PREHISPANIC POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF THE PERUVIAN NORTH COAST by Elizabeth Ann Hart A dissertation submitted in partial fufillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (anthropology) in The University of Michigan 1983 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Joyce Marcus, Chairman Professor Jeffrey Parsons Assistant Professor Rebecca Scott Professor Henty WrightElizabeth Ann Hart 1983 “ALL Bish its ReservedACKNOWLEDGMENTS, 1 would like to thank a number of people who gave me their time and advice, Without them this dissertation woula not have been possible. In particular, thanks to the members of my dissertation committee: to Joyce Marcus whose interest in and insights into ethnohistory stimulated creative thought, to Jeffrey Parsons whose knowledge of Andean archaeology was especially useful, to Rebecca Scott whose willingness to explore other disciplines made her consent to serve on my committee, and to Henry Wright whose ynderstanding of complex societies kept me on the right track. 1 would also like to acknowledge the help given to me by Maria Rostworowski whose advice greatly facilitated my research and whose kindness made my stay in Lima so pleasant. A number of people, including Izumi Shimada, Michael Moseley, and David Wilson, kindly answered my many questions about north coast archaeology. The staffs of the Archivo General de la Nacién (Peru), the Biblioteca Nacional (peru), the Archivo Departamental de la Libertad (Peru), and the Archivo General de Indias (Spain) all assisted me in gaining access to the documentary material, Finally, my sincere thanks to Susan Pollock whose knowledge of texcedit made the finished product possible. Funding for my archival research was provided by the Ford Foundation and the Rackham Dissertation Enrichment Grant at the University of Michigan. My sincere thanks to these two institutions who made the research possible.TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 6 ee ee ee ee ee ee List OF FIGURES... 2... 2... CHAPTER I II II Iv vr vir INTRODUCTION... . CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES OF STATE SOCIETIES... . 1... THE CHIMU STATE. 2... The Natural Environment Introduction Boundaries Political Officials Political Organization Chimu Administration THE INCA CONQUEST OF CHIMOR. . . . The Inca Conguest in Ethnohistoric Perspective The Inca Conquest in Archaeological Perspective. Summary SUBORDINATE POLITICAL OFFICIALS . . - Political officials Type B: Cacique Principal of a Subdivision Type C: Cacique Principal of a Town Other Political Positions The Inheritance of Political Office Marriage and Kinship Social Roles of Principales Duties of Caciques Privileges of Principales Cacique Involvement with Ritual Population CHANGE AND CONFLICT... 21-7 - SPATIAL ORGANIZATION... + +e Introduction Land Tenure Settlement Pattern Town and Valley Territorial Boundaries Economic Specialists ii 23 28 106 129 198 206fr itl NORTH COAST ECONOMY » 2 ee... ee ee 247 Introduction Sources Social Organization Political Organization Activities in Reference to Political Officials Economic Organization Exchange 1x THE CHICAMA VALLEY «2... . 2.10 286 Introduction The Period Before 1532 The Colonial Period The Repartimiento of Licapa Alliances Exchange The Cacique Principal z A COMPARISON OF THE CHIMU AND THE INCA . 315 Introduction Inca Ethnohistorical Data Archaeological Data Comparison of the Inca and the Chimu GLOSSARY 6 6 ee ee ee ee ee ee 348 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 2. ee ee eee eee ee et 349 ivMWe 12. 13, 14, 15, 16. 17, 18. 19. 20. 2. 22. 23. 24. Chimor . The River Valleys of Chimor qhe Boundaries of Chimor According to LIST OF FIGURES Various Sources . A Dynastic Correlation Between Chimor and the Inca Empire... Administrative Centers of the Moche and Chicama Valleys . Central Chan Chan Ciudadela Rivero . Audiencias and Storerooms The Burial Platform of Ciudadela Intermediate Architecture SIAR. . Quebrada Katuay Bl Milagro de San José . Quebrada del Oso . Chiguitoy viejo The Chicama and Moche Valleys The Motupe, Leche, Lambayeque dequetepeque Valleys The Jequetepeque Valley Farfan . Sites of the Period v-108 v-269 v-126 v-197 viru Valley During the La 34 37 50 52 54 55 87 59 61 65 66 69 n 12 4 18 76 84 85 86 a7 8825. 26. a. 28. 29. 30. ate 32. The Vira, Chao, Santa, Nepefla, and Casma Walleye gee eee cera The Prehispanic Cacicazgos and Colonial Repartimientos of Various River Valleys The Hierarchy of Political Officials . . - A Schematic Diagram of Canals in the Moche Wadleyauciseaae The Chicama Valley . The Inca Empire .. , Inca Administrative Centers The Upper Mantaro and Yanamarca valleys During the Late Horizon Period vi 95 134 137 238 290 319 328 332CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Andean area of South America, and particularly the territory encompassed by the modern country of Peru has been the subject of considerable archaeological and ethnohistorical research. Archaeologists have conducted projects in a number of geographical areas and, while a great deal of investigation remains to be done, it has been possible to construct a regional picture of different time periods and cultures. In contrast, the focus of the majority of the ethnohistorical studies has been on one ethnic group and polity, the Inca and the Inca Empire, This situation is not the fault of the ethnohistorian but it reflects inherent biases in the traditional documentary sources. At the time of the Spanish Conquest the most powerful polity in Peru was that of the Inca, At this point they were at the peak of their expansion, having conquered most of Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia, as well as considerable parts of Chile and Argentina, ‘The Spaniards were understandably impressed by and curious about this polity. Also, the Spanish Conquistadores and government officials had to deal with the Inca administrative remnants. They had to understand how such a system could be manipulated and/ora altered for the benefit of the Spanish Crown. For these reasons the early colonial chronicles concentrated on the qnea and there is relatively little information about non- inca peoples and polities. it is these chronicles and accounts which formed and to some extent still continue to form our understanding of the whole central andes. Beginning in the 1960's, it became obvious to various investigators that no single static model was applicable to the whole of the central andes. Rather there was a tremendous amount of variation both between different ethnic groups as well as within a single polity such as the Inca pmpire. Perhaps the stimulus to this new wave of thought vas the extensive publication of visitas (Garci Diez 1964[1567], Ortiz de Zufiga 1967[1562]). These were reports of particular areas compiled by the colonial government in order to assess tax rates for the Indians or to "inspect" a region. The information in these documents itself vas of tremendous value, but perhaps more importantly the publication made available regional information which had previously been unknown to investigators, Subsequently additional visitas were found and published. Additional sources of information such as notarial records (wills, land sales, business contracts, etc.) and litigation proceedings have also proven to be of value. A whole set of data suddenly became available which contained information about non-Inca peoples. With an awareness of such date, 2 number of ethnohistorical studies have been produced whichemphasize and illuminate the variety of peoples ané cultures present within the central andes (among others Espinoza goriano (1967/1971), Murra (1962, 1964, 1967a, 1967, 1968) and postworowski( 1961, 1977, 1978)). while these studies have been of tremendous importance, mony areas of Peru still remain poorly known ethaghistorically, The north coast of Peru is one such Were, We are presented with a familiar problem. are qhere is little information about this area in the traditional chronicles and accounts despite the fact that, t) the first Spanish incursion into Peru passed through the north coast and, 2) that several early colonial centers (pivra, Trujillo, Safia) were established in the area. on the other hand, considerable archaeological research has been undertaken on sites dating to precisely those tine periods, the Late Intermediate and Late Horizon periods, which would temporally overlap or correspond to the cultures described in the documentary date, Furthermore, this area potentially provides an interesting contrast to the Inca, because it was the locus of another society with complex political organization, the Chimu state. Located along the north and north-central coast of Peru, the state of Chimor extended from the Tumbes to the Paramonge river valleys. While the Chimu state controlled the lower river valleys, it probably never encompassed the neighboring sierra (Rowe 1948). The capital of Chimor, Chan Chan, is @ large urban sitecovering 6km* located in the Moche Valley, approximately in the center of the territory (Moseley 1975), chimu political expansion began ca. A.D. 1250 and it remained a powerful polity until it was conquered by the Inca ca, A.D. 1460. The archaeological remains testify to the importance of this area (Figs.1,2). : As an aid to the interpretation of these archaeological data, archaeologists often turned to the traditional ethnohistorical models which had been derived from the Inca. since the applicability of the Inca models to pre-Inca peoples has not been demonstrated, their use may lead to incorrect interpretation of the pre-Inca archaeological data. Indeed, there are reasons to suspect that the Chim might have differed from the Inca in some respects, despite the fact that they both share certain traits of an Andean tradition. Archaeological investigations have revealed different house forms, burial customs, and settlement patterns in the two areas. Also, Chimor was located in a geographical region very different from that of the core area of the Inca Bmpire - in an arid desert coast in contrast to the highland base of the Inca (Cuzco). Such a contrast suggests that different characteristic patterns might well have developed in the two areas, This is not to say that the traditional models are not applicable to the Chimu case, but rather that their applicability must be demonstratedFigure tt Chimorconn Figure 2: The River Valleys of chimor cuneara muanwey) FORTALEZA’ parivacaThe published ethnohistorical data on the Chimu are very scanty. There is an account for the Chimu state as a yhole Listing the reigns of rulers and their conquests {anonymous 1936[1604]) as well as a similar but more getailed account from the Lambayeque Valley (cabello de valboa 1951[1586]). The only general account of Indian peliefs and customs is Calancha (1638). Zarate (1947[1555]) provides a sketchy description of part of the north coast traversed by Pizarro en route to Cajamarca in 1532. other chroniclers (Garcilaso 1960[ 1609-1617], Cieza de Leén 1959[1553], Montesinos 1882[1642]) report on the conquest of the Chime by the Inca, but provide little information about the Chimu state's political organization. The single most important source on the language spoken in the Chimu area was a grammar written in 1644 by Carrera. The work includes a word list which has been supplemented by additional lists compiled in the 19th and early 20th centuries. In a 1948 article, John Rowe summarized and synthesized the information known about Chimor at the time. Although he pointed out a number of interesting aspects concerning the Chimu, the scope of his article was necessarily limited by the nature of the data themselves. Rowe was able to reconstruct the reigns of the rulers, the size of Chimor, and the temporal succession of Chimu conquests, but could say little else about the political organization. Clearly, additional archival work needed to be done. More recently Rostworowski (1961) has studied theinheritance of political office on the north coast from previously unpublished archival sources. Also, 2 number of articles have been written about particular noble lineages within the Lambayequé valley (Vargas Ugarte 1942, Lohmann 1969-1970). The only general discussion of Chimu ethnohistory is Netherly (1978). This work concentrates on the local lords of the north coast. Unlike the present study, Netherly's work is a general discussion of social, economic, and political organization. The following study is focused on political organization alone and discusses social and economic organization only as they relate to it. Netherly's work includes valuable information which has been used as a building block in this work. The following study relies more heavily on archaeological data in order to broaden and clarify our understanding of political organization through time - from the Late Intermediate Period through the 16th century. These archaeological data combined with additional archival materials have made it possible to provide a more detailed view of Chimu political organization. Therefore, I began with the presumption that additional ethnohistorical information could be gathered which would expand our understanding of the political organization of the Chimu state. This information could be combined with the extant archaeological data to increase our information in a manner which could not be done with either source alone. That this is so is due largely to the differentnature of the sets of data. Each method, archaeological yersus ethnohistorical, is prone to particular limitations and viewpoints which affect the nature of the reconstruction, Archaeology suffers from poorer chronological control or precision, and difficulty of recovering and interpreting data related to ideological matters. On the positive side, archaeology provides chronological depth and data which relate to all social groups. The archaeologist can potentially narrow or widen his scope of investigation. He can investigate any unit from a Single Structure to the settlement pattern of a whole region. On the other hand ethnohistorical data are bounded by another set of constraints, The data themselves have the advantage of potentially describing ideological matters (such as opinions, world view, specific events, etc.) which are so difficult to deal with in archaeology. However, precisely for this reason the data are often subject to falsification either through deliberate misrepresentation of the facts or by misinterpretation of the facts by Buropeans unfamiliar with the indigenous customs. The documentary sources are biased towards a single group within a larger society, the elite, With the exception of a few detailed visitas, the activities of commoners are almost never mentioned. It was usually the elite who recorded wills, business contracts, and land sales both because they had more property to protect and because they were more knowledgeable about the Spanish legal system, Also, as the10 titular head of @ particular group, they presented complaints and petitions on behalf of the whole group. Generally, a document deals with a relatively short span of time. In certain cases information about a previous jand owner, custom, etc. will appear, but compared to the great time span of archaeology the time depth is minimal. on the other hand the nature of ethnohistorical data is such that the occurrence of single events can more easily be distinguished. Finally, in the operation of any system {political,economic, or social) a distinction must be made between the operation of that system and how it is perceived. Although a generalized model of the system might exist (either in the eyes of the participants or the outside investigator), in a specific instance behavior may not conform to that anticipated by the model. Both archaeology and ethnohistory may reveal the structure of the system, its operation, or a combination of the two. In evaluating inconsistencies between the archaeological and ethnohistorical data, all of these considerations must be taken into account, and conflicts between the two must be resolved. The archaeological research has been and is being undertaken by various investigators. My concern is with the insight that ethnohistorical investigation can provide in developing a model of Chimu political organization. A great deal of our understanding of Precolumbian Andean complexSn W gocieties is based on our knowledge of the inca Empire. And jndeed there are some political similarities between the inca Empire and the Chimu State. Both were centrally organized polities; both had expanded their territories through military conguest into previously independent areas: and both were characterized by state-built administrative centers. The question is to what extent they were similar ané to what extent they differed in detail, structure, and kind. Although the Chimu were incorporated into the Inca empire some sixty yesrs before the Spanish Conquest of Peru in 1532, there is reason to believe that some aspects of purely Chimu (versus Inca) culture survived. First, it was the practice of the Inca state to utilize existing political structures for their own ends. Thus, when an area was newly incorporated into the Empire, local leaders were often left in positions of authority. The Inca transmitted instructions through these individuals. By this means, the Inca were able to use the local political system for their own purposes. Local leaders were removed from pover in areas vhich resisted Inca rule. The north coast of Peru appears to fit this general rule, Although some Chimu communities vere forceably resettled in widely separated areas of Peru (Rostworowski 1978, Espinoza 1969-70), there are other indications that the homeland retained many of its cultural, economic, and political characteristics. The Anonymous History of Trujillo (1936[1604]) records that thea 2 inca allowed the leadership of Chimor to stay in the hands of the same pre-conquest lineage. qhe archagological data in the core area of Chimor yndicete that the amount of change instituted by the Inca yes minimal. In the Moche Valley, only two sites have Inca sherds (M.E.Moseley, personal communication) one on the north side of the valley and one on the south side. The northern site has no visible architecture, but Inca sherds were found on the surface. A few Inca sherds vere also founé along the road on the southern side of the valley. In the Chicama Valley, Conrad (1977) has identified what he pelieves to be an inca administrative center at the site of chiquitoy Viejo, A small amount of Inca pottery as well as pottery with combined Inca and Chimu characteristics were found. However, the architectural style of the major structure is Chimu, as were the majority of the ceramics. The Inca impact on architecture and ceramics in the Virv Valley was also minimal. Only 1% of the ceramics were Inca in those sites dating to the Late Horizon Period. Inca ceramics have been reported from sites in the Safa and Lambayeque valleys (see Schaedel 1949); both the frequency of their occurrence and their context are unclear. The lack of Inca archaeological evidence does not necessarily indicate that Chimor was not altered by Inca conquest. It indicates that whatever changes might have been instituted did not manifest themselves in the form of Inca artifacts and architectural forms. However, it also demonstrates that13 sein non-Inea characteristics closely related to the cer qiorpolitical order such as the form of public so architecture and many ceramic vessels types did survive. mherefore, for heuristic reasons we can assume that enough of Chimu culture survived into the colonial period to make a case fOr reconstructing Chimu political organization trom colonial documents. There are two main levels at which such a reconstruction can be made. Firstly, the functioning of the Empire or the greater state polity will be examined. Here I am interested in the physical characteristics of these territories in terms of altitude and climate as well ag the manner in which new territories were incorporated into the growing polity. Secondly, I am concerned with how local regions were integrated to forma unit. The data are stronger ip Some areas than in others. Partly, this is due to the accidents of preservation, but it is also due to a jack of interest in certain topics by previous investigators. Thus, the nature of the Inca Empire is well documented ethnohistorically, but relatively little is known archaeologically. The reverse situation is true for the chimu state. However, the suggestions made in the folloving discussion are meant to be useful and will indicate directions for iuture research. In order to evaluate and understand some of the hypotheses and conclusions which will be presented, it is important to understand the nature of the data base. All of the ethnohistorical data were compiled from documents datingto the early colonial period (specifically the veh and 17th tories). The first type of documents are histories and cen general descriptions af the customs and peoples of Peru. source jnclude Cieza de Leon (1959[1553]), Montesinos (1862[1642]), ¢ which include information about the north coast cabello de Vaibos (1951[1586]), Calancha (1638), and anonymous (1936[1604]). These sources specifically address the question of Precolumbian practices and events. For this reason they provide an especially important source of information. Unfortunately, the volume of such information for the north coast is very low. ‘his area was of relatively little interest to the Spaniards. From these sources alone it would not be possible to reconstruct a very satisfactory picture of Chimu culture. However, a second category of documents is available which greatly aids our understanding of the north coast. A number of different kinds of documents are included in this category, i.e. dispensations granted by the Crown, notarial records, and litigation. What they have in common is that they address themselves to practices and laws instituted by the Spaniards after 1532. Much of the information in these documents is not focused on traditional Indian practices. Exceptions are disputes over the inheritance of a cacicazgo or disputes over the ownership of lands involving Indian communities or an Indian cacique. Relevant information must therefore be gathered piecemeal out of the wealth of other material. In any case the data present problems for the ————————15 geigator. One common problem is that the information n such documents is specific to a relatively inve! contained i 11 area and there are few statements which elucidate the ema. frequency of 2 particular practice and/or its geographical r qeent. one solution to this problem is to gather a . conparebie information from as many Gccunents and as many areas 26 possible. It has not, however, been possible in nany instances to gather such corroborative data, this is gue to accidents of preservation of the documents as well as problens with the organization of materials within the archives. For this reason the conclusions presented must be considered tentative. I have tried to indicate consistently the number of sources from which a particular conclusion was drawn. Documentary data present a second problem for the investigator - namely, that they are subject to falsification. This falsification may arise either through deliberate misrepresentation of the facts or by misinterpretation of the facts by Europeans who were unfamiliar with the indigenous customs. One way to resolve this problem is to gather confirming information. it is also necessary to evaluate the validity of the information by the context in which it is given. Where self-interest on the part of an informant is suspected, I have extrapolated the general circumstances or practices from the statement Without necessarily accepting the specific facts as truth. I feel that this is justified because in order to present a16 onvincing case a witness had to present his assertions in ¢ ine context of generally accepted patterns, Thus, for nstance, in a dispute over the inheritance of a cacicazgo, q claimant may have presented false evidence, However, this evidence had to be constructed in such a way that the claim appeared legitimate according to the known rules of inneritance for political office. Government documents which involve the administration of the Spanish colonies can be a useful source of information on indigenous peoples. ‘This general category can be divided into three sub-groupings: 1) grants of enconienda, 2) visitas, and 3) residencias. Encomiendas vere given by the Crown in recompense for services performed for the benefit of the Crown. The most common reason for the award of an encomienda through the mid-16th century was participation in the conquest of new territories. an enconienda granted the Spanish receiver the right to extract tribute and labor from the Indians included in that grant. In return the encomendero was obligated to provide religious instruction for the Indians. The amount of tribute and labor was unregulated in the first half of the sixteenth century. However, from 1549 onwards the Crown began to regulate the kind and amount of tribute paid by the Indians to their encomendero (Gibson 1966:60-61). The grant of encomienda did not, however, include ownership rights to the land inhabited by the Indian community. This was not an important consideration for the early Spanish settlers7 pecause the land was worthless without the labor to work it. ne only available labor force (of any size) in the early years of the colonial period was the Indien population. goth agricultural production and mining vere dependent on unis labor foree. Thus, control of the Indian labor was the only means by Which the Spaniards could exploir the economic resources of the New World. The encomienda, therefore, formed the economic base for a wealthy and powerful group in the early colonial period. as such it was jealously defended by the ouners against contenders. Contenders included private individuals whose claim arose from the fact that they were heirs of previous owners as well as the Crown itself. Title to an encomienda was limited to a certain number of lifetimes within the same family. After this time possession of the encomienda reverted to the Crown. The Crown was then free to retain it for its own benefit or to dispense the encomienda to another individual. Exceptions to this rule were made, however, in cases of particularly meritorious service to the Crown when the family was permitted to retain possession for an additional lifetime. An encomienda was officially granted to its recipient in a written document issued by the highest ranking representative of the Crown, For the purposes of this study, the important aspect of these documents is the description of the encomienda. The geographical boundaries of the encomienda are described only cursorily - on the18 north coast, this is generally by the valley, Instead, the nore detailed portion of the description is made by 2 gesignation of the Indian rulers included in that enconienda. ‘The grant gives the encomendero the right to the tribute of the Indians subject to these rulers. In those examples which include a detailed list of the rulers it is possible to extract information about the indigenous political hierarchy. Generally accompanying the actual grant of encomienda is a second document - a record of the official ceremony at which the encomendero assumed formal possession of the encomienda. ‘This document contains a list of the Indians present at the ceremony. Occasionally, it also includes information about their political position and femilial relationship to other individuals. Visitas are another type of document which was related to the administration of the Spanish colonies. These were official inspections made of a localized region by a government agent. They could be made for a number of reasons: to investigate the number of Indians in a region (in order to delimit the size of encomiendas or to assess tribute levels); or more large scale questions such as the feasibility of making all encomiendas crown property. The more detailed examples (Ortiz de Zuniga 1967[1562]; Garci Diez 1964[1567]) contain information about household composition, community land holdings, and other traditional patterns. The residencia was also an inspection, but it was an19 ation of the activities of a government official. jnvest 19) tne end of each official's term of office, his successor At ngucted a residencia. During the proceedings the actions cot {che official were feviewed and any complaints were ° resented, cases in which the official in question had had P h the Indians often include data important to geslings wit! our understanding of indigenous peoples. Notarial records consist of documents which were recorded by a public scribe and therefore had a legally yalid status. Such documents include dowry agreements, pills of sale, business contracts, testaments, rights of attorney, ané loan agreements. The earliest of such documents date to shortly after the European Conquest of peru. However, those involving Indians which pre-date 1600 are relatively few in number. This was doubtlessly because many of the activities documented in the notarial records continued to occur within the norms of Indian society and thus went unrecorded by Spanish scribes. ‘The legal recording of agreements involving Indians was generally made in two instances. The first instance was that which involved interaction between Indians and Spaniards such as the sale of Indian lands to a Spaniard. Other matters were cecorded by a notary when the activity was subject to interference by Spanish law. Thus, a cacique principal frequently had his will recorded by a notary in order to ensure that the authorities respected his wishes and to protect the rights of his heirs from Spanish20 fficials. One problem with these is that many of the of activities recorded in the notarial documents will be foreign to the customs of the Indian culture, hose notarial documents which proved most useful for tnis study were land sale records and testaments, Notarial recorés are generally found in two places. Often they are gathered together in archives into @ separate notary section and arranged according to the scribe and/or year, No givision is made according to the subject matter of the documents. In other cases a copy of a notarial document is jncorporated into the proceedings of a court trial, Rights of attorney are presented by the agent representing both parties in order to prove their right to do so. Other documents (such as bills of sale) were produced as evidence. A second type of useful documentation is litigation records. There are four types of litigation that most commonly contain information important to the understanding of indigenous peoples: 1) disputes over the ownership of encomiendas; 2) disputes over membership of particular Indians within a certain encomienda; 3) disputes over land and water rights and; 4) disputes over the inheritance of a cacicazgo. Disputes over the ownership of encomiendas commonly contain more testimony and evidence about the previous Spanish owners of an encomienda than the Indians of that encomienda. A list of the previous owners of the encomienda will often be presented together with an account of each individual's (including the current claimant's)24 vices to the Crown, Generally the most useful ser information found in such proceedings are copies of the in ig of encomienda issued to the various owners, records gran the ceremony of possession, and copies of the tribute of gsesement of that encomienda. a y second category of useful litigation (disputes over the inclusion of Indians within 9 particular encomienda) is closely related to the first. However, such cases generally contain considerably more information about the indigenous population, In addition to copies of the grants of enconjendas and ceremony of possession, they often include restisony of direct relevance to the study of the Indians. such testimony includes information about the relationship petween the disputed Indians and the other Indians of his encomienda. Each claimant will also present any supporting documentary evidence. Indeed, the earliest surviving visita for the north coast (Gama 1872{1540}) was preserved in this manner. Disputes over land or water (either between Indian communities, between Indians and Spaniards, and even sometimes between Spaniards) can include information about the boundaries of native communities, use rights and/or ownership of land or canals, an@ indigenous land use patterns. The final category of useful litigation is disputes over the inheritance of a cacicazgo. Such cases commonly include data about the rules of eligibility for office and the methods used to designate successors to office, as well22 a bist of the holders of that office in the past. as the following chapters the political organization of in the north coast will be examined from several different perspectives. The discussion will begin with the date relazing to the Late Intermediate Period and move through time to the early colonial period. The information available for each time period addresses @ particular aspect of north coast political organization. The discussion of the Late Intermediate Period will consider both archaeological and documentary data to present the nature of cnimu state political organization, Subsequently, the effect of Inca conquest on Chimu socio-political organization will be evaluated. We then turn to a consideration of local political organization as described in the documents of the colonial period. We will also examine the physical configuration of the local political units and the economy of the territory. Finally, comparisons will be made between the Chimu and north coast political organization in general and the Inca Empire.CHAPTER II CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES OF STATE SOCIETIES on the basis of information presented in Rowe (1948) there are a number of reasons to believe that Chimor had a complex political organization. The large size of the territory it controlled (approximately 1000km in length), the fact that a single ruler (Chimo Capac) controlled this territory, the existence of other subordinate officials, and the monumentality of architecture at the capital and other sites all suggest that Chimor should be classified as a state. That this was indeed the case becomes evident when the various descriptions of state-level political organization are examined. For the most part these descriptions have emerged from discussions of the origins of the state. From these descriptions one can extract a series of features characteristic of state societies. These features in turn provide a framework within which both the archaeological and the documentary data from the north coast can be organized and studied. The majority of archaeological studies of state societies have been concerned with the ‘origins of the state. Various investigators have examined different factors and Processes which they feel explain this development. 2324 s focused on those features which the particular attention gtigator feels are most diagnostic of its organization, e inv jthough other characteristics are noted as well. Thus, the a erns "civilization", "urban society", and "complex society” t pave all been used to refer to what is here being called a state. phe term “civilization” as used by V. Gordon Childe (1950) referred to a high level of technological and artistic achievement, He enumerated a list of criteria of civilizations: 1) cities with large and dense populations, 2) economic specialists, 3) taxation, 4) monumental architecture, 5) a ruling class, 6) writing and recording systems, 7) calendrical and mathematical sciences, 8) portrait art, 9) long distance trade, 10) craftsmen who are full-time residents in the city. Those individuals interested in urbanism, such as Adams (1966) have extracted one particular feature - settlement. pattern - as of primary importance, To them the existence of 2 densely occupied, large settlement constituted a profound change in the nature of society, Adams (1966) also notes that certain features (specialists, monumental architecture, political unification, population concentration, and territorial aggrandizement) are characteristic of urban society. Others have viewed urbanism not as a development important in its own right, but simply as a manifestation of other more profound societal changes. Fried (1967) focused25 nomic organization when he referred to the state as ‘on ect jes society. To him the crucial feature of these ifferential access to the "basic resources stratif societies was pot sustain Life", All other aspects of these societies tha followed from this. Hierarchically-arranged institutions (sone formal and some informal") developed to safeguard and perpetuate this stratification, Typically these societies: 1) develop a means of identifying their populations by a) establishing physical boundaries or, b) ascribing membership py birth and parentage; 2) establish formal law with courts, officers of adjudication and punishment, record keepers, and communicators; 3) establish paramount control over a population and an area; 4) develop a means of legitimizing power; 5) “transform basic resources into more fluid kinds of wealth" by taxation and/or labor conscription; and 6) develop a bureaucracy. Fried (1967) also notes that there are a number of component units in such a society. These are politically linked to the larger system only through ties with higher superordinate levels. various individuals who focused on political organization have employed the term "state". To Service (1962) the most important characteristic of the state was that it had a monopoly of force. He also noted that bureaucracy, increased production, centralized control, cities, and communicative and notational devices were characteristic of states.26 carneiro (1970) defined the state as having a centralized government with several conmunities under its generals It had the ability to levy taxes, araft labor for yartare of work, and both make and enforce lays, Regulation wea its primary activity. Flannery (1972) also included these features in his definition, In addition, he added several other items: 1) a professional ruling class largely givoreed from bonds of kinship; 2) stratification; 3) aa attempt to monopolize force; 4) a large population (100,000 or more); 5) full-time craft specialization; 6) public buildings, works, and services; 7) a state religion; and 8) an official art. Wright and Johnson (1975) have focused on administration as the institution most profoundly changed at the advent of state societies. They define the state as .+.a hierarchy of control in which the highest level involves making decisions about other, lower-order decisions rather than about any particular condition or movement of material goods or people. (Wright and Johnson 1975 :267) In their view the processing of information is specialized into the different tasks of observation, summarization, message-carrying, data-storing, and decision-making. One effect of such specialization is to increase the system's capacity to handle information. The second is to create interdependence of subordinate units. Furthermore, Wright (1977) has noted that the promotion of such hierarchy and segmentation is one of the primary goals of the highest level, because creation of interdependence between——-— 27 ¢ levels discourages rebellion, supordinat aitnough these various descriptions of state society gey aitfer in terns of which features are considered crucial jn the emergence of states, they do agree substantially on unieh features are characteristic of developed state societies. Such features include: 1) political centralization, 2) @ hierarchy of political officials - qecrvited from a separate ruling class divorced from kin ties with the larger population, 3) taxation, 4) economic specialization , 5) large and dense settlements, 6) public puilding or works, and 7) a monopoly of force. In the following chapters the documentary data from the north coast will be examined in terms of these categories. The data relevant to political centralization will be examined in chapter 3. In Chapter 5 the hierarchy of subordinate political officials will be identified. Their hierarchical relationship to one another and to the common people will be examined, as well as their activities and powers. The physical configuration and settlement pattern of the political units headed by these officials will be described in Chapter 7. Chapter 8 will deal with the political role played by economic specialists.CHAPTER III THE CHIMU STATE phe Natural Environment qhe territory of the pre-hispanic polity of Chimor was included within the far north, north, and north central coasts of Peru stretching from approximately latitude 4s to jatitude 12°S (Figs.1,2). This area, like the rest of the coast of Peru, is 2 cool desert having an average temperature of 18° to 22° c. It owes its dryness to the cold waters of the Humboldt current which sweep northward along the western coast of South America from northern Chile to the Peruvian-Ecuadorian border. Air passing over this cool water is in turn cooled. As the air passes over the coastal lands it heats up and thus increases its capacity to retain moisture. As a result there is no measurable rainfall even though fogs form during some periods, Only further inland at elevations of ca. 2500m does the air become sufficiently cooled for precipitation to occur. Interspersed in the desert plain are a series of river valleys which originate to the east in the Andes mountains and flow westward towards the Pacific. In the upper and middle reaches of the valley the amount of cultivable land is only a narrow ribbon-like band, but in the lower (i.e. 28= . 1) portion of the valley the cultivable area widens coasta yeshape and is more extensive. These river valleys into @ pen the focus of hunan habitation on the coast from have ne Preceramic Period to the present day. Canals leading t tg of the river were (and are) used to cultivate the o! gajeining lands. Only in the river valleys is extensive agricultural possible. No one river valley is a homogeneous unit. Along the north coast Netherly (1977) has noted that the change in altitude from the river mouth (sea level) to the upper reaches of the valley correspond with vegetational and climatic changes. She defines 5 ecological zones from lower (ene coast) to upper (the sierra) valley. The first is the coastal plain consisting of the beach, the offshore islands, the intervalley deserts, and the vegetation along the mouth and bed of the river. At ca.300m there is a zone of columnar cactus followed by a "discontinuous" evergreen forest at 1200m to 2400m. Finally, from 2400m to 3300m is a temperate evergreen forest - also discontinuous. Farrington (1974) distinguished three zones within the lower valley or coastal plain on the basis of soils and @rainage conditions: 1) those lands closest to the river having poorly drained, heavy soils, 2) “more friable, well- drained soil" on the terraces above the river and, 3) "the sand and pavement desert" of the valley sides having poorly developed soils. Whereas salinization is a problem in the lands adjacent to the river, this was not the case on theewe 30 races above the river because the soils were vell- 7 ned, of these terrace lands those easiest to cultivate = jn the middle valley. Here the lend could be irrigated - gnort canals requiring relatively little engineering 4u1 or labor investment. All irrigation was done by ski joodvater; no water was stored. ‘Therefore, the peak time £10 : ¢ cultivation coincided with the highland cainy season lcanuory to March). At other times of the year only those jens closest to the intake of the canal could be irrigated. (near the valley neck) were the most productive These Jands _ producing 2 oF more crops a year. Because of their high productivity and the ease with which they could be worked tney were the most desirable lands. Other lands, located further downstream, were limited by the availability of water to | crop per year. there are also ecological differences between the aifferent river valleys of the far north, north, and north- central coasts. Such differences include, 1) the amount of cultivable land, 2) the amount of water available for irrigation - ice, the quantity and periodicity of water, 3) the geomorphological characteristics (which affect the area of land which can be irrigated), and 4) the amount of moisture from natural causes. Kroeber (1930) noted that the Supe, Huarmey, Pativilca, Casma, Nepefia, Chao, and Viru rivers originate close to the coast not near the continental watershed. The water flow in these rivers is therefore more restricted than elsewhere.31 ted that the water of the Lambayeque River xosok ( 1958) repo: tuated to a lesser degree than the Chicama, Kroeber flue! (1930) ali gequetepedue Valley to peque there is scrub growth in the desert between so noted that the climate is much moister from the the north. Beginning north of the gequetél river valleys, whereas the intervalley areas to the south are bare of all vegetation. The northern valleys (from the noche Valley north) are characterized by @ geomorphology yhich facilitates intervalley irrigation. Thus, La Cumbre gana) (dating to the Chimu period) linked the Chicama and woche Valleys (Moseley and Deeds 1982). A canal from the safia Valley brought water south to the Jequetepeque Valley and there were intervalley canals between the Safa and Lambayeque valleys (Kosok 1965), Within the Lambayeque valley proper the Racarumi and Taymi canals brought water from the Lambayeque River north to the south side of the Leche Valley. A canal went from the Leche River to the south bank of the Motupe River (Kosok 1958,1965). These intervalley canal networks obviously increased the agricultural productivity of these areas. In conclusion, the far north, north, and north-central coasts share certain broad similarities. All are desert regimes interspersed by a series of river valleys. Within any one river valley there is variability in agricultural productivity of different lands. There is also variability in agricultural productivity between different river valleys.32 nproguction 4 "Chime" was first recorded in the 16th century The wor geza (19591 1583]), Sarmiento (1960[1572]), and Cabello py cie? : ee aa According to Calancha (1638) the term "Chimo" a the title of the ruler (who could also be referred to as was pinocapac i.e. “powerful (or rich) Chimo") and the meaning chi extended to include @ people and a polity as well. The wa: ste chimo Capac was employed by the Incas ané Capac is a ei quechua word. Chimy can be defined in two ways: 1) as a culture group or culture area sharing certain features such as language, architectural style, design motifs, etc, (In this sense a large area of the north and north-central coast can be considered Chimu), and 2) as a political entity - Chimor - which concerns us here, This definition necessarily focuses the present study to those particular Chimu featur: associated with political organization of the Chimu state. Boundaries In contrast to the large amount of Inca documentary there is relatively little published ethnohistorical information about the Chimu. Even the boundaries of the Chimu polity (Chimor) are not known with certainty. The various sources differ considerably about this matter (see Fig.3). According to Calancha (1638), Chimor encompassed an area from Paramonga to Tumbes. Lequanda (1793) also locates the northern boundary at Tumbes and the southern boundary at33 qhis southern boundary (a5 described by both Calancha supe: and vequande) 19 de la Vega 1960[ 1609-1617] who located the therefore agrees more or less with that of garcilas s at La Barranca; however, Garcilaso placed southern limit une northern edge at Trujillo, i.e. the Moche Valley (Garcilaso 1960[ 1609-1617] :bk.6,chapt.32). other authors thought that Chimor had extended further to the south. Collapina (1974[1542]) said that the Chimv controlled from Nazca (on the south coast) to an area beyond piura. Feyjoo (1763) said that Chimor covered an area from the Chancay Valley to Tumbes. Finally, two sources reported a more northerly border at the southern end of the polity. according to the Anonymous History of Trujillo (1936[1604]) chimor extended from the Santa Valley to Tumbes, while Cabello de Valboa (1951[1586]) reported that the southern boundary was at Huarmey. Other information relevant to this problem comes from an ethnohistorical study done of the Huaura Valley by Maria Rostworowski (1978). Testimony in a 1550 dispute over an encomienda in the Chancay Valley clearly states that the cacique principal of the Huaura Valley was also the paramount ruler of neighboring Chancay and La Barranca. The existence of a multi-valley polity which included Chancay is confirmed by Garcilaso 1960[1609-1617]. He reported that one of the allies of the Inca in the campaign against Chimor vas Cuismancu. This cacique ruled over the Pachacamac, Rimac, Chancay, and Huaman Valleys. Although the exact34 - : Boundaries of Chimor Fi gere rding to Various Sources =z ‘Tumbes: aa: g #3) am a eg a 41 8 8] oche gg) a} a * g 2) 3) 8 ay a} 63] 6s 3} gf 3 3) og} 2 Huarmey Sea eg & 4 yaranonga (Fortaleza) CoMapina (1542) La Barranca (:ativilea) supe Chaneay Nazca' 35 ces of this southern polity are different in our two arie! pound Es (rostworowski 19787 Garcilaso 1960[1608-1617]), both wrees a ¢ that the Chancay Valley was separate from Chimor. 1 sugge5 yg therefore be inclined to view Paramonga as the wou! roximate southern limit of Chimor, Tumbes seems the most app? ysnely 2ecale for the rorthern Limit in view of the nore general agreement amcng the sources. he archaeological data provide little aid in answering tris question, Chim material is sparse in both the north- central and central coasts. It is only from the documentary sources that Chimu political control can be definitively getermined in these areas, Without these sources the presence of Chimu materials might well have been explained away as trade goods. political Officials We do know that there was a hierarchy of officials headed by a ruler called Chimo or Chimocapac (meaning “powerful Chimo") by the Inca. Brief mentions of this individual's existence occur in a number of accounts of the Inca Conquest of Chimor (Sarmiento 1960[1572], Cieza de Leon 1959[1553], Garcilaso 1960[1609-1617], Cabello Valboa 195111586], Montesinos 1882[1642]). However, only three sources, the Anonymous History of Trujillo (1936[1604]), Calancha (1638), and Cabello de Valboa (1951[1586}) give much information about these rulers. The Anonymous History (1936[1604]) is the only account Of the ruling lineage of Chimor (see Fig.4). According to36 js account, the founding ancestor of the Chimu rulers was thi His place of origin is not specifically stated racoynamus eyond the fact that Re arrived at the Moche valley on a , paisa raft ".-de la parte suprema". This has led most investigators (Rowe 19487 Kosok 1965; Trimborn 1978) to conclude that he came from the north, i.e, scuador. qacaynamy said that he had been sent by a great lord to rule the area. it is emphasized in the account that he observed customs different from those of the local people and that on pis arrival he spoke a different language. However, he soon learned the local language and quickly assumed control over the people. He also intermarried with them and thereby created a network of alliances, The size of the territory which he controlled is not described. His son, Guacricaur, extended his control over more of the Moche valley, but the size of his territory is also unclear. It is evident that the polity was small in size, certainly no larger than the 1500km* area of the lower valley. Nangenpinco, the third ruler, was the son of Guacricaur. He conquered the whole lower valley "up to the foothills of the sierra" ("acia las cabezadas de la sierra"). He also conquered south along the coast to the Santa Valley and north to the Jequetepeque Valiey. Therefore, it was during Nancenpinco's reign that the first possible indications of a complex political organization emerge. Simply on the basis of the size of its37 Figure 4: A Dynastic : jon Boteeen Chimor and the Inca Empire correlation (eren Ravines 1980:80) (cas eronotogia relativa| —Moche | Lambayeque | Cusco Tor | ‘Antonio 1608 Chayguar | Periodo Colonial | seis caciques eristianos Martin | Cajacimeim 28 Pectunpisan | Atahualpa = Ancocusush | Efquempisan | Husscar Fallenpisan Horizonte Tardio (Cipromarea (Estilo Chima-Inca) | Chimuncuar |Chatlumpison |Huayna Capac Kempisan | Topa Inca Michancaman |Oxa Pachacuti 1452147 i a Pattesmassa | 1 Perfodo Intermedio Pongmassa ! ‘Tardio | 1 (Estilo Chima ' 1310 apx. i Guarericuar i sRacenpinco) : y i Fempellee t Acunta Lanipatcom Periodo Intermedio Llamecoll Temprano (2) Nrulumstan (Estilo Moche ?) ofan. Nech allascuntt Cuntipatiee 1 } !| 38 seory it $8 probable that Chimor had achieved @ high rrito tel : political complexity. f sociom aevel ©: : 7 ently six or possibly seven (the wording of the subsequ ant is ambiguous) rulers succeeded fancenpinco. gocum yngortunately, sr relationship to each other, nor their accomplishments. thei nothing is known either about their names, ghe eighth (or ninth) ruler, Minchangaman, conquered all of the coast tthe Ince Conquest of Chimor. Four rulers succeeded him ° as far north as Tumbes, He was ruler at the time pefore che Spanish Conquest. All of these rulers, Chumun caur, Guaman Chumo, Ancocoyuch, and Cajacimcim (baptized Don yartin) were Minchangaman's direct descendents ~ each one peing the son of the previous ruler. political Organization This anonymous account (1936[1604]) has made it possible to understand something of the growth of Chimor; however, it is more difficult to uncover information about jts operation. The available data deal with two different aspects: 1) the incorporation of new territories into the polity and 2) the inheritance of political office. ‘The decumentary information on the incorporation of new territories into the Chimu polity is scanty. It is clear from the sources that military force was the means used to expand the territory, The Anonymous History uses the terms ‘conguistador” and "fue conquistando” [sic] to refer to the Chimo rvlers. A Chimu ruler sent a captain to conquer the Jequetepeque Valley (Calancha 1638,bk.3), Cabello de valboa39 11586] relates that the Chimu conquered Lambayeque (19s yien an Sem gons in his territory and usuelly had an army in the He also states that Chimocapac established garci sield ( [1586]:317,330). Judging from this, military force (or nde ordinario tenia gente de Campajia") (Cabello 195! threat of force) continued to be a factor in ensuring che acceptance of Chima rule. after the conquest of the Jequetepeque Valley, the chimu ruler established his captain, Pacatnami, as the ruler gf the valley, It is probable (although not stated in calancha 1636) that Pacatnami was a relation of the Chimu rier. Certainly this was the case for the Chimu military commander sent to Cajamarca, {n his account of the Inca conquest of Cajamarca, Cabello de Valboa (1951[1586]) reported that the Chimu lent military assistance to aid cajamarce against the Inca. The leader of the Chimu forces vas a relative of the Chimocapac. If captain Pacatnamu was indeed Kin to the Chimu ruler, then his installment as ruler of Jequetepeque might indicate that political control was entrusted to members of the ruling family. This proposal is bolstered by data from the Chicama valley. In 1565 a hearing was held in Trujillo to investigate Indian ownership of certain lands in the Chicama valley as well as the feasibility of establishing a Spanish settlement there. During the course of testimony about the former landowners, Indian informants said that the cacique principal of the valley in the early and mid 1530's was40 4g rchayhuac". This name or title, *Chayhuac", was me 4 anong the cacique principales of the neighboring como valley (i.e. the descendants of the chim ruler) in nat a ixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries ene 6 61), To my knowledge, it has not been found (postworowski 19} y other context. This suggests a close tie between the jn an valleys, although the nature of this tie can not be tw determined. One alternative is that the cacique principal of chicama was a member of the ruling Chimu lineage, tt is also known that 2 wife of the Chimu ruler (at the time of the Inca Conquest) was from the Chicama Valley (Calancha 1638, bk.3)- These two facts - » cacique principal named chaynuec and the marriage between the Chimu ruler and a chicama woman - could indicate thet the Chimu haé gained control of the tulership of Chicama through the children of such an alliance who would be half Chimu/half Chicama. Another wife of the same Chimu ruler, Minchangaman was a noble from the Huaura Valley (Anonymous 1936[1604]). Does this indicate another similar strategy or simply the establishment of an alliance for other purposes? Unfortunately, there are no conclusive data on the subject. In Lambayeque, 2 new ruling lineage was founded after the Chime conquest by Pongamassa, a native of Chimor and a close associate ("de su mano") of the Chimocapac. This nev ruler was, however, instailed during an interregnum in the local ruling lineage. A history of Morrope and Pacora (in the Reque Valley)at ps that @ similar change in leadership might have sugoe® goxen piace there. ner confused account of the history of the north coast The document itself (Rubifos 1936) gives a rat! “en does not agree With the other available accounts whic! jrst, it relates that the first ruler of Pacora/Morrope and Firsts ye other rulers of the coast were sent to rule by order of a aco capac. This cannot be accepted as fact for two ai reasons. First, the Incas had not expanded their territory gor their political control te such an extent during the lifetime of their founding ancestor, Manco Capac, secondly, no other sources which discuss the expansion of the Inca relate that there was any political manipulation of the north coast polities by the Inca before or immediately prior to the actual military conquest. The account goes on to say that this Inca-imposed ruler, Culloc Capac, was succeeded by his son, Llunco Capac. However, Llunco Capac was deposed when a new ruler, Yupac Soli, arrived from Cajamarca and assumed control of Pacora/ Morrope. At his death he was succeeded by Cusu Soli (his fifth grandchild - "quinto nieto") who became lord of Pacora and Caxu Soli (his relationship to Yupac Soli is not reported) who assumed the leadership of Morrope. An interesting feature of this account is the recurrent theme that non-local individuals assumed political leadership of Pacora/Morrope. Could this be an indication that the Chimu rule led to a similar change in rulership? unfortunately, the data are provocative not conclusive.a2 ne above instances involve changes made by the Chime gersonnel, but not in political organization. There is an aaaitional tworowski's (1961) examination of the inheritance of evidence to indicate that this was the case. ae office on the north coast has shown that a number so patterns existed. in the Lambayeque Valley, the ruler was chosen from the surviving relatives of the previous ruler on the basis of apility. Both sons and brothers vere eligible for office, put a common practice was for brother to inherit from prother, before the rule passed on to the descending generation. The evidence from the Moche Valley ( +e. the rulers of chimor) is not very revealing. In the list of rulers, son commonly inherited from father. (This may reflect the influence of the Spanish practice of primogeniture on the Indian informants since the account was not written until 1604.) However, the relationship of several Moche rulers to their predecessors is not reported in the account. It is interesting to note that the ruler at the time of the Spanish Conquest was the brother of the preceding ruler. This fact suggests that a pattern similar to that found in Lambayeque might have existed. Whereas in both of these areas rule was apparently restricted to men, in Catacacs and Sechura (the modern Department of Piura) women were also eligible for political office. These female rulers ruled on their own behalf rather than through the agency of malea 43 yatives oF regents (Rostworowski 1961:29), 2 ne eastward extent of the Chimu territory is also in goubt- TWO BOUreS speak of Chimocapac as lord of the aie j.e. "plains, coast". Cabello (1951[1586]) said that pis kingdom was "on the plains and deserts of peru". according te Collapifia (1974{1542]:33) Chimo Capac only up to but not including the edge of the controlled sierra ("fue Seftor universal de la costa sin tocar en cosa alguna de 30 secranfa"). Such a gituation is also indicated py the boundaries of the colonial encomiendas. The earliest | gcants of encomienda (issued by Francisco Pizarro, vaca de | : castro, and La Gasca) identify the encomienda by the cacique | principal and then assign the Indians subordinate to him to that encomienda. It is interesting to note that none of those encomiendas headed by a coastal cacique extended into the narrow valley necks. Instead, those Indians living in the chaypi yunga - the valley neck from 500 to 1000m elevation were included in sierra encomiendas. Data compiled by Topic and Topic (1978) also relate to the question of the eastern boundary. ‘They report that there were Late Intermediate Period fortresses in the Moche Valley 1Skm inland at the narrowing of the valley. These fortresses may indicate the location of the eastern boundaries of Chimor or alternatively they may be designed to protect the major take-off points of lower valley canals. The sides of the valley adjacent to the fortresses were lined with two "great" walls. Topic and Topic note that the! t aa fortresses and wall _,sall serve to isolate the rich, irrigated lower Salley from the middle valley at the apex and the Stretches of desert between the mMoche Valley and fhe Chicama and Viru Valleys to the north and south. (Topic and Topic 1378:615) ghey also add that Chimu ceramics vere scattered provgnovt their study area (the Moche river drainage above a goon), but only in small quantities. This suggested to them that the ceramics were trade wares and that the area vas qutside of Chimu political control. other evidence, however, indicates close ties with the sierra. According to Calancha (1638) the Chimy ruler exacted tribute from the subject areas: ...exacting tribute in clothing and foodstuffs, and obligating six thousand Indians to bring him gold, silver, chaguiras, and copper from the sierra (Calancha 1638:550)" one interpretation of this statement is that the Chimu controlled into the sierra. However, there is a second interpretation of this statement having to do with the nature of exchange in the Chimu economy which will be discussed later. A comment made by Calancha (1638) could also be interpreted as evidence that the Chimv did not extend into the sierra. Speaking about the Jequetepeque valley he said that the valley extended eastwards to Chungala - a locale which he described as v 7+ -cobrando tributo en ropa i comidas, i obligando a seys mill y(ndi)os a que de las sierras le trugesen oro, plata, chaquiras i cobre... (Calancha 1638:550)| 45 tep to go. up to the sierra, and the last h the plains of these coastal people (Calancha 1638:546) the Oar wn terminates. ¢ modern towr of Chungal (presumably near 17th century coastal plain at an enevarion of 400m, In other words it is «the edge of the chaupi yunga, a ghere is Some documentary evidence,however, for the ence of communities of coastal origin in the sierra exist! nich predated Inca conquest. After having conguered most w of the north coast and adjacent highlands, the inca forces nad to subdue the last rebellious group, the Penachi. This vas a group of Indians living at the foothills of the sierra tcabello 1951158612331). The Inca were attacked by the After the Inca forces had won the battle, they penachi- arcested the cacique of Jayanca because he was suspected of having ordered the Penachi attack (Cabello 1951[1586]:331). whether this cooperation between the Penachies and Jayanca was due to a political alliance between the two groups or some degree of political control by a coastal polity (gayanca) on a mid@le valley group is unclear. A second more detailed version of the story is preserved in a modern myth from the Lambayeque Valley (Leon 1938). According to the "Myth of the Mummy of the Cacique", the Penachies resisted Inca rule after the neighboring peoples had been conquered. Huayna Capac ana his brother initiated an expedition to crush the Penachi resistance but their advance was halted because of the high level of the46 qhe two stayed in Jayanca vaiting for the river ivers> river’ 1 ro Lowers 4 the daughter of the cacigue of the town, The During this interval, the Inca brother jeve: rie ‘ ; it ralloshuli, vas implicated in the Penachi we as and vas forcibly removed to Cuzco. He was ista resist jiy released at the request of his daughter, but he eventua gon the return journey. jet : it is interesting to note that in 1566 there vere es of possible coastal origin in Penachi, Three picimess caciques from Penachi presented petitions to the Visitador cach qvence in sayanca. That they presented their petitions in ve jayanca, on the coast rather than in one of the highland tovns visited by Dr. Cuenca is noteworthy; but, especially interesting is the fact that one of these caciques identified himself as a principal of the mitimaes of Penachi (act gusticia 458,£.1806r), This seme individual, Don Diego caruaxulca, presented a petition te Dr, Cuenca in which he claimed that agents of the Spanish encomendero, Juan de Saavedra, were forcibly removing Indians from Don Diego's settlements. These agents claimed that the Indians they vere carrying off belonged to Juan de Saauedra (AGI Justicia 458, £.18420bv). Juan de Saavedra was the encomendero of Lambayeque. The fact that he was claiming mitimaes in Penachi suggests that the: mitimaes were indeed from the coast. It is also interesting to note that a coastal language, yunga, was spoken in Salas (an annex of Penachi) in 1644 (Carrerai a7 Given the fact that the Penachies resisted Inca 428) e it seems unlikely that the Inca would have conquest: ; ie ithi piished Penachies allies, yungas, as colonists within esta’ i territory. The above data suggest that the settlement ] ir tel | the : asta) peoples in the highlands pre-datea inca conquest of 60 of northern Petts netherly (1977) suggested that the area around coilambay in the middle Noche Valley (500 - 1000m in yevation) ~ halfvay between Simbal and Sinsicap - was eas by coastal peoples prior to Inca conquest, and that the Inca subsequently removed them and imported highland to work the lands. A similer case of Inca peoples replacenent of middle valley populations was documented in the Chillon Valley by Rostworowski (1977a:180). The data on collambay ere not as detailed. The information comes from 1566 testimony about the ownership of some lands which were included in a later 18th-century dispute. The Indian witnesses in 1566 state only that the lands in question were cultivated with coca for the Inca state and the "mother" of the Inca. They also agreed that no one had any legitimate claim to the lands. One witness, Diego Guarastanta, did state that the lands were enclosed by coastal Indians from Tucume, but he added that they came to Collambay only for this purpose and subsequently returned to their homes on the coast (AGN Aguas 3.3, 18.68). a final piece of evidence relating to the problem is a statement made by a Cacique of Chicama. Speaking about thei { I i i I 48 ordered by Dr. Cuenca in 1566/7 he said that esucciones z yaes from Parrafus and two or three other small towns pit Eaton down to the lover valley. Parrafus vas vere {bed as being located ‘in the foothills of tne sierra" scr ee i justicia #56,£.5570bv,r). The interesting thing about (act enis statem pie inte pre-existing communities. Instead, ne settled ent is that Dr. Cuenca did not incorporate these peo them ne (act dusticia 456,£,557r), Does this indicate that these ar a monastery and a sugar mill, close to the highway pitigaes had no Kinship ties with a particular community yithin the valley? If so, it would certainly be atypical of ynat is known about mitimaes who chacacteristically paintained kin ties with their original homeland. Those colonists resettled in the lower Chicama Valley eventually returned to the foothills, The data suggest that either the colonies had been of economic benefit to the parent area and/or that these colonies had been established prior to Inca Conquest. In cases where the colonies were an Inca product, many of the colonists returned to their homelands. That they did not do so in this case suggests that the colonies were of greater antiquity. Chimu Administration Considerable archaeological research has been undertaken in the area which was once the state of Chimor and much of this research has focused on the period of or that immediately prior to Chimu ascendancy. The results of49 search have not been fully published; however, is re a g trom one river valley ~ Moche - have yielded results gtudse jen are POF political organization (Pig.8). Archaeological me ticularly important to an understanding of wh ee eesgations in this valley are of long duration, gnning with drawings of ruins commissioned by martinez a (1782/88). Subsequently in the 19th century qruaies vere undertaken by Hutchinson (1873), Squier (1877), ner (1860), Middendort (1890/92, 1893/95), Bandelier ie w (3992), and Rivero and Tschudi (1851) among others, These qudies have been continued by numerous investigators in the s goth century. Most recently, various individuals connected with the woche-Chan Chan project (directed by Carol Mackey and ichael Moseley) and the El Riego Antiguo project (directed py Michael Moseley) have investigated a number of different aspects of the capital of Chimor, Chan Chan, as vell as the surrounding valley. Such topics as architectural form (topic 1977, 1980, 1982; Day 1973, 1980, 1982a; Conrad 1980,1982; Klymyshyn 1976,1980,1982; Kolata 1978,1980,1982}, rural settlement {Keatinge 1974,1975), subsistence (Pozorski 1976,1980, 1982), and irrigation and field systems , Deeds et al 1978, Moseley and Deeds 1982) have been the focus of tield studies, Chan Chan, the capital city of Chimor, is located in the Moche Valley approximately in the center of Chimor (Figs.5,6). The site is on the northern side of the valley,YS (from Keatinge 1980:289) Figure 5: Administrative Centers of the Moche and Chicama Valle; enue OUHED (6e219) 010 10 oer spvetey ae toe WWVOIHD AaHOOW 3G SITIVA 807 3 SOALLWALSINIWGY SOULNZD51 jejncent to the sea, TEs central area of densely-packed fF euetures covers 6 km*, and scattered structures and walls jena out further to encompass an area of 29 kn?, Moseley 1975) estimates a population of 25,~30,000, the nucleated genter consists of structures which have been categorized jneo three principal types: ciudadelas (or compounds), jnermediate architecture, and SIAR (small irregular agglutinated structures}. The ten ciudadelas (Chayhuac, Uhle, Tello, Laberinto, gran Chimu, Squier, Velarde, Bandelier, Tschudi, and Rivero) are the most prominent features of the site. They are large rectangular compounds of adobe measuring up to 500m on a side and with standing walls up to 9m high. Moseley (1975) has noted that the enclosure walls were built in unbonded vertical segments. The soil composition of the adobes in one segment often contrasts with that of other segments. This indicated to Moseley that the construction was performed by different work parties. All ten are oriented in a northeast direction (Figs.6,7). Access into the compounds is restricted to a single entrance - usually on the northern end of the structure, Internally each compound is divided into a series of open plazas, corridors, rooms, walk-in vells, and a burial platform, Kolata's (1978, 1980, 1982) study of the adobe bricks has demonstrated that the compounds were constructed in sequence in the following order: Chayhuac, Uhle, Tello, Laberinto, Gran Chimu, Squier, Velarde,52 Figure 6: Central Chan chan (from Moseley and Day 198520)53 gerier, Tschudi, and Rivero. Taberinto (the fourth _ gna in the sequence) vas the first to exhibit an oi arrangement which became standaré in all of the ae compounds. This was a tripartite division along the a axis of the compound. Each of the three sectors (a oo a central, and a southern) had a different proportion of certain architectural features such as joreroons (banks of small cell-like rooms vith thresholds 5! raised 1m or more above the floor), and audiencias (y- ped structures", i.e, small three-sided rooms with niches a i troughs in the walls (Fig.8). ‘They are always located in gnoll courts, 10-20cm above the court floor). Access to the compound was through the northern sector. qnis sector also has the highest number of audiencias. qhese audiencias are either located in courts with banks of storerooms or in positions controlling access routes to storerooms. Moseley (1975) and Andrews (1980) feel that these structures were posts or seats of administrative officials. Certainly, scenes on Moche pottery (of the Barly Intermediate Period) show elite figures seated at structures which appear to be the prototypes of Chimu audiencias. Moseley (1975) also noted that audiencias were positioned so ag to control access to other audiencias. This connotes a ranking of the structures and by inference, ranking of the occupying individuals ana the functions they performed. ‘Moseley 1975:222) There are fewer audiencias in the central sector, sometimes only one. There were, however, many more54 Figure 7: Ciudadela Rivero (from Moseley and Day 1982:58)55 Pigure 8: Audiencias and Storerooms (from Ravines 1980: 170,176)56 rooms. The southern sector was largely empty of store’ 5 except for a walk-in well or a burial platform geructure y vas also placed in the central sector in some cases). (whic 7 porial platforms were rectangular adobe platforms with a The yer of chambers set into its floor (Fig.9), the central nyabe’ nanber 15 q-shaped, while the surrounding chambers are gectangular ghe ciudadelas and their associated agglutinated amexes are the most elaborate structures at the site, The yabor input as represented by the construction and gecoration of the compounds (i.e. adobe friezes, painting) is very high. They have been identified as elite residences, On the basis of the presence and placement of audiencias, they have also been identified as the locus of pigh level administrative activity. Day (1982) note the close correspondence between the number of Chimu rulers and the number of compounds. The Anonymous History of Trujillo (193611604]) lists ten rulers and there are ten compounds at chan Chan, Day (1982), therefore, suggested that each compound was the palace of a particular ruler, Conrad (1982) went further to say that the Chimu followed the Inca practice of split royal inheritance. By Inca custom each ruler vas required to build himself a new palace and to acquire new estates and goods at his accession to office. All of the belongings of his predecessor passed to a corporate kin group. This group inhabited the dead rvler's palace and directed a cult for the worship of the deadg @ I a j 3 3 5 of Ci ad 1982:89)° nae aa 57 Conr: ial Platform (from gure 9: The Bur |58 conrad (1962:111-12) suggests that additional burial yer i sue jonstructed on to the buriel platforms indicate cells © jnued vse © acture of these additions ingicated continued elite £ the compound. The quality of the cont archit! potion of the civdadela, He also Saw evidence for occu yed veneration of the ruler indicated by the addition conti” i ay otner cells containing grave offerings and human gecrifices on to the Platform. qhe second category of structures identified at Chan con vas the intermediate architecture (Fig.10), There are unirty-five of these structures (Klymyshyn 1982). These seructures share many characteristics with the ciudadelas gueh a8 audiencias, storerooms, and courts. The arrangement of these structural features, however, varies greatly, xlymyshyn (1980, 1982) notes that there are a smaller number of storerooms and less space is devoted to courts in the intermediate architecture and in only one case was there a burial platform, Despite this, the fine adobe construction and the presence of audiencias suggested to Klymyshyn that these were elite residences, some of which were occupied by administrative officials of the Chimu state. The SIAR are the final group of architecture. They are concentrated on the western and southern edges of the site. As their name indicates they are small, irregular, agglutinated structures with foundations of stone rubble (rig.11), Excavations in such structures has revealed that they were habitations and workshops (Topic 1977, 1980,1982).59 Figure 10: Intermediate Architecture (£rom Klymyshyn 1982:126) LEGEND meters60 = evidence of craft production (including metal ext ensi® weaving, spinning, and woodworking) was uncovered ae Most SIAR are believed to be the dwellings of - qhe exception is a special category of SIAR comm cared nding aFea+ a by individuals of relatively high status because of nroons on platforms” which are elevated above the Topic (1980,1982) feels that these were surrol oc cupie’ jabor output required for their construction (the che yatform itself and some structural details such as benches P. jn kitchens) + petveen the the number of rooms on platform complexes and Noting that there is a high correlation tne number of ciudadelas, he suggested that each complex vas occupied by 4 retinue of retainers associated with each king. guaging from the above architectural and archaeological evidence, one may conclude that there were three principal groups residing at Chan Chant the ruler (and probably his kin), other elites, and skilled craftsmen. There was apparently no pool of unskilled commoners. Two characteristic features recognized at Chan Chan ace important for the identification of Chimu political activity elsewhere. These are the compound and the audiencia. Both are believed to be the locus of administrative activity and both are distinctive in form, Caution must be observed, however, in dating rectangular compounds to the Late Intermediate Period. Examples of compounds have been dated to the preceding Middle Horizon Period in the Viru and62 Rather it is @ particular form of the pefia valleys. " und (northward orientation, a Single entrance at the 0 70% : i . large entry court) that was associated with Chimu north panini stration: a third characteristic Chima artifact is ceramics. gentification of these ceramics has been made on the basis 1der ¢ vork at Chan Chan and numerous other sites vith Chimu o componentS- reauced-fir stirrup-spout vessels, and effigy vessels (Collier Collier (1955:137) described Chimu ceramics as e blackware. Vessel forms include bowls, jars, pottles, 19552157). Face collars, figure-and-spouts, flaring double spouts, ring bases, and stirrup spouts are features commonly found on vessels. Decoration occurs in the form of figure~ modeling in the round and in low relief, stipples, and low relief in geometric designs (Collier 1955:137). 1 conjunction with Chimu ceramics, the presence of compounds and audiencias can be used to infer political activity to the Late Intermediate Period and to the Chimu state. Unfortunately, information on the settlement pattern of the Moche Valley during the Chimu (Late Intermediate) Period (A.D. 1250-1460/70) has not been published. However, some of the deta are reported in summary form in Donnan and Mackey (1978) (see Fig.5), They believed that Chan Chan was probably first occupied at the end of the Middle Horizon Period, although there is no concrete archaeological evidence to prove that this was the case. During this time there was occupation at the valley neck (on the north side63 at Cerro Orejas on the south side), In addition ell 25 tad ngmall residential sites...scattered along the pere were st u kf pan! : jon was concentrated on the north side of the valley. ion W (ponnan and Mackey 1978:219). Most of the rive! ope invity in settlement pattern considerable continuity in settlement pattern, see they jon agriculture and "the details of domestic and ati 3 irrig : A ; ate labor architecture" from the preceding period. corport qhe svoceeding t ponnan and Mackey (1978) call Middle Chimu - early phase of the Late Intermediate Period (wha 1190-1200) was characterized by an extension of the ADs igation network and the "extensive utilization of sunken irti iaens (pusios)". At this time the maximum amount of Land 92 g under cultivation. They characterize the Late Chimu wa! period in the following manner: The settlement pattern data imply that during Late Chimu times there were more large settlements in the valley and fewer small ones. At the valley neck, Cerro Orejas continued to be occupied and, although the population was large, it was not of urban proportions. A second large center was present near Caballo Muerto, and there were comparable, if not larger, population centers on both the north and south sides of the valley. All these seemed to be agriculturally based settlements, and their distribution is such that most of the valley could be farmed from one or another center. The site dispersal implies that the agricultural lands within the valley were worked without drawing significantly on the population centered at Chan Chan. (Donnan and Mackey 1978:343) Despite a slight decrease in the amount of cultivated land in the Late Chimu (A.D. 1200-1350) versus the Middle Chimu (A.D. 1100-1200) period, a considerable amount of land on the north side of the valley was put under cultivation for| 64 The fields were set up in a regular "standardized furrow patterns”. grey, Richard Keatinge (1974,1975) encountered both va. He he weer ig ond audiencias. These two features were used 25 8 uni cone’ gis for saent jea two administrative centers - Quebrada Katuay and ifying rural administrative activity. He igentié ey Milagre qity toa major irrigation canal (Fig.5). For this ge San José ~ which were located in close proxi gon, Keatinge believes that the purpose of each center reason, g the supervision of canal maintenance and agricultural wa ction. Both sites had compounds of a standardized form produ e to the north, a plaza adjacent to the entrance, ~ entranct and smaller room divisions to the rear (Figs.12,13]. The compound at El Milagro de San José contained several audiencias in the rear of the structure (Fig.13). No audiencia wes discovered at Quebrada Katuay, but there had been extensive wall fall in the southern section of the compound which would have obscured any such remains (Pig.12). These two compounds were located at points in the valley strategic for the administration of the irrigation network. In addition, there were large expanses of field furrows surrounding both sites. Another site which Keatinge investigated was Cerro la Virgen - a farming community located on the lower end of the north side of the valley. Studies by Pozorski (1976, 1980, 1982) suggest that cotton was grown in adjacent65 Figure 12: Quebrada Katua (Zrom Keatinge 1980:284) canat ans ‘Antiuas tess seeped ine modem =66 i 13: El Milagro de San José FOU com Keatinge 1980:291) EL MILAGRO DE SAN JOSE (H160506) eee oe [Borne Excavaionclandestna [0 } vasa 0.0 cambio ene ive de! piso LE Juece de poste pa [a)remosenaot 67 on the basis of the standardized pattern of the jelds- f ; i ging agricultural fields and the association of the n eur rou! jth a roa ithe lack of a scattered rural population (in thé Moche Valley) indicated by the settlement | tttern study, and the high degree of nucleation Represented by Cerro la Virgen sucgest that the Uoeation of rural residence was, like the field. and canal systems, largely controlled by the Chimu State. (Keatinge 19743227) a, Keatinge (1975) concluded that co site woseley and Deeds (1982:42) report that there were janinistrative stations elsewhere in the valley. on the perpa Esperanza (northeast of Chan Chan) were two small ganinistrative centers “of the general type defined by xeatinge (1974) and Keatinge and Day (1978)". Both had audiencias. Moseley and Deeds (1982:43) suggest that these centers may have been constructed "to administer agrarian reform" associated with new canals. two more rural administrative centers were located on the Milagro Plain (near the site of El Milagro de San José) (Moseley and Deeds 1982). One contained an audiencia variant called a trocadero which has bins instead of niches. Presumably, these two centers oversaw some of the extensive irrigation network on the Milagro plain. In conclusion, data from the Moche Valley indicate state administration and control of irrigation networks and the associated fields. Immediately to the north, the Chicama Valley has seen limited investigations by archaeologists. Few Late Intermediate sites have been identified. On the southern