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The Great Circle

Journal of the Australian Association for Maritime History


Volume 38 No. 1
2016
The Great Circle
Journal of the Australian Association for Maritime History
Volume 38 No. 1
2016

Contents
Notes On Contributors. iv

Editorial vii

Articles
Wendy Van Duivenvoorde, Dutch Seaman Dirk Hartog (1583–1621)
and his Ship Eendracht 1

Nick Burningham, The Australische Compagnie


and the other Eendracht of 1616 32

Robert J. King, From Beach To Western Australia: 45

Csilla E. Ariese-Vandemeulebroucke, Australia’ s Earliest


European Graves 72

Adriaan De Jong, An Investigation into the Sloop


Built by the Zeewijk Castaways 1727-1728 96

R. (Bob) Sheppard, Towards Solving Australia’s Greatest


Remaining Maritime Mystery? 122

Select Readings 141

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The Great Circle Vol. 38, No. 1.

Endnotes
1 G.A. Wood. The Discovery of Australia. MacMillan and Company, London,
1922. Chapter XIV, pp. 220-253.
2 Major, R. H. 1859 Early Voyage to Terra Australis, Now Called Australia.
London: Hakluyt Society.
3 Heeres, J.E., 1899. The Part Borne by the Dutch in the Discovery of Australia
1606-1765. Luzac, London.
4 R.M. Crawford. Wood, George Arnold (1865-1928). Australian Dictionary of
Biography, Vol. 12. MUP, 1990. DUTCH SEAMAN DIRK HARTOG (1583–1621) AND HIS SHIP
5 The list does not contain technical works e.g. on VOC-related conservation, EENDRACHT
anthropology, osteology, terrestrial archaeology etc, nor does it contain non-
iction, or well-known works by overseas scholars who did not reside here such
as Mike Dash and Gunter Schilder to name but two.
6 Dutch maritime studies are also an area very close to my own immigrant heart Introduction
having been contributor to Nonja Peters’ seminal tome The Dutch down Under, This year marks the quadricentenary of the irst conirmed European
1606-2006, as head of the archaeological investigation into the attack on lying
boats carrying many Dutch nationals at Broome, the Dutch submarines KVIII arrival in Western Australia. On 25 October 1616, Dutch skipper
and KXI, leeing Java in 1942 and in leading the Western Australian Museum’s Dirk Hartog and his crew landed at the northern tip of the island now
Zuytdorp studies both in water and in examining the possibility of their named Dirk Hartog, in Shark Bay. Many have written about Hartog’s
interaction with our Indigenous inhabitants. ‘accidental’ landfall and the inscribed pewter plate that he erected to mark
7 M. Tull, 2001, Obituary. Australian Economic History Review, Vol. 14, No 3
8 The inders were John Cowen; Jim, Alan and Graeme Henderson; and Alan his landing.1 This seemingly mundane event on the Western Australian
Robinson. coast earned Hartog a, then unforeseen, prominence in the legacy of
seafaring history and in the early European history of Australia. It
established him as a notable igure in the Age of Exploration. Today, the
historical events and the physical remains of Hartog’s landing in Western
Australia are irmly embedded within the context of European activity
in the Indian Ocean region and, more speciically, Dutch exploration
of the Australian coastline in the 17th century.2 This article sets out
to provide a critical assessment of the life and seafaring activities of
the irst known European to set foot on Western Australian soil; and
the history of Eendracht, the earliest known Dutch ship to explore the
Western Australian coast.
Dirk Hartog: his personal life
Baptism, marriage and death certiicates in Amsterdam’s city archive
provide contradictory information about the chronology of Dirk Hartog’s
life. The only baptism record with his name states that Dirk Hartog was
baptised in the Calvinist Oude Kerk (Old Church) of Amsterdam on
30 October 1580.3 Another record shows that Hartog was married to
Meijnsje Abels in the Old Church of Amsterdam on 5 February 1611.

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Their marriage certiicate reads:

Dierik Hertoghzs varensgselle oud 28 Jarens wonende bij de


Nieuharlemmersluys geassisteert met Griet Jansdr zijn moeder
ter eenre Ende Meijnsgen Abelsdr oud 18 Jaren woonende op de
Lijnsbaensgraft geassisteert met Abel Albertsz haer Vader ter andere
zijde [See Figure 1].4

[Translated:] Dirk Hartog, skipper, 28 years of age, living at the


Nieuw Haarlemmersluis [a lock between the modern-day streets
Haarlemmerstraat and Nieuwendijk, Amsterdam], accompanied by
his mother Griet Jansdr on one side, and Meijnsgen Abelsdr, 18 years
of age, residing at the Lijnbaansgracht [Amsterdam], accompanied by
Abel Albertsz, her father, on the other side.

Figure 2. City map of Amsterdam. The Smaksteeg, where Dirk Hartog and his siblings
grew up, is indicated with a yellow dot. The area of the Brouwersgracht where he lived
with Meijnsje is marked with a small rectangle. Amstelodami Celeberrimi Hollandiae
Emporii Delineatio Nova. Map: Joan Blaeu, 1649. Biblioteca Nacional de España.

Born into a family with strong ties to the shipping industry, Hartog
was the second son of skipper Hartog [Harich] Krijnen and Griet Jans.
The couple had at least four children who lived to adulthood; Hartog
had an older brother Willem (born c. 1575), an older sister Trijntje (born
c. 1578), and a younger sister Neeltje (baptised on 16 August 1584).
Figure 1 Dirk Hartog and Meijnsje Abels’s marriage certiicate, 5 February 1611. The family lived in the Smaksteeg in Amsterdam, an alleyway situated
Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Ondertrouwregisters 1565–1811, DTB 412, p. 476 between the modern-day streets [korte] Nieuwendijk and Kattengat.
(OTR00009000254). Their home was about 100 m from the lock then known as the Nieuw
Haarlemmersluis (See Figure 2) and the Haringpakkerstoren (a tower
If the marriage certiicate is correct and Hartog was, indeed, 28 years where herring were processed and packed) (See Figure 3). After the
of age in 1611, then he must have been born in 1583. In that case, the death of his father, Hartog’s mother, Griet, managed to raise the children
baby baptised in 1580 was probably an older brother and namesake on her own, teaching them basic skills such as arithmetic, reading and
who died in infancy—a frequent occurrence at the time. It is, however, writing.5
possible that he was the Dirk Hartog baptised in 1580, in which case he Hartog and his siblings grew up in close proximity to the Amsterdam
would have been 30 years old when he wed. waterfront, oicially named IJ, where they would have observed port-

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Figure 4. Maritime industry in full action near Hartog’s parental home showing the
smoking and packaging of herring. The Smaksteeg was in the suburb behind the facades
Figure 3. View of Amsterdam from the IJ waterfront dated between 1612 and 1652, in of houses in the illustration, now on the Prins Hendrikskade. Haringpakkerstoren,
the time Hartog was married to Meijnsje and an independent shipowner living at the Amsterdam. Illustrator: Anonymous, published by Claes Jansz. Visscher (II), 1608.
Brouwersgracht. The Nieuw Haarlemmersluis and Haringpakkerstoren are depicted Rijksmuseum collection, object no. RP-P-OB-77.521.
on the right side of the illustration. Illustrator: Anonymous (plaat III), published by
Claes Jansz. Visscher (II). Rijksmuseum collection, object no. RP-P-OB-2593C. sister; and 12 guilders each to his sisters, Trijntje and Neeltje. Meijnsje
‘willed’ all her linen and woollen clothes and gold and silver jewellery
related activities and seafaring culture on a daily basis (See Figures 3
to her two sisters, and 12 guilders each to her three brothers.8
and 4). As a young lad, Hartog followed in the footsteps of his father and
In their will, it speciically states that Hartog and Meijnsje lived on
became a seaman himself. His brother, Willem, took up the profession
the Brouwersgracht canal ‘near the second lock’, which would have
of a ship’s carpenter while both his sisters married sailors.6 After
been the large Brouwerssluis lock built in 1614 (See Figure 2).9 No
Hartog married Meijnsje, the couple moved to live in Amsterdam’s
longer existing today, it was situated in the Brouwersgracht before
Brouwersgracht.7
its junction with the Prinsengracht canal and was built to separate the
Hartog and Meijnsje did not have any children. No baptism or funeral
water levels of the suburb Jordaan and the Prinsengracht from other
records for any ofspring exist at the Amsterdam city archives. Being
canals. In new developments to expand the city, a temporary lock in
without children, they appointed each other as reciprocal legal heirs
the Brouwersgracht was constructed near the Nieuw Haarlemmersluis
in their will. The couple had ‘contemplated the certainty of death and
lock, i.e. at the oldest existing part of the Brouwersgracht. This lock
the uncertainty of the hour’ when Frederick van Banchem notarised
was there only from 1614 to 1620, which makes the Brouwerssluis in
their will on 28 December 1618—two months after his return from
that period the ‘second lock’ in the canal.10 Hartog and Meijnsje’s house
the Indies. They also bequeathed their personal possessions to their
would, thus, have been a short walking distance from his parental home
immediate family. Hartog bestowed all his linen and woollen clothes
(about 500 m away).
on his brother, Willem; he left 25 guilders to the child of his older
Hartog remained married to Meijnsje until his death ten years

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later. Hartog was buried on 11 October 1621 in the New Church of swivel guns for stone shot, a shotgun, irelocks, spears, gunpowder,
Amsterdam11—at the time of death, he must have been between 38 and lead, bullets and other suitable armament.21 In 1612, he also freighted
41 years of age. It is not known how Hartog died and he simply may merchandise for Casper van Ceulen and Gijsberto Tholincx.22
have fallen ill on his last seafaring venture.12 Shortly after his return, he Experienced in traversing European waters, Hartog was audacious
passed away and was buried in the New Church of Amsterdam on 11 enough to take on challenging and risky voyages. His conidence and
October 1621.13 His ship Gelukkige Leeuw was sold within two weeks ability as an expert seaman are evident from his long and treacherous
of his burial, on 23 October, to pay for an outstanding advance of 1,800 voyage to the harbour of Archangel in the White Sea (northern Russia).
Florins.14 Archangel was a destination only for able seamen willing and capable
After Hartog’s passing, Meijnsje remarried on 25 March 1623 to enough to undertake the lengthy voyage around the northern Cape of
Jelis Claeszoon of Weesp, a seaman and skipper of an inland trading Scandinavia to a harbour that was ice-bound for all but a brief period
vessel. With him, she had at least four children: Abel, Anna, Annetje of time each year. Hartog certainly had what it took to engage in the
and Claes.15 Meijnsje lived to the age of 63 and she was buried on 18 Dutch shipping and trade with Archangel. Here, the Dutch acquired
September 1656 in the New Church of Amsterdam.16 agrarian and forestry products such as masts and sawn timber, hemp,
Hartog: an extraordinary Dutch seaman potash, tar, moose skins, Russian leather and tallow; as well as fur from
sable, marten and polar fox.23 For Hartog’s trip to Archangel, his ship
Early years of seafaring Dolijn was itted with eight iron cannon and ive small swivel guns for
Little is known of Hartog’s training to become an able seaman or stone shot.24 He sailed with a cargo, valued at 2,660 Dutch guilders,
his formative years at sea. Before his marriage to Meijnsje, he spent in the service of Adriaen Sybrecht Faes of Amsterdam and Margarieta
some years in Southeast Asia as a ‘stuurman’ (navigator) for the Dutch Valckenburch, widow of Marcus de Vogelaer.25 In Archangel, Hartog
East India Company, or VOC (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie). A loaded a cargo of wheat for his homebound voyage to the Netherlands
notary document dated 8 September 1609 authenticates that he had just at the end of August. Upon his return he sold Dolijn to Jelmer Jebbes,
returned from Bantam in north-west Java on the VOC ship Ter Veere.17 A an Amsterdam merchant, on 7 November 1615.26
few weeks later, on 22 October, he made an oicial statement about the His next adventure: journey to the Indies in 1616
drowning of an Andries Mertens in Ternate. At the time of the incident
Hartog served on the VOC ship Enkhuizen, which ran aground of the After selling Dolijn, Hartog entered the service of the VOC and set
Halmahera Island in the Moluccas on 1607.18 He travelled on Ter Veere sail as the skipper of the ship Eendracht on 23 January 1616.27 He had a
from Bantam to Wielingen between 16 November 1608 and 7 August complement of 200 men aboard Eendracht and commenced the voyage
1609.19 to Southeast Asia as part of a leet of ive ships in all.28 Eendracht sailed
By his late twenties, he had become an independent shipowner and out from Texel alongside VOC ships Bantam (800 tonnes, Enkhuizen
experienced skipper. In 1611 Hartog purchased the ship Dolijn of 120 Chamber) and Trouw (500 tonnes, Amsterdam Chamber).29 Aboard
lasten (240 tonnes) and began sailing for Wessel Schenck, a merchant Trouw was the future Governor-General of the East Indies: senior
of Amsterdam. His irst voyage with Dolijn took him south to Dunkirk merchant Pieter de Carpentier. On 31 January, VOC ship Gouden
to collect a cargo of 140 lasten (280 tonnes) of salt from Brouage. From Leeuw (500 tonnes, Rotterdam Chamber) joined them and the next day
there he continued northwards into the Baltic to Danzig, after which he Westfriesland (800 tonnes, Hoorn Chamber) met the leet in the English
sailed to Genoa, Italy. This charter paid him 11½ ducats of 11 Spanish Channel. Both Gouden Leeuw and Westfriesland had departed from
reals per ducat per last (2 tonnes) of cargo.20 In his contract with Rotterdam’s Maas River on 21 January and 22 January, respectively.30
Schenck, Hartog agreed to arm his ship with six iron cannon, four small Four of the ships were new to the VOC’s leet and were sailing their

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maiden voyage to Southeast Asia—Bantam had undertaken the journey Hartog’s venture ‘accidental’?
once before. The ships all took the so-called Brouwer Route, which
Hartog’s arrival in the waters of the Great South Land (or Terra
was soon to become the preferred route for all VOC ships sailing to
Australis Incognita) and his subsequent delayed appearance in Southeast
Southeast Asia.31
Asia is often referred to as ‘accidental’. The VOC certainly considered
The start of Hartog’s journey to the Indies was challenging as
it an unfortunate mishap, but whether it was by accident or by design is
Eendracht, Trouw and Bantam had become icebound while at anchor
a matter of contention.
at Texel, prior to their departure. Gilles Mibais and Joannes Steijns,
Navigation ability of the day combined with ignorance of the
Eendracht’s senior and junior merchant, respectively, inform us in a
Australian continent’s existence certainly support the argument for an
letter dated 3 February 1616 that 21 seamen and eight soldiers had
accidental landfall. From the Cape of Good Hope, Eendracht headed
deserted the icebound ship. Even the senior barber had taken of, which
south to between latitudes 35ºS and 45ºS, where it caught the strong
had caused much restlessness among the crew. To make amends, he was
westerly tail winds known as the Roaring Forties. This route, trialled by
replaced by a junior barber from one of the other ships. The merchants
other Dutch ships before Hartog, had been irst encountered by Hendrik
deliberated that their entire crew and complement of marines would
Brouwer ive years earlier. The so-called Brouwer Route was oicially
have deserted if Eendracht had remained icebound for a few days more.
endorsed in 1617, when the VOC made it the preferred itinerary for its
The ships came loose from the ice, however, and managed to sail away
East Indiamen.37
on 23 January.32
The VOC’s 1617 sailing instructions speciically state: ‘And all ships
The leet sailed south together, passing Madeira on 9 February, and
will, after having taken refreshments at the Cape de Bona Esperance or
arrived at Maio Island in the Cape Verde Archipelago on 21 March
Tafelbay, put their course east in the latitude 35, 36, 40 to 44 degrees
where the ships took on fresh water. By this time scurvy had broken
South, so that they will ind the best westerly winds, also because
out. The ships sighted the island of St Thomé (now São Tomé) on 20
these winds blow not always at the latitude of 35 or 36 but often more
May and arrived on 27 May at Cape Lopez in the Gulf of Guinea.33
southerly, they should be looked for there [Article 12]’. The instructions
Here, Gouden Leeuw and Westfriesland separated from the other ships.
continue: ‘Having found the westerly winds, the ships shall keep an
Eendracht continued to the island of Annaboa (modern-day Annobón),
easterly course at least for 1,000 miles before they move upwards or
where the crew took on fresh fruit, i.e. oranges and limes; Spanish wine;
make their course northerly [Article 13]’.38
and other provisions.34
With the Roaring Forties astern, VOC ships thus followed this nautical
Strong currents and lack of wind often delayed ships in the Gulf of
highway for approximately 1,000 miles before turning northward with
Guinea and it took the ships three months to sail from Cape Lopez to the
the Southeast Trade Winds, which carried them directly into the Strait
Cape of Good Hope. The heat, the poor living conditions aboard ship,
of Sunda. This route provided the shortest distance to the East Indies,
and the endless delays waiting for favourable sailing conditions resulted
expediting the sailing time by several months and allowing the ships to
in the death of six crew members. Eendracht and Trouw were the irst
circumvent Portuguese territory in Asia.39
ships of the leet to reach the Cape on 5 August 1616.35 Hartog and his
It is uncertain, however, whether Dutch navigators would have used
crew continued their journey with Eendracht on 27 August and they
the old German mile of 3,152 Amsterdam fathoms (c. 5,358 m) or the
were the last to arrive in the Indonesian Archipelago. De Carpentier and
new Snellius mile (c. 7,158 m).40 Ships sailing 1,000 miles in 35°S or
the crew on Trouw, for example, arrived at Bantam on 24 October 1616,
in 44°S would end up in considerably diferent longitudes, their exact
by which time Hartog and his men were only just about to encounter
distance depending on the mileage system used. Navigators were still
the western shores of the, until then hypothetical, Great South Land.36
unable to determine longitude, which could be problematic for ships

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The Great Circle Wendy Van Duivenvoorde Vol. 38, No. 1 The Great Circle Dutch Seaman Dirk Hartog (1583–1621) and his Ship Eendracht Vol. 38, No. 1.

following this route due to the earth’s diminishing curvature. In addition VAN AMSTERDAM DE 27 DITO
to the varying strength of the winds and inability to calculate longitude, TE SEIL GEGHN NA BANTVM
miscalculations often caused ships to miss the designated point to turn DE ONDERKOPMAN IAN STINS
north. Hartog could have simply passed the right longitude or he may DE OPPERSTIVIERMAN PIETR
have sailed too far south before running with the Roaring Forties, DOOKE VAN BILL
leading to Eendracht’s arrival on the shores of the Great South Land.
Hartog and his crew were the irst Dutch seamen to experience the On the 25th of October 1616, the ship Eendracht of Amsterdam
challenging sailing conditions along the South Land’s western coast; arrived here with senior merchant Gilles Mibais of Liege, skipper
where treacherous reefs, strong currents and shallow waters were at Dirck Hatichs of Amsterdam, the 27 [October], the ditto made sail for
times coupled with a rough and inaccessible shore. Together with Bantam, the junior merchant J[o]an[nes] S[te]i[j]ns, the irst steersman
Hartog’s Eendracht, all subsequent VOC ships that ended up in these Piet[e]r Dooke van Bill.
waters played a major role in Dutch reconnaissance of the Australian
coast—a development that led to the further European discovery and
exploration of this vast continent.
Dirk Hartog and his crew sailed into the waters of the unknown
continent’s western coast and arrived at Shark Bay on 25 October 1616.
Hartog briely explored Shark Bay with his senior merchant, Gilles
Mibais, but they both seemed indiferent to their inding of the South
Land. They anchored their ship at the northernmost point of the island,
which is now called Dirk Hartog Island.
Hartog Inscription Plate: maritime communication from afar
It was here, at the top of a barren, north-facing clif that they left
an inscription that is testimony to their presence on the island. Taking
a pewter dinner plate, they lattened its rim, inscribed it with details
related to their arrival and departure, and then nailed it to a wooden Figure 5. Hartog Inscription Plate, 1616. Photographer: Patrick Baker, Western
post atop the clif. The inscription is legible over the entire width of the Australian Museum, MUS 0567. Rijksmuseum collection, object no. NG-NM-825.
plate; however, the last three lines have all but eroded away (See Figure
5). It is possible that the names of Joannes Steijns and Pieter Dooke The plate that Hartog’s crew left behind provides tangible archaeological
were added to the inscription as they are inscribed much more lightly evidence of European arrival on the western coast of Australia. VOC
(Rijksmuseum collection, object no. NG-NM-825). It reads:41 ships were typically manned by a skipper and senior merchant—Hartog,
1616 as skipper, was responsible for all nautical aspects of the journey
DEN 25 OCTOBERIS (navigation, sailing, rigging and manning the crew); while Gilles was
HIER AENGECOMEN HET SCHI[P] accountable for the proitability of the voyage. The senior merchant,
DEENDRACHT VAN AMSTERDAM however, ultimately outranked the skipper in decision-making.42 Yet, in
DE OPPERKO[O]PMAN GILLIS MIBAIS this case it is the skipper who is credited with the discovery as the VOC
VAN LVICK SCHIPPER DIRCK HATICHS named the island after Hartog (See Figures 6 and 7).

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While travelling across the world’s oceans, Dutch and other European
seafarers often left formal inscriptions to mark their presence on distant
While travelling across the world’s oceans, Dutch and other European
seafarers often left formal inscriptions to mark their presence on distant
shores, either in the form of landmarks to assert their nation’s claim
to the land or as postal stones to convey messages and intelligence to
other ships.43 The text on the pewter plate left on Dirk Hartog Island
by Eendracht’s crew did not make any claim to the discovered land. It
simply conirmed their arrival and departure on new land and served
as proof that they had visited Shark Bay. The text is similar to Dutch
inscriptions found elsewhere on postal stones, tablets and trees. Such
postal stones were basically messages on the rocks for crews of other
ships. They are visual reminders of the earliest Dutch voyages in the
Indian Ocean. In the absence of a suitable stone, Dutch seafarers would
nail wooden tablets on trees; inscribe directly into trees; or, as in this
simply conirmed their arrival and departure on new land and served
as proof that they had visited Shark Bay. The text is similar to Dutch
inscriptions found elsewhere on postal stones, tablets and trees. Such
Figure 6. Coastal proile of the northern end of Dirk Hartog Island as observed postal stones were basically messages on the rocks for crews of other
during Willem de Vlaming’s expedition. On the left, the location is marked where ships. They are visual reminders of the earliest Dutch voyages in the
the expedition members found the Hartog Inscription Plate (Een d’tinnen schootel Indian Ocean. In the absence of a suitable stone, Dutch seafarers would
gevonden—found a pewter plate). Cartographer: Victor Victorsz, 1696. Maritime
Museum Rotterdam, object no. K268-5.
nail wooden tablets on trees; inscribe directly into trees; or, as in this
case, use a pewter dinner plate to leave a message. Such communications
provided a short account of the ship’s voyage in case its crew were
unable to return to civilisation and report on the journey themselves.44
Like Hartog, other Dutch seafarers are known to have left so-called
postal inscriptions along the Australian coast in the 17th century. For
example, the seamen on Jan Carstenszoon’s expedition of 1623 erected
a wooden tablet somewhere in the south-eastern corner of the Gulf of
Carpentaria.45 In January 1623, Carstenszoon set sail with the ships Pera
and Arnem from Ambon Island in the Moluccas to explore the South
Land.46 The ship’s journal provides the earliest European description of
any part of Australia. Carstenszoon reached a river on 24 April that he
Figure 7. Detail of the South Land as discovered by Willem de Vlaming showing
named Staaten River, after the States-General of the United Provinces
the location of where his expedition found the Hartog Inscription Plate (N12, Hier of the Netherlands. In the ship’s journal, he states:
een tinne schootel gevonden—found a pewter plate here). Orientation: North is left. …since by resolution it has been determined to begin the return-voyage at this
Cartographer: Victor Victorsz, 1697. Nationaal Archief, 4, Vel 509. point, we have, in default of stone caused a wooden tablet to be nailed to a tree,

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the said tablet having the following words carved into it: “Anno 1623 den 24n it eventually arrived at Ambon in the Moluccas six days later.53
April sijn hier aen gecomen twee jachten wegen de Hooge Mogende Heeren The VOC Council of the Indies was underwhelmed, maybe even
Staten Gen.” [A.D. 1623, on the 24th of April, there arrived here two yachts
dispatched by their High Mightinesses the States-General].47 disgruntled, with Hartog’s arrival in Celebes and, in particular, his
delay in getting there. Eendracht’s late arrival had serious inancial
Some have suggested that the tablet was erected in the vicinity of implications for the availability and distribution of funding.54 On 22
what is now known as the Gilbert River and not the present-day Staaten August 1617, Governor-General Jan Pieterszoon Coen sent a letter
River, which runs slightly to the north.48 The wooden inscription to the Netherlands from his seat in Bantam, in which he speciically
by Carstenszoon’s crew no longer exists. Not only was it placed on states: ‘…it is said that the skipper of Eendracht deliberately planned
inhabited land, but the natural environment, especially the moist it, and it did not happen accidentally’. 55 He elaborates that Eendracht
climate and white ants, would have been detrimental to the preservation sailed some 800 to 1,000 miles from the Cape of Good Hope at 26º
of wooden artefacts. The message left behind by Hartog’s crew only 60’ 28” where its crew encountered ‘many islands, but did not observe
survived because it was inscribed on a material better able to withstand the presence of people’.56 He simply refers to Hartog as ‘the skipper’
the natural environment. Also, it was erected on an uninhabited island. of Eendracht, which demonstrated Hartog’s mundane status within the
Thus, when Dutch seaman Willem de Vlaming and his crew found company.57
the inscription plate on Dirk Hartog Island in 1697, it reinforced the The fact that Hartog made the decision to sail to Ambon, not Bantam,
importance of Hartog’s discovery and irmly endorsed his legacy. is curious in itself. Furthermore, the ‘gossip’ current in Bantam at
Delayed arrival in Bantam ‘accidentally on purpose’? the time would suggest that Hartog’s encounter with the South Land
From Shark Bay, Eendracht continued its journey north under may have been anything but accidental. Here is a possible scenario to
instructions to navigate to Bantam—as known from the inscription consider.
plate and archival documents detailing the journey. Hartog is reported to In 1614 the Australische Compagnie, or Southern Company, was
have sailed Eendracht into the Flores Sea through ‘the narrows between established by Isaäc le Maire ostensibly to ind and trade with Terra
Bima and the land of Endea near Guno Api (Goenoeng Api) in the south Australis. The true intent of the company, however, was to challenge
of Java (Sapi Straits)’.49 On sighting Eendracht in Indonesian waters, the 21-year trade monopoly granted to the VOC for the area east from
VOC employee Laurens Reael states in a letter dated 7 November 1616 the Cape of Good Hope and west from the Strait of Magellan. Le Maire
that the ship attempted but failed to navigate to Ambon; that it was and other Dutch merchants resented their commercial exclusion from
sailing ‘downwards’ and then drifted out of sight.50 Obviously Hartog this expanse, which they deemed too large to be controlled by a single
steered a diferent course, changing Eendracht’s destination. The other company.
ships that sailed in the same leet had all arrived at their intended The only journey undertaken by the Australische Compagnie
destination: Bantam. commenced on 14 June 1615 when two ships set sail from Texel; one,
Hartog and his crew inally arrived at Makassar on the Island of a ship also of the name Eendracht (360 tonnes); and the other, a yacht
Celebes (Sulawesi) on 14 December 1616. Unaware of the current called Hoorn (110 tonnes). The respective crews of the ships were
hostile status of Makassar, and the VOC’s decision to vacate this secretly instructed to ind the western route to Southeast Asia.58 The
trading post 18 months earlier, they witnessed 16 of Eendracht’s crew journey was disastrous for the yacht Hoorn. On 19 December 1615,
being massacred by the local ruler.51 Two English ships assisted them when its crew was careening the vessel in Port Desire [modern-day
and provided provisions and protection, although a subsequent Dutch Puerto Deseado, Argentina], it caught ire. Eendracht, meanwhile,
inquest into the matter concluded that the English were actually to blame successfully navigated Cape Horn and arrived in Indonesian waters
for the casualties.52 The English escorted Eendracht from Makassar and in 1616. Its crew anchored the ship in Ternate, the Moluccas, on 17

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September 1616—Hartog’s Eendracht would arrive in the western Historic evidence of Hartog’s VOC service
waters of the South Land about ive weeks later. The ship logs that would have detailed Eendracht’s voyage to
The VOC, on 2 November 1616, coniscated Le Maire’s Eendracht, Southeast Asia and its intra-Asiatic movements are not in the archives
having learned of the Australische Compagnie’s intent to trade in the of the Dutch East India Company in the Netherlands National Archives,
East Indies. The ship’s crew was given the choice of working for the nor are the ship’s crew manifests.63 They undoubtedly existed. Governor-
VOC or being sent back to the Netherlands, and the vessel was renamed General Coen even commended the 1616 manifests of both Eendracht
Zuider Eendracht.59 Back in the Netherlands, a lengthy legal dispute and Westfriesland in his correspondence to the VOC Council. He
ensued between the VOC and the Australische Compagnie, which considered them in ‘perfect’ order.64
prevented the new company from lourishing and led to a great inancial Eendracht’s journal, crew manifests and other notes certainly made
loss for Isaäc le Maire.60 it back to the Netherlands. Skippers sailing for the VOC were required
The commander of the 1615 voyage made by the Australische to keep extensive journals and notes, which they handed over to the
Compagnie was Jacob le Maire, son of Isaäc. Like Hartog, Jacob was authorities upon arrival. From these classiied records, employees of
born in Amsterdam around 1585.61 The two boys would have known the company’s special unit extracted useful data for charts and pilots.
each other growing up. Jacob himself became an experienced skipper Hartog’s ship journal and notes were used, for example, to create the
and had a true yearning for adventure and exploration. His father, Isaäc, irst chart of the west coast of Australia—VOC cartographer Hessel
was one of a group of inluential and elite Amsterdam merchants (mostly Gerritszoon worked on it over a 10-year time period from 1618 to 1628,
immigrated from Antwerp) who made their fortunes and invested adding information as it was gathered from subsequent reconnaissance
large sums of money in the Dutch trade with England, France, Spain, voyages along the Australian coast.65 He detailed Hartog’s landing site
Portugal, Russia (Archangel), the Mediterranean and Caribbean.62 This and coastal explorations on this chart, and he labelled that region of
group of wealthy merchants included those who chartered and inanced the north-west coast ’t Land van d’Eendracht (The Land of Eendracht)
Hartog as an independent shipowner and skipper. It is quite possible that (See Figure 8).
Hartog had undisclosed dealings with the Australische Compagnie with Hartog’s three-day exploration of the west coast led to further
the potential to cater to his own yearning for adventure and exploration. exploration of the west and south coasts of the South Land for the creation
This may have led to a deliberate attempt to explore the waters beyond of accurate nautical charts and instructions.66 The VOC dispatched
the end of the ‘nautical highway’, perhaps in search of the South Land, several expeditions to the region in the years after 1616. Navigational
and with the intention to meet up with the Australische Compagnie leet
in the Moluccas. The VOC’s Governor-General Jan Pieterszoon Coen
and the company’s oicials in Southeast Asia could obviously never
substantiate or conirm any of the gossip about Hartog’s intentions.
Ultimately, they could only conclude that his encounter with the Terra
Australis and his late arrival were ‘entirely accidental’.
Apart from his late arrival and the change of Eendracht’s inal
destination from Bantam to Ambon, it would have been hard to ind
fault with Hartog as he was an exemplary skipper. In the year that he
was active in the intra-Asiatic trade, he hauled large, diverse cargoes Figure 8. The land of Eendracht, discovered anno 1616 (‘t Land van d’Eendracht,
around the region—his ship often dangerously overloaded—and his ontdekt Ao 1616), detail of the chart of the Malay Archipelago and the Dutch
discoveries in Australia. Cartographer: Hessel Gerritsz, 1618–1628. National Library
administration was known to be in tip-top order. of Australia, MAP RM 750 (http://nla.gov.au/nla.map-rm750).

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The Great Circle Wendy Van Duivenvoorde Vol. 38, No. 1 The Great Circle Dutch Seaman Dirk Hartog (1583–1621) and his Ship Eendracht Vol. 38, No. 1.

knowledge of this perilous coast was of paramount interest to the VOC, Hartog’s active involvement in the intra-Asiatic trade has already
since so many of its ships would pass this vast continent when sailing been mentioned. He stayed on as Eendracht’s skipper and sailed to
between the Cape of Good Hope and Southeast Asia. The company VOC trading posts in Jambi on the east coast of Sumatra; Patani in
ordered the commanders of these exploration leets to attempt contact modern-day Thailand; and Japara on the north-east coast of Java.70 On
with the indigenous inhabitants of the South Land and to explore and these trips, Eendracht carried such diverse cargoes as money, cloth,
evaluate the resources of the region. cloves, spelter (a mixture of lead and tin) and passengers. Documents
Historic information about the 1616 journey of Eendracht to Southeast mention speciically that Eendracht transported two women from
Asia mainly comes from four letters written variously by Dirk Hartog, Jambi to Ambon in April 1617; and a Portuguese prisoner in late 1617,
senior merchant Gilles Mibais, and/or the junior merchant, Joannes who managed to escape.71 The records also show that Eendracht was
Steijns (See Figure 9), and part of a ship’s log by Steijns detailing events dangerously overloaded on one voyage with a cargo of cloves from the
from 10 to 30 December 1616. These letters and the log were transcribed Moluccas and barely made it to Ambon.72 On another trading trip, in
September 1617, the ship arrived in Jambi with a cargo of cloves from
Ambon weighing 900 bhaar73 (about 222 tonnes).74
Eendracht inally arrived in Bantam in November 1617, and it was
from there that Hartog and his crew commenced their journey home
on 17 December. They arrived in Zeeland on 16 October 1618.75 In
another rare piece of documentary evidence of his life, upon returning to
Amsterdam Hartog signed an aidavit on 31 December 1618 to conirm
the paralysis of Claes Ellerts, quartermaster of VOC ship Dolijn, after
an accidental fall in ‘Kasteel Amboina’ in Ambon, the Moluccas.76 In
September 1619, he entered the service of Jacques Nicquet and Elias
Trip, for whom he set sail to the Adriatic Sea with his newly acquired
ship Gelukkige Leeuw. There he aided in the defence of the city of
Venice against Hapsburg, Spanish and Uscocs attacks.77 It was to be his
last adventure—he died in 1621.
Eendracht: the earliest Dutch vessel to encounter Terra
Australis’ western shores
Figure 9. Dirk Hartog’s signature on the last page of a letter written while en route
to the Dutch East Indies on 11 June 1616. NA, Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, When Hartog became the skipper of VOC ship Eendracht, the
reference code 1.04.02, item no. 1059, folio 329. 700-tonne vessel was brand new. Constructed in the VOC’s Amsterdam
shipyard, it carried 32 cannon.78 Eendracht was the best sailing ship
and published by Hermanus Hartogh Heys van Zouteveen in 1888 for in the leet departing from the Netherlands in January 1616. After its
the Algemeen Nederlandsch Familieblad 67—they are all part of the historic voyage to the Indies with Hartog as skipper, Eendracht set sail
collection of the aforementioned Dutch East India Company archives.68 for the Indies once again, departing on 13 May 1619 and arriving in
Also, Governor-General Coen’s correspondence and papers discuss and Jakarta ten months later, on 22 March 1620. The ship stayed in Southeast
detail Hartog’s arrival and subsequent movements in Southeast Asia.69 Asia and was wrecked on the west coast of Ambon on 13 May 1622.79
Hartog: the intra-Asiatic trade and his return home Eendracht belonged to the largest size class of all ships in the VOC’s

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The Great Circle Wendy Van Duivenvoorde Vol. 38, No. 1 The Great Circle Dutch Seaman Dirk Hartog (1583–1621) and his Ship Eendracht Vol. 38, No. 1.

leet and was built according to the 1614 VOC construction charter.80 The
VOC shipyards could construct new ships to their own speciications,
but the overall size was restricted to maximum measurements provided
in the charter. Eendracht was then no larger than 150 Amsterdam feet
(42.5 m) in length, 33 feet (9.3 m) in beam and had a hold of 13 feet
(3.7 m) in depth. The ship had two decks with a depth of 5½ feet (1.6
m) between them, plus a quarterdeck 6 3/4 feet (1.9 m) above its upper
deck.81 There are no representations of the ship Eendracht in existence.
The other Eendracht: a warship sailing for the Australische
Compagnie
As already discussed, two Dutch ships named Eendracht sailed to
the southern hemisphere in 1616. The Australische Compagnie’s Figure 10. Ships at the IJsselmonde, Rotterdam. Painting: Aert Anthonisz, 1617.
Eendracht started its life as a warship built in Hoorn in 1601—it was a Rijksmuseum collection, object no. SK-A-1446.
true veteran of the Dutch naval leet and belonged to the Admiralty of The warship in the painting has 11 guns on the port side (seven on
the Noorderkwartier (West Friesland, i.e. the Dutch towns of Hoorn and lower and four on upper deck), which means it probably had a total of
Enkhuizen). In a letter written by Willem Schouten, who would become 22 cannon. Griioen carried 20 cannon during the Battle of Gibraltar
its skipper, and dated around the New Year of 1615, Schouten asked the in 1607; and when re-named Eendracht it was itted with a total of
Admiralty for the purchase of its warship Griioen.82 The Admiralty 31 in 1615.88 It is, thus, unlikely that the vessel painted in Anthonisz’s
was subsequently granted permission by the Dutch Government to work was Eendracht whether before or after its 1615 voyage. The only
sell the vessel. Renamed Eendracht, the 360-tonne ship measured 106 representations of this ship are illustrated in Schouten and Le Maire’s
Amsterdam feet (30 m) in length, 30½ feet (8.6 m) in breadth.83 For its published ship journals.
journey around the Cape Horn, it was outitted with 19 iron cannon, 12
swivel guns, muskets and ammunition for war. It also had a large sailing The name Dirk Hartog or, more correctly, Dijrck Hartoochz[s]
sloop, a rowed sloop, a boat and a small boat.84 The vessel was, thus, The scant evidence testifying to Hartog’s existence is derived from
signiicantly smaller than Hartog’s Eendracht. historic documents, an inscribed pewter plate, and charts and geographic
A 1617 painting by Aert Anthonisz, from the collection of the names that credit his arrival with Eendracht on the western shores of
Netherlands National Museum, shows ships at the IJsselmonde in
Rotterdam, including a warship wrongly identiied as Eendracht (See
Figure 10). It is described as: Eendracht in the year 1618 [a year after
Anthonisz painted it] upon return from Le Maire and Schouten’s voyage
to the Indies around the Cape Horn.85 The ship, however, never returned
to the Netherlands. After the VOC seized the vessel and renamed it
Zuider Eendracht, it remained in Southeast Asia and served in the
company’s intra-Asiatic trade until it capsized of Bantam in May 1620 Figure 11. Dirk Hartog’s signature from a freight contract for his ship Dolijn, 11
and was subsequently burned.86 The ship certainly identiies as a warship December 1612. Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Archief van de Notarissen ter Standplaats
Amsterdam, access no. 5075, inv. no. 8 (Jan Franssen Bruijningh), no. 130 (Minuutacten
as it carries lags associated with the Dutch States and States-General.87 en afschriften: Band 68: 4 December 1612–4 May 1613):6 (A20106000011).

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The Great Circle Wendy Van Duivenvoorde Vol. 38, No. 1 The Great Circle Dutch Seaman Dirk Hartog (1583–1621) and his Ship Eendracht Vol. 38, No. 1.

Australia. Like Eendracht itself, no portraits of Dirk Hartog exist. The


only tangible evidence that remains today is his signature on oicial
documents. Hartog spelled his own name as Dijrck Hartoochz[s], as
seen on his marriage certiicate (See Figure 1), a letter in the National
Archives of the Netherlands (See Figure 9), freight contracts (See
Figures 11–13) and an aidavit (See Figure 14). His contemporaries
were less consistent—notaries, church oicials, civil servants and the
scribe of the pewter dinner plate spelled it in a variety of ways. They
Figure 12. Dirk Hartog’s signature from a freight contract for his ship Dolijn with wrote it as Dirck Hertochsen, Dierck Hartoghsz, Dirck Hatichs, Dirck
Wessel Schenck, 3 March 1612. Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Archief van de Notarissen Hartoghsz, Dierick Hartogz, Dirck Hartogs, and Dirk Hartochsz. His
ter Standplaats Amsterdam, access no. 5075, inv. no. 8 (Jan Franssen Bruijningh), no.
surname is the patronymic Hartoochz or Hartogsz (son of Hartooch
127 (Minuutacten en afschriften: Band 65: 24 November 1611–18 August 1612):78–
78v (KLAB09549000084). or Hartogs), pronounced as Hartogszoon (transl. Hartog’s son). Dirk’s
surname refers to the given name of his father and is, therefore, not a
proper family name. The spelling of Dirk Hartog’s name in this article
is, thus, incorrect and follows the most common form found in modern
scholarship and the gazetted geographical name of Dirk Hartog Island
in Western Australia.
Discussion and conclusion
Hartog’s life and career demonstrate that he was an expert seaman
who became an independent shipowner and captain in his late twenties,
Figure 13. Dirk Hartog’s signature from a freight contract to Archangel for his ship
Dolijn with Marcus Vogelaer and Adriaen Sybrecht Faes, 15 May 1615. Stadsarchief and was conident enough to take on challenging seafaring ventures
Amsterdam, Archief van de Notarissen ter Standplaats Amsterdam, access no. 5075, in European waters as well as to Southeast Asia. His life as a seaman
inv. no. 8 (Jan Franssen Bruijningh), no. 140 (Minuutacten en afschriften: Band 78: took him from the remote port of Archangel in Russia to the heart of
19 March–7 October 1613):78–79 (A29257000086).
the Mediterranean; and saw him sail the route to Southeast Asia, at
least twice, to engage in the intra-Asiatic trade. Even so, Hartog would
have remained an ordinary, unknown seafarer if he had not sailed into
Western Australian waters—herein, lies his true legacy that opened the
door for Dutch exploration and the mapping of the Western Australian
coast. The inscribed pewter plate and the 17th-century Dutch charts
securely place Hartog as a key igure in the history of exploration and a
notable seafarer in the Age of Exploration. This article has demonstrated
some of the additional primary sources known today providing snippets
Figure 14. Dirk Hartog’s signature from the aidavit conirming the paralysis of Claes of knowledge about Hartog’s personal and professional life, mainly
Ellerts, 31 December 1618. Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Archief van de Notarissen ter held in the VOC and Amsterdam city archives. He grew up and lived
Standplaats Amsterdam, access no. 5075, inv. no. 11 (Jacob Meerhout), no. 254 in Europe’s most thriving city, Amsterdam, amidst all the activity and
(Minuutacten en afschriften: Band 28: 9 November 1618–26 February 1619):488
(A29274000497).
developments that led to Dutch primacy in world trade in the late 16th

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The Great Circle Wendy Van Duivenvoorde Vol. 38, No. 1 The Great Circle Dutch Seaman Dirk Hartog (1583–1621) and his Ship Eendracht Vol. 38, No. 1.

and early 17th centuries. Hartog was a witness and participant in all Endnotes
of it. He knew Amsterdam’s immigrant elite and the most prominent 1 M. Gibbs and B. Duncan, ‘The Dirk Hartog Island post site: Early European
encounters with Australia and the establishment of a maritime cultural landscape’,
players in Dutch trading and seafaring activities; and was contracted Tjop tjop! Vänbok till Christer Westerdahl med anledning av Hans70-Årsdag
by them to haul freight to and from the most important regions for den 13 November 2015, eds S. von Arbin, P. Nymoen, F.-A. Hedlund Stylegar,
Dutch trading activities. Like Hartog there were many more ordinary M. Sylvester, A. Gutehall and P. Skanse, Båt dokgruppen, 2015:209–228; M.
citizens from this vibrant European town who had equally interesting Gibbs, Dirk Hartog’s Post: A Report on the Site of the 1616 Monument Site at
Cape Inscription, Dirk Hartog Island and An Analysis of Historical Evidence of
and adventurous lives but whose stories remain untold—their records the Posts Erected There, Report, Department of Maritime Archaeology, Western
untouched or unnoticed in the Dutch archives. From the archival Australian Museum, Fremantle, 1996; A.J. Hoving, ‘Een etensbord als relikwie’,
records, Hartog seems to have been a proactive citizen and captain, who Modellen vertellen: Bijzondere verhalen uit de Marinemodellenkamer van het
Rijksmuseum, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 2013:22–25; E. Ketelaar, Exploration
knew well the constraints and workings of society. He kept his books
of the Archived World: From De Vlamingh’s Plate to Digital Realities,
in perfect order; had his will notarised at a young age; and assisted his Archives and Manuscripts 36.2:13-33; G. Schilder, From Secret to Common
fellow seafarers and their families after their deaths or in dealing with Knowledge: The Dutch Discoveries, Australian Academy of the Humanities,
long-life disability, by having their story drafted up in aidavits. Canberra, 1989 (71-84):73-74; G. Schilder, Australia Unveiled: The Share of
the Dutch Navigators in the Discovery of Australia, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum
Hartog’s landfall in Western Australia brought him fame and Ltd, Amsterdam, 1976; M. Stanbury, ‘The Hartog, De Vlamingh and Hamlin
recognition as a seafarer. By marking precisely his point of landing Plates Re-Visited: Early European Discovery and Exploration of Shark Bay’,
with an inscribed pewter plate, he created the irst identiiable location Report on the 2006 Western Australian Museum, Department of Maritime
in Australia. It became the irst recognised European cultural heritage Archaeology, Cape Inscription National Heritage Listing Archaeological
Survey, ed. J.N. Green, Western Australian Museum, Fremantle, 2006:79–104
site in Australia. The inscribed memorial was left in accordance with a (Report—Department of Maritime Archaeology, no. 223; Special Publication
long-standing, standardised maritime communication system used by no. 10, Australian National Centre of Excellence for Maritime Archaeology).
Dutch seafarers. As an expert seafarer, Hartog was undoubtedly aware 2 Gibbs, Dirk Hartog’s Post; Hoving, ‘Een etensbord als relikwie’:22–25; Stanbury,
that Eendracht was the irst VOC ship to sail along the west coast of ‘The Hartog, De Vlamingh and Hamlin Plates Re-Visited:79–104.
3 Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Gemeente Amsterdam, Doopregisters voor 1811, https://
Terra Australis. If, indeed, he set out purposely to sail and explore these stadsarchief.amsterdam.nl/archieven/archiefbank/indexen/doopregisters/zoek/
waters, causing his delayed arrival in Southeast Asia, his legacy would index.nl.html, DTB 1, p. 166 (000000033085).
be held even more extraordinary than a chance encounter with the 4 Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Ondertrouwregisters 1565–1811, DTB 412:476
(OTR00009000254).
continent’s western coast. While no evidence has been found to support 5 Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Doopregisters voor 1811, DTB1:235 (000000033119);
either supposition, we cannot dismiss the possibility of his intent. C.H. Teutscher, ‘Dirk Hartoochsz, de ontdekker van West-Australië was een
Amsterdammer’, Uw Amsterdam: Jubileumboek ter gelegenheid van het 40-jarig
Wendy Van Duivenvoorde bestaan van de Nederlandse Genealogische Vereniging (afdeling Amsterdam en
Acknowledgements omstreken), eds E.W.A. Elenbaas-Bunschoten, G. Staalenhoef, C.H. Teutscher,
and R.F. Vulsma, Nederlandse Genealogische Vereniging, Amsterdam, 1988
The author would like to thank Susan Green at Chipped Quill (pp. 214–24):220.
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Spring 1971 (pp. 21–5):21; Teutscher, ‘Dirck Hartoochsz, de ontdekker van
Karin Maarseveen-Helderman of the Amsterdam Gemeente Archief, West-Australië was een Amsterdammer’:220.
Nonja Peters at Curtin University, Mark Polzer at the University of 7 Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Gemeente Amsterdam, Begraafregisters
Western Australia, and Peter Reynders at Australia on the Map for their voor 1811, https://stadsarchief.amsterdam.nl/archieven/archiefbank/
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(A04154000174).
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24 25
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18 J.R. Bruijn, F.S. Gaastra and I. Schöfer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and (KLAB00890000018).
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Cape (1595–1794), Martinus Nijhof, The Hague, 1979 (Rijks geschiedkundige Centuries, vol. 2:voyage no. 201.1.
publicatiën: Uitgegeven in opdracht van de minister van onderwijs en 28 H. Hartogh Heys van Zouteveen, ‘Dirk Hartogh’, Algemeen Nederlandsch
wetenschappen onder toezicht van de Rijkscommissie voor Vaderlandse Familieblad, 1888 (pp. 113–23):119; Teutscher, ‘Dirck Hartoochsz, de ontdekker
Geschiedenis, grote serie, 166, vol. 2, http://www.historici.nl/Onderzoek/ van West-Australië was een Amsterdammer’:217.
Projecten/DAS):voyage no. 0086.1. 29 Bruijn, Gaastra and Schöfer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th
19 J.R. Bruijn, F.S. Gaastra and I. Schöfer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th Centuries, vol. 2:voyage nos 200.1 and 202.1.
and 18th Centuries: Homeward-bound Voyages from Asia and the Cape to 30 Bruijn, Gaastra and Schöfer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th
the Netherlands (1597–1795), Martinus Nijhof, The Hague, 1979 (Rijks Centuries, vol. 2:voyage no. 198.1 and 199.1.
geschiedkundige publicatiën: Uitgegeven in opdracht van de minister van 31 P.A. Leupe, De reizen der Nederlanders naar het Zuidland of Nieuw-Holland in
onderwijs en wetenschappen onder toezicht van de Rijkscommissie voor de 17e en 18e eeuw, Etablissement voor de Zeevaart, Amsterdam, 1868:14.
Vaderlandse Geschiedenis, 167, vol. 3, http://www.historici.nl/Onderzoek/ 32 Hartogh Heys van Zouteveen, ‘Dirk Hartog’:115.

26 27
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33 Hartogh Heys van Zouteveen, ‘Dirk Hartog’:114. of New South Wales, Sydney, 2006:10; Leupe, De reizen der Nederlanders naar
34 Hartogh Heys van Zouteveen, ‘Dirk Hartog’:116–117. het Zuidland of Nieuw-Holland in de 17e en 18e eeuw:45; J.P. Coen, Journal Kept
35 Bruijn, Gaastra and Schöfer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th by Jan Carstensz on his Voyage to New Guinea, Including a Copy of the Act of
Centuries, vol. 2:voyage nos 198.1–202.1. Conveyance, Submission and Obedience, by which the Inhabitants of the Islands
36 Bruijn, Gaastra and Schöfer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th of Queij and Aro Committed Themselves to their High Mightinesses the States-
Centuries, vol. 2:voyage nos 200.1–201.1 General, etc., translated by J.E. Heeres, E. Reynolds, and M. Roobol, 1623,
37 Bruijn, Gaastra and Schöfer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th http://www.kb.nl/bladerboeken/barren-regions (after Ludovicus C.D. van Dijk
Centuries, vol. 2:voyage nos 143.3 and 144.2; J.P. Sigmond and L.H. Zuiderbaan, (ed.), Twee togten naar de Golf van Carpentaria, J.H. Scheltema, Amsterdam,
Dutch Discoveries of Australia: Early Voyages and Shipwrecks of the West 1859. Signatuur: 821 A 34):39; Sigmond and Zuiderbaan, Dutch Discoveries of
Coast, Batavian Lion, Amsterdam, 1995:32. Australia:47; F.W. Stapel, De Oostindische Compagnie en Australië, P.N. van
38 Sigmond and Zuiderbaan, Dutch Discoveries of Australia:33; J.N. Green, Kampen & Zoon N.V., Amsterdam, 1937:37.
Australia’s Oldest Wreck: The Historical Background and Archaeological 46 Coen, Journal Kept by Jan Carstensz on his Voyage to New Guinea; Parthesius,
Analysis of the Wreck of the English East India Company’s ship Trial, lost of ‘Encounters of the Third Kind’:66.
the coast of Western Australia in 1622, British Archaeological Reports, Oxford, 47 Coen, Journal Kept by Jan Carstensz on his Voyage to New Guinea:39. Yachts:
1977:4. In the early years of its existence, the VOC used ships of diferent sizes. The
39 Sigmond and Zuiderbaan, Dutch Discoveries of Australia:31–35. larger vessels, with a cargo capacity of 300 tonnes or more, were simply referred
40 Schilder, Australia Unveiled:60; see also M. Kooijmans and J. Schooneveld- to as ‘ships,’ whereas smaller ships were known as ‘yachts’. See: R. Parthesius,
Oosterling, VOC Glossarium: Verklaringen van termen, verzameld uit de Rijks Dutch Ships in Tropical Waters: The Development of the Dutch East India
Geschiedkundige Publikatiën, die betrekking hebben op de Verenigde Oost- Company (VOC) Shipping Network in Asia 1595–1660, Amsterdam University
Indische Compagnie, Instituut voor Nederlandse Geschiedenis, The Hague, Press, Amsterdam, 2010:66.
2000 (http://www.historici.nl/Onderzoek/Projecten/VocGlossarium):mijl. 48 Brunton, First Sight:10; Leupe, De reizen der Nederlanders naar het Zuidland of
41 Hoving, ‘Een etensbord als relikwie’. Nieuw-Holland in de 17e en 18e eeuw:45.
42 Hoving, ‘Een etensbord als relikwie’:24. 49 Heeres, The Part Borne by the Dutch in the Discovery of Australia 1606–1765:8,
43 W. van Duivenvoorde, M. Polzer and P. Downes, Hoaxes and Folklore: footnote 5.
Inscriptions Associated with the Vergulde Draak (1656) and Zuiddorp (1712) 50 J.P. Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië, ed. H.T. Colenbrander,
Shipwrecking Events, Australian Archaeology 77, 2013:52–65; see also R. Martinus Nijhof, The Hague, 1920 (Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en
Bijlsma, ‘Nederlandsche inscripties uit de zeventiende eeuw op Nossi Mangabe Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, vol. 2):171.
(Baai van Antongil) bij Madagascar’, Tijdschrift van het Koninklijk Nederlandsch 51 J.P Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië, ed. H.T. Colenbrander,
Aardrijkskundig Genootschap, Brill, Leiden, 1927, serie 2, vol. XLIV:726–731; Martinus Nijhof, The Hague, 1919 (Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en
R. Bijlsma, ‘Inscriptions relevées par M.E. Drouhard sur les rochers de l’Ile de Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, vol. 1):261 and 297; Coen, Bescheiden
Nossi Mangabe, Baie d’Antongil’, Bulletin de l’Académie Malgache, vol. 9, omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 2):266.
1926 :91–96; P. Moree, ‘Met vriend die God geleide’: Het Nederlands-Aziatisch 52 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 1):256, 261, and 304 [18
postvervoer ten tijde van de Verenigde Oost-indische Compagnie, Walburg Pers, December 1617].
Zutphen, 1998:32–44, 162–169; P. Schoonees, Inscriptions on Padrões, Postal 53 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 1):256 and 258.
Stones, Tombstones and Beacons, South African Cultural History Museum, Cape 54 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 1):264–265; Coen, Bescheiden
Town, 1991; J.P. Sigmond, ‘Cultural Heritage and a Piece of Pewter’, Dutch omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 2):288 and 331.
Connections: 400 years of Australian-Dutch maritime links 1606–2006, eds L. 55 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 1):264–265.
Shaw and W. Wilkins, Australian National Maritime Museum, Sydney, 2006 56 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 1):265.
(pp. 72–85):78; J.P. Sigmond, ‘Two pewter plates’, In het kielzog: Maritiem 57 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 1):256.
historische studies aangeboden aan Jaap R. Bruijn, eds L.M. Akveld, F. Broeze, 58 W.A. Engelbrecht and P.J. van Herwerden, De ontdekkingsreis van Jacob le
and F.S. Gaastra, De Bataafsche Leeuw, Amsterdam 2003:245–256. Maire en Willem Cornelisz Schouten in de jaren 1615–1617, Martinus Nijhof,
44 W. van Duivenvoorde, ‘Dirk Hartog, his 1616 Inscription Plate, and Ship The Hague, 1945 (Linschoten-Vereeniging, vol. 49, part 2): 44.
Communication’, Dutch Connections with the Western Third 1616–2016, eds N. 59 Engelbrecht and Herwerden, De ontdekkingsreis van Jacob le Maire en Willem
Peters and N. Coles, 2016 (in press), Welshpool: Western Australian Museum; Cornelisz Schouten in de jaren 1615–1617:67–68.
Sigmond, ‘Cultural Heritage and a Piece of Pewter’:79; Stanbury, ‘The Hartog, 60 K. Zandvliet, De 250 Rijksten van de Gouden Eeuw, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
De Vlamingh and Hamlin Plates Re-Visited’:80. 2006:114–115 (no. 55).
45 P. Brunton, First Sight: The Dutch Mapping of Australia 1606–1697, State Library 61 Engelbrecht and Herwerden, De ontdekkingsreis van Jacob le Maire en Willem

28 29
The Great Circle Wendy Van Duivenvoorde Vol. 38, No. 1. The Great Circle Dutch Seaman Dirk Hartog (1583–1621) and his Ship Eendracht Vol. 38, No. 1.

Cornelisz Schouten in de jaren 1615–1617:35. Archief van de Notarissen ter Standplaats Amsterdam, access no. 5075, inv. no.
62 Israel, Dutch Primacy in World Trade 1585–1740, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 8 (Jan Franssen Bruijningh), no. 200 (Minuutacten en afschriften: Band 70: 4
1989:45–47; Zandvliet, De 250 Rijksten van de Gouden Eeuw, Rijksmuseum, December 1618–8 April 1619):170 (A29269000177 and A29269000178, 26
Amsterdam 2006:114–115 (no. 55). March 1619). The Uscocs are people from Dalmatia, who led the tyranny of their
63 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 1):261 and 316. rulers or some criminal conviction (their name derives from the word ‘scoco’
64 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 1):268. which means ‘a fugitive’). J. Gardner Wilkinson, Dalmatia and Montenegro,
65 Parthesius, ‘Encounters of the Third Kind’:61. John Murray, London, 1848, vol. 2:384.
66 Sigmond and Zuiderbaan, Dutch Discoveries of Australia:36–42 78 Bruijn, Gaastra and Schöfer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th
67 Hartogh Heys van Zouteveen, ‘Dirk Hartog’:113–123; J.W. IJzerman and Joannes Centuries, vol.3:voyage no. 201.1.
Steijns, Het schip De Eendracht voor Makasser in December 1616: Journaal van 79 Bruijn, Gaastra, and Schöfer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th
Jan Steijns, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch- Centuries, vol.3:voyage no. 234.2.
Indië 78.1-2, 1922:343–372; NA, Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, reference 80 NA, Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, item no. 100 (Kopie- resoluties van
code 1.04.02, item number 1058:folios 140–44; item number 1059:folios 328– de Heren XVII, 1608–23), folio 271, point 8, 9–20 September 1614. This
29; and item number 1064:folios 172–76. shipbuilding charter is transcribed and translated in W. van Duivenvoorde,
68 Hartogh Heys van Zouteveen, ‘Dirk Hartog’:113–123; NA, Verenigde Dutch East India Company (VOC) Shipbuilding: The Archaeological Study of
Oostindische Compagnie, reference code 1.04.02, item number 1058:folios Batavia and Other Seventeenth-Century VOC Ships, Texas A&M University
140–44; item number 1059:folios 328–29; and item number 1064:folios 172– Press, College Station, 2015:245–246.
176. 81 Van Duivenvoorde, Dutch East India Company (VOC) Shipbuilding:245.
69 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 1); Coen, Bescheiden omtrent 82 Engelbrecht and Herwerden, De ontdekkingsreis van Jacob le Maire en Willem
zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 2). Cornelisz Schouten in de jaren 1615–1617:37.
70 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 2):221, 228, 231, 286, 306, 83 J. van Zuidland, ‘De Eendracht en de Hoorn 400 jaar geleden’, Scheepshistorie
and 308. 19, 2015 (102–117):104.
71 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 2):221, 306, and 308. 84 Engelbrecht and Herwerden, De ontdekkingsreis van Jacob le Maire en Willem
72 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 2):283–284, 286. Cornelisz Schouten in de jaren 1615–1617:44.
73 1 bhaar or bahar equalled 500 Amsterdam pounds. It was a local measure of 85 J. Bikker, Y. Bruijnen and G. Wuestman, Dutch Paintings of the Seventeenth
capacity which approximately equalled 500 Amsterdam pounds of spices; Century in the Rijksmuseum Amsterdam: Volume 1—Artists Born Between 1570
the weight was dependent on speciic spices and regional diferences (on the and 1600, Rijksmuseum, Nieuw Amsterdam, 2007:44; J. Giltaij and J. Kelch,
Moluccas, for example, the Portuguese bahar was used, which corresponded to Praise of Ships and the Sea: The Dutch Marine Painters of the 17th Century,
550 Dutch pounds, and mention is made, for example, of the Moluccan bahar Museum Boijmans van Beuningen, Rotterdam, 1997:130; P.J.J. van Thiel, C.J.
being 625 Amsterdam pounds and the Ambon bahar being 550 Amsterdam de Bruyn Kops, J. Cleveringa, W. Kloek and A. Vels Heijn, All the Paintings
pounds). One Amsterdam or Troyes pound weighed 0.494kg. See: Kooijmans of the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam: A Completely Illustrated Catalogue,
and Schooneveld-Oosterling, VOC Glossarium, bahar and pond. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 1976:85; Rijksmuseum, collection catalogue, object
74 Coen, Bescheiden omtrent zijn bedrijf in Indië (vol. 2):274. no. SK-A-1446 (http://hdl.handle.net/10934/RM0001.COLLECT.5793).
75 J.R. Bruijn, F.S. Gaastra and I. Schöfer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th 86 Engelbrecht and Herwerden, De ontdekkingsreis van Jacob le Maire en Willem
and 18th Centuries: Homeward-bound Voyages from Asia and the Cape to Cornelisz Schouten in de jaren 1615–1617:68.
the Netherlands (1597–1795), Martinus Nijhof, The Hague, 1979 (Rijks 87 C. Emke, ‘Scheepsvlaggen in de 17e eeuw’, De Modelbouwer: Tijdschrift voor
geschiedkundige publicatiën: Uitgegeven in opdracht van de minister van de Modelbouw 4, 2004:205–209.
onderwijs en wetenschappen onder toezicht van de Rijkscommissie voor 88 J. Bender, Dutch Warships in the Age of Sail 1600–1714: Design, Construction,
Vaderlandse Geschiedenis, 167, vol. 3, http://www.historici.nl/Onderzoek/ Careers, and Fates, Seaforth Publishing, S Yorkshire, 2014:46; Engelbrecht
Projecten/DAS):voyage no. 5122.1. and Herwerden, De ontdekkingsreis van Jacob le Maire en Willem Cornelisz
76 Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Archief van de Notarissen ter Standplaats Amsterdam, Schouten in de jaren 1615–1617:44.
access no. 5075, inv. no. 11 (Jacob Meerhout), no. 254 (Minuutacten en
afschriften: Band 28: 9 November 1618–26 February 1619):488 (A29274000496
and A29274000497).
77 P.C. Geyl, Christoforo Suriano, resident van de serenissime republiek van Venetië
in Den Haag, 1616–1623, Martinus Nijhof, The Hague, 1913 [396-page full
publication, not the 189-page PhD dissertation]:242; Stadsarchief Amsterdam,

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