− Gender equality, multicultural/multiethnic representation and minority
participation as postulates of rights-based approach are achieved already within
the participating CSOs and will be promoted in the selection of different
stakeholders and beneficiaries.
The RENCO Committee with local experts will be established in each country /
territory. It will form the basis for the active participation and qualitative
contribution (review on questionnaire and core issues) of the chosen key players
through leadership of the Ad - hoc Expert Committee.
Stakeholders
Stakeholders, directly involved (direct stakeholders) in project (by written
commitment) are "natural allies" to urban sustainable development: municipalities,
and local governments (from each of six countries/territory covered by project).
They are related to problems addressed in the project in the way that it covers the
3
One of the indicators of success is that event is among the few events pointed out in the official report
of Conference on the official web site of Conference http://www.efe-belgrade2007.org/
specific problems they face in their everyday activities as well as strategic planning.
Direct stakeholders are the driving force of the planed activity having participatory
approach, contributing to the outreach of the project, as well as by addressing the
main tracks for project follow-up.
The project is mobilising other stakeholders too, like other regional CSOs, other
municipal governments, national institutions, academia, etc. Other stakeholders are
planned to be involved in relevant activities throughout the project duration (like
National Institute of Standardisation, Standing Conference of Towns and
Municipalities in Serbia and University, in assessment, research, and analyses, by
supporting consultants work; CSOs in networking, partnership and capacity building
activities). All of them will benefit through participation, in order to contribute to
the better living conditions of all citizens. In the region, stakeholders include
initially: Municipal Government of town of Bitola, Center for Development of
Durmitor Mountains and Municipal Government of Zabljak, Municipality of
Jablanica, Municipality of Liquenas, Municipality office of Orahovac and
Agriculture Cooperative Agroocop.
Expected outputs and results

Proposed activities that will be taken during the course of the project
implementation are realistically expected to lead towards the list of core (priority)
urban sustainability issues in the region (min 5 core issues). The participatory
process is of crucial importance and a key for the final output of the project, regional
final assessment report "Regional Environmental Cohesion: Towards the SEE Urban
Sustainable Development strategy" and its inclusion as a reference for the future
decisions on policies and investments. The extent to which the project achieves the
expected outcome will be primarily indicated by the number of requests for printed
versions of the final report and/or its Internet downloads (No. of requests for printed
version (60 in absolute No)). The omnipresent regional CSO cooperation and
partnership was promoted on the side event of "Environment for Europe Conference
2007", Belgrade. The level of the established CSO regional cooperation with its
potential to last and develop after the end of this project is indicated by the number
of CSOs interested to participate on the side event as well as the new memberships
in the Forum EfE (SEE Regional NGOs Network). The final dissemination of the
information on the outreach document will be achieved by press releases and/or
events throughout the region and sending them to different stakeholders, followed
by its inclusion in the other thematic information dissemination tools (newspaper
articles, internet sites).
The results of the project are expected to directly contribute in harmonizing
economic growth with the increasing pressures on the environment and to
sustainable development outreach by relying on its core indicators as the basis for
analysis (in each country / territory and horizontally through the region). Proper
information on the project activities and outputs, assured partnerships with
cities/towns (providing them opportunity to participate in the document
development) and established long-lasting CSO regional network will help urban
295
sustainability issues achieve more attention of citizens and decision makers and thus
to be included and ranked among priorities in the strategies and policies.
CONCLUDED REMARKS
Sustainable urban development is first and foremost a legacy issue. Many activities,
problems, and solutions in the field of sustainability are interconnected.
This project, "Regional Environmental Cohesion: Towards SEE Urban Sustainable
Development Strategy", can be seen as the powerful tool for lobbying for the
positive law regulations and implementation of the European standards on
local/regional level as it deals with the problems which are on the very beginning of
the urban sustainability chain and, thus, having great potential for follow-up
activities.
Having in mind that the participatory process is of crucial importance and a key for
the final output of the project, with presenting this project frame to research
community, the comments, inerest and follow-up contribution of experts will add
value.
Cohesion, effective networking between regional civil society organizations and
exchange of knowledge and experiences on urban issues, which will be presented as
the output of this project, have capacity for development of SEE regional framework
for Sustainable Urban Development Strategy with the possibility to further develop
SEE Convention on Urban Sustainable Development as well as Terms of References
for specific investment projects and could initiate replication trend as the framework
for development of projects dealing with different issues related to environmental
issues of sustainable development of the region (already came up as the outcome of
the preparatory meeting of the regional CSOs related to this project).
References
A.Mihajlov, "Sustainable Development and Environment in 95+ steps", SCC / Environmental
Ambassadors (www.ambassadors-env.org), Beograd (2006)
Aalborg Charter , http://sustainable-cities.eu/index.php
Ambiente Italia Research Institute (2003), European Common Indicators (ECI) : Final Project Report
Development, Refinement, Management and Evaluation of European Common Indicators Project
(ECI), Milano, Italy
Commission Staff Working Document, Annex to the Communication From The Commission To The
Council And The European Parliament on Thematic Strategy on the Urban Environment, Impact
Assessment, {COM(2005) 718 final}
Communication From The Commission To The Council And The European Parliament on Thematic
Strategy on the Urban Environment Brussels, 11.1.2006, COM(2005) 718 final
Communication From The Commission To The Council, The European Parliament, The European
Economic And Social Committee And The Committee Of The Regions : Towards a thematic strategy
on the urban environment, Brussels, 11.02.2004, COM(2004)60 final
Environmental Snapshot of South Eastern Europe REReP Country Profiles, Regional Environmental
Center, Szentendre, Hungary, 2006
EU Strategy (2001) for Sustainable Development – COM (2001) 264 final
European Academy for the urban Environment (2004), Analysis Report : Thematic Strategy on the
Urban Environment on the basis of reports by EU Working Groups on four Thematic Areas,
European Commission Plans; Report prepared for the European Commission - Directorate General
Environment
Feasibility Study (2005) on the preparedness of Serbia and Montenegro to negotiate a Stabilisation and
Association Agreement with the European Union, SEC (2005) 478
http://europa.eu
http://www.ambassadors-env.org/
http://www.iclei-europe.org/
http://www.rec.org/
Integrated Environmental Management, Guidance in Relation to the Thematic Strategy on the Urban
Environment, Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2007
Kollamthodi, S. (2005), Collation of data on cities in the EU25 with Environmental Management
Plans, Environmental Management Systems, and Sustainable Urban Transport
Mihajlov A, (2004): Environmental Cohesion of Western Balkan Countries as the Tool and Condition
for EU Accession, Book of Abstracts of 8th EACES (European Association for Comparative
Economic Studies) conference-EU Enlargement-what comes after 2004?, Beograd 2004, p.131
Stojanovic B., G. Vojković, Urbane aglomeracije na glavnim razvojnim osovinama kao polovi
demografske revitalizacije Srbije, Stanovništvo 1-4, 2005, pp 61-79
UNDP (2007), Environmental Policy in South – Eastern Europe
www.unep.org
297
IMPROVEMENT OF THERMAL PERFORMANCES OF

EXTERNAL WALLS AIMED TO PRODUCE ENERGY
RATIONAL BUILDINGS
Aleksandra Krstić, Aleksandar Rajčić 1,
Abstract
Improvement of thermal performances of inherited buildings external walls is necessary in
order to produce energy rational and energy efficient buildings. The essential measure for
climatic conditions rehabilitation in Belgrade includes laying or improvement of thermal
insulation. Thermal insulation can be applied as external or internal insulation. The paper
discusses both options in respect to : a) wall thermal properties before and after
rehabilitation, b) construction principles, c) materials and d) benefits and shortages that
each of them offers. Both options improve thermal comfort and living conditions, but
external insulation provides better wall thermal properties and new building appearance. In
order to improve the living conditions, energy savings and environmental protection, it is of
great importance for students and architects to be aware of the measures and techniques
for improvement of external walls thermal performances of inherited buildings.
Keywords: Bioclimatic rehabilitation, Energy rational buildings, External insulation,
Improvement of thermal performances of external walls, Internal insulation, Recladding.
INTRODUCTION
Insufficiency or absence of thermal insulation and improper construction details in
terms of physics, are essential reasons that inherited residential buildings are
"squanderers" of energy and poor ecology environments - "ill houses", badly
influence human health. Great responsibility belongs to external walls and the
necessary bioclimatic rehabilitation. The aim of bioclimatic rehabilitation is to adapt
existing buildings to certain climatic conditions [1].
In our climatic conditions laying or improvement of thermal insulation and thermal
bridges break are prerequisites for production of energy rational and efficient
houses. The external and internal thermal insulations are discussed in the paper in
1
Prof. Dr Aleksandra Krstić, Faculty of Architecture – University of Belgrade
Ass.Prof. Mr Aleksandar Rajčić Faculty of Architecture – University of
Belgrade
respect to a) wall thermal properties before and after rehabilitation, b) construction

principles, c) materials and d) benefits and shortages that each of them offers.
Analyzes of wall thermal properties are based on appropriate Yugoslav standards.
Yugoslav standards, JUS U.J5.510, U.J5.520, U.J5.530, U.J5.600, determine heat
transmittance, vapour pressure and thermal stability calculation methods. Belgrade is
in the II climate zone with the prescribed data that follows: a) for calculation of heat
transmission coefficient (U-value) outdoor temperature is to = −18°C; for calculation
of vapour diffusion to = −5°C, b) for external walls Umax = 0,9W/m2K in case of
central heating and 0,81W/m2K in case of individual heating, c) drying period (for
moisture in construction in case of condensation) is 90days.
A resultant heat transmission coefficient is not discussed in the paper, due to its
dependence on shape, position and mutual relations of structural components. Under
Belgrade climatic conditions the value can be kept within the limits by thermal
insulation thickness of 10cm and more, used in the examples, and thermal bridges
break. The massive walls have appropriate thermal properties for summer periods in
our climatic conditions, time-lag and decrement factors are within the limits defined
by actual YU standards.
TECHNICAL PROPERTIES OF EXISTING EXTERNAL WALLS

In Belgrade, as well as in Europe, external walls of inherited buildings can be
classified as:
1. masonry walls, walls made of bricks, light-weight concrete blocks and panels,
and
2. prefabricated facade concrete panels.
THE EXTERNAL MASONRY WALLS ARE DISCUSSED IN THE PAPER
BECAUSE THERE IS A SIGNIFICANT NUMBER OF INHERITED BUILDINGS IN
BELGRADE WHOSE MASONRY WALLS HAVE NO THERMAL INSULATION.
THE FOLLOWING GENERAL CONCLUSIONS CAN BE MADE REGARDING
THEIR THERMAL PERFORMANCES:
• walls have high thermal transmittance, i.e. U-value (Figure 1); low inner surface
temperature is obvious,
• thermal bridges are present,
• condensation is present (Figure 1); walls are wet with possible freezing ; mould
growth is noticeable.
Presence of listed wall properties result in:
• bad thermal comfort and poor living conditions, bad influence to human health,
• high heat losses in winter period, which increase conventional fuels
consumption and environmental pollution.
299
Figure 1. Wall thermal properties before rehabilitation
IMPROVEMENT OF THERMAL PERFORMANCES OF EXTERNAL

WALLS
The improvement of thermal performances of external walls includes laying or
improvement of thermal insulation and thermal bridges break as essential measures.
Regarding position, laying of thermal insulation includes two possibilities:
1. laying of thermal insulation on external wall surface – external insulation, and
2. laying of thermal insulation on internal wall surface – internal insulation.
Both versions are in use for facade rehabilitation. Their comparison, analyzes and
selection require following parameters to be taken into consideration:
• wall behavior regarding heat transfer and vapour diffusion,
• conditions for thermal insulation application regarding: scaffold installation
possibilities and costs, historic or aesthetic values of existing building and
interest of tenants for facade rehabilitation in case of multistory buildings,
• maintenance demands and costs,
• benefits for tenants in respect to living conditions and improvement of building
appearance, consumption of conventional fuels and reduction of environmental
pollution.
The external and internal insulations, as solutions for wall thermal property
improvement, are discussed in respect to the listed parameters.
External thermal insulation

Laying of thermal insulation on external wall surface enables thermal bridges break
and provides existing external massive wall to be converted into energy rational
structure consisting of three layers [2]:
1. existing solid wall as thermal storage layer,
2. thermal insulation and
3. external protective and final layer as recladding.
Rehabilitation measure includes creation of the second and third layer.
External protective layer can be made as light and massive structures.
Light structure of external protective layer
Light structure of external protective layer can be constructed as:

• insulating plaster (Figure 2a),
• reinforced rendering applied on thermal insulation (Figure 2b), and
• ventilated structure (Figure 2c) consisting of cladding (metal flat or corrugated
sheets, stone, ceramic and fibercement slabs, wooden boards and plates) with
appropriate fastening system (the point, vertical upright or frame systems);
between cladding and thermal insulation ventilated air gap is created.
The first and second options are cheaper solutions than the third one and their usage
is more often applicable in residential building rehabilitation. The sufficient
construction procedure usually limits insulating plaster thickness to 6cm, while the
application of insulating plaster of 10cm thickness, which prevents condensation,
seems to be impractical. The increase of reinforced rendering thickness and
application of acrylic paints, produce risk of condensation resulting the facade
damage. In case of light ventilated structure fastening system creates effect of
thermal points, which has to be taken into consideration, as extra heat losses,
influencing a resultant heat transmission coefficient.
Fig. 2a. Solution 1 – Wall thermal properties after rehabilitation – external insulation,
insulating plaster
Fig. 2b. Solution 2 – Wall thermal properties after rehabilitation – external insulation,
reinforced rendering applied on thermal insulation
301
Fig. 2c. Solution 3 – Wall thermal properties after rehabilitation – external insulation,
light ventilated structure of protective layer
Massive structure of external protective layer

Massive external protective layer is usually constructed of facing brick.
Vapour barrier has to be applied in order to prevent condensation in facing brick.
There is no need for vapour barrier if ventilated air gap beyond the facing brick is
properly constructed.
Figure 3. Wall thermal properties after rehabilitation – external insulation, massive
protective layer
Different types and arrangements of brick and prefabricated window lintels can
create various building appearances. Steel girders, which support facing brick in
case of multistory buildings, create effects of thermal points.
Benefits and shortages

Laying and improvement of external thermal insulation provide the following
benefits:
• lower heat transmission coefficient and higher inner surface temperatures are
achieved, condensation and mould growth prevented,
• existing solid wall functions as thermal storage layer,
• continuity of thermal insulation is ensured providing thermal bridges break,
• due to listed benefits consumption of conventional fuels and environmental
pollution can be reduced,
• improvement of thermal comfort and living conditions in whole building,

• new appearances of buildings and settlements can be achieved by different
recladdings in terms of material and structure, with positive effects on the
psycho-sociological conditions of tenants.
Installing of external insulation has following shortages in case of multistory
buildings:
• all tenants have to be interested in facade rehabilitation,
• the scaffold has to be installed and its cost might be unacceptable,
• ″do it yourself″ principle is not applicable,
• construction has to be rapid without disturbances on every day’s life of tenants.
Internal insulation
Laying of thermal insulation on internal wall surfaces is unavoidable solution in
following cases: a) the facade of an existing building is of historic or aesthetic value,
b) all tenants are not interested in facade rehabilitation, only some of flats are to be
separately insulated, c) the scaffold would be too expensive.
Internal thermal insulation layer has to be covered with protective and final layer.
Different versions are possible such as:
1. light structure – consisting of rigid foam slabs attached to wall, and plasterboard
covering (Figure 4a),
2. light frame structure – consisting of wooden or metal frames, fibrous materials
or foams as insulation materials and rigid sheet cover (Figure 4b),
3. massive structure – consisting of fibrous materials and foams as insulating
materials and light masonry protective layer (Figure 4c).
Fig. 4a. Solution 1 – Wall thermal properties after rehabilitation – internal insulation, light
structure – rigid foam slabs and plasterboard covering
303
Fig. 4b. Solution 2 – Wall thermal properties after rehabilitation – internal insulation, light
frame structure
Fig. 4c. Solution 3 – Wall thermal properties after rehabilitation – internal insulation,
massive structure of protective layer
Benefits and shortages

Laying of internal thermal insulation provides the following benefits:
• lower heat transmission coefficient and higher inner surface temperatures are
achieved,
• improvement of thermal comfort and living conditions (only in flats which are
insulated),
• it is not necessary for all tenants to be interested in facade rehabilitation,
• no need for scaffold, ″do it yourself″ principle is applicable,
• energy can be saved in spaces where the heating is intermittent.
Laying of internal insulation has the following shortages:
• existing solid wall can not be treated as thermal storage layer because the inside
insulation decreases the heat storage capacity of the construction beyond it,
which points out that internal insulation is suitable for spaces where the heating
is intermittent,
• continuity of thermal insulation can not be ensured and problem of thermal
bridges demand placing thermal insulation in new floor covering and suspended
ceiling, as strips of approx. 600mm width,
• in order to prevent condensation, vapour barrier has to be applied and its

continuity is essential (its application is impractical in case of rigid foam slabs
and plasterboard covering usage, which makes this solution less appropriate
since condensation and mould growth can be expected),
• laying of internal insulation might cause revision of installations (sanitary,
electrical, heating, etc.),
• new appearances of buildings can not be achieved.
CONCLUSION
Laying or improvement of thermal insulation and heat bridges break are essential
measures with the aim to adapt existing buildings to our climatic conditions. They
are prerequisites for energy rational and efficient houses to be produced in our
regions, as well as in regions of Central and North Europe.
Laying of thermal insulation includes two solutions: a) external and b) internal
insulation. Analyzes and comparisons of these two solutions reveal the following
conclusions:
• both solutions provide lower thermal transmittance, i.e. U-value which is within
limits defined by actual Yugoslav standards, and higher inner surface temperate,
• generally, external insulation is thermally more effective solution which
provides continuity of thermal insulation and thermal bridges break,
• regarding thermal properties the best solution is external insulation with light
ventilated structures of external layer,
• internal insulation and massive structure of protective layer in case of external
insulation demand application of vapour barrier preventing condensation ;
continuity of vapour barrier is essential,
• laying of external insulation requires organized action and scaffold installation,
while ″do it yourself″ principle is applicable for laying of internal insulation.
Following benefits for tenants and community can be achieved:
• good thermal comfort and healthy living conditions,
• reduction of heat losses in winter period resulting in energy savings and
reduction of conventional fuel consumption and environmental pollution,
• improvement of buildings appearances in case of external insulation.
From the above stated, it can be concluded that students and architects have to be
constantly informed about measures and techniques for the improvement of external
walls thermal properties of inherited buildings.
References
1. Krstic, A. 1998, Bioclimatic rehabilitation of existing building stock, Proceedings of World
Renewable Energy Congress V – Renewable Energy, Energy Efficiency, Policy and Environment,
Part I, Elsevier Science Ltd., pp.337-342.
2. Krstic, A. 1997, Measures and techniques for bioclimatic rehabilitation of existing buildings aimed
to produce energy rational and efficient buildings, Proceedings of The 2nd International Conference
for Teachers of Architecture, Universita’ degli studi di Firenze, pp. 2.05.
Information and institutional
support to sustainable
urban development
305
SPATIAL DATA INFRASTRUCTURE AND ITS

INITIATION IN SERBIA
Zorica Nedovic-Budic, Vesna Jokic,
1
Omiljena Dzelebdzic, Namaraj Budhathoki
Abstract
The concept of National Spatial Data Infrastructure (NSDI) was initiated and started to develop
in the United States and Canada in early 1990s. By 2007 it has been taken up worldwide by about
100 countries of various socio-economic, political and cultural background. SDIs encompass
policies, fundamental data sets, technical standards, access network (technologies), and human
resources (including users, providers, and value adding sectors) necessary for the effective
collection, management, access, delivery, and utilization of spatial data at different
political/administrative levels. SDI developments range from local to state/provincial, national,
and international to a global level. The design and implementation of an SDI is not only a matter
of technology but also one of designing institutions, adopting legislative and regulatory
frameworks, promoting collaboration, and acquiring new types of skills. The ultimate objectives
of the SDI initiatives are to promote economic development to stimulate better government, and to
foster urban and environmental sustainability.
In addition to access, horizontal and vertical integration, flexibility, suitability and movement of
spatial information resources are important for effective use of spatial data at all levels.
Connection to local level is particularly important for its need for detailed, diverse and large
scale dataset to support local decisions and policy-making. This paper explores initial activities in
the development of Serbian SDI. The focus is primarily on urban / spatial planning data and
functions and the Infrastructure for Spatial Information in Europe (INSPIRE) is promoted as the
main frame of reference. Even though the building of Serbian NSDI may be in its rudimentary
stages, in agreement with Spatial Data Interest Community on Monitoring and Reporting (SDIC
MORE) group, we assert the importance of tracking the establishment, contents and use of SDIs.
Keywords: spatial data infrastructure (SDI), geographic information system (GIS)
INTRODUCTION
Advanced spatial information and visualization technologies, including geographic
information systems (GIS), remote sensing (RS), global positioning systems (GPS),
and image processing, among others, have supplied the methods and tools for
collecting, managing, and analyzing spatial information. Access to such information
as the primary input to planning and implementation of various projects, policies,
1
Prof. dr Zorica Nedovic-Budic, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Vesna Jokic, BSc in spatial planning, Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial
Planning of Serbia
Omiljena Dzelebdzic, BSc and MSc in spatial planning, Institute of Architecture and Urban
& Spatial Planning of Serbia
Namaraj Budhathoki, BSc and MSc in GIS, PhD student, University of Illinois at Urbana-
Champaign
and programs is the key prerequisite for its effective use. To address this need for
easy access to accurate, consistent, and up-to-date spatial information, spatial data
infrastructures (SDI) are created globally and in many countries, regions, and
localities (Masser, 2005). In their worldwide longitudinal survey conducted between
2000 and 2005, Crompvoets and Bregt (2007) report that 83 countries have adopted
national level SDI program. Besides at national level, SDIs are being developed at
other levels: such as regional, state, local. Billions of dollars are spent worldwide in
SDI related activities each year (Onsrud et al., 2004). These investments are
expected to create an infrastructure to make geospatial information available,
accessible and useful in responding to perennial problems in society: poverty,
disaster, security, urbanization, healthcare, utilities, and environment among others.
SDIs encompass policies, fundamental data sets, technical standards, networks
(technologies), and human resources (including users, providers, and value adding
sectors) necessary for the effective access, delivery, and utilization of spatial data at
different political and administrative levels (Williamson et al., 2003;
http://www.fgdc.gov). Establishment of SDIs is not only a matter of technology but
also one of designing institutions, adopting legislative and regulatory frameworks,
promoting collaboration, and acquiring new types of skills (Johnson et al., 2001;
Remkes, 2000). The ultimate objectives of SDI initiatives, as summarized by Masser
(1999), are to promote economic development, to stimulate better cooperation and
governance, and to foster environmental sustainability. The need for such
interventions and improvements in those areas is evident around the globe, in both
developing (GUO, 2003) and developed countries, including the United States
(Sawhill, 2002).
While the intensified use of information and communication technologies (ICTs)
promises to influence the democratic processes (Falch, 2006) and to facilitate the
transformations from government to governance (Radin and Romzek, 1996), access
to data is the first step. Horizontal and vertical integration, flexibility, suitability, and
movement of spatial information resources are all equally important for their
effective use. Access to spatial information has been measured as counts of portal
hits and the general use (Crompvoets et al., 2004; Tait, 2005), but without much
evidence about who the users are, how they use the information, and what is their
satisfaction with the SDI geoportals (Askew et al., 2005). The formation of a new
Spatial Data Interest Community on Monitoring and Reporting (SDIC MORE,
2005) in conjunction with the implementation of the Infrastructure for Spatial
Information in Europe (INSPIRE, http://www.ec-gis.org/inspire/) testifies to the
importance of tracking the establishment, contents, and use of SDIs. This group,
however, is only beginning the process of identifying indicators and monitoring
mechanisms and procedures. Also, it focuses on more developed countries of Europe
where societal problems are not as acute as in the developing and transitional
societies.
After a decade-long experience with initiating SDIs worldwide, research has begun
to focus on various aspects of what Rajabifard et al. (2003) refer to as “second
generation SDI,” which moves from a data-centric hierarchical to a process-oriented
network model. However, despite the enhanced data transfer capabilities allowed by
307
the advances in information and communication technologies (ICT) and World
Wide Web (WWW) in particular, meaningful sharing of spatial information is
plagued by substantial non-interoperability. The interoperability can be broadly
classified into two categories: technical and non-technical. According to Bishr
(1998), technical interoperability operates at six levels: 1. network protocols, 2.
hardware and operating systems, 3. spatial data files, 4. database management
systems (DBMS), 5. data models, and 6. semantics. Nedović-Budić and Pinto (2001)
talk about non-technical, organizational or soft interoperability.
Finally, several studies address geoportals as gateways to SDI: Bernard et al. (2005),
Maguire and Longley (2005) and Tait (2005) discuss the capabilities of the second
generation geoportals to access spatial data and services; Askew et al. (2005) and
Beaumont et al. (2005) share the UK’s experience in building on the government’s
ICT investments and assert the difficulties in developing geoportal-related
partnerships due to varying levels of technological experience, goals, and
expectations among the partners. While data discovery and access are the necessary
steps, they can not guarantee a successful use of geospatial information. Eventually
all SDIs will have to demonstrate that they are useful to a variety of users (Masser,
2005; Nedović-Budić et al., 2004; Williamson, 2003). Majority of research,
however, is on SDIs in more developed countries; reporting from less developed
countries and transitional societies is scarce, generally indicating some progress but
also a lag behind more economically affluent and technology-rich societies. This
paper aims to fill in this gap and discuss initiation of SDI in Serbia. Although the
discussion is about SDI efforts in general, our interest is driven by data and
functional needs of urban/spatial planning.
NATIONAL FRAMEWORKS AND ACTIVITIES

Information society, ICT and information infrastructure
Development of spatial data infrastructures falls under a broad notion of the
advancement of information and communication technologies (ICT), information
society and information infrastructures. The delegates of the World Summit on the
Information Society held in Geneva and Tunis in 2003 and 2005 respectively,
declared their
common desire and commitment to build a people-centered, inclusive and
development-oriented Information Society, where everyone can create, access,
utilize and share information and knowledge, enabling individuals, communities
and peoples to achieve their full potential in promoting their sustainable
development and improving their quality of life, premised on the purposes and
principles of the Charter of the United Nations and respecting fully and
upholding the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (WSIS, 2003).
One of the principles promoted at the Summit suggests that information
infrastructure (II) is the foundation of information society. Most of information
infrastructure literature considers it in a rather narrow sense within a specified
domain; some view the Internet as II while others equate the digitalization of the
libraries to II. While all these contribute to II as its components, the II envisioned by
the former U.S. Vice-President Al Gore and the Information Infrastructure Task
Force (1993) in the U.S. and its European Union counterpart (Bangemann Group,
1994) have much broader expectations and ramifications to all sectors of society. A
number of researchers have also moved from the domain-specific to the broad
societal front and attempt to develop the general II conceptual base (Hanseth and
Monteiro, 1998, 2004; Star and Ruhleder, 1996). They suggest that all IIs build on
their technological and social installed base and maintain that IIs are open,
transparent, enabling, and shared networks that are embedded in practice and
support any number of users and their diverse needs. Freeman (2007) employs the
term cyberinfrastructure to emphasize the digital nature of the network.
US and European [N]SDI frameworks

Spatial data infrastructures are a specific type or subset of IIs. There are several
examples of frameworks and models of national spatial data infrastructures (NSDI).
In 1994, President Clinton issued the Executive Order 12906 to build national
spatial data infrastructure in the United States (http://www.fgdc.gov). This was the
first declaration of coordinated development of spatial data infrastructure (SDI) at a
national level. The US NSDI initiative encompassed several activities, including
establishment of Internet-based clearinghouses to enable geographic data search and
access; standardization of specific data types and metadata; and identification of
Framework data that are common across jurisdictions (Figure 1).
Generally, throughout the 1990s, the US NSDI approach is based on expected
voluntary associations, exchange and partnerships between private, public and non-
profit organizations. Its mandate ends with federal agencies, with initiatives toward all
other levels of government and organizations having an advisory character. It lacks an
implementation program and funding. From the year 2000 on, however, the Office of
Management and Budget (OMB) gets involved more directly in NSDI efforts by
incorporating them into its E-government and Geospatial Line of Business initiatives
(Lance and Georgiadou, forthcoming; Miller, 2006). A new generation of the national
clearinghouse – Geospatial One Stop is established to complement and to some extent
integrate many other federal, state and regional NSDI nodes (Figure 2).
Figure 1. – US NSDI Framework
Source: http://www.fgdc.gov
309
Figure 2. – Example of National and Regional Geoportals in the US:Geospatial One Stop
and Metro GIS
Twin Cities Metro Area
Complexity of Minnesota
Minnesota
Relationships
3000
3000 square
square miles
900,000+
900,000+ parcels
parcels
300
300 local units
units of government
government
Metropolitan
Metropolitan Area
Area
77 Counties
Counties
190
190 Minor
Minor Civil
Civil Divisions
Divisions
59
59 School
School Districts
Districts
39
39 Watershed
Watershed Management
Management
Organizations
Organizations
Source: http://gos2.geodata.gov/wps/portal/gos; http://www.metrogis.org/
The most frequently engaged organizational approach to SDI is hierarchical

(Rajbifard et al., 2003), with a network model as an alternative. In his evaluation of
first generation SDIs, Masser (1999) provides a generic model of the national SDI or
SDI-like centers based on on the growth and structure of some of the major SDI-
related organizations (e.g., EUROGI, PCGIAP, Global Map, Victoria’s Property
Information Project – PIP, Jacoby et al., 2002; Lachman et al., 2002; Masser et al.,
2003). It seems, however, that existing structural and institutional arrangements
often impede the SDIs from advancing, and call for new organizational and
institutional mechanisms to be devised (Kok and Loenen, 2005; Masser, 2005). For
example, Butler et al. (2005) assert that the United States’ national spatial data
infrastructure (NSDI) has only been partially successful after fifteen years of
struggle. Masser (2007) qualifies a number of European countries’ SDIs as partially
operational or non-operational (Table 1).
Serbia is not included in this status report for several reasons, one of them being the
lack of close association with the European Union, although the first step toward
such association has just been made with a Treaty on the Stabilization and Joining
between European Communities and its Member States, on one side, and the
Republic
Table 1. – Status of SDIs in Europe
National Data Producer Led
USER INVOLVED
Operational Denmark, Finland, Hungary, Iceland, Norway, Portugal, Sweden
Partially Operational Austria, Greece, Luxembourg, Poland
Not Operational Belgium
USER NOT INVOLVED
Operational Slovakia, Slovenia, Lithuania
Partially Operational Cyprus, Estonia, Latvia, Leichtenstein
Not Operational Bulgaria, Malta, Romania, Turkey
Not National Data Producer Led
FORMAL MANDATE
Operational Belgium (Flanders), Czech Republic, Germany, Switzerland
Partially Operational Ireland, Italy
Not Operational
NO FORMAL MANDATE
Operational Belgium (Wallonia), Netherlands, Spain, United Kingdom
Partially Operational France
Not Operational
Source: Masser (2007); Spatial Applications Division, SDI in Europe, Catholic University of Leuven (2006)
of Serbia, on the other side (Sporazum o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju izmedju

Evropskih zajednica i njihovih država članica, sa jedne strane, i Republike Srbije, sa
druge strane, December 2007). In fact, Serbia does not have a formally established
or even initiated NSDI. However, it can certainly benefit from the experience of
other countries and take advantage of the evolving legal frameworks and policies for
integration and access to NSDIs. Such framework is provided by the Directive of the
European Parliament and of the Council establishing an Infrastructure for Spatial
Information in the European Community (INSPIRE, http://www.ec-gis.org/inspire/),
the Directive 2003/4/EC on public access to environmental information, and
Directive 2003/98/EC on the re-use of public sector information (Giff et al.,
forthcoming). Specifically, INSPIRE is concerned with compatibility across
Member States of the European Community, i.e., about standardization,
harmonization, interoperability, transparency and access of their spatial data through
a joint geoportal. Responsibilities for data creation, maintenance and custodianship
as well as coordination of related activities are kept at the Member State level. The
Member States are also required to monitor and report every 3 years on: (a)
coordination and quality assurance; (b) contributions; (c) use of infrastructure; (d)
data-sharing; and (e) implementation costs and benefits. INSPIRE requires creation
of metadata and access to data within 2 years (Group 1) and 5/7 years (Group 2 and
3) from its adoption for the datasets listed in Table 2.
Table 2. – Datasets Prioritized by INSPIRE Directive
Group 1 Group 3
1. Coordinate reference systems 1. Statistical units
2. Geographical grid systems 2. Buildings
3. Geographical names 3. Soil
4. Administrative units 4. Land use
5. Addresses 5. Human health and safety
6. Cadastral parcels 6. Utility and governmental services
7. Transport networks 7. Environmental monitoring facilities
8. Hydrography 8. Production and industrial facilities
9. Protected sites 9. Agricultural and aquaculture facilities
10. Population distribution – demography
Group 2 11. Area management /restriction 16. Sea regions
1. Elevation /regulation zones and reporting units 17. Bio-geographical regions
2. Land cover 12. Natural risk zones 18. Habitats and biotopes
3. Orthoimagery 13. Atmospheric conditions 19. Species distribution
4. Geology 14. Meteorological geographical 20. Energy resources
features 21. Mineral resources
15. Oceanographic geographical
features
Framing the [N]SDI activities in Serbia

In terms of the general framework, Serbian government has done the groundwork
and has ensured its compatibility with the European trends. The Strategy of
Development of Information Society in the Republic of Serbia (Strategija razvoja
informacionog društva u Republici Srbiji, Službeni glasnik, 87/06) provides this
broad framework. The Strategy is compatible and draws on other pan-European and
southeastern European initiatives, including:
311
- Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe (Pakt za stabilnost u jugoistočnoj
Evropi, e-JIE) and the eSEEurope Agenda for the Development of the
Information Society (Agenda e-JIE za razvoj informacionog društva, 2002);
- e-Europe 2002 and 2005 and e-Europe+; and
- European Commission’s 5-year strategy European Information Society 2010
(i2010).
The Serbian information society strategy refers to the national information
infrastructures as software, hardware, content (data), organization, initiatives,
procedures and people who are involved in the creation and use of strategic
information systems. The bottom line of these systems is to enable continuous
economic growth. Additional objectives are the improvements of services, market
competitiveness, administration and management, human capital, reduction of
poverty, and protection of the environment. Geographic information is mentioned
only in conjunction with this last item. The environmental focus is compatible with
the main aims of the INSPIRE initiative, as well as CORINE and INTEREG
programs. However, the connections that are relevant for spatial/urban planning are
with the Strategy for Government Reform in the Republic of Serbia (Strategija
reforme državne uprave u Republici Srbiji, 2004) and the related e-Government
initiative. The focus here is reduced to the acquisition of building permits, and again,
too narrow to be considered adequate for the purposes of urban planning.
Legally, the Strategy of Development of Information Society is related to the
following documents (among others):
- Law on the Information Systems of the Republic of Serbia (Zakon o
informacionom sistemu Republike Srbije, Službeni glasnik RS, 12/96),
which mentions the integration of information subsystems through joint
databases, telecommunication networks, and the need for standardization,
including the specific mentioning of data on spatial units;
- Law on Free Access to Information of Public Importance (Zakon o
slobodnom pristupu informacijama od javnog značaja, Službeni glasnik RS,
120/04). Here it is interesting to point out that the information of public
importance is defined as independent of the information producer, carrier,
format, date and manner of creation and that everyone has the right of
access to such information.
- Regulation on the Establishment of House Numbers, Designating Building
Numbers, and Designating the Names of Populated Places, Streets and
Squares (Uredba o utvrdjivanju kućnih brojeva, označavanju zgrada
brojevima i označavanju naziva naseljenih mesta, ulica i trgova, Službeni
glasnik RS 110/03, 137/04). This rule is of direct importance for the
establishment of base data of a future Serbian NSDI.
- Laws addressing the protection of intellectual property, although without
explicit mentioning of digital maps, could be applicable as well.
The Strategy’s section on information infrastructure deals with many important

issues (e.g., regulations, institutions, policies and development of
telecommunications), but does not dwell on the data itself. Interestingly, in its
introduction it recognizes the problems that plague the potential development of the
information society. This primarily has to do with lack of coordination and the need
for establishment of a common coordination body. In fact, the government’s
organization with regard to the information society, local self government and the
application and use of the Internet is qualified as inefficient because multiple
institutions are in charge. (at the time: Ministry of science and environmental
protection, Republic Bureau of Information and Internet, and Directorate for
Common Affairs of the Republic’s Entities.2
The draft version of the Strategy has a substantial section on spatial data
infrastructure that is excluded from the final strategic document. In this section is
argued that
The main challenge during the next decade is how to improve access,
communication and use of spatial data with a goal to support decision making at
all societal levels. Geographic data are needed in areas such as health services,
education and social policy, where the data collected from various sources are
used to track problems and identify trends. Perhaps the need for spatial data and
information on environmental management is the most pronounced. To reach
goals such as economically sustainable development and protection of sensitive
natural resources, planners and landowners must know which information are at
their disposal, how to obtain them, and how to integrate information from other
sources. New technologies (GIS, GPS, remote sensing and spatial modeling)
offer the possibility to meet these and other needs.
Meanwhile, many other sectoral information systems and pertinent laws were
enacted, e.g., in education, health, and other societal sectors. However, the only
specific NSDI activity and conceptualization of the NSDI has been in Republic
Geodetic Authority’s (Republički geodetski zavod - RGZ) strategic plan
(http://www.rgz.sr.gov.yu/), where one of the goals for the period 2006-2015 is for
the RGA to become a leading institution in the creation of Serbian NSDI.
[N]SDI INITIATION IN SERBIA
Installed base
Spatial data infrastructures cannot run in isolation from information and
communication technologies (ICT), information infrastructures (II) and geographic
information systems (GIS). Drawing on the concept of information infrastructure’s
installed base, Nedović-Budić and Budhathoki (2006) consider local and regional
GIS as the building blocks of SDI. They suggest that development of multi-purpose
databases that serve both civic and public safety needs is more efficient than
focusing only on data that would support occasional incidents or decisions.
Institutionalization of GIS technology and data and their use on a daily basis for a
2
Since the establishment of the Strategy, there was an institutional restructuring and the Ministry
of Public Administration and Local Self-government (Ministarstvo za državnu upravu i lokalnu
samoupravu) and the Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Society (Ministarstvo
telekomunikacija i informatičkog društva) were forrmed.
313
variety of public, private and non-profit sector functions is the most efficient way of
developing, maintaining, and integrating the national datasets. The authors argue
that a greater social impact will ensue when we consider the enabling and enabled
technologies together rather than separately. GIS and SDI can take advantage from
ICT and II, which are of much broader scope; ICT investments, in turn, can get
critical justification by treating geo-spatial information as important and vital
content related to a wide range of perennial socio-economic and environmental
problems.
With regard to the use of information and communication technologies, Serbia is
behind but slowly catching up with the developed European countries. It is still in
the phase of building the infrastructure (Maruzzelli, 2003). A survey based on
EUROSTAT methodology conducted by the Republic Statistical Office (2007)
reveals that over 70% of population owns mobile phones, about one third owns
personal computers, about one third uses cable TV, and only 3,8% uses laptop. The
differences based on socio-economic status (higher income population, students and
employed are among the majority of users) and between urban and rural population
are significant, with rural areas lagging behind and Belgrade ahead of all other
Serbian cities and regions. Only 7,3% of households has a broadband connection.
Unlike the private use which varies within different population groups, computer use
and Internet access among the enterprises is almost at 100%. Over 50% of
enterprises has their own web site and uses Internet services provided by the
government. Even though the enterprises show a high degree of initiative (Bazik et
al., 2006), about .one half still uses the slow modem “dial-up” connection (Republic
Statistical Office, 2007).
The diffusion and uptake of ICT and GIS among the local governments shows
similar trends – the adoption by innovators and early majority (Masser 2005), and a
slow but steady trend toward a wider user base. Based on a survey conducted by
Bazik et al. (2006), out of 167 municipalities in Serbia, 51 (31%) had an active
Internet site; 19 (11%) had an electronic service for issuing of documents – certainly
a significant move in the direction of improvement of electronic communications.
Geographic information systems (GIS) are also becoming more present among the
municipalities, drawing on about two decades long developments. While no
systematic data exists on this matter, through interviews with individuals involved in
GIS applications in Serbia, we estimate that the diffusion rate is probably at about
20-25% of municipal GIS established with local initiative, consultants or with
international aid from the United Nations (UNDP and UN Habitat), US (US AID)
and European sources (see Indjija http://www.indjija.net, Subotica
http://map.subotica.co.yu/, Sabac http://gis.sabac.org/sabacsz, Uzice
http://www.opstinauzice.org.yu). The systems vary in contents, database and
function, and some of them are quite sophisticated.
Seeds of the Serbian [N]SDI

Republic Geodetic Authority (RGZ)
With respect to the creation of NSDI, other than the general mentioning in the
Republic Geodetic Authority’s (RGZ) strategic document and in the Strategy of
Development of Information Society in the Republic of Serbia, no further initiatives
are made. This, however, does not mean that there are no developments that lead
towards Serbian NSDI. Without attempting to provide an inventory of all activities,
we enlist and comment on the main database and institutional activities.
To begin with, RGA is involved in several crucial activities. Based on the Law on
State Survey, Cadastre and Registration of Real Estate Rights (Zakon o državnom
premeru i katastru i upisima prava na nepokretnostima, 2002;
http://www.rgz.sr.gov.yu/), RGZ is assembling a database that contains: legal
property boundaries (cadastral parcels), building structures, value and ownership
information. This project is well under way and with its headquarters in Belgrade,
10 regional centers and 152 local offices RGZ has the capacity to undertake it. The
project idea was conceived in 1988 and the database was complete at 43% by 2003.
The implementation is now intensified with the RGZ’s Midterm Program 2004-2008
adopted by the Serbian government in 2003 and World Bank funding from October
2004. By March of 2007 the cadastral base is completed in 3752 out of 4527
cadastral municipalities (mostly rural – only 47 urban, and without Kosovo and
Metohija); 56 cadastral municipalities (32%) are in Belgrade; 21 political
jurisdictions - municipalities (out of 167). One of the ongoing challenges aspects of
this project is the data integration between so called cadastral boundary and real
estate information. The project is due to be completed in 2010.
In addition to the cadastral and ownership information, RGA is in charge of
developing the Central Mortgage Register (Centralni registar hipoteka – CRH)
which has started to build up based on submitted requests. CRH is available on the
Institute’s web site (http://www.rgz.sr.gov.yu/ceh/) and presently the access to it is
provided for free. The database is searched by address, cadastral municipality or
administrative municipality. This development is initiated with the Law on
Mortgages (Zakon o hipotekama, Službeni list RS 115/05). Another important
project is the development of the Active Geodetic Reference Base of Serbia –
AGRBS (Aktivna geodetska referentna osnova Srbije – AGROS) in cooperation
with the European Academy of Sciences for Urban Environments as part of the
establishment of European Position Determination System (EUPOS) in 16 countries
of eastern and central Europe The project started in 2003 and was completed in
cooperation with the Faculty of Technical Sciences in Novi Sad (Fakultet tehnickih
nauka u Novom Sadu) and Serbian and Montenegrian Army (Vojska Srbije i Crne
Gore).
RGZ is currently involved in proposing a new version of the Law on State Survey,
Cadastre and Registration of Real Estate Rights that will explicitly deal with Serbian
NSDI. The RGZ’s Strategy already expresses that the work it has done so far
positions the Authority as the leading institution responsible for implementing the
proposed NSDI. In addition to property information (boundary, ownership, value,
315
and mortgage) and the reference system, RGZ would be in charge of topographic
data and utility lines to be developed and the digital orthophoto project that is
undertaken in 2007 and 2008. The orthophoto project is funded by the European
Union and commissioned to COWI A/S from Denmark.
Involvement of other institutions

While there is no doubt that RGZ has the technical and institutional capacity and the
expertise to exert leadership and support for the development of Serbian NSDI,
strategic partnerships and cooperation with other institutions will be necessary. In
fact, RGZ is cognizant of this and is engaging a Working Group to deal with the
issues of coordination and sharing of responsibilities as defined by existing and
proposed laws for the purposes of advancing the NSDI. Other than the ministries
(Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Society, Ministry of Public
Administration and Local Self-government, Ministry of Infrastructure, Ministry of
Environmental Protection, Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Waterworks,
Ministry of Economy and Regional Development, etc.), the institutions that clearly
ought to be involved are the Republic Statistical Office (Republički zavod za
statistiku, http://webrzs.statserb.sr.gov.yu); City of Belgrade Institute for Informatics
and Statistics (Zavod za informatiku i statistiku, http://zis.bg.gov.yu); The Military
Geographical Institute (Vojnogeografski institut – VGI, http://www.vgi.mod.gov.yu); Republic
Agency for Spatial Planning (Republička agencija za prostorno planiranje – RAPP,
http://www.rapp.sr.gov.yu); Belgrade Land Development Public Agency (Direkcija za
gradjevinsko zemljiste i izgradnju Beograda - Beoland,
http://www.beoland.com/aktuelnosti/); and last but not the least, the major utility
companies (e.g., electricity provider Elektroprivreda, communal utilities provider
Infostan, Post Office, etc.). These institutions are already connected through various
mutual exchanges of data and services, but not on systematic and regular basis.
Republic Statistical Office is in charge of decennial census and over 200 of ongoing
research and data collection projects. The Office deals with the following levels of
spatial data: statistical area, census area (approximately 100 households), settlement
(roughly coincides with cadastral municipalities; equivalent to NUTS5),
municipality, government district, region and the Republic. The Office has started to
develop those spatial layers using Environmental Systems Research Institute’s
(ESRI) software, but has not fully integrated the alphanumeric and spatial data.
Spatial boundary data are not available for public access. The City of Belgrade
Institute of Informatics and Statistics for the City of Belgrade is in charge with
similar functions for the territory of Belgrade’s 17 municipalities. It also had an
initiative in early 1990s for the development of layered (GIS) information systems,
but the idea never came to realization. Even though the status of the City’s office is
not fully defined, based on their long term engagement in data collection and
dissemination to various public and private actors, both statistical offices have
excellent capacity, particularly in terms of methodological and computing expertise.
Most recently their immediate tasks are prescribed with the Regulation on Instituting
Specific Statistical Research (Uredba o utvrdjivanju pojedinih statističkih
istraživanja, Službeni glasnik RS 26/07).
The utility companies and public services (electricity, water, post office, fire and
police) are probably the best situated to provide street network layer and up to date
address information. For now that function is performed by multiple entities.
Finally, the topographic data has been traditionally in charge of the Military
Geographical Institute and its role in the further development of digital topographic
maps and elevation models needs to be considered along the other players and
stakeholders.
Spatial planning information infrastructure

Lastly, the evolving Serbian [N]SDI should provide base of spatial data for the
purposes of planning applications toward sustainable urban and regional
development. Spatial planners have traditionally been active in using paper (hard
copy) and computerized mapping in order to communicate their analysis, ideas and
their plan and policy proposals. Given the synthesis-oriented nature of planning,
which draws on a variety of disciplinary knowledge, planners have a particular need
for diverse and integrated datasets dealing with: cadastre and property information
(as the key base layer), land use and cover, street network, utilities (water, sewer,
electricity, and other), environmental concerns, community facilities and services,
planning documentation, and many other themes depending on the project in hand.
Spatial planning institutions in Belgrade have been active in applying GIS
technology over the past two decades. In fact, in 1998, there was a comprehensive
project idea for the development of an Information System for Spatial Planning and
Arrangement of Settlements and Construction in the Republic of Serbia (Idejni
projekat o planiranju i uredjenju prostora i naselja i izgradnji objekata Republike
Srbije, IS-PUPINIO-RS, Ministry of Construction - Ministarstvo Gradjevina,
Institute of Planning and Urbanism - Zavod za prostorno planiranje i urbanizam,
unpublished internal working document). The City of Belgrade’s integrated GIS
model was included in this project proposal.
From the early 1990s, some of the major planning projects were undertaken with
GIS support, including the 1996 Spatial Plan of the Republic of Serbia (Prostorni
plan Republike Srbije) and the 2003 Master Plan of Belgrade (Generalni plan
Beograda). These projects garnered cooperation of many institutions, including the
ones listed above, and exposed some of the differences in the level of automation,
spatial and temporal scope of data, data management and analysis, and ways of data
transmission (Bazik and Dželebdžić, 1997). Other planning organizations which
employ the information technology in the process of plan making include Institute of
Architecture and Urbanism of Serbia (Institut za arhitekturu i urbanizam Srbije -
IAUS), JUGINUS, Energoprojekt, Bureau for Urbanism of Belgrade (Urbanistički
zavod Beograda), "OSA" – Computer Engineering (Računarski inženjering),
Beograd; "INKO" i "CEP", Beograd; the University of Belgrade (Architecture,
Geography); planning offices in other cities in Serbia (e.g., Niš, Novi Sad);
"URBING", Subotica. Consulting firm GISDATA is the main regional
representative of ESRI, the producer of the most widely used GIS software ArcGIS
and ArcInfo.
317
More systematic efforts that have the potential to contribute to the future Serbian
NSDI are undertaken by the Republic Agency for Spatial Planning (RAPP) and the
Land Development Public Agency (Beoland). RAPP has taken action in line with
the Law on Planning and Construction (Zakon o planiranju i izgradnji, Službeni
glasnik RS 47/03) which prescribes that an information system for “collection,
processing and storage of data about the purpose and arrangement of space and
settlements on the territory of the Republic, adoption and implementation of spatial
and urban plans and other data and information about the space of interest for
realization of the rights and responsibilities of the Republic in planning and
arrangement of space and settlements.” Further, the Law stipulates that this
information system needs to be integrated into a single information system of the
Republic and accessible to the public. RAPP has established a database of planning
documents – Register of Planning Documentation. The register has municipality as a
unit of data registration, and contains additional data on each municipality (grouped
by district), its public agencies, and offices for urbanism. At present, however, the
system is set up for internal use only.
Finally, complementing those efforts in applying ICT for planning and urban
development purposes and providing public access, is a new service established by
Beoland. With GISDATA consulting support, the Agency has established an
interactive web-based GIS of Belgrade (http://gis.beoland.com/beolandmap) and
provided electronic access to 2003 Master Plan of Belgrade (Belgrade 2021) and an
inventory of detailed regulation plans available for the territory of Belgrade. These
documents are mapped over the cadastral, street network and orthophoto layers. The
web site is open for public use.
CONCLUSION
While proposing the characteristics of information infrastructure (II), Star and
Ruhleder (1996) argue that II is not something that can be built and maintained, but,
rather, it emerges through practice and gets connected to activities and structures and
broader social relations (Borgman, 2000). Countering the evolutionary view is the
belief that IIs can be defined and designed (Freeman 2007). We believe that both
approaches are relevant for the development of Serbian [N]SDI. Indeed, it is
emerging from the practice of multiple institutions both in the areas of data
production and applications. In terms of the installed base and general infrastructure
that are needed as a foundation for the future NSDI, they are still in development.
Serbia is catching up rapidly with the remainder of the developed world on the
information society front with creative and sophisticated uses of ICT at all levels of
public and private sectors, but also evident digital divide between rural and urban,
rich and poor, educated and uneducated. With the tasks of furthering digital literacy
and broadening the access to ICT still lying ahead, it is evident that the seeds of the
information society and the national spatial data infrastructure are in the ground.
However, the major endeavour will be needed in the following areas:
− completion of the key national datasets (cadastral, orthophoto, topographic, street
and transportation network, land use/cover, hydrography, protected sites,
administrative and statistical boundaries)
− setting up the institutional structure with strong involvement and leadership at the
top, primarily from the Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Society
and involvement of major stakeholders (from public, private and non-profit
sectors);
− devising coordination mechanisms and confirming responsibilities for data
development, update and distribution;
− establishing the policies of access to and use of data; and
− developing a national geoportal.
With some of the groundwork completed, particularly in terms of broad legal
framework, the upcoming effort needs to be concentrated on pulling together
existing and creating new institutional capacities and databases to replace the current
fragmentation and underdevelopment of the national SDI.
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321
CITY INFORMATICS INFRASTRUCTURE

Dragana Bazik 1
Abstract
Serbian National Strategy for Information Society Development predicts creating of efficient
and widely accessible National Spatial Data Infrastructure that intergrates the informatics
infrastructure of cities. Accordingly, this paper attempts to underline following focal
statements: (a) Serbian experts considered theoretical issues in domain of information and
communication technology for the last ten years as still relevant and actual but their
practical implementation failed; and (b) beside the rapid implementation of National
Strategy subjects there is a demand for flexible and timely reaction to the network revolution
results in past few years, such as - open source applications for contributors, powerful yet
easy-to-learn 3D software tools for non-experts, and interactive web or geoweb platforms
that generate new city informatics / knowledge infrastructure and integrate the
communication, information and cognitive function of urban space.
Key words: network revolution, informatics infrastructure, knowledge infrastructure, urban
design process
CONTEXTUAL FRAMEWORK
Considering the research context we will first tackle the network revolution as
thematic framework, then the physical framework with emphasis on different
functions of urban space and finally the Serbian and Belgrade city context in domain
of informatics infrastructure development.
Thematic contextual framework of this paper could be presented with key data from
Internet users' world statistics: in January 1996 there were 30 million of Internet
users that were 0.73% of total world population, and in September 2007 the numbers
are quite different - 1244.45 millions, that is 18.93% of world population. The major
Internet usage growth rate, or 244.07%, marked the period since 2000 (World
Internet Users and Population Stats, 2007). Information and Communication
Technologies (ICT) become more important in every day life. In last three years it
could be recognized that the open-source initiative and open-source software
extremely contributed to the Internet usage growth. We witness a transition of some
websites from isolated information "silos" to interlinked computing platforms that
function in the perception of the user like locally-available, free or low-cost
software. This network revolution is promoted with the Web 2.0 concept that hints
1
Dragana Bazik, BSc MSc, Associative Professor, University of Belgrade, Faculty
of Architecture, Department of Urbanism, Urban Design Studio
at an improved form of the World Wide Web and could refer to a perceived second
generation of web-based communities and hosted servers. There are a lot of new
Internet platforms such as webblogs, social bookmarking, wikies, podcasts and
online web services, where users generate and distribute content (upload as well as
download) often with freedom to share and re-use it. One of them is the famous
Google Earth (2005) that is a "virtual globe" program originally called Earth Viewer
and created by Keyhole, Inc. It is currently available for use on personal computers
with adequate configuration and broadband Internet and under three different
licenses: Google Earth, a free version with limited functionality; Google Earth Plus
($20 per year), which includes additional features; and Google Earth Pro ($400 per
year), which is intended for commercial use.
Urban fabric is the physical contextual framework of this analysis. Physical barriers
determine the peoples’ flow; buildings’ content defines the movement purpose;
disposition modifies orientation in space; volume creates the perceptive structure of
urban space; secondary plastic forms and details make identity; and the equipment
reflects experience and behaviour. At the same time, in the current Information Age,
urban fabric might be considered from the specific point of view as a dynamic
organism that transmits an endless number of messages about space and people
throughout the time. Spatial, social and temporal milieus are integrated and form
contexts of city everyday life. The variety of scenes offered by town (or to be
offered) is almost unforeseeable. Therefore, we do not consider urban space only as
a physical frame. It simultaneously performs communication, information and
cognitive function, and thereby determines the context and the way we act as
professionals [Bazik, 2004].
The communication function of urban space can be compared to the function of
blood and nervous system of a living organism. It includes transmission and
distribution of water, energy, waves, flow of people, cars and goods. It also
represents the basic condition of adequate urban metabolism, as well as the basic
quality of citizens' everyday life.
The information function of urban space acts in the accumulation and selection
domains of spatial form messages. Physical form informs users about: (i) possibility
and purpose of going, contacting and meeting; (ii) the usability; and (iii) the
orientation conditions in urban space. At the same time, information function of
urban space represents the first degree of superstructure regarding infrastructure
town potential as its direct addition and purpose of existing.
The cognitive function of urban space does not influence basic urban functioning,
but has essential importance in the actual context of sustainable development.
Spatial form represents articulation of knowledge and skills. As such, it becomes a
comprehension and cognition polygon, namely a potential for creating images and
associations. For certain age groups, for example an infant, the city environment
represents the "centre of the world" and a source of fundamental experiences, crucial
for forming the personalities and behaviour. Spatial forms as public presentation of
knowledge can educate, cultivate, animate and dignify. Knowledge distribution
means enlarging rather than wasting. As the knowledge is an endless development
source, the cognition function of urban space becomes one of the priority options of
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theoretical elaboration and professional engagement. Coexisting, information
technology and its accelerated development influence changes in the communication
pattern, behaviour and cognition, including the focus displacement of current urban
space research.
We are aware that the present Serbian environment and context are not a suitable
ground for changing the above mentioned priority of urban research focus.
Existential problems of our towns are not solved. In fact, they are increasing. The
transition period that Serbia is going through is characterized by profound value
system transformations in the domain of society, politics, ideology, economics,
ethnicity, nation, culture and religion. Ethical and moral norms and standards are
changing. The short-term goals are the priority and the environmental protection and
economic revenues and considerations are often in conflict. The existing physical
pattern of Serbian built environment - mostly neglected urban spaces - reflects the
problem of political, economic and institutional structure of the society. This is also
a further reflection of the dominating professional approach that separates different
sectors as an isolated island of information and knowledge, and in the same way,
design from project implementation, land use and its transformation, all leading to a
lot of conflicting situations. In such circumstances, the reaffirmation of urban design
process and its improvement with adequate city informatics infrastructure is one of
the most significant sustainable spatial development tasks.
Given its socioeconomic situation, Serbia is at early stages of Information Society
development generally. Nonetheless, many of Serbia’s challenges could be
compared to the experiences of other developing countries, especially in South
Eastern Europe.
The Statistical Office of the Republic of Serbia has conducted surveys (the first
quarter of 2007) on the use of information–communications technologies (ICT)
according to the methodology of Eurostat and covered the territory of the Republic
of Serbia, excluding Kosovo and Metohia. The first one refers to the households and
individuals, while the second covers the enterprises.
The main results of the survey show that 34% of the households in the Republic of
Serbia possess a computer and it is an increase of 7.5%, respective to 2006. In
Belgrade it amounts to 45.4%. The Internet connections have 26.3% of the
households in the Republic of Serbia which is an increase of 7.8% in relation to
2006. The greatest proportion of the Internet connection is in Belgrade and it reaches
39.1%. It amounts to 29.2% in Vojvodina and 16.5% in Central Serbia. The
broadband Internet connections have 7.3% of the households in Serbia [RZS report
2007].
URBAN DESIGN PROCESS

The theoretical setting of urban design process includes contemplation of its key
features, the domain of its application, related fields, its relevance as a new concept
and its role in urban regeneration, as well as the comparison of urban design and
more traditional modes and future urban design framework proposals. This
consideration aims to emphasize the urban design process as the framework of city
informatics infrastructure support and maintenance.
The urban regeneration process considers creation of integrative policy that
incorporates global and local level through inter/trans-sector relations in domain of
economical, social, ecological and institutional development, grounded on broad
sustainable objectives: (i) social progress which recognizes the needs of everyone;
(ii) effective protection of the environment; (iii) prudent use of natural resources;
and (iv) maintenance of high and stable levels of economic growth and employment.
There are a number of topics associated with regeneration in which the principles of
sustainability might be introduced. The topics covered are: (i) business and the
environment; (ii) local labour and purchasing policies; (iii) local savings and anti-
poverty programs; (iv) safe routes and accessibility; (v) community based waste
minimization; (vi) energy; (vii) forestry and woodlands; (viii) parks and open space;
(ix) educating for sustainability; and (x) town centres.
Coexisting, urban space, such as town centres, parks and open space, is considered
as "physical framework of public domain" that integrates physical dimension of built
space/artefact, and social dimension/public space as public place created by different
motivation of people grouping. The main motto of urban design activity: "creating
urban place by moderating urban space" is simultaneously accompanied by
consideration of the way of managing the existing, and producing new space.
Therefore, it is obvious that urban design is one of the significant elements of urban
regeneration process as the integrative process of urban space production through
creating the relation between built and inbuilt environment.
The implication of the aforementioned is often in sharp contrast with the traditional
concept of the functionally formed treatment of city’s physical space. The locus of
the urban design approach is moved from the quantitative approach of capacity and
representation, through the use of spaces, to the quality of life in the city in relation
to the level of pollution, safety and health of citizen, work conditions, aesthetic
standards etc.
There are main attitudes that enclose the theoretical setting for the urban design
process:
1) Urban Design performs problem orientated process that considers town
attributes by simultaneous observing of partial problems and relevant factors;
proposing solutions and noticing their possible impacts. Therefore, the starting
objectives are not in usual explanations framework of natural and artificial
environment factors of the site. It starts from everyday problem recognition of
the urban life. That does not mean neglecting the mentioned aspects; on the
contrary, by analyzing urban life in specific territorial, climatic, political,
economic and social settings, we comprehend the relevant factors more than
through their individual consideration.
2) A democratic setting that offers to its users the maximum degree of choice and
satisfaction concerning their needs performs responsive urban space. The
simplified meaning of the term "urban space" signifies space between town
buildings with different design and geometry definition. Is it suitable to
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mention only the physical dimension in urban space definition? Empty space,
without its users and their activities, is quite aimless. Urban designer intention
requires achievement of better urban life, or at least non-degraded manner of
the existing one. The meaning "total architecture and urbanism" is displaced
with conception: inviting form (animated, attractive form that activates users)
and responsive environment (adequate life surroundings that conspire with its
users).
3) Urban space design does not exist in the professional domain only. The Urban
Design process, as the way of creation, realization and development of urban
space, also contains artistic and professional elements, which are both creative
and technical. It unifies activities of planner, urban designer, architect,
landscape designer, artist, engineer, public utility services and users
themselves.
4) Specific character of any physical, social or temporal environment, rules out
generalization, equalizing and standardization. There is too much diversity:
climatically, morphologically, economically, politically, technologically,
socially, culturally and temporally. Physical forms transmit an endless number
of messages. Reception of these messages depends on the observers’ capability
(age, level of education, experience, motivation, perception). Prescriptions or
clichés can be of no assistance in this matter. Moreover, as the space has its
own past, it contains some hints for the future, too. The Urban Design vision
anticipates only one point of the near future vision in the frequent interaction
between space and its users; and that vision has its own future that is
impossible to control. The only proper way is to offer the concept of urban
space arrangement responsive to people’s behaviour in space and time; as the
object of continual changing and permanent corresponding [Bazik, 2004].
Explicitly, good urban design should: (i) address the connections between people
and places by considering the needs of people to access jobs and key services; (ii) be
integrated into the existing urban form and the natural and built environments; (iii)
be an integral part of the processes for ensuring successful, safe and inclusive
villages, towns and cities; (iv) create an environment where everyone can access and
benefit from the full range of opportunities available to members of society; and, (v)
consider the direct and indirect impacts on the natural environment [PP1, 2005].
The final product of urban design process should be the urban design framework that
contemplates urban design concepts as a set of prospectus for on-going dialogue with
many institutions, organizations, communities and all actors with possible involvement
in the future city development. The proposed urban design framework should represent
the following key objectives of future development of some considering site as the
connection of social, economic and ecological aspect: (i) contextual development; (ii)
easy to access; (iii) ecological aspect; (iv) identity generating; (v) discovering an
"alternative" or "unusual" experience of shopping; (vi) creating public places -
somewhere to Meet, something to Do, something to See - a new public space for
pedestrians - new palette of liveable places with dynamic and variable views; (vii)
creating safer places - right mix of uses, adequate day and night activity, with adequate
percent of residential use; well defined movement network; the structures and places
with improved visibility and surveillance; (viii) supporting changing over time - the
long-term activity, and the solution in creating a sustainable regeneration strategy that
can be overviewed through adequate transformation phases of site urban design
framework; and (ix) recognizing the information and globalization age - creating the
possibilities for different future networking, new building forms grounded on
technological innovations and interactive dynamics of façades that incorporate the
marketing speed of urban life, the new information coding and the global thinking on
local way [Bazik, Stojanović, 2007].
The abovementioned urban design framework suggests that the outline of city
informatics infrastructure support and maintenance is not in the domain of spatial
data only. It integrates the communication, information and cognitive function of
urban space.
CITY INFORMATICS INFRASTRUCTURE

Information science theory interprets the information phenomena as a system that is
realized, is realizing or might be realized, in some information process. In this case
the term information system does not have the usual meaning (system for collecting
and processing of data) but it means that the information phenomenon already
represents a system (a group of elements connected by interrelations and can be
considered as a whole). Information is a system of possibilities and potentials in
some proposed situation or time and public knowledge presentation is single and
partial realization of some possibilities that predict the information system. Thus the
public knowledge presentation (information process) is separated as reality or
existing fact, and the information (information system) is contemplated as a
hypothetical product [Bazik, 1996].
The world information processes are founded in the development of a Global Spatial
Data Infrastructure (GSDI) through the technical developments in geographic
information systems (GIS). A recent key development is in server GIS. The role of
GIS servers in managing GI knowledge (maps, data, 3D visualization, and models)
on the Web, GIS servers as a platform for building and integrating server-based
applications for other geoclients or Web services.
Simultaneously, with the adoption of the Infrastructure for Spatial Information in
Europe (INSPIRE) Directive, Europe takes a unique approach to developing its
spatial data infrastructure as the contemporary and holistic information process in
Europe. The Directive covers a wide range of domains - in total 34 spatial data
themes and requests emerging technical architecture for spatial data, services, and
metadata, as well as adequate strategies and challenges for providing access to
"harmonized data" across Europe. Spatial information is regarded as an economic
good, integrated into value chains, which is to be produced and traded. Market
mechanisms would be used to coordinate the supply and demand of spatial
information products.
The National Spatial Data Infrastructure (NSDI) would represent a national
information process that would be both a mean and a goal for development of the
national spatial information market. It will minimize the transaction cost for the
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provision and use of spatial information, which will in turn lead to a dramatically
increased usage. This would not only enhance the spatial information market but all
sectors of economy which depend on the availability of reliable spatial information
resources.
Finally, the City Informatics Infrastructure as the existing cities information process
performs the information set relevant for better citizens' every day’s life and,
consequently, for different factors and aspects of continual urban design process as
it will be explored in the following text.
Status in Serbia
A lot of researches indicate that Information Society in Serbia is underdeveloped
and that it is in early stages of policy-development in comparison with the most
high-developed countries.
In terms of ICT infrastructure and historical IT development Serbia has continuously
been developing since 1957 and there are very well developed citizen databases,
businesses databases and tax revenue databases. Furthermore the concept of
Information Society is not new to Serbia. There was the first Information Society
Strategy in 1997. It was called IT Society strategy and it considered development
gaps, knowledge society and the need for permanent learning that is still actual
nowadays [Božović, 2005].
In 1996 the former existing information process in Belgrade planning practice was
overlooked regarding the new Master plan design and we accomplished that systematic
and comprehensive elaboration about information processes in Belgrade planning
practice did not exist. "The preliminary view of available databases in Belgrade was
formed upon partial and fragmented overlooks. Existing documentation in main source
institutions (Institute for Urban Planning, Republic Bureau of Geodesy, City Institute
for Informatics and Statistics, Public Utility Service "Infostan") represents high level
of deference in: (a) the degree of automation; (b) the level of data processing; (c) the
scope of space and time; (d) the way of reporting; (c) possibilities of selection and
transfer of relevant data; and other. Partial activities produced incompatible and
fragmented solutions of hardware equipment and, at the same time, of software
support. Extremely quick development of information technology results in changes
that can not be easily incorporated into implementation flows. Those consequences
might be corrected by appropriate treatment of current innovations of information
technology, for example, the development of informatics infrastructure. Moreover, the
sustainable development concept predominantly contemplates cognitive activity
(aspect of sustainability) and communicative activity (aspects' interrelations) of the
urban design process. Information activity is observed only as an information system
in domain of the sustainable development process and as a relevant set of information
or data about something. The usual procedure is to substitute existing paper documents
by electronic documents and enlarge the capacity for collecting and processing data.
Thus mean that only technological improvement is submitted through existing
information flows by restoring potential "bottleneck". However, quantitative change
does not mean automatic realization of qualitative promotion" [Bazik, Dželebdžić,
1997].
In 2007, ten years later, unfortunately the conclusion about the existing information
process in Serbia and Belgrade can be very similar. Besides the rigid circumstances
in political, economic and social life during last decades, there are some other
barriers of information process improvement such as lack of computer literacy,
generation gaps, workforce age, lack of permanent education, lack of free
government information, and the failures of existing democratic process in some
domain.
There were the technological barriers, too. Adequate computer configurations as
hardware and programs for computer aided design (CAD) and geographic
information system (GIS) as software were quite expensive, even for large
government and academic institutions and professional offices. The continuous
process of technological improvements changed hardware and software potential
and made them more affordable. Nowadays there is recognizable ICT progress that
could be only greater in the future.
For example, Serbia is the member of the electronic South Eastern Europe (eSEE)
initiative that was launched in Istanbul in October 2000 with the aim to improve
integration of South Eastern European countries into the global, knowledge based
economy and better support of the Information Society development. Serbia signed
all relevant documents in 2002. Consequently, the National Strategy for Information
Society Development (NSISD) was adopted in Serbia in 2006 (Official Gazette RS
87/06). It presents the development of eGovernment not as a goal in itself but as a
function of more general economic and socio-political goals, e.g. modernization of
public administration, development of national economy, wider participation and
engagement of citizens in democratic process. In October 2007, the new Minister for
Telecommunications and Information Society signed eSEE AGENDA + on behalf
of the Serbian Government. New Agenda represents continuation of efforts made by
the region countries in order to stay in line with the EU member countries in
information-communication technologies development, as means of improving
economical growth, employment rate, European Union integration process as well as
long term stability of the region, for the period 2007-2012.
A great improvement can be recognized in the real life and it needs to be underlined.
We analyzed activity status of municipalities' web-addresses in March 2006 and in
November 2007 in relation to the research of current city informatics infrastructure
status in Serbia. The number of municipalities is 167. In March 2006 active web
addresses had 51 municipalities or 30.54% of total number. 19 Internet sites had
different kind of interactions (forum, inquiry or e-administration) or 11.38% of total
number of municipalities. The results of more detailed analyzes done by the author
of this paper in December 2007 are:
Table 1. - Content of Official Internet sites of Serbia Municipalities / December 2007 /
Content of Internet site number percent of total
number
total number of municipalities 167 100%
active web-addresses 124 74.25%
e-documents exist 85 50.90%
strategy and plan exist 50 29.94%
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Content of Internet site number percent of total
number
interactive e-administration exist 32 19.16%
interactive forum and inquiry exist 67 40.12%
interactive GIS 5 2.99%
interactive 3D 1 0.60%
Interactive GIS is the most significant content of municipality official Internet site
considering the spatial data infrastructure and performs adequate starting objective
for further informatics infrastructure development.
The key precondition for developing spatial data infrastructure is digital and
accurate real estate cadastre. Real Estate Cadastre and Registration Project supported
by World Bank started in 2005 and will last till 2010. The major aim of this Project
is to extend support to the development and general advancement of the real estate
market on the territory of the Republic of Serbia through formation of a unique real
estate cadastre on its territory. Also the Project aim is the creation of more efficient
systems of land, real estate and ownership rights management as to extend support
to the development of an efficient real estate market. To its end, the project will
support operational tasks, and improvement of the real estate cadastre (REC), as well
as institutional development and capacity building within the Republic Geodetic
Authority (RGZ). The operational tasks include support to the RGZ in completion of
works on the real estate cadastre in shorter delays than those envisaged, support for
improvement of the system of real estate registration and delivery of quality services
to the clients, as well as creation of conditions for introduction of a modern digital
graphic databases. The public information campaign targets various groups of
project' actors - cadastre and real estate professionals, landowners, and the public in
general.
Starting objectives
The consideration of starting objectives is moved ten years back deliberately to
particularly underline that former researches, statements and objectives in domain of
spatial data infrastructure have actually been completed nowadays.
Radical changes of the concept of information (computer supported) systems started
in the 1980s by development of small, specialized information systems with
analytical potential. Afterwards, the network revolution improved the data transfer
as well as the integration process in the domain of knowledge interchange. The
requirement for its effectiveness was an agreement for the unique concept of data
base organization and represented the starting point for the development of
informatics infrastructure [Bazik, Dželebdžić, 1997].
Starting assumptions were:
• Integration of information systems/subsystems;
• Using and adjusting software application packages that are market available
and allow data standardization (unique information format, possibilities for
easy transfer and aggregation on the higher level of analyzing);
• Minimizing data collecting, preparing and entering, and on the other hand,
maximizing different requests of information users; and
• Simulating processes in urban space, contemplating conflict situations in it,
searching for comparative connections and evaluation of alternative solutions.
Physical potential and capacity of urban space can not be elaborated by area
dimensions or built up area percentage and density, nor by the number of elevations
or floor space index. The transformation of urban space potential might be
influenced by some other values that are incorporated in real physical structure like:
the degree of conservation of urban architectural heritage, a usability of underground
urban space, economic effects, responsiveness, and etc. At the same time, a 3D-
model of Belgrade might perform usable framework for a test and confirm all urban
morphology interventions (different scenarios, alternatives or competitions' results
and so on). Visualization and simulation represent new possibilities for media
presentation of projects and animate potential users for active participation in the
urban planning and design process [Bazik, Dželebdžić, 1997].
A concept of adequate information support for urban design has been based on
maintenance in domain of the following changes, measuring needs and possibilities
and defining problems that request actions. Some questions and statements might
be: does the distribution of activities result in economy or diseconomy; are there
possibilities of existing urban structure for purpose changes; and still actual
principles of city sustainable development as enlarging or reducing energy
consumption in specific typological or purpose characteristics of buildings; or a
degree of air pollution by emission of CO2 with consequences to the building
volume and purpose or the way of its heating.
Information support of the urban design processes have to distribute and direct
relevant information flows, more exactly, to develop an appropriate integration
processes between information systems or subsystems. It is the only way to
accomplish minimizing of data collecting and, at the same time, maximizing of ad
hoc information demand and queries that means complete exploitation of
information as an expensive recourse.
In reference to the above mentioned, information support of the urban design
processes have to be: flexible enough to satisfy different needs; detailed enough to
be efficient for the implementation of the monitoring process; and user-friendly
enough to be started without operators’ and programmers’ intervention.
Contemporary information technology makes it possible. It represents a tool of
integration processes in the knowledge interchange domain. Network of specialized
information points that inter-connected by different ways of telecommunication
data, transfer might be created by integration of geography information systems and
added to non-geometric data base (For example: data base of property values or data
basis from relevant institutions - about education, health, government, etc., as well
as data basis that represent added terrain researches, and etc.). More exactly,
complete informatics infrastructure will be developed [Bazik, Dželebdžić, 1997].
At the same time, it will become a key element of the planning process as existing
infrastructure systems have been in planning paradigm until today. The development
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of information structure will not only improve efficiency and quality of the urban
planning and design process. It will essentially transform the way of urban life style
through new communication manners; new dispositions of activities; efficiency
ways of urban traffic controls; control of the degree of environmental pollution; and
other elements that city sustainable development concept contemplates. The
complexity of city sustainability domain and interdisciplinary platform initiates the
development of informatics infrastructure as the priority option of the urban design
process.
Integration processes in the domain of urban design process might be contemplated
through the communication, information and cognitive function of urban space that
has been elaborated in the introduction of this paper. Considering the problem and
qualitative orientation of design activity, integration processes in it have to offer an
interdisciplinary platform that unites different themes. This approach is different
from the usual treatment of the information (computer based) system only as the
identification of existing settings. It shows that informatics infrastructure might
perform as an analytical instrument and "liveable intelligent" tool for the problem-
solving activity, process of decision-making and better management of the city
sustainable development [Bazik, Dželebdžić, 1997].
City informatics infrastructure development

Currently, ten years after, all abovementioned starting objectives could be
transformed directly into the process of city informatics infrastructure development.
The emergence of computer networks which are able to monitor systems in real
time, simultaneously allowing analysis of those same systems, is something that is
very new, at least on a wide-spread scale, and represents an adequate platform for
creating city informatics infrastructure that integrates the communication,
information and cognitive function of urban space. Global positioning systems
(GPS) and mobile computing technologies have made it easier to collect data in real-
time and some scientific visualization programs can access real-time geospatial data
directly.
As it is mentioned in the contextual framework of the paper, Web 2.0 is the new
Internet concept that produces extremely strong changes in computer users'
behaviour. Web 2.0 might be treated as a business revolution in the computer
industry caused by the move to the Internet as a platform and by an attempt to
understand the rules for success on that new platform. Chief among those rules is
this: Build applications that harness network effects to get better the more people use
them, therefore by "harnessing collective intelligence" [O'Reilly, 2006].
Other significant rules for the development of the city informatics infrastructure
include (i) considering software as a process of engagement with its users; (ii)
opening data and services for re-use by others, and re-use the data and services of
others whenever possible; and (iii) building applications that reside in the space
between devices - software above the level of a single device.
Although, there is a specific hierarchy and different levels of Web 2.0 usage that
creates possibilities for emerging development of city informatics infrastructure: (i)
level 3 - the application could ONLY exist on the net, and draws its essential power
from the network and the connections it makes possible between people or
applications. These are applications that harness network effects to get better the
more people use them. EBay, craigslist, Wikipedia, Skype; (ii) level 2 - the
application could exist offline, but it is uniquely advantaged by being online. Flickr
is a great example. You can have a local photo management application (like iPhoto)
but the application gains remarkable power by leveraging an online community; (iii)
level 1 - the application can and does exist successfully offline, but it gains
additional features by being online; and (iv) level 0 - the application has primarily
taken hold online, but it would work just as well offline if you had all the data in a
local cache that is of adequate capacity [O'Reilly, 2006].
The new Web concept might be treated as an analogue, not digital: that it is not the
result of a single, big, discrete innovation. Rather, it represents a continuum of new
ideas, from the slightly evolutionary to the dramatically different. And there is an
idea that Web 2.0 is ultimately based on internet users' trust, at least as the existing
trust in other information media.
With Web 2.0 based consumer level tools became available and the creation of
whole 3D cities which is of great importance for new approach to urban design
process. The software to create 3D models from photographs is developed. Some
Universities have been working on techniques to develop 3D Models direct from
video and starting results are encouraging.
By developing SketchUp Google undermines the market of 3D software. Developed
for the conceptual stages of design, it is a powerful yet easy-to-learn 3D software
tool that combines a simple, yet robust tool-set with an intelligent drawing system
that streamlines and simplifies 3D design. From simple to complex, conceptual to
realistic, Google SketchUp enables creating and modifying 3D models quickly and
easily. The most significant issue for professional use is that Google SketchUp
allows 3D model position using real-world coordinates and shares them with the
whole world through Google Earth application (Pic. 1)
Finally, the ICT technology generates the solution for visualization of complex
urban fabric and relevant abstract data of urban life through web application hybrid
called mashup. Mashup is a web application that combines data from more than one
source into a single integrated tool. Best example is the use of cartographic data
from Google Maps to add location information to real-estate data, thereby creating a
new and distinct web service that was not originally provided by either source.
Mashups currently come in three general appearances: consumer mashups, data
mashups, and business mashups. The most well-known type is the consumer
mashup, best exemplified by the many Google Earth applications. Consumer
mashups combine data elements from multiple sources, hiding this behind a simple
unified graphical interface, with real possibilities to transform to the global GeoWeb
infrastructure. Geovisualization is an emerging domain that draws upon disciplines
such as computer science, human-computer interaction design of different domains,
cognitive sciences, graphical statistics, data visualization, information visualization,
and platforms to discuss, develop and evaluate interactive complex processes. As
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such, the GeoWeb is now a key component in critical decision-making across a
broad spectrum of application domains.
Pic.1. - 3D Manhattan on the Google Earth
TOWARD THE CONCEPT OF CITY KNOWLEDGE INFRASTRUCTURE

Uncertainty of future development and confronted views of the limits of new
technology suggest caution in elaboration of possible implication, as well as careful
definition of aspects of future development including the characteristic of planning
in future from the position of physical organization and use. One of the most
significant objectives of development is continuous growth of knowledge. The most
important or still equal to natural or artificial recourses, potential of sustainable
spatial development might be the possibility of knowledge interchange and access to
it. The knowledge does not decrease by use. It becomes greater. To transmit
knowledge to someone does not mean that it is not still in our possession. Therefore,
the actual demand of ICT development is to achieve the distribution and aggregation
of knowledge between relevant survey fields, thus enabling comprehensive
investigation of: (i) real spatial complexity; (ii) existing processes; (iii) prognostic
changes; and (iv) efficient process of decision-making [Bazik, Dželebdžić, 1997].
For a decade or more since the World Wide Web was established, access to reality
viewed through web pages has become routine. The 3D environment itself – or
rather the 3D representation of the real environment in the virtual world, the city
model – could be constructed in real time from various sensors. The built
environment is forever changing and with virtually continuous remote sensing, such
environments might be constructed on the fly. We would come into this as users
making sense of all this variety in real time while proposing changes to the city
which would improve its functioning and quality of life, reinforcing planning goals
little different from those that have dominated since institutionalised planning began
[Batty, 2007].
Scientific visualization will continue to expand as scientists seek to make complex
issues more understandable. Technology is improving dramatically, and our
understanding of the science behind critical problems such as environmental
changes also is increasing. Because so many of these environmental changes are
spatially oriented, you can expect to see the worlds of GIS and scientific
visualization work together to expand the capabilities of both. Complex urban fabric
refers to virtual 3D city models having thematic and application-specific
georeferenced data that is jointly presented and related to the objects of virtual 3D
city models. The notion that such models are simply databases which can store any
kind of spatial urban data with their geographical referent being any coordinate
system but with the most effective being buildings and streets makes the current
generation of digital 3D models important for knowledge interchange between
isolated "information islands".
In short, the new models are not simply the digital geometry of traditional models
but large scale data bases which can be viewed in 3D. As such, they already
represent a way of merging more abstract symbolic or thematic data, even symbolic
models, into this mode of representation [Batty, 2007].
Since the arrival of Google Earth there has been a lot of interesting Geo-Data
Visualization projects where the overlay of data becomes useful in communicating
key issues to the public at large. A great example of this approach is the 3D
exploration of air pollution in London [http://www.londonair.org.uk/london/
asp/virtualmaps.asp].
In July 2006, an interactive three-dimensional map that allows users to "fly" above
London to see pollution hotspots was launched by the Centre for Advanced Spatial
Analysis (CASA) - University College London (UCL) and King's College. The
easy-to-use tool allows transport and urban planners, as well as the general public, to
zoom in on different areas to see how clean particular neighbourhoods are. It is the
first time air pollution for an entire city has been related to the built environment.
The map also provides projections of air quality up to 2010, taking into account
measures adopted at local and national government levels to improve the air
Londoners breathe, such as the uptake in catalytic converters and constraints on
factory emissions.
The London Air Quality Network, which hosts the web-based map, was aware that
two-dimensional representations can be difficult for non-specialists to grasp, and so
seized upon UCL CASA's suggestion to use their expertise in 3D mapping to create
a simple but effective tool. Users can already choose to focus on roads and railways,
the River Thames, green spaces and the congestion charge zone. Air quality can be
viewed by overall level of pollution, or by key pollutants such as the particulate
335
matter PM10 or oxides of nitrogen. There's also a great video on YouTube that
provides a fly through London and its polluted arteries.
Pic.2. - London Air Pollution in 3D
Such world wide distribution of data and information and aggregation of new
knowledge is the extremely big effort in knowledge society development. Therefore
GeoWeb infrastructure potential does not support only city informatics
infrastructure. It could be treated as the ground for developing a new concept of city
knowledge infrastructure. Google Earth is the best current example of knowledge
aggregation and distribution, which enables any user to add map and now 3D digital
content to any location on the globe and serve this to any user who can then
manipulate the model adding their own content if they so wish. This possibility of
knowledge interchange and access to it might has enormous implications for
involving professionals and the wider public in this kind of continual learning
process.
The second enormous contribution of current 3D digital city models toward
developing city knowledge infrastructure is creating specific motivation for learning
in quite new technological environment. By using the contemporary information
technology we integrate various accumulations of transferable knowledge on a
smaller scale, and thus more efficiency regarding time and memory. It starts from
the domain of efficient elaborating of comprehensive exercises or voluminous
inquiries; to the originating of unexpected combinations in the communication,
information and cognitive context that was manually impossible. The problem based
learning process represents a replacement of data memorising with the problem
solving knowledge and skills. The significance of learning by doing or action
learning could be illustrated by an old Chinese saying: tell me and I will forget;
show me and I will remember; include me and I will understand; make me repeat it
and I will be able to continue on my own.
Open source software and Web2.0 concept transforms the Internet usage from data
seeking and information publishing into active participation in current learning, as
well as, teaching process with aim to facilitate creativity, collaboration, and sharing
between users. Internet deletes the boundaries, fulfils the curiosity and occupies the
mindfulness by creating the new ICT literacy simultaneously. Therefore, the
contemporary ICT technology achievements and higher degree of human-computer

interaction assume the strength of the new knowledge infrastructure.
CLOSING REMARKS
Global computing process is the reality and it extends very fast. Networks’
development provides data, information and services for millions as new knowledge
generators. The major computing paradigm is moving from closed to open system,
from limited to inter-operative system in real time, from independent to application
with flexible use. That offers the possibility for end-user to work with any type and
formats of data within one application environment and in continual workflow.
Computers which were once thought of as solely being instruments for better
scientific understanding are rapidly becoming part of the physical infrastructure
itself, controlling new infrastructure, electronic highways and smart buildings,
through their software, influencing the use of that infrastructure and thus affecting
communication, information and cognitive function of urban space, both in real and
in virtual world.
What to say - everything is changed:
• Web 2.0 / Collective intelligence / "You" have been named as Time
magazine's Person of the Year 2006 for the growth and influence of user-
generated content on the internet. It's a story about community and
collaboration on a scale never seen before. It's about the cosmic compendium
of knowledge Wikipedia and the million-channel people network YouTube
and the online metropolis MySpace. It's about the many wresting power from
the few and helping one another for nothing and how that will not only change
the world, but also change the way the world changes. The new Web is a very
different thing. It's a tool for bringing together the small contributions of
millions of people and making them matter;
• Informatics Infrastructure / Web Interactive / Nature magazine conducted a
head-to-head competition between Wikipedia free Internet-based encyclo-
paedia operating under an open-source management style and Britannica,
having experts compare 42 science-related articles. The result was that
Wikipedia had about 4 errors per article, while Britannica had about 3.
However, a pair of endeavouring Wikipedians dug a little deeper and
discovered that the Wikipedia articles in the sample were, on average, 2.6
times longer than Britannica's - meaning Wikipedia has an error rate far less
than Britannica's;
• Knowledge Infrastructure/GeoWeb/3D Modeling and Scientific Visualization
/Google Earth/City of London Timeline/The one square mile City of London,
London's main centre of finance, has changed dramatically over the years.
Here, using the time slider, you can explore this constructive history via James
Stafford's fascinating animation, which incorporates 3D buildings to show how
the cityscape has changed; YouTube/Global Warming - London Flooding /
With a 3D model it is possible to visualise the impact of sea level change.
South London is built on marsh land and is thus more prone to flooding. We
have produced a movie that illustrates sea level rise in metres. It clearly picks
337
up the moat around the Tower of London within a metre increase and then
follows on to flood most of the Waterloo/South Bank area of London. The
movie does not take into account flood defenses, merely a direct sea level rise.
• Virtual Reality / Second Life / SERBIA ISLAND - Serbia Island is a piece of
untouched nature. This single-sim extension of real life Serbia opened in late
September 2007 by the European advertising and marketing agency Public
Group. Despite the unfinished sim, Serbia Island is forming a community of
regular visitors. The Ministry of Diaspora is a partner on the project. Its role as
government's representative in Second Life is not to create a virtual embassy
as much as to make contact with residents who live out of Serbia. There are
two to four million Serbs, many of them second or third generation, who live
out of the country. The ministry is reaching out to the Internet-savvy younger
generation.
Serbia is a small country but with well educated, hard working, fast learning, and
multilingual labour force. According to Serbia Investment and Export Promotion
Agency (SIEPA) Serbia has the highest English language proficiency in the region
that is 42% of Population. Serbia experts have enough theoretical knowledge both
about ICT and urban design process, but without adequate chances to implement this
knowledge. Current web dissemination of knowledge and experience could allow
Serbia to leapfrog to the latest procedures and methodologies and avoid repeating
the mistakes of other, more developed, countries in Information and Knowledge
Society development. The best chance might be found within the new Internet
platforms, Web 2.0 concept and open source applications where great research by
collecting small contributions could be done. Satellite data is routinely available at
the global level over the Internet and there are a great number of "add content" to the
virtual globe Google Earth. There are 16 different 3D models of Belgrade buildings
that are georeferenced and could be viewed in Google Earth as the individual
contribution. In the future, these spontaneous individual initiatives need to be
supported by more organized contributions through academic and scientific
workflow.
References
Batty, M. (2007) Model Cities. Paper 113. Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis University College
London www.casa.ucl.ac.uk
Bazik, D. (1996) "Razvoj informaticke infrastrukture - preduslov realizacije koncepta odrzivog
razvoja". Koriscenje resursa, odrzivi razvoj i uredjenje prostora, Institut za arhitekturu i urbanizam
Srbije - IAUS, Beograd,.str.35-58
Bazik, D. (2004): Education for Reflective Urban Designer: Requirements of Social, Economic and
Professional Transition. Monitoring Urban Design Education in European Schools of Architecture.
European Association of Architectural Education, European Commission, Socrates Erasmus
Thematic Networks, Thessaloniki, Greece, pp 59-67.
Bazik, D. i Petruševski, Lj. (2005) Informatičko drustvo i održivost gradova. Održivi, prostorni, urbani
i ruralni razvoj Srbije. IAUS, Beograd
Bazik, D. i Stojanović, J. (2007) Accessible and Safer Pedestrian Environment: Four Years of Belgrade
Experience. Towards future traffic safety research. 20th ICTCT workshop in Valencia
http://www.ictct.org/workshops/07-Valencia/-PrelProgram.pdf
Bazik, D., Dželebdžić, О. (1997): Requirements for the Transition Period: Informatic Infrastructure
Development. Spatium International Review, No 2. IAUS, Beograd, str. 17-26.
Bazik, D., Petruševski, Lj. i Dželebdžić, O. (2006) Proces urbane regeneracije u kontekstu
informatičkog društva. Arhitektura i urbanizam, br. 18-19, IAUS, Beograd, str. 80-87.
Božović, Dj. (2005) Development of Information Society in Serbia, Master Thesis Royal Holloway
University of London, http://www.rzii.sr.gov.yu/?pub_e_library
eSEE Agenda Plus for the Development of the Information Society in SEE (2007)
http://www.eseeinitiative.org/
Monitoring Policy Making at the United Nations (2007)
http://www.globalpolicy.org/globaliz/charts/internettable.htm
O'Reilly, T. (2006) Online O'Reilly Reader.
http://radar.oreilly.com/archives/2006/12/web_20_compact.html
PP1 (2005) Planning Policy Statement 1: Delivering Sustainable Development. Office of the Deputy
Prime Minister, Crown Copyright
http://www.communities.gov.uk/publications/planningandbuilding/planningpolicystatement
RZS report (2007) Usage of information – communications technologies in the Republic of Serbia,
Republic Statistical Office
http://webrzs.statserb.sr.gov.yu/axd/en/dokumenti/ICT/2007/ICT_2007_saopstenje.pdf
World Internet Users and Population Stats (2007) http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats.htm

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Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial

Belgrade, December, 2007

Conference Scientific Board:

Conference Organisation Board:

Belgrade, Serbia, 25-26th January 2008

INSTITUT ZA ARHITEKTURU I URBANIZAM SRBIJE

Sustainable development of towns and cities under the conditions of

THE TRANSITION CHANGES AND THEIR IMPACT

SOCIO-ECONOMIC, SPATIAL, URBAN, RURAL, AND CULTURAL

Privatization and selling of public enterprises

Ratings of Serbia in international political and business circles

The utilization of the pre-accession instrument IPA

Employment and unemployment

Foreign direct investments (FDI)

Development of Belgrade vs. that of other parts of Serbia

Urbanization rate, and "urban-rural partnership"

The role of European Corridor VII (Danube) in utilizing territorial

65% in Hungary, 60% in Greece, and 58% in Croatia.

New spatial patterns of economic activities

A synthetic index of living standard and quality of life

THE LEGITIMIZATION PROBLEM OF TRANSITION REFORMS AND

Planning system and practice

development, the pace at which the existing "paleo-industrial structure" of Serbian

THE KEY SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT CATEGORIES IN SOME

pan-European documents, and elaborate on them vis-à-vis the specificities of a

European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP)34

• Parity of access to infrastructure and cultural heritage, which focuses on: 1)

• Coordination among spatial at different levels, i.e., European, national and

example, sustainability, subsidiarity, coordination, etc.

Guiding Principles for Sustainable Spatial Development of the European

• All-European challenges and prospects of spatial development policy in

Territorial Agenda of the European Union. Towards a More Competitive

Cohesion in Leipzig on 24/25 May 2007.

Part I (Future Task: Strengthening Territorial Cohesion) put emphasis on the

• Strengthening of ecological structures and cultural resources as added

Leipzig Charter on Sustainable European Cities (LCSES)43

Similarities and differences between the ESDP, Territorial Agenda (TA),

the problems of developing a compact settlement structure (1), as well as

CORDINATION OF INFRASTRUCTURAL AND

The concept of development planning is to be reassessed in the beginning of the new

development planning do not do away with its narrow/one-sided conception, the

THE EU INDUSTRIAL POLICY AS GENERAL

EU INDUSTRIAL POLICY AND COORDINATING SERBIA’S INDUSTRY

influence of unfavorable developments and limiting factors, and which need to be

IMPORTANCE OF A TRANSITION AND DEVELOPMENT

LACK OF DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY – OUTCOME

period 2000-2006. Namely, the Government has not prepared a general,

WHAT CAN BE DONE?

WHAT TYPE OF TRANSITION AND DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY?

2) Natural sources – Agricultural land covers majority of Serbian territory (65%).

East (European Corridor 10th). Particularly important advantage is Danube River,

EU 25 1,00 2858649,4 2806629,6 52019,8 101,85 27,84 27,34

BASIC ELEMENTS OF THE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY

a part of integral preventive strategy in the processes, products and services, in

THE INFLUENCE OF THE EUROPEAN POLICIES ON

In the present transitional and development phase, it is necessary to start adjustment

NEW EU INDUSTRIAL POLICY AND ITS HARMONIZATION WITH THE

EU Committee removes industrial competitiveness to the extended part of the

The Principles of sustainable development relevant for territorial

global solutions of ecological efficiency in the production and sector of services,

partnership of different actors, communication, education and consensus in the

Low-carbon corporate economy of the EU

consumption – best corporate policy; increase in demand for environmentally-

NEW EUROPEAN ENERGY POLICY AND STANDARDS FOR MEMBER-