Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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A2 Trade Liberalization Up 4
A2 Women Empowerment Up 7
A2 Climate Finance 7
A2 Anti Corruption 12
A2 COVID 20
A2 Surveillance 22
A2 Has reformed 25
NEGGGGGG 26
A2 Poverty Up 26
A2 Income Inequality Up 30
A2 Neoliberal 31
A2 Bad 4 Ecuador 32
A2 Surveillance Bad 37
A2 Not Transparent 40
A2 Aids Corruption 42
A2 Industr Up Climate Ch Up 44
A2 Helps Dictatorship 50
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A2 Global Econ Stability Up
1. T. Hessler 18 reports the IMF actually decreases economic stability because it’s bailouts worsen
debt crises as seen in Mexico and Asia.
a. In 1995, after paying a $52 billion bailout. Three years later, Mexico's citizens suffered a
sharp decline in real per capita income, regressing to a level last seen in 1974. From the
end of 1994 to the end of 1996, Mexico added $560 billion to its total external debt
because the government bailed out commercial banks by buying all their bad loans.
b. The IMF treated the late 1990s Asian crisis like other emergency situations, giving
assistance only in exchange for structural adjustment policies. The Fund instructed
governments to cut spending, with deepened the economic slowdown.
i. In South Korea, a country whose income approaches European levels,
unemployment skyrocketed from approximately 3% to 10%. "IMF deaths
[suicides]" became common among workers who had lost their jobs and dignity.
ii. In Indonesia, the worst-hit country, poverty rates rose from an official level of
11% before the crisis to 40 to 60 %, and GDP declined by 15% in one year.
iii. Malaysia stood out as a country that refused IMF assistance. While the IMF
mocked this approach when adopted, the Fund later admitted that it succeeded.
2. M. financial and economic stability isn’t solely on the IMF to maintain. Nagpal 21 finds IMF
bailouts are not insurance against economic crises and their effectiveness depends on certain
factors.
a. First, the nature of the country’s macroeconomic fundamentals [including
outward-looking policy or inconsistent weak fundamentals]
b. Second is the nature of the economy’s growth model: [growth driven by domestic
savings or foreign capital, reliant on the manufacturing sector or natural resources —
which determines its vulnerability to external shocks. ]
c. Third is the degree of political stability [and quality of governance which are directly
correlated to effectiveness of policy response.]
3. T Helfer 98 finds Global moral hazard or risky behavior rises when institutions like the IMF
encourage potential borrowing countries to pursue policies that make them more vulnerable to
currency runs and other crises. He quantifies global moral hazard created by IMF has played a
major role in the nearly 100 banking crises in the last 15 years. He says that without these
rescues, banks would have behaved far more prudently.
Some economists even regard the legacy of the bailouts in Latin America as the beginning of the financial crisis in Asia in the late 1990s. They
claim that the IMF had sent a clear signal to the world that if anything goes wrong, the lender would come to the rescue of investors.
The late 1990s Asian financial crisis was caused in large part by South Korea, Thailand, the Philippines, Malaysia and
Indonesia's heavy reliance on short-term foreign loans and openness to hot money. When it became apparent in 1997 that private
enterprises would not be able to meet their payment obligations, international currency markets panicked and Asian currencies plummeted.
The IMF treated the Asian meltdown like other emergency situations, giving assistance only in exchange for structural adjustment policies. The
Fund instructed governments to cut spending, with the result that this deepened the economic slowdown.
In South Korea, for example, a country whose income approaches European levels, unemployment skyrocketed from approximately 3 percent
to 10 percent. "IMF suicides" became common among workers who had lost their jobs and dignity.
In Indonesia, the worst-hit country, poverty rates rose from an official level of 11 percent before the crisis to 40 to 60 percent, and GDP
declined by 15 percent in one year.
Malaysia stood out as a country that refused IMF assistance and advice. Instead of further opening its economy, Malaysia imposed capital
controls, in an effort to eliminate speculative trading in its currency. While the IMF mocked this approach when adopted,
the Fund later admitted that it succeeded.
IMF bailouts are therefore not insurance against economic crisis and their effectiveness depends on
certain factors. First, the nature of the country’s macro-economic fundamentals: outward-looking policy driven by growth strategies or
does it have inconsistent weak fundamentals fuelled by macro-economic populism? Second is the nature of the economy’s growth model:
growth driven by domestic savings or foreign capital, reliant on manufacturing sector or natural resources — which in turn determines its
vulnerability to external shocks. Third is the degree of political stability and quality of governance which are directly correlated to effectiveness
of policy response.
A2 Trade Liberalization Up
1. Banton 21 Trade liberalization can pose a threat to developing nations or economies because
they are forced to compete in the same market as stronger economies or nations. This challenge
can stifle established local industries or result in the failure of newly developed industries there.
a. One example is india Topalova 07 finds that trade liberalization led to an increase in
poverty rate and poverty gap in the rural districts where industries more exposed to
liberalization were concentrated. The effect is quite substantial. According to the most
conservative estimates, a district experiencing the mean level of tariff changes saw a 2
percent increase in poverty incidence and a 0.6 percent increase in poverty depth. This
setback represents about 15 percent of India’s progress in poverty reduction over the
1990.
2. economics help. Structural unemployment. Trade liberalisation often leads to a shift in the
balance of an economy. Some industries grow, some decline. Therefore, there may often be
structural unemployment from certain industries closing. Trade liberalisation can often be
painful in the short run, as some industries and some workers suffer from the decline in
uncompetitive firms. Though net economic welfare improves, it can be difficult to compensate
those workers who lose out to international competition.
3. https://www.twn.my/title/negat-cn.htm even if they point to a "modest" positive effect of
liberalization or openness on growth, "such conclusions cannot possibly hold for all the countries
included in the sample." Other surveys, such as those of Sebastian Edwards (1993), Dani Rodrik
(1995) and Gerald Helleiner (1995), broadly conclude that trade policy changes do not matter
very much. Helleiner, in particular, argues that a stable, and preferably weak, exchange rate is
the best single explanation of successful trade performance not trade liberalizaiton.
a. African economies, whose comparative advantage lay in peasant production,
were expected to show an improvement because of trade liberalization, they
have experienced a worsening in income distribution.
4. T. O’Neill 21 reports that free trade is bad and has disadvantaged workers in many developed
countries, including the United States, and these market-based approaches have proven
inadequate in tackling global crises such as climate change.
5. DL. Liberalization doesn’t matter if the countries the IMF is helping are doing worse in the long
term. Li et al 15 reports most studies find that IMF bailouts result in worse economies in the long
term which increases poverty.
a. Bordo and Schwartz (2000) analyzed the annual data from 11 Latin American and 13
Asian countries for the period 1973–1998 and found that the performance of recipient
countries was worse after they received IMF assistance.
b. Dreher (2006) analyzed data from 98 countries over the period 1970–2000 and found
that the overall impact of an IMF bailout is negative due to either the provision of
inappropriate advice by the IMF or the occurrence of moral hazard issues as a result of a
bailout.
c. Barro and Lee (2005) analyzed data from 130 countries over the period 1975–1999, also
reported that the IMF bailout has a negative impact on the economic growth of
bailed-out countries.
d. More recently, Jorra (2012) analyzed data from 57 developing and emerging economies
for the period 1975 to 2008, argued that an IMF program cannot improve the economic
performance of bailed-out countries. Furthermore, his empirical evidence shows that
IMF bailouts significantly increase the probability of subsequent sovereign defaults by
approximately 1.5–2%.
For two decades, the free movement of goods, services, and capital was the world’s guiding principle, crystallized in the so-called Washington
consensus. Although countries didn’t always live up to these ideals or implement laissez-faire policies, most aspired to do so. They had to
explain, justify, and limit their deviations from this consensus, at least in theory. The vast majority of the world’s countries signed on to
multilateral institutions that promoted and enforced this view—such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade
Organization (WTO).
Yet the era of the Washington consensus is now over—and despite what some commentators have argued, the COVID-19 pandemic is not the
cause of its demise. Developing countries started pushing back against the consensus in the early years of this century. Mature economies began
to sour on its tenets after the 2008 global financial crisis. Today, advanced countries and developing ones alike are embracing “industrial policy,”
a catchall term for government interventions in certain industries and in the broader economy. This shift is apparent even in the United States.
The Trump administration ignored and attacked the liberal world order that the United States has led for decades. But its approach partly
reflected a new conventional wisdom in Washington in favor of an economic path that relies much more on active government involvement.
The policies of the Washington consensus spurred growth and development all over the world. But they had clear downsides, as well. Free
trade disadvantaged workers in many developed countries, including the United States, and
market-based approaches proved inadequate in tackling global crises such as climate change. Redressing
the faults of the Washington consensus, however, does not mean the United States should embrace protectionism, which would spell economic
disaster. Global supply chains are here to stay, and U.S. workers will be left behind if American companies can’t take advantage of them. A U.S.
industrial policy built on more global cooperation and competition, better U.S. access to international markets, and public investments at home
can mitigate the shortcomings of the Washington consensus and avoid the pitfalls of protectionism
Li et al 15 - IMF bailout bad
Li, Larry, Malick, Sy, Mcmurray, Adela (RMIT University Melbourne) “Insights into the IMF bailout debate: A
review and research agenda” Science Direct, Sep 2015
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0161893815001003
In contrast, most
studies find that the IMF bailout has a negative effect on the economic performance of
recipient countries. For example, Bordo and Schwartz (2000) analyzed the annual data from 11 Latin American and 13 Asian countries for
the period 1973–1998 and found that the performance of recipient countries was worse after they received assistance from the IMF. Analysing
data from 98 countries over the period 1970–2000, Dreher (2006) found that the overall impact of an IMF bailout is negative. Such a negative
impact might be due to either the provision of inappropriate advice by the IMF or the occurrence of moral hazard issue as a result of the IMF
bailout. Drawing on data from 130 countries over the period 1975–1999, Barro and Lee (2005) also reported that the IMF bailout has a negative
impact on the economic growth of bailed-out countries. In addition, they found that the IMF's decisions on which countries will be given a loan
are highly politically driven. Loans tend to be larger, and more frequent, if the recipient country: (1) has a bigger representation among IMF staff;
and (2) is more politically and economically connected to the US and major European countries. More recently, analyzing data from 57
developing and emerging economies for the period 1975 to 2008, Jorra (2012) argued that an IMF program cannot improve the economic
performance of bailed-out countries. Furthermore, his empirical evidence shows that IMF bailouts significantly increase the probability of
subsequent sovereign defaults by approximately 1.5–2%.
The last decade provides painful evidence of the fragility of a globalized economic system that promoted efficiency
and the power of markets. The 2008 financial crisis was the product of an interconnected banking
system that rewarded short-term thinking, created risky new financial products, and was badly
regulated at the national and global levels. Because so many firms were too big to fail, globalization itself had to
fail. A few key suppliers became bottlenecks, and systemic risks increased dramatically—including the possibility of pandemics—but global
institutions had not kept pace. Instead, states have exploited whatever vulnerabilities they can as they try to protect their own populations and
pursue their broader geostrategic interests.
Powerful states had always wriggled out of the shackles of market discipline when their security was at stake. Most notably, the 9/11 terrorist
attacks and growing U.S.-China competition led U.S. policymakers to realize that they could use their control over businesses that had made
themselves irreplaceable in the global economy to hurt adversaries and coerce unwilling firms, organizations, and even states by threatening to
exclude them from the global marketplace.
The current model of globalization is unsustainable. It is creating unacceptable levels of risk both for
citizens and states. The future of globalization will depend on the decisions of political leaders as well as businesses. The United States
faces a particularly stark choice, as it decides on a new president amid a pandemic.
If Donald Trump succeeds in setting the agenda, America’s future direction is clear. The fragility of the global system will give economic
nationalists more reason to do what they want to do anyway, which is to shift from global free trade to harnessing the power of the
nation-state. The globalized economy would shrink, as more production takes place inside national borders, reducing reliance on foreign
components. The United States is the primary guarantor of the current global system. If it shifts to economic nationalism, other countries are
likely to shift too, either because they want to or in self-defense. China’s Xi Jinping would respond with his own form of economic nationalism.
Europe and a few other midsize economies might try to maintain the ectoplasmic remnant of a multilateral system among themselves, but their
efforts would be doomed without support from other great powers.
A2 Women Empowerment Up
1. LR. The IMF can only suggest and advocate for such gender equity policies, it cannot actually
place them on a country or finance projects to improve equities as it’s not a world bank. There
are alternate reasons why gender equality is going up like increased education and awareness
around the world.
A2 Climate Finance
1. T. Welch et al 18 writes economic programs such as IMF loans often result in unnecessary
environmental degradation because they fail to consider environmental costs and benefits. The
IMF fails to recognize the inseparability of economic stability and environmental well-being.
Welch continues that the IMF's model of economic growth that tends to be based on primary
commodities, whose prices are notoriously unstable and whose extraction is environmentally
hazardous.
2. T. Seabury 20 continues despite IMF rhetoric in favour of increasing public spending, it continues
to lock developing countries into decades of austerity, putting the achievement of the
Sustainable Development Goals and the Paris climate agreement in jeopardy which will harm
climate change advances.
3. T. Picolotti et al 20 finds IMF loans typically include conditions that worsen climate policies. For
example, IMF macro reforms often decrease government spending for education, social
programs and conservation while increasing exports of natural resources, which can adversely
impact social resilience and accelerate the climate crises.
4. M. Cochrane 20 finds Whether international institutions such as the International Monetary
Fund should appoint themselves to take on climate policy--or other important social,
environmental, or political cause--without a clear mandate to do so from politically accountable
leaders. The Western world faces a crisis of trust in our institutions, a crisis fed by a
not-inaccurate perception that the elites who run such institutions don't know what they are
doing, are politicized, and are going beyond the authority granted by accountable
representatives. The IMF’s mandate is not aimed towards climate change and it is not the IMF;s
role.
5. NU. In addition, how much can the IMF actually aid climate change? Leahy 19 of NatGeo reports
that irreversible changes in Earth’s climate systems are underway meaning we are already
marching past the point of no return.
The IMF explains that as a macroeconomic institution it deals solely with short-term economic issues and has no mandate to address the
environment. While
it is true that the purpose of the IMF is to address economic stability and short-term
liquidity problems, the fund has inappropriately involved itself in longer-term restructuring of
economies, often with negative environmental results. In addition, the IMF plays an even broader role by bestowing a
“seal of approval” on countries that follow its prescriptions. This seal is often a precondition for other donor assistance, debt relief, and private
investment. TheIMF’s model of economic growth is based on export-led growth rather than domestic
productive capacity. This export-led growth has tended to be based on primary commodities, rather than
manufactured or processed goods, whose prices are notoriously unstable and whose extraction is
environmentally hazardous.”
Without debt relief, IMF loans typically include conditions that worsen climate policies. For example,
IMF macro reforms often decrease government spending for education, social programs and
conservation while increasing exports of natural resources, which may adversely impact social
resilience and accelerate the climate crises.
The question is whether the European Central Bank (ECB), other central banks, or international institutions such as the
International Monetary Fund, the Bank for International Settlements, and the Organization for Economic Co-operation and
Development should appoint themselves to take on climate policy—or other important social,
environmental, or political causes—without a clear mandate to do so from politically accountable leaders.
The Western world faces a crisis of trust in our institutions, a crisis fed by a not-inaccurate perception that the elites who run such institutions
don’t know what they are doing, are politicized, and are going beyond the authority granted by accountable representatives.
Trust and independence must be earned by evident competence and institutional restraint. Yet central banks, not obviously competent to target
inflation with interest rates; floundering to stop financial crisis by means other than wanton bailouts; and still not addressing obvious risks lying
ahead; now want to be trusted to determine and implement their own climate change policy? (And next, likely, taking on inequality and social
justice?)
Such a collapse of Earth’s systems could lead to “hothouse earth” conditions with a global temperature rise of 9 degrees F (5 degrees C), sea
levels rising 20 to 30 feet, the complete loss of the world’s coral reefs and the Amazon forest, and with large parts of the planet uninhabitable. A
global emergency response is required to limit warming to 2.7 degrees Fahrenheit (1.5 degrees Celsius), they warn. “The stability and resilience
of our planet is in peril,” they say. “It’s
a nasty shock that tipping points we thought might happen well into the
future are already underway,” say
A2 Anti Corruption
1. T. The IMF actually increases corruption via involvement and support in questionable
governments, as Pettinger 21 corroborates “The IMF has been criticised for supporting military
dictatorships in Brazil and Argentina, such as Castello Branco in 1960s received IMF funds denied
to other countries”
2. T. IMF programs worsen governance outcomes, Walwema 13 confirms that IMF loan programs
take money from social services. Structural adjustment has therefore forced many countries to
divert funds from public health initiatives and to the increased trade capability. For example, in
1964, Nigerian industrialization was said to cost 676.8 million pounds ($926 million). These
expenditures could’ve been used for roads and transportation, as well as the building of dams
and electricity.
3. T. The IMF is literally influenced by certain shareholders. Reinhart 16 explains The voting
structure of the IMF is based on the size of “quotas” or financial resources devoted to the Fund,
which are in turn linked to the size of national economies, so the US and major economies of
Western Europe have IMF quotas that have traditionally granted them considerable power over
IMF decisions. She continues that studies finds that political factors and voting alignments with
the United States are significant in explaining the probability of getting an IMF loan for example.
a. Hickel 20 furthers The IMF is structurally undemocratic, causing massive inequality and
suffering for oppressed nations. Take Bangladesh and Nigeria, both of which were British
colonies. In the IMF, a British person’s vote today is worth 41 times more than a
Bangladeshi’s vote, and 23 times more than a Nigerian’s vote. And this is the 21st
century; many decades after the end of colonial rule. In any national political system, we
would reject the notion that rich people should have more voting power than poor
people, and more influence over economic policy decisions. We would see this as
corrupt and morally repulsive. And yet such plutocracy is normalised in the IMF.
Structural adjustment has therefore forced many countries to divert funds from public health
initiatives and to the increased trade capability. Money is needed to increase a country’s infrastructure and its trading
capabilities—especially if a country is to compete on the national stage. For one to truly understand how much is taken away from public
services, one also needs a baseline as to how much it costs to industrialize and provide minimum processing infrastructure. There is a large price
tag for countries to compete on the international stage. For example, in 1964, Nigerian industrialization was said to cost £676.8
million.80 The expenditure would be used for roads and transportation, as well as the building of dams and
electricity
p. 21. The voting structure of the IMF is based on the size of “quotas” or financial resources devoted to the Fund, which are in turn linked to the
size of national economies, so the United
States and major economies of Western Europe have IMF quotas that
have traditionally granted them considerable power over IMF decisions. (For instance, the United States has a large
enough share of total votes that it can exercise veto power over any substantial IMF decision, while the Managing Director of the IMF has always
been a European.)
p. 21. Indeed, there is a compelling range of evidence to support the conclusion that politics plays a role in IMF lending decisions (usually at the
country level). We have already alluded to some of these findings (for example, the Barro and Lee 2005 study). There are other studies.
Thacker (1999), for instance, finds that political factors and voting alignments with the United States
are significant in explaining the probability of getting an IMF loan (although his results vary across sample periods).
Stone (2004) discusses the political economy of IMF loans in Asia. Dreher, Sturm, and Vreeland (2009) find systematic evidence that UN Security
Council membership reduces the number of conditions included in IMF programs.
Hickel 20 - undemoc
Hickel, Jason (an academic at the University of London and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts)"Apartheid in the World Bank
and the IMF." Al Jazeera. Nov2020.
https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2020/11/26/it-is-time-to-decolonise-the-world-bank-and-the-imf.
Not only is there minority control over global economic policymaking, there is also a clear racial imbalance at play: on average, the votes of
people of colour are worth only a fraction of their counterparts. If this was the case in any particular country, we would be outraged. We would
call it apartheid. Yet a form of apartheid operates right at the heart of international economic governance today, and has come to be accepted
as “normal”.
In some cases, the differences between countries are particularly striking. Take
Bangladesh and Nigeria, both of which were
British colonies. In the IMF, a British person’s vote today is worth 41 times more than a Bangladeshi’s
vote, and 23 times more than a Nigerian’s vote. And this is the 21st century; many decades after the
end of colonial rule.
The inequalities that characterise voting power in the World Bank and the IMF have their roots in the colonial period. After all, these institutions
were founded in 1944. Countries that were colonies at the time (like India) were integrated into the system on unequal terms, subordinated to
their colonisers. Other colonies were not allowed to join until after independence, in some cases well into the 1970s and 80s. These institutions
were designed under colonialism and they remain in key respects colonial in character.
Voting power in the World Bank is allocated according to each country’s financial shares. In the IMF, it is primarily according to gross domestic
product (GDP), with some consideration also given to a country’s “market openness”. As a result, the countries that became rich during the
colonial period now enjoy disproportionate power when it comes to determining the rules of the global economy. Inequality begets inequality.
Defenders of this system argue that this is a legitimate approach: it makes sense, they say, that bigger economies should have more power over
decisions related to the global economy.
Goodman 11 - $ in $ out
Goodman, Peter (European economics correspondent for The New York Times, based in London. He was previously a national economic
correspondent, based in New York, where he played a leading role in award-winning coverage of the Great Recession. ) “For the World
Economy, a Grim Slog Tempered by New Hopes”, NYT, Nov 2020
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/11/27/business/coronavirus-global-economic-outlook.html
Poor and developing countries went into the pandemic facing alarming levels of debt. Promised aid
from international institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have proved
disappointing. Private creditors have withheld debt relief.
Some argue that the pandemic should be the impetus for new economic models that create jobs through a transition to green energy while
spreading the gains more equitably.
Beams 20 - quantif
Beams, Nick (affiliated to the International Committee of the Fourth International He retired as national secretary of the SEP in 2010, after
having served in that position for 35 years.) “The fraud of IMF-World Bank “debt relief” for poor countries”
International Committee of Fourth International WSWS, Nov 2020
https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2020/11/04/imfb-n04.html
According to a report issued in July by the anti-poverty organisation Jubilee Debt Campaign, the
IMF is in breach of its own rules,
as 28 countries with a high risk of debt default used $11.3 billion to pay private-sector debt holders.
Jones noted that the level of government spending on debt payments in poorer countries last year had risen to more than 14 percent of
government revenue, the highest level since 2003, an increase of 110 percent since 2010. In Kenya and Ethiopia, debt servicing reached up to 50
percent of government revenues last year.
Seeking to justify the use of IMF funds for private profit rather than necessary health and social services, while maintaining that “our overriding
objective right now is to save lives and livelihoods,” IMF spokesman Gerry Rice said the issue was complicated.
A2 Food Insecurity Down
1. T. Sonkin 20 finds that the IMF policy contributes to the financialization of food and agriculture.
[This has resulted in land-grabs, exposure of small-holder farmers to high price volatility, the
concentration of power in agricultural business and the expansion of climate-damaging
industrial agriculture.] She stresses financialisation drives inequalities within and between
countries, its relationship with rising food insecurity within lower-income countries and
population groups cannot be ignored.
a. For example, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) noted, the number of
undernourished people in Africa increased by 8% after the price swings in key staple
foods between 2007 and 2008.
2. NU. There are many organizations working to alleviate food insecurity, the IMF is not essential.
For example, the HRC 20 reports “The World Food Programme (WFP) is one of the largest UN
agencies helping 86.7 million people in around 83 countries every year, and delivering food
assistance in places of emergencies, as well as working with communities to build resilience and
improve nutrition.” HRC also names 29 other programs which aid food insecurity including Care,
Hunger Project, Bread for the World, Clean Cooking Alliance, and more.
Sonkin 20 - financialization
Sonkin, Flora (Society for International Development (SID)) “Recipe for disaster: The IMF and World
Bank’s role in the financialisation of food and agriculture” Bretton Woods Project, Apr 2020
https://www.brettonwoodsproject.org/2020/04/recipe-for-disaster-the-imf-and-world-banks-role-in-the-financialisation-of-food-and-agricultur
e/
IMF policies have provided key support for the financialisation of food and agriculture. This
Past and present World Bank and
has resulted in land-grabs, exposure of small-holder farmers to high price volatility, the concentration
of power in agricultural business and the expansion of climate-damaging industrial agriculture. These
trends decrease policy space for states in a key area of life and the economy
The long-term food security implications of the financialisation of agriculture not only affects farmers or people directly dependent on the land.
Commodity-dependent and net food-importing countries, in particular their low-income populations, whose position in the global economy
originates in no small part from the structural adjustment programmes implemented by the World Bank and IMF in the 1990s, now find
themselves increasingly at the mercy of volatile international food prices, which become even more unstable in the context of the global climate
emergency. As the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) noted, the number of undernourished
people in Africa increased by 8 per cent after the price swings in key staple foods between 2007 and
2008. The 2019 edition of FAO’s flagship publication, The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World, revealed a continuously worrying
scenario: “more than 820 million people in the world were still hungry in 2018,” especially in low-income countries. As financialisation
drives inequalities within and between countries, its relationship with rising food insecurity within
lower-income countries and population groups cannot be ignored.
First, historical evidence suggests that IMF administered rescue programmes are actually a recipe for disaster. They worsen rather than rescue
the situation. Second, to suggest that South Africa’s problems are financial in nature is a dangerous misdiagnosis. It will distract the
government from the critical issues it needs to address which have little to do with the finances. Third,one of the main driving
factors of the current economic predicament is a loss of investor confidence. This is linked to other factors like
policy uncertainty, political instability within the ruling party and mismanagement of public resources mixed with corruption. An IMF
bailout won’t address these problems. And lastly, hopping onto the IMF programme would disturb the
country’s commitment to reforming the global multilateral financial world. South Africa is part of the BRICS bloc
which is grooming a new and perhaps alternative multilateral development finance institution called New Development Bank. If anything, South
Africa must look to BRICS if it needs financial rescue
Effectively it was a learning curve for the IMF, said Thiele. Dealings with recipient countries now sees much more emphasis placed on matters
such as good governance and social concerns than in the past.
A possible reason for this change: the IMF and World Bank are no longer the only potential financial
backer for African governments. Some countries can meanwhile now support themselves using regular
capital markets. And the emergence of a major investor has altered the financial circumstances in Africa: China.
China's arrival offered new financing opportunities for African countries, Ndongo Sylla, a Senegalese economist at the Rosa Luxembourg
Foundation in Dakar, told DW. "China
offers African countries the opportunity to escape, from time to time, the
grip of the IMF and the World Bank because China is not demanding conditionalities." China does not want
political and economic reforms in exchange for loans. It asks for business, natural resources and access to markets instead.
A2 COVID
1. T. Ratcliff 20 finds “Over 80% of the IMF’s Covid-19 loans recommend poor countries hit hard by
the economic fallout from the pandemic adopt tough new austerity measures” that will push for
belt-tightening that can result in deep cuts to public healthcare systems that are needed to solve
COVID. This means that the IMF loans push against healthcare systems spending and harm
COVID response relief.
a. She continues that millions more people are likely to be left without healthcare or
income support while they search for work, thwarting any hope of a sustainable
recovery.
2. M. Goodman 20 reports that the IMF has failed to fulfill its lending promises. At the IMF,
Georgieva, the managing director said she would not hesitate to tap the institution's $1 trillion
lending capacity. But the IMF has lent out only $280 billion which is only 3% of the IMF’s actual
potential lending in the COVID crisis. Stubbs 21 confirms this sentiment In March 2020, the G20
declared that ‘We commit to do whatever it takes and to use all available policy tools to
minimize the economic and social damage from the pandemic, restore global growth, maintain
market stability, and strengthen resilience. To date, these words have not been met with equally
bold action. At time of writing, the IMF and all major RFAs [regional financial arrangements] have
virtually the same lending capacity as they did in 2018, only the conditions of access have
occasionally changed.
a. More specifically, Stubbs says Taken together, adjustments to the IMF’s financial
architecture since the Covid-19 joint statement—the temporarily increased access limits,
the new Short-Term Liquidity Line, and revamped Catastrophe Containment and Relief
Trust—are underwhelming. The only genuinely fresh funding is the $285mil committed
to the Catastrophe Containment and Relief Trust, a mere fraction of existing lending
firepower and far short of the acknowledged $2.5trillion needed.
3.
Over 80per cent of the International Monetary Fund's (IMF) Covid-19 loans recommend poor countries
hit hard by the economic fallout from the pandemic adopt tough new austerity measures in the
aftermath of the health crisis, Oxfam warned today. New research shows that since the pandemic was declared in March, 76 out of
91 IMF loans -- 84 per cent - negotiated with 81 countries push for belt-tightening that could result in deep cuts to public healthcare systems
and social protection. It comes after the World Bank projected that up to 115 million more people will fall into extreme poverty this year, the
first increase in more than two decades. Ana Arendar, Oxfam Head of Inequality Policy said: "At a time when the progress against poverty is
being set back decades, this is exactly the wrong instruction for the IMF to be giving poor countries. It is nothing short of unacceptable that the
IMF is using its power to make life harder for people already struggling to survive.
Millions more people are likely to be left
without healthcare or income support while they search for work, thwarting any hope of a sustainable
recovery
But the I.M.F. has lent out only $280 billion. That includes $31 billion in emergency loans to 76 member states, with nearly
$11 billion going to low-income countries.
“We have really stepped up in terms of quick disbursement to be able to support countries that are in need,” Ceyla Pazarbasioglu, director of the
I.M.F.’s Strategy Policy and Review department, said in an interview.
p. 105171 In March 2020, the G20 declared that ‘We commit to do whatever it takes and to use all
available policy tools to minimize the economic and social damage from the pandemic, restore global growth,
maintain market stability, and strengthen resilience’ (Wintour & Rankin, 2020, emphasis added). To date, these words have not been met with
equally bold action. At time of writing, the IMF
and all major RFAs have virtually the same lending capacity as they
did in 2018, although conditions of access have occasionally changed. This section examines the evolution of global
financial safety net activities since the onset of the pandemic, drawing on official pronouncements from the IMF and RFAs.
A2 Surveillance
1. DL. IMF economic monitoring is ineffective. Historical precedent proves:
a. In Portugal, Eichenbam 05 explains the IMF “gave too little attention to the possibility
of a painful sudden stop in capital flows to Portugal” and neglected “the role of private
sector borrowing in making Portugal” which was vulnerable to a sudden stop.
b. The IMF also failed in Greece, Mohan 10 explains “In the run-up to the financial crisis,
the IMF’s surveillance failed to capture the build-up of risks in the Eurozone crisis (which
began as a domino effect from Greece) he concludes the surveillance lost effectiveness
because of a lack of analytical depth, rigor, and the failure to highlight sufficiently the
need for stronger action.
c. IMF surveillance didn’t detect the 2008 recession, one of the biggest economic crises of
our time. Gutner 15 confirms “However, the IMF’s newfound importance was not a
result of past excellent performance” and that the IMF couldn’t even foresee the crisis,
and only took control because of“ its position as the “go-to” institution in times of
economic trouble.”
A2 Has reformed
1. The IMF will not reform – it has an internal review but it has no influence. BWP 19 explains the
IThe IMF’s Independent Evaluation Office (IEO) was set up in 2001 to conduct evaluations of the
policies and functionalities of the institution with the aim of enhancing the learning culture,
strengthening credibility, and supporting institutional governance yet a third independent
evaluation of the IEO itself, published in 2018, found that the IEO’s recommendations continue
to “lack traction” within the Fund. This echoes the findings of previous evaluations of the IEO,
amidst accusations of ‘groupthink’ at the IMF, which the IEO deemed partially the cause of the
Fund not foreseeing the 2008 global financial crisis, arguably its most important job and clearest
recent failure.
The IMF’s Independent Evaluation Office (IEO) was set up in 2001 to conduct evaluations of the policies
and functionalities of the institution with the aim of enhancing the learning culture, strengthening
credibility, and supporting institutional governance and oversight. On the World Bank side, the
Independent Evaluation Group (IEG) was created in 2006, integrating several individual accountability mechanisms, and is
charged with evaluating the activities of the entire World Bank Group and determining what works, what doesn’t and why.
However, the Bank and Fund have been criticised for failing to implement the recommendations of the IEG
and IEO, respectively. In the case of the Bank, this reflects larger criticisms of staff incentives being misaligned with its twin goals, and the
Bank having an insular, self-referential approach to knowledge production, which – according to the landmark Deaton Report published in 2006
third independent evaluation of the IEO itself,
– sometimes borders on ‘parody’ (see Observer Summer 2018). Meanwhile, a
published in 2018, found that the IEO’s recommendations continue to “lack traction” within the Fund
(see Observer Autumn 2018). This echoes the findings of previous evaluations of the IEO, amidst
accusations of ‘groupthink’ at the IMF, which the IEO deemed partially the cause of the Fund not
foreseeing the 2008 global financial crisis, arguably its most important job and clearest recent failure
(see Update Issue 74).
NEGGGGGG
A2 Poverty Up
1. T. Hayashikawa 08 finds the IMF allows for trade liberalization which as a result, decreases
poverty. IMF (2007) analyses found that trade liberalization reduces income inequality, both in
developed and developing countries. Hayashikawa 08 quantifies during the last two decades,
the average real income of the poorest segment of the population has increased across all
countries and income groups.
2. NU. Hayashikawa 08 continues that income inequality has risen in most countries and regions
over the past two decades due to technological progress which increases the wages of the skilled
relative to the wages of the unskilled rather than attributing it to the IMF.
3. NU. COVID is an alternative cause to poverty. Williams-Grut 20 writes that COVID has decreased
poverty reduction efforts quantifying it removed 30 years of progress and can push as many as
90 million people into poverty.
4. DL. Bird 19 reports there’s no link between the IMF and an increase in poverty. He finds no
strong and universally negative association between Fund programs and a wide range of key
social indicators that he examined.
Most advanced economies that can borrow freely will not need to plan for austerity to restore the health of their public finances after the
coronavirus pandemic, the IMF has said in a reversal of its advice a decade ago. Countries that have the choice to keep
borrowing are likely to be able to stabilise their public debt by the middle of the decade, Vitor Gaspar, head of fiscal policy at
the fund, told the Financial Times. That would mean they would not have to raise taxes or cut public
spending plans.
The fund’s advice is a reversal of the message given in the same publication a decade ago at the
equivalent stage in the financial crisis. Then, it warned that “many countries face large retrenchment
needs going forward”.
The fund’s internal auditor subsequently assessed that it had been too quick to advocate austerity in
2010-11, and the IMF has now substantially revised its guidance.
This time around, more needs to be done to foster a strong recovery before considering the health of countries’ public finances, the IMF
emphasised.
“We believe there is a risk of prematurely withdrawing fiscal support and policymakers that have a choice would be well-advised to be very
gradual and to maintain fiscal support until the recovery is on a sound footing and the long-run scarring impacts from Covid-19 are perceived to
be under control,” Mr Gaspar said.
learn from national LOLR experience for the occasions under which a LOLR might take action, the instruments the LOLR might use, and what
supporting structures might be necessary for a LOLR to be effective in balancing the risks of financial crisis against the risks of moral hazard. If
indeed the IMF is being called upon to act as an international LOLR, does it have (or can it be given) the instruments and supporting structures
which appear to be necessary in the national context? If not, what are the consequences of the IMF playing with only
half a deck, and is there another way out? The
bottom line is that the IMF is the only supra-national institution
that can coordinate action when sovereign nations are involved, and when fast moving global financial
crises demand large and immediate injections of credit. The foundation for growth in an increasingly
global world is through international financial
intermediation—a collapse of the international financial system cannot be risked. However, the IMF operates
without key supporting institutions and mechanisms that are integral to the environment of the national LOLR and which
mitigate moral hazard. The IMF has neither a constant supervisory presence nor a fiscal redistributive authority. Consequently, IMF intervention
in the current international financial environment magnifies moral hazard. The recommendations contained in the recent communique from G-7
Finance Ministers, to improve transparency and disclosure and to strengthen national financial systems, clearly are necessary—but they are not
enough. The proposed "international supervisor of the national supervisors" could help to some degree. But supervisors, to be effective, must
be ever-present and have enforcement powers; authorities not given over lightly to supra-national entities. So, even as we bolster the IMF's
credit line for when needed, we must seek ways to limit the occasions we resort to it. We must focus on market-oriented solutions. The private
financial market has the technical ability to create financial instruments that mitigate moral hazard and diversify risk t
A2 Income Inequality Up
1. T. Taylor 19 writes that the IMF has advocated progressive policies, naming it one of three key
methods for tackling inequality in 2017. In addition, social spending policies had a part to play,
noting that allocating funds to areas such as education, health care and pensions can help to
reduce wealth inequality.
2. NU. Tetlow 17 finds that technological changes are responsible for rising income inequality. She
says “Policymakers in advanced economies should look to technological change, rather than
globalisation, for the main explanation of why workers have failed to benefit fully from past
economic growth” [Across the majority of advanced economies, workers have received a
declining income since the early 1990s, while a growing share of productivity gains has been
captured by the owners of capital. About half of this decline can be attributed to the impact of
technological progress, which has made it easier to automate routine tasks.]
A2 Neoliberal
1. [T. Neoliberalism is good Loeb 17 finds neoliberal policies have the potential to lower inequality
because Neoliberals support progressive taxation, land value and inheritance taxes to improve
equality, the idea that a minimum standard of living should be provided, and Tuicakademi 19
finds that it can enhance cooperation and reduce the risk of war or conflict as well.]
2. DL. Donnnon 18 reports the IMF is reversing this and rethinking its neoliberal past
3.
A2 Bad 4 Ecuador
1. DL. Even if the IMF’s calculations are wrong, the programs still aim at helping Ecuador. Sayeh 20
explains “Ecuador’s 27-month EFF arrangement was approved by the Executive Board in
September 2020 for about US$6.5 billion or around 661 percent of Ecuador’s quota. The
program aims to support Ecuador’s policies to stabilize the economy and protect lives and
livelihoods, expand the coverage of social assistance programs, ensure fiscal and debt
sustainability, and strengthen domestic institutions to lay the foundations for strong, job-rich,
and long-lasting growth that benefits all Ecuadorians.
2. DL. Focusing on only the failures of Ecuador ignores the IMF’s role is to function as the world's
financial watchdog, it ignores successes like Brazil 2002, Ireland from the Eurozone crisis, and the
Asian financial crisis of 1997-8 according to Masters et al 20 who explains it is often the only
organization equipped for such interventions, and evaluating the fund’s success over the past
seventy-plus years is a difficult task. As Harvard economist Benjamin M. Friedman has said, “We
cannot reliably know whether the consequences of the IMF’s policies were worse than whatever
the alternative would have been.”
Sayeh 20 - ecuador
Sayeh, Antoinette M. (Deputy Managing Director, IMF), “IMF Executive Board Completes First Review of the
Extended Fund Facility Arrangement for Ecuador” International Monetary Fund, STATES NEWS SERVICE,
Dec 2020, https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2020/12/22/pr20387-imf-executive-board-completes-first-review-for-ecuador
Washington, DC: The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) completed today the first review of the extended arrangement
under the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) for Ecuador. The Board’s decision allows for an immediate disbursement of SDR 1.42 billion (about US$2
billion), bringing Ecuador’s total disbursements for budget support under the arrangement to about US$4 billion.
Ecuador’s 27-month EFF arrangement was approved by the Executive Board on September 30, 2020 (see
Press Release No. 20/302) for SDR 4.615 billion (about US$6.5 billion or around 661 percent of Ecuador’s quota). The
program aims to support Ecuador’s policies to stabilize the economy and protect lives and livelihoods,
expand the coverage of social assistance programs, ensure fiscal and debt sustainability, and
strengthen domestic institutions to lay the foundations for strong, job-rich, and long-lasting growth
that benefits all Ecuadorians.
Following the Executive Board discussion on Ecuador, Ms. Antoinette Sayeh, Deputy Managing Director and Acting Chair, issued the following
statement:
“The Ecuadorian economy is showing nascent signs of economic recovery after bottoming out in the second quarter. New COVID-19 infections
and deaths have moderated compared to the high levels seen in the Spring, reflecting the authorities’ decisive actions to contain the outbreak.
Economic activity is now projected to contract by 9½ percent in 2020, which is an improvement over the 11 percent contraction anticipated at
program approval.
“The authorities’ vigilant approach leading up to program approval helped cushion delays in external financing. All end-September quantitative
performance criteria and indicative targets were met with large margins. Moreover, the authorities continued to expand and improve
well-targeted social assistance, bringing in more than 270,000 low-income families into the social safety net since July, ahead of their
end-December goal, and helping to mitigate the impact of the crisis on the most vulnerable groups.
Some economists characterize the fund’s performance in the Asian financial crisis of 1997–98 as a success. They argue that the economic
reforms championed by the IMF allowed the countries involved to recover quickly and laid the foundation for sustained growth during the
2000s. Others point to the fund’s role in Brazil in 2002 as positive: an early recovery there after intervention allowed IMF loans to be repaid
ahead of schedule.
A2 Bad 4 Human Rights
1. T. The IMF actually increases human rights because Woo et al 17 finds the IMF is likely to be
more cautious and less likely to give a loan to countries under intense scrutiny for their human
rights abuses request for new IMF programs.
2. T. The IMF boosts human rights by reducing poverty, Pereira 01 reports Since 1999, the IMF has
stressed the central role of poverty reduction in the Fund's strategy for low-income countries
including Rwanda, Bolivia, Cambodia, Cameroon, Uganda, Tanzania and Vietnam.
3. T. The IMF boosts gender equality. IMF Blog 17 explains they do this in 3 ways:
a. First is analysis and policy advice to increase female labor force participation. The Fund
supported programs with Egypt and Jordan including provisions to improve public
transport safety for women, and gave more child care options to help women seek
work. In Germany, they recommended the expansion of full-time childcare services and
after-school programs.
b. Second is fiscal policy. The IMF has examined, both globally and in the G7, how fiscal
policies can promote gender equality and women’s development, and advised how
governments can then integrate these ideas into the laws, regulations, and practices
governing the budget. Morocco and Afghanistan prioritized budgetary spending in areas
where there were specific targets to improve women’s health care and opportunities for
education and paid employment.
c. Third is research and awareness.
i. A pilot survey in 28 countries by the Fund found that women represent only
two-fifths of total bank account holders and borrowers, and that documents
required by banks may be a barrier to financial access for women. IMF research
shows that widening access to finance, for both men and women, can boost
economic growth by two to three percent.
ii. An IMF study found that while economic development in the Latin America and
Caribbean region has contributed to the increase in labor force participation
rates, there were other factors also at play, including equal legal rights for
women and men. In another study, the IMF noted that in Namibia female labor
force participation rose when the country strengthened women’s legal rights,
including the right to sign contracts and open a bank account.
iii. Another recent IMF paper on the Western Balkans found that women’s
participation in the labor force could increase through improvements in the
education system, more balanced family leave policies, greater availability of
childcare, and lower immigration of male population.
1. Female labor force participation: Strengthening analysis and policy advice. IMF supported programs with Egypt and
Jordan include provisions to improve public transport safety for women, and provide more
child care options to help women seek work. In Germany, the IMF recommended the
expansion of full-time childcare services and after-school programs.
2. Financial inclusion: Data collection on access to and use of financial services. A pilot survey in 28 countries found
that women represent only two-fifths of total bank account holders and borrowers, and that documents
required by banks may be a barrier to financial access for women. IMF research shows that widening access to finance, for both men
and women, can boost economic growth by two to three percent.
3. Gender budgeting : Analyzing the fiscal and budgetary impact. The IMF has examined, both globally and in the
G7, how fiscal policies can promote gender equality and women’s development, and advised
how governments can then integrate these ideas into the laws, regulations, and practices governing the budget.
Morocco and Afghanistan prioritized budgetary spending in areas where there were specific targets to improve women’s health care
and opportunities for education and paid employment.
4. Legal barriers: Study and identify the impact of discriminatory laws. An IMF study found that while economic development in the
Latin America and Caribbean region has contributed to the increase in labor force participation rates, there were other factors also at
play, including equal legal rights for women and men. In another study, the IMF noted that in Namibia female labor force
participation rose when the country strengthened women’s legal rights, including the right to sign contracts and open a bank
account.
5. Research and analysis: Conduct further research and publish new studies. An IMF paper on women’s leadership in finance found
that a greater share of women on bank and banking supervision boards could be associated with greater bank stability. Banks with a
higher share of women were associated with higher capital buffers and lower non-performing loan ratios. Another recent IMF paper
on the Western Balkans found that women’s participation in the labor force could increase through improvements in the education
system, more balanced family leave policies, greater availability of childcare, and lower immigration of male population.
In March 2009, the Fund announced a major overhaul of its lending framework, including modernizing
conditionality, introducing a new flexible credit line, enhancing the flexibility of the Fund’s regular
stand-by lending arrangement, doubling access limits on loans, adapting its cost structures for
high-access and precautionary lending, and streamlining instruments that were seldom used. It has
also speeded up lending procedures and redesigned its Exogenous Shocks Facility to make it easier to
access for low-income countries. More reforms have since been undertaken, most recently in
November 2011.
For countries in crisis, IMF loans usually provide only a small portion of the resources needed to
finance their balance of payments. But IMF loans also signal that a country's economic policies are on
the right track, which reassures investors and the official community, helping countries find additional
financing from other sources.
A2 Surveillance Bad
1. T. Lombardi 08 finds IMF’s surveillance policies allow for multilateral economic cooperation,
better market management, and more. Lombardi says The IMF gathers, analyzes, and
disseminates information. This permits governments to reduce uncertainty and therefore to
pursue wider forms of cooperation
A2 US Dominance Bad
1. LR. US Dominance shouldn’t matter because countries are still being provided with finance
support, and the US contributes the most money to the IMF. Annual Report 20 finds the IMF has
provided $91 billion in financing to 80 countries, including $11.3 billion to 48 low-income
countries since the onset of the pandemic in late March and as of September 15, 2020. Out of
this lending*, the IMF channeled $30 billion (equivalent to SDR 21.2 billion) in financing to 69
countries through emergency lending facilities. This is almost half of the countries, or 40% of all
countries under the IMF.
he Manila-based development lender in December approved $1.3 billion in loans for Pakistan, including $1 billion for immediate budget support
to shore up the country’s public finances and $300 million to help reform the country’s energy sector. The
loans came as the country
is struggling with billions of dollars in debt to China from Belt and Road infrastructure projects, which
helped cause Pakistan to turn to the IMF for a $6 billion loan program in 2019. Malpass said there needed to be
more coordination among international financial institutions to coordinate lending and maintain high standards of transparency. “And so we
have a very real problem of the IFIs themselves adding to the debt burden and, and there’s pressure then I think on the IMF to sort through it
and look at the best interest for the country,” he said.
A2 Not Transparent
1. T. The IMF actually spreads transparency because it requires it with its loans. Editorial Board 21
finds Since March, more than 100 countries like Lebanon have sought a financial rescue from the
International Monetary Fund - the world's banker of last resort. The aid, however, often comes
with strings attached, including demands for transparency in banking and accountability in how
public money is spent.
2. T. The IMF actually promotes good governance and combat corruption to prevent dictatorships
through transparency. IMF 20 corroborates they do this in two areas
a. the management of public resources through reforms covering public sector institutions
b. the development and maintenance of a transparent and stable economic and regulatory
environment conducive to private sector activities. Several initiatives involve close
collaboration with other international organizations.
c. The IMF encourages member countries to improve accountability by enhancing
transparency in the disclosure of documents, in line with its Transparency Policy .
d. Together with the World Bank, the IMF assesses member countries’ compliance with
international transparency standards in 12 policy areas in the context of its Standards
and Codes Initiative , covering the government, financial sector, and corporate sector.
3. DL. Farnsworth et al 17 writes that greater transparency won’t lead to policy shift. In sum,
neither the crisis, nor nationally nuanced austerity advice nor internal ‘revisionist’ voices
advocating less fiscal consolidation in increased IMF data release will actually signal a pivot to
social policy expansion.
more than 100 countries like Lebanon have sought a financial rescue from the International
Since March,
Monetary Fund - the world's banker of last resort. The aid, however, often comes with strings
attached, such as demands for transparency in banking or accountability in how public money is spent.
For nations in need, the coronavirus emergency could end up being a healer of old wounds. "History shows that crises and disasters have
continually set the stage for change, often for the better," states a new report on post-COVID-19 trends from the corruption watchdog
Transparency International. In early May, a group of 97 civil society organizations sent a letter to the IMF asking it to ensure that its aid is tied to
reforms. Accountability and transparency, the group said, are key "to protecting lives and livelihoods.
p. 237. Masson (2007) highlights the greater ‘transparency’ of the IMF in terms of data release
and public access to discussion papers, but this has to be seen in context of the changing ways in
which discourse is shaped. In the contemporary world of policy-making, the shaping of ‘public understanding’ of economic ‘problems’
(and by association, ‘social problems’) may simply require a more direct and less elite-focused strategy than in the past. Thus, enabling
transparency or alternative ideas, for example, through the regular publication of austerity-sceptic reports by IMF Staffers, including Jonathan
Ostry and colleagues, may not be a benign or neutral act. It can be linked in more complex ways to the operation of the IMF as a politicised
bureaucracy, as part of a strategy to maintain its place and values in the global policy architecture (see also Klein, 2008; Woods, 2006). In
sum, neither the crisis, nor nationally nuanced austerity advice nor internal ‘revisionist’ voices
advocating less fiscal consolidation actually signal a pivot to social policy expansion.
IMF 20 - transp
IMF () “The IMF and Good Governance” International Monetary Fund, Mar 2020
https://www.imf.org/en/About/Factsheets/The-IMF-and-Good-Governance
IMF initiatives that promote good governance
The IMF encourages member countries to improve accountability by enhancing transparency in the
disclosure of documents, in line with its Transparency Policy .
Together with the World Bank, the IMF assesses member countries’ compliance with international transparency standards in 12 policy areas in
the context of its Standards and Codes Initiative , covering the government, financial sector, and corporate sector.
For fiscal policy and monetary and financial policies, the IMF has developed codes that set out transparency principles. Especially important is
the Fiscal Transparencey Code.
For application in natural-resource-rich countries, the Fund issued its Guide on Resource Revenue Transparency . A multi-donor Topical Trust
Fund launched in 2011 has enabled the IMF to considerably increase technical assistance in the management of natural resource wealth.
To improve the transparency, quality, and timeliness of data, the IMF encourages its members to subscribe to the Special Data Dissemination
Standard (SDDS) or participate in the General Data Dissemination System (GDDS).
The IMF also emphasizes the need for adequate public financial management. It partners with other international financial institutions and
donors in the Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability (PEFA) program, which helps countries measure their performance.
A2 Aids Corruption
1. T. The IMF promotes good governance and combat corruption to prevent dictatorships through
transparency. IMF 20 explains they do this in two areas
a. the management of public resources through reforms covering public sector institutions
b. the development and maintenance of a transparent and stable economic and regulatory
environment conducive to private sector activities. Several initiatives involve close
collaboration with other international organizations.
c. The IMF encourages member countries to improve accountability by enhancing
transparency in the disclosure of documents, in line with its Transparency Policy .
2. DL. The IMF has been fixing corruption, with the approval of its enhanced framework for
engagement on governance in 2018, [Anspach 21 reports] the IMF has expanded its surveillance
to transnational aspects of corruption which include focuses on measures designed to prevent
the bribery of foreign officials or providing services that facilitate concealment of corruption
proceeds.
3. DL. Editorial Board 21 finds when the IMF gives loans, it is only after the country's leaders agree
to use the money "effectively, transparently, and through reinforced governance mechanisms.”
a. For example, Guatemala received $594 million from the IMF for emergency assistance -
but only after the country's leaders agreed to use the money transparently. So far this
year, the IMF has disbursed $17 billion to Africa, or more than 10 times than usual. The
aid comes with a string attached requiring transparency in spending the money. A similar
amount of funding has gone to 14 Middle East nations but only after assurances that
they fight corruption as well.
On April 6, 2018, the Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) adopted the policy
framework outlined in a staff paper on “Review of 1997 Guidance Note on Governance—A Proposed
Framework for Enhanced Fund Engagement.” The new framework supplements the policy on governance detailed in “The
Role of the IMF in Governance Issues: Guidance Note,” adopted by the Executive Board in 1997 (1997 Governance Policy). The approach taken in
this paper builds on the July 21, 2017 Board discussion of the staff paper—“The Role of the Fund in Governance Issues—Review of the Guidance
Note-Preliminary Considerations.”
The 1997 Governance Policy was adopted to guide the IMF’s efforts in helping its member countries to address
governance and corruption issues. The July 2017 Board review of the 1997 Governance Policy found that, while considerable progress
had been made in implementing the Policy, there remained several areas in which the IMF’s engagement on governance and corruption issues
could be strengthened. The current paper responds to the Executive Board’s call for further work to strengthen the identified areas of
engagement.
The paper articulates the principles that will continue to underpin the Fund’s engagement on governance issues in surveillance and use of Fund
resources, and provides a framework for enhanced implementation (Framework for Enhanced Fund Engagement). The Framework is designed to
promote more systematic, effective, candid, and evenhanded engagement with member countries regarding governance vulnerabilities,
including corruption, that are judged to be macroeconomically critical.
The Framework consists of four elements:
The first element is designed to enable the Fund to assess the nature and severity of governance vulnerabilities—including corruption. This
includes an assessment of those state functions that are most relevant to economic activity, namely (i) fiscal governance; (ii) financial sector
oversight; (iii) central bank governance and operations; (iv) market regulation; (v) rule of law; and (vi) Anti-Money Laundering and Combatting
the Financing of Terrorism. Given its particularly pernicious impact on a member’s ability to achieve sustainable inclusive growth, the
assessment will also examine the severity of corruption.
The second element will guide the Fund’s assessment of the macroeconomic implications of governance vulnerabilities taking into account the
applicable standards for surveillance and the use of Fund resources. The paper lays out empirical evidence of the negative impact of governance
vulnerabilities on economic performance, which provides a strong basis to determine that these vulnerabilities should be addressed in
surveillance when they are assessed as severe.
The third element provides a framework for policy advice and capacity development support to members where Fund engagement is warranted.
And, the fourth element focuses on measures designed to prevent the private actors from offering
bribes or providing services that facilitate concealment of corruption proceeds.
The economic climb back, however, will require more than money. Outside creditors have put the region on notice that any aid to lift livelihoods
must also lift financial integrity in government. Corruption cannot remain the norm.
In June, for example, Guatemala received $594 million from the International Monetary Fund for
emergency assistance – but only after the country’s leaders agreed to use the money “effectively,
transparently, and through reinforced governance mechanisms.” Guatemala is not alone. So far this
year, the IMF has disbursed $17 billion to Africa, or more than 10 times than usual. The aid comes with
a string attached requiring transparency in spending the money.
IMF 20 - transp
IMF () “The IMF and Good Governance” International Monetary Fund, Mar 2020
https://www.imf.org/en/About/Factsheets/The-IMF-and-Good-Governance
IMF initiatives that promote good governance
The IMF encourages member countries to improve accountability by enhancing transparency in the
disclosure of documents, in line with its Transparency Policy .
Together with the World Bank, the IMF assesses member countries’ compliance with international transparency standards in 12 policy areas in
the context of its Standards and Codes Initiative , covering the government, financial sector, and corporate sector.
For fiscal policy and monetary and financial policies, the IMF has developed codes that set out transparency principles. Especially important is
the Fiscal Transparencey Code.
For application in natural-resource-rich countries, the Fund issued its Guide on Resource Revenue Transparency . A multi-donor Topical Trust
Fund launched in 2011 has enabled the IMF to considerably increase technical assistance in the management of natural resource wealth.
To improve the transparency, quality, and timeliness of data, the IMF encourages its members to subscribe to the Special Data Dissemination
Standard (SDDS) or participate in the General Data Dissemination System (GDDS).
The IMF also emphasizes the need for adequate public financial management. It partners with other international financial institutions and
donors in the Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability (PEFA) program, which helps countries measure their performance.
A2 Industr Up Climate Ch Up
1. T. The IMF is actually trying to solve climate change. Sayeh 21 reports the IMF is calling for a
synchronized investment in green and digital infrastructure, as the pandemic starts to come
under control.
2. T. Zhang 20 furthers the Fund will step up its capacity development work on the integration of
environmental concerns into budget processes, including developing capacity with a focus on
green budgeting tools, which will be essential for countries highly vulnerable to climate risks.
The Fund will also support technical assistance on green investment, particularly with regard to
public investment and public policies to promote low-carbon technologies.
3. T. A decarbonization agenda will cause large shifts will occur with unpredictable timing and
impact, endangering global economic and financial stability which the IMF can solve according to
Plant 20. He says No institution is better placed than the IMF to understand the linkages among
the various risks threatening economic growth and stability and to provide guidance on how
these risks can be balanced. It has the talent, scope, and bully pulpit to guide the global
macroeconomic dialogue on carbon taxation, economic transformation, carbon-related financial
incentives and risk taking
Out of this lending*, the IMF channeled $30 billion (equivalent to SDR 21.2 billion) in financing to 69
countries through emergency lending facilities.
The IMF provides financing to member countries experiencing actual, potential, or prospective balance of payments problems to help them
rebuild their international reserves and restore conditions for strong economic growth, while correcting underlying problems. The IMF also
provides emergency financing and has massively stepped up such financing to help member countries address the immediate impact of the
COVID-19 pandemic.
In March 2009, the Fund announced a major overhaul of its lending framework, including modernizing
conditionality, introducing a new flexible credit line, enhancing the flexibility of the Fund’s regular
stand-by lending arrangement, doubling access limits on loans, adapting its cost structures for
high-access and precautionary lending, and streamlining instruments that were seldom used. It has
also speeded up lending procedures and redesigned its Exogenous Shocks Facility to make it easier to
access for low-income countries. More reforms have since been undertaken, most recently in
November 2011.
The I.M.F. was criticized for not spotting the last financial crisis. It has responded by recently
publishing a series of papers outlining how it might improve on its watchdog capabilities.
The fund has repeatedly cautioned that investors have become too reliant on very loose monetary policies on the part of global central banks to
bolster their returns.
Reinhart 16 - default less likely
Reinhart, Carmen M. (Professor of the International Financial System, Harvard Kennedy School of Government) Trebesch,
Christoph (Asst. Professor of Economics, U. of Munich, Germany), JOURNAL OF ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVES, EconLit,
Winter 2016 https://www.aeaweb.org/full_issue.php?doi=10.1257/jep.30.1
p. 16-17. Finally, the increase in IMF program size, coupled with large-scale bailouts by other official lenders (like
the US Treasury or Eurozone institutions like the European Financial Stability Facility and the European Stability Mechanism) have made
sovereign default less likely, as private creditors are repaid with the new official loans. By 2014, fewer than 10 percent of all IMF
lending programs involved a default to private creditors, as shown in Figure 5.
p. 19. Looking back, we know that some of the European IMF programs did not fail, in the sense that
the IMF credits were largely paid back in Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal. In the cases of Greece and
Ukraine, which remain large-scale debtors, the jury is still out.
A2 Helps Dictatorship
1. T. The IMF promotes good governance and combat corruption to prevent dictatorships through
transparency. IMF 20 explains they do this in two areas
a. the management of public resources through reforms covering public sector institutions
b. the development and maintenance of a transparent and stable economic and regulatory
environment conducive to private sector activities. Several initiatives involve close
collaboration with other international organizations.
c. The IMF encourages member countries to improve accountability by enhancing
transparency in the disclosure of documents, in line with its Transparency Policy .
d. Together with the World Bank, the IMF assesses member countries’ compliance with
international transparency standards in 12 policy areas in the context of its Standards
and Codes Initiative , covering the government, financial sector, and corporate sector.
e. For fiscal policy and monetary and financial policies, the IMF has developed codes that
set out transparency principles. Especially important is the Fiscal Transparencey Code.
2. DL. Financial assistance is good regardless of who a country’s leader is. It is the mission of the
IMF to ensure the stability of financial systems not political and Gopinath 02 corroborates the
IMF’s goal is to mitigate the negative effects of globalization on the world.
3. LR. When the IMF gives out loans, conditionalities can prevent dictatorships from accessing the
money for inadequate purposes and instead use the money for economic and political
development.
Gopinath 02 - IMF mission
Gopinath, Gita. “Globalization: A Framework for IMF Involvement”. IMF.org. Mar 2002.
https://www.imf.org/external/np/exr/ib/2002/031502.htm#:~:text=The%20IMF%20seeks%20to%20mitigate,capital%20markets%2C%20while%
20reducing%20their
“TheIMF seeks to mitigate the negative effects of globalization on the world economy in two ways: by
ensuring the stability of the international financial system, and by helping individual countries take
advantage of the investment opportunities offered by international capital markets, while reducing their vulnerability to
adverse shocks or changes in investor sentiment. Private capital flows have become the most important source of financing for economic
growth, job creation, and productivity. But they can also be a source of volatility and crisis. To address some of these problems, the IMF is
encouraging its members to increase the transparency of their financial and corporate sectors as a means to reduce financial abuse, such as
money laundering and fraud, and ensure a level playing field for all investors. It is also stepping up its surveillance of international capital
markets, and is improving its ability to predict and preempt crises.
IMF 20 - transp
IMF () “The IMF and Good Governance” International Monetary Fund, Mar 2020
https://www.imf.org/en/About/Factsheets/The-IMF-and-Good-Governance
IMF initiatives that promote good governance
The IMF encourages member countries to improve accountability by enhancing transparency in the
disclosure of documents, in line with its Transparency Policy .
Together with the World Bank, the IMF assesses member countries’ compliance with international transparency standards in 12 policy areas in
the context of its Standards and Codes Initiative , covering the government, financial sector, and corporate sector.
For fiscal policy and monetary and financial policies, the IMF has developed codes that set out transparency principles. Especially important is
the Fiscal Transparencey Code.
For application in natural-resource-rich countries, the Fund issued its Guide on Resource Revenue Transparency . A multi-donor Topical Trust
Fund launched in 2011 has enabled the IMF to considerably increase technical assistance in the management of natural resource wealth.
To improve the transparency, quality, and timeliness of data, the IMF encourages its members to subscribe to the Special Data Dissemination
Standard (SDDS) or participate in the General Data Dissemination System (GDDS).
The IMF also emphasizes the need for adequate public financial management. It partners with other international financial institutions and
donors in the Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability (PEFA) program, which helps countries measure their performance.
The IMF contributes to the international efforts to combat money laundering and the financing of
terrorism (AML/CFT). It assesses members' legal and regulatory frameworks, provides technical
assistance on the design and implementation of AML/CFT frameworks, and conducts policy-oriented
research. In 2009, the IMF established a multi-donor Topical Trust Fund for capacity building on AML/CFT.
Finally, the IMF contributes to various working groups and international initiatives, including the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative ,
the G20 Anti-Corruption Working Group , and the Stolen Assets Recovery (StAR) initiative.