~ 249 ~ CHAPTER VIIT ‘THE EXPRESSION OF THE ETHNIC SYSTEM IN RITUAL: THE FEAST OF SANTA ROSA AND THE LAMISTA WEDDING EAST 2 Lamista Quechua feasts, which are characterized by the intervention of non-Indians, consist of sequences of events taking place alternativ- ely in the Mestizo town-centres around the Catholic churches and in Indian districts. Since the Conquest, colonial authorities and missionarics have used feasts as a means of gathering Indians into the ceremonial centres of the reducciones. Under the colonial regime imposed upon the Indians of the middle Mluallaga, feasts were regulated according to a Church calendar and feast-givers were appointed to religious offices or cargos, Eonstituting a hierarchy. Although missionaries complained of the "pagan" features in Indian feasts, few attempts were made to eradicate them, and even today Lamista feasts preserve features of Montafia Indian feasts described in the early sources; (Figueroa 1904:92 among the Muniches, Amich 1975:85-87 among the Cholones). We have seen (in chapter III, pp.82-87) that feasts were the main opportunities for large-scale moiety fights and that during certain feasts, shamanistic symbols wore manifested in the open sphere (chapter VI, p.192_ )- In this chapter, I suggest that Lamista feasts, as rituals defined and supervised by non-Indians but enacting features of the Indian closed sphere organization, manifest through various symbols the ethnic system by which non-Indians depend on the economic exploit- ation of Indians and the latter are politically and jurally dependent upon the, former, I concentrate on two main Lamista feasts, the annual feast of Santa Rosa and the wedding feast: I describe successively these two feasts in some detail as rituals in a bi-cthnic setting.= 250 - Other Lamista feasts, such as Carnival in February and various saints' wakes, would provide bases for developing the same argument. Although non-Indians intervene in all Lamista life-cycle ceremonies, I have chosen the wedding feast because of its importance in establish- ing ties of affinity in the Indian closed sphere and because it is the main opportunity for Indians and non-Indians to enter into compadrazgo relations. In his description of the Canclo “ayllu feast", which can be seen to correspond to the Lamista feast of Santa Rosa, Whitten is mainly concerned with the enactment of an Indian "ritual structure" (1976:167- 202), in which the intervention of non-Indians is referred to as incidental (p.189). Although a similar Indian ritual, structure could be described in Lamista feasts, I wish to stress the dual character of these feasts as “ayllu feasts" and colonial feasts from which non- Indians draw material advantages. It can be assumed that this dual character is more manifest among the Lamista Quechua than among the Canelos because of the closer situation of contact which characterizes the former, VIII.1 The feast of Santa Rosa in Lamas The reasons for instituting a main annual Indian feast on the day of Santa Rosa in Lamas in 1876, shortly after this saint was made the patron-saint of Lima and before it became that of the national police force, are not clear to me. Before this date, according to Mestizo oral tradition, the main Catholic feast in which the Lamista Quechua participated was that of Corpus-Christi - corresponding to the June solstice - and there was no separate Indian feast. the feast of Santa Rosa, celebrated on 30 August, is distinguished from the annual patron-saint feast of the Mestizos (S. "la patrona de- 251 - los Me; tizos"), the feast of the "Virgen del Carmen" on 16 July. The end of August, which coincides with the completion of most of the coffee harvest and with the main cotton harvest, is a najor turning point in the Lamista annual economic cycle: debts (S. 1a cuenta) are partly written off after crops are delivered but the purchase of main commod- ities such as cloth and tools opens new debts for the year to come. Before the feast, traders specializing in the sale of commodities required by Indians are expected to be gencrous with credit: the prices of trinkets, however are raised and credit is given only when the delivery of future crops can be promised. Outside Lamas, Indian feasts are celebrated annually before and after the Santa Rosa by the curate of Lamas, who travels from village to village representing the vicar, In Sisa and Chazuta, however, feasts are celebrated by local vicars. In spite of the fact that they have local feasts, numerous Lamista Quechua go to Lamas from the other Runa territories to celebrate the feast of Santa Rosa: ties of kinship or affinity with one of the feast-givers, or simply a desire to join other Jakwash Runa in the feast, justify a journcy to Lamas, where over 4000 Indians gather in the last week of August. 1.i The Santa Rosa as a barrio and ayllu feast Both Indian and non-Indian feasts take place within a colonial framework: in Indian barrios and in Mestizo town-districts (see chapter III:66-69 ), the vicar of Lamas appoints feast-givers (S. cabezones, cargueros) who are responsible for the cxpenses of the feast. The districts are grouped into three commissions (S. comisiones) correspond- ing to the ‘three table-lands constituting the ridge of Lamas, while the barrios are grouped into two commissions which correspond largely to- 252 = the moieties.’ A central event in the celebration of all Lamista feasts is the transmission of a gift of cooked food, (S. voto), by each feast-giver to the feast-giver appointed for the following year (S. cabez6n entrante), Within the Indian commissions, the yotos circulate in a set order: in Moiety B: Sangama ———> Tapullima ———> Amasifuen ——y Guerra ——> Cachique ——> Sangama; in Moicty A: Salas ——-» Ichuiza ——> Shupingahua ——) Salas. A record kept by the "treasurer of the Indians" in Lamas shows that this order was respected in the last two decades. In Moiety B, the Sangama, who “passed the feast" to the Tapullima in 1972, received it again from the Cachique in 1977, The “treasurer of the Indians" (S. tesorero de los Indios, in the past, fiscal"), is an elder citizen of Lamas who acts as the master of Indian ceremonies: he is responsible to the vicar for the selection of feast-givers whose names are suggested to him by Indians after they deliberate in moots. After the vicar has approved this selection and appointed the feast-givers, the treasurer ensures that the latter fulfill their obligations to the vicar and to other non-Indians who play a part in the feast, These obligations consist of services (firewood, water) and of gifts of produce and cooked food to the vicar and the curate, to the Mestizo owner of the statue of Santa Rosa and to various Mestizos who make and decorate a carrying frame for the statue every year (S. anda). In payment for his services, the treasurer himself receives shares of the yotos and Indians bring him 1 One elder citizen of Lamas claimed that at the beginning of the century, the district of Suchiche, which is now included in the Nestizo commission of Nuniches in Lamas, constituted a third Indian commission composed of Sinarahua, Ichuiza and Pashanace Indians. According to him, this commission was abolished when the Sinarahua and Pashanace ceased to be represented by barrios in Lamas.= 253 - produce regularly throughout the year. In his words: "] know which Indians are able to support the financial burden of the feast and which are not. I make a list and I give it to the vicar, and I collect the fees for the mass, As the treasurer of the Indians, I direct them (1es:mando) in everything which is related to feasts" Interview 24,3.1975. Cargueros are appointed annually and not re-cligible. Cargos are not optional and household heads who have been elected by menbers of their barrios cannot refuse without condemning themselves to exile. In 1975, an Evangelical Protestant convert whose religion prevented him from accepting the cargo office of Santa Rosa yielded to the pressure exerted by his relatives; had he refused to serve, he would have had to emigrate to the Sisa valley and join Evangelical Protestant converts there. Individuals who do not accept nomination as feast-givers readily ; are labelled with the pejorative Quechua term ta a (or $/Q. golle), "mean", in the sense of someone who refuses to give food to a relative. ‘The first of the four cargos of Santa Rosa is the highest position in the Lamista cargo system, A man can hold it only after he has independence from his father's household, served at least once as a minor carguero of a saint's wake, (S/Q. velada), built a ceremonial house of his own and, finally, been a minor carguero 6f Santa Rosa. Houschold heads who serve as the two senior cargueros of Santa Rosa and particularly the first are therefore middle-aged, usually with several married children: they are at the stage of the domestic cycle at which a man's cooperative set is most extensive and productive capacity is thetefore the greatest. In the barrios which receive the yotos, the four carguero feast- givers, their helpers and relatives constitute the majority of the barrio-members. Each feast-giver recruits three main helpers (S, ayudante: who can be either ayllu relatives ot affines; he must however invite all his ayllu relatives to the feast, whether they live- 254 - near Lamas or not. The helpers, in turn, call upon a variable number of relatives to ai st them in the preparation of the feast, In total, approximately 500 individuals are involved iy the preparation of the feast in each commission. In 1976, the feast of Santa Rosa was held by the Cachique barrio ‘he first and second feast-givers, Bernaldo and Juan Jose Cachique, considered themselves to be second cousins though they¢oulj net trace their common ancestor. the third feast-giver, Ididoro Cachique, is Juan Jose's sobrinu (FBDS) and the fourth, Tiburcio Cachique, is Bernaldo's primi (MzS). This case was unusual in that two of the four feast-givers did not live in the Cachique residential unit: Isidoro lived among the Tapullima across the springs marking the limits of the Cachique barrio and Tiburcio belonged to a localized ayllu formed within the Guerra barrio. In 1977, however, the four Sangama feast-givers lived in the residential unit corresponding to their barrio Both Tiburcio and Isidoro recruited helpers who lived away from Lanas: houses were rented to these helpers in Huaico during the feast for a fee in kind, - in one case, cotton. Feasts are thus the only setting in which a man's kin-set, in Gulliver's terminology, is fully represented. In 1976, I followed the preparation and the celebration of the feast in the house of Bernaldo, the first feast-giver. Bernaldo's Kin-set was composed of a majority of his own relatives and a minority of his wife's relatives (84 and 27 according to my record, without including children), Ao In all Lamista feasts, a senior female affine or cross-relative of the feast-giver is allocated the role of supervisor of the food- processing activities and of distributor of the maize beer (Q. aswa nama). In some cases, a senior male affine or cross-relative of the- 255 ~ feast-giver can be asked to act as a rum-steward (S/Q. pulpero) and to maintain good order among the dancers, In Bernaldo's house, his wife's nother, a widow, acted as aswa mama with the assistance ofya co-affine of Bernaldo (DHM and WZHM), but there was no pulpero. i The preparation of the feast - After approximately a year in which feast-givers grow staples in sufficient quantity and fatten pigs, the preparation of all Lamista feasts follows a set pattern in the feast-givers' town-houses: a week before the feast, women make fresh pottery in the feast-giver's housc- hold and men gather firewood and hire the large copper vats and wooden troughs required for communal cooking: these are hired from a few individual who own them in Huaico, in exchange for a fee of cooked food; (Q? shanin). The food consumed during the feast is processed during the four days preceding its celebration, as maize beer is Allowed to ferment for three days. Im the case of the Santa Rosa, this short-term prepazation is preceded by a long-term preparation involving the feast-givers and their helpers for several months. This long-term preparation is carried out during the rainy season, in the various chacras, away from non- Indians. Firstly, helpers and relatives of the feast-givers, though not the feast-givers themselves, prepare their S/Q. ishy pings oF ornaments of stuffed birds and mammals, These animals are hunted carefully with blowgins during the January hunting-trek, so that their bodies are as little damaged as possible: considerable time is then spent removing the flesh and organs, drying the eviccrated animals and stuffing them with wild cotton and certain leaves, five them up in a quasi-invisible manner and giving them a resemblance of life. This arty which is transmitted from father to son and requires much talent since- 256 - only bush-knives, split bamboos and needles are used, is given a great importance by Lamista men, It has been mentioned (in chapter VIp4aZ ) that the stuffed animals carried by shamans enbody their paxticular spirit-helpers. The composition of hunters" bird-ishpingus is a source of many comments during the feast. Some young men specialize in the making of feather headdresses, which senior men do not wear, The stuffed eas animals and feathers are displayed on new chumbis, which women weave during the rainy season for the men in their households, Each man receives three chunbis, one for his ishpingu, one to carry his bottle of rum while he dances and the third to use as a belt. Men also make neck-rattles and necklaces with various seeds and nuts, and metal rings out of coins for women whose fingers must be entirely covered with rings during the Feast. In July, after the first loads of cotton and coffee are delivered to traders, cloth can be bought to make new sets of clothes for the feast: in 1976, only elder men wore home-woven trousers and shirts, Most Lamista Quechua have their clothes sewn by Mestizo seamstresses specializing in the making of Indian clothes. These women, who are related to Indians through ties of ritual co-parenthood, receive payment in agricultural produce throughout the year. Women's blouses are taken to other Mestizo women specializing in embroidery: Lamista women choose the colours and patterns, and they pay for the embroidery in kind. On the saint's day, the feast-givers! female relatives are distinguished by wearing skirts without indigo dye: they thus require two new sets of clothes rather than one. In mid-July, the four feast-givers and some of their male relatives go jointly on a hunting trek from which they bring game for the feast, preferably peccary and monkey meat, This is the last main closed sphere activity before the feast; the departure of the hunters and= 287.- their return, at about three wecks' interval, are celebrated by drunning; dancing and drinking maize beer in:the town houso of the first feast-giver. In the meantime, women gather to make the large clay urs (Q. puyffu) for the fermentation of maize beor. If, previously, cooking was done inside the houses, separate detached kitchens must be built for the feast, Houses are then emptied completely of platforn- beds, storage urns and all implements so as to constitute large rectangular ceremonial, spaces: the platform below the roof is divided into storage and sleeping areas as in chacra houses. When hunters return, dried monkeys are hung from the beams in the centre of the feast-givers' houses. Unlike the long-term preparation of the feast, in which non-Indians do not intervene, its short-term preparation is supervised by Mestizo fenale cooks ($1 cocineras de Indios) who impose Mestizo norms of food- processing as well as a fixed sequence of activities, The composition of the yotos is standardized: like Mestizo yotos, Indian votos consist of pork in the form of stew and sausages, chicken cooked in broth, maize-flour cakes prepared with yeast (Q/S. puchku), maize-flour cakes prepared with eggs and molasses (S/Q. biscochuelo), manioc-flour cakes (8/Q. tortillas), maize beer and rum, ‘The Lamista Quechua prepare and cat this voto food only in feasts in which Mestizo cooks are called upon for the preparation of votos, The aswa mamas play a subservient role as the cooks' assistants: orders given by the cooks are readily obeyed by both Lamista women and men, The cooks are chosen among Mestizo women who are middle-aged, usually widows or women who have | had children with marricd men: some of these women, who spoke Quechua, had many Indian compadres and derived an income from petty trade with Indians, were willing to act as cooks in feasts, Although these women, some of whom had been born in “la sociedad", enjoyed a low status in~, 258 - Laas, they took pride in the fact ‘that they were yespected" by Indians and they could move relatively freely in Huaico and neighbouring chacras. . ae * ‘the main role of the cooks was to compose the yotos in the house of cach feast-giver. In Bernaldo's house, the produced and purchased goods were worth approximately 98,300 soles (as shown in Table VIII,1 p.259 ), that is roughly ten times the annual income per capita in san Mart{n at the time, and roughly seven times the annual income of a Lamista household head with a sizeable coffee grove or cotton plantation. ‘This estimate does not include clothes, which constitute a najor cash-expense; (approximately 4000 soles per nuclear family). After the feast, Bernaldo, a cotton producer, was to be in debt for several years before he could obtain further credit from his patron, 1.iii ‘The celebration of the feast ~ A pricf summary of the events can show the movements between the Indian district and the Plaza, outlining the "ritual structure" manifested in the feast of Santa Rosa. on 29 August, when the votos are completed, the celebration of the feast, like that of any other Lamista ritual, is initiated by arufming. In the house of each feast-giver, the three helpers act as drunmers throughout the feast: they beat their two-headed monkey-skin drums, accompanying themselves with three-hole flutes or accompanied by players of six-hole flutes and whistle-blowers. Thé men dance in a file, counter-clockwise, forming a circle which is never completely closed and occasionally turning round abruptly in a short clockwise movement, After séme time, women enter this circle, where they stand and whirl, holding bright scarve During the last few decades bands of another kind, S. pandilla,- 259 - Table, VIIL,1 Expenses of Bernaldo_and his three he/pers during the feast of Santa Rosa 1976 A, Produced goods Price in : soles (a) ~ 9 large baskets of smoked wild meat (approx. 155 kg) (market price: 40 soles/kg) 5,400 - 4 large pigs (market price: approx. 8,000 soles) 32,000 - 80 chickens (market price: approx. 300 soles) 24,000 20 baskets of shelled maize. (20 x 9 kg) (market price: 12 soles/kg) 2,260 15 baskets of manioc (15 x 12 kg) (market price: 8 soles/kg) 1,440 150 pots of biscochuelo (1350 eggs, 25 bundles of molasses) (market price of eggs: 4 soles/kg) " (market price of molasses: 60 soles per bundle) 6,900 - 60 head of plantains (approx.) (market price: 50 soles per head) 3,000 = '10 kg of shelled rice (approx.) (market price: 15 soles/kg) 150 Total_in soles: 75,150 B, Purchased goods - 8 loads (cargas) of salt-fish (2,000 soles each) 16,000 ~ 41/2 demijohns of rum (b) (1,500 soles cach) 6,750 - cigarettes (c) (approx.) 500 Total in soles: 23,250 Total expenses in soles: 98, 300 (a) The prices shown are estimates, based conservatively on those prevailing in rural rather than urban markets, in the area of Lanas jn -1976 (b) This quantity of ruw was not sufficient and, during the feast, cash was raised anong Bernaldots relatives to purchase another demi john. (c) Since 1973 packets of cigarettes have been included in the ie= 260 - typical of wedding feasts, have often been added to the Santa Rosa feast. These bands, which consist of three drummers playing on single- headed drums of different sizes and one clarinetist, play both ‘traditional Indian music (which may be of Spanish origin), and adaptations of creole music, This music, is danced to by couples, who jump and run around the musicians, rather than by a file of mon encircling women, In all the movements of the feast, pandilla bands follow the drummers, but the two bands can play simultaneously on the Plaza and in Huaico. Second bands are formed by young Lamista men who are either single or married but still dependent on their fathers, and upandilla" music is danced mainly by the young: young men with ishpingos cannot dance in couples while carrying their ishpingos and Indian women who have abandoned thé;Lamista dress for an adapted Mestizo dress are not welcone in the circle of dancers. on 29 August at midday, the fourth feast-giver and his followers go to the house of the third feast-giver, where they are ceremonially offered maize beer: the two feast-givers then dance, jointly with their followers to the house of the second feast-giver and with the latter to the house of the first feast-giver. After maize beer is consumed in each house, the four feast-givers and their followers dance towards the Plaza of Lamas to the sound of drums and flutes: feast-givers from Moicty A then meet with feast-givers from Moiety B in front of the church, forming a large circle of dancers while pandilla bands circulate in the main streets, leaving the church and returning to the church separately. Non-Indian onlookers watch these movements from their houses, In the streets, pandillas can be violent and it is during the joint dance on the church esplariade that old feuds are likely to be nanifested and individual fights (Q. makanakuna) can break out: there were only two such fights in 1976,= 261 - -puring the joint dance, or "encounter", (Q. tinku), a term which applies to both the gathering and to large-scale moiety fights, sorcery attacks are also likely: this encounter is seen by shamans as a gencral- ized challenge in which rival shamans compete with one another and in which spirit-darts sent to and fro are dangerous for women in the circle. ‘The drunmingand dancing reach a peak; the procession of Santa Rosa, in which the statue is carried from the house of the treasurer to the church, is an anticlimax, In 1974 and 1976, the two occasions on which I attended the feast, the statue was carried by Nestizo penitents, and the event’ was given little importance altogether. Dancing was resumed until the two commissions returned to their barrios, followed by participants who were not attached to feast-givers' houses. Reversing the order followed when the procession formed, it dispersed by proceeding from the first to the fourth feast-giver in each commission. Each subsequent event consisted of similar gathering, encounter and separation, ‘The events were the following: firstly, the trans- mission of the yotos to the next feast-givers in the afternoon; secondly, the alaba, or adoration, at midnight of the same day, in which groupings tended to avoid one another} thirdly, the main encounter, at dawn on the saint's day (30 August): in the past, this dawn encounter marked the signal of fights. In 1974 and 1976, tensions could be felt subjectively by the outsider, but they gave rise only to chasing, not fighting, ‘The mass celebrated at davn of the saint's day was not attended by Indians, who remained dancing outside the church, On the saint's day, the feast-givers and their followers danced several times between the Plaza and Huaico, On 31 August, two rituals are performed simultancously by members of cach moicty in their barrios: the armadillo ritual (Q. karachupa) and the "tearing of the duck" (Q. patu tipina) in the afternoon. These two= 262 - rituals can be outlined: the former gathers all the unmarried adolescent hays iw she-tour toast-givers’ in-sets, the intter sapitates these kin-sets from one another, he armadillo ri In cach feast-giver's house, the adolescent boys (Q. wayna) disguise themselves in armadillos by means of red and yellow clay and maize leaves. Younger boys,. without a disguise, act as dogs and a junior poccshetl Wont iects uave Iomter, Duelng the fears, he oncriss whe okin of an armadillo as an ishpingo, one side on his chest and one side on his back, During the ritual, he carries only a wooden dumy-gun, With this gun, he pursues the armadillos towards the houses of the feast- givers in turn, inviting each of thon to join in thachunt. As they decline his offer, the armadillos, dancing and falling on one another, finally attract the hunter to one of the muddy ponds of Huaico: mud is the domain of the armadillo, who acts as a trickster in Lamista myths. The patu tipina In front of the main feast-giver's house, a duck (an animal which the Lamista Quechua do not raise for food), is hung alive from a vine tied between two poles fixed in the ground. Each of the four feast- givers' groupings approachythe poles successively while dancing and shakesthem increasingly strongly. In the process, the duck is dislocat- ed and finally, as the poles are pulled out, men struggle in a brawl to catch pieces of the duck, which are then thrown to women standing in the background, ‘The atmosphere is tense and groupings chase one another to their houses, In 1976, there was no patu tipina in Moicty A, where it was replaced by @ soccer match. Some non-Indians watch these two rituals from the outskirts of the town overlooking Huaico, but they do not intervene.- 263 - 1,iv The feast_in the ethnic system ‘he "feast of the Indians", under the appearance of a Roman Catholic ritual, can thus be seen as an “ayllu feast" performed alternatively in the Plaza and in Huaico, Although the feast is regulated by non-Indians, closed sphere organization and culture are manifested and Indians give up temporarily the submissive attitude which is normally expected from them in the town, ‘The saint's cult is negligible and the feast can be interpreted as a sequence of gatherings and separations of various units: the main categories relevant to these movements are those of ayllu and barrio Besides the encounters with members of the opposite moiety on the church esplanade, all the movements which take place in Huaico are ritualized} in each feast-giver's house, while meetings are marked by drumming and the consumption of maize beer, separations are preceded by a violent ant-dance (Q. sitarakuy) in which dancers acting as stinging ants pursue one another. ‘As in other Lamista feasts, members of the same localized ayllu (boga), tend to form separate units: at the main springs where women of Noicty B fetch water, not only do the followers of each feast-giver sit separately but, within these groupings, smaller units are recogniz- able, The ritual ending of mourning (S/Q. lutota kichari-y), in which women take off their mourning necklaces and can resume dancing, is perforncd separately in each feast-giver's house after the night encounter of the alaba, Most disorders following the feast, particularly sudden ailments, are attributed to sorcery-attacks from rival units as well as from shamans from outside’, In 1976, such a shaman was chased away by the relatives of the feast-giver Juan Jose among whom he was dancing: he was thought to be a Runa from the area of Sisa, Disease causes more- 264 - deaths at this time of the year than at any other time because of the higher concentration of residents in Huaico, the scarcity of water, cool nights and the consumption of fermented beer and mixed voto foods: 2 — the funerals which follow the feast every year are particularly dramatic, and direct allusions to sorcery are made during the wailing. In 1974 there were four such funerals, and in 1976, three, A fit, after which a Mestizo woman became mentally ill, was attributed to Indian sorcery during the feast. While sorcery-attacks are resisted by counter-attacks and revenge in the Indian closed sphere, (as for instance the murder of Nicolas, referred to in chapter VI: 193 ), dispute and fights between individuals lla must be settled in the houses of non- related to one another as wai Indian compadres acting as mediators, In the words of a citizen of Lamas: “when my Indian compadres have got into a fight during the feast, they come to my house afterwards. They agree to meet here with their opponents and they whip each other, Sometimes I whip them both afterwards. They tell us to do it, they themselves decide how many blows they want". — (Interview, September 1974). Im the case of serious fights involving several men, the treasurer's intervention is sought, and he whips the opponents personally. Although the Lamista Quechua have a distinctively proud attitude as they dance in the empty streets of Lamas, watched by Mestizos at a distance, they thus do not reject the obligations imposed upon them by non-Indians but the intervention of compadres is sought as a mechanism for settling disputes. The various functions of the cargo system analyzed by Cancian in Chiapas are found in Lamas: "definition of the limits of community membership, reinforcement of commitment to common values, reduction of potential conflict and support of traditional kinship patterns" (1965:133).- 265 - In the ethnic system found in San Martin, however, the wealth accumulated by feast-givers is redistributed among members of the dominant society as much as or more than it is among group-tiembers: the feast of Santa Rosa constitutes the main enduring opportunity for local traders to derive a substantial income from "Indian trade", It is also the main annual occasion for the recruitment of migrant labourers by agents from lowland timber and oil companies: rather than giving a cash-sum to labourers in advance, as is common in the system of enganche, these agents claim a cash-sum from labourers, (500 soles in 1976), in order to secure them employment in the companies. Wolf emphasized the way in which “cargos act to impede the mobilization of capital and wealth within,the community in terms of the outside world which employs wealth\capitalistically" (1955:458). In the case of the Lamista Quechua, the considerable wealth mobilized by feast-givers is circulated within the ethnic system which it helps to reinforce, rather than in a "closed corporate commmity" of peasants, On the basis of the limited evidence available to me, it seems that emigration to forest areas in order to evade the fcast- system is a strategy followed'by only a small proportion of junior household heads in Lamas, In the same way as Indians were allowed to maintain a closed sphere when it became clear that they did not represent a threat to white settlers, no particular attempt was made to eliminate "pagan"’ features from Lamista feasts: moiety fights were put to an end only when Indians were already a minority in the town, In order to receive cargos, Indians must not only accumulate produce but contract increas- ingly large debts to traders: the prestige which they gain as feast- givers im the closed sphere is ultimately based upon their asynmetrical relations with non-Indian traders and with various non-Indian agents- 266 - agents who enforce codified ‘norms for the preparation and celebration of feasts. Tourism, which has been developed in Lamas since 1975,7 is a new source of material benefits for both non-Indians and Indians during feasts. In 1976, a few visitors bought ishpingus, (which would have been destroyed after the feast), at a high price, and Lamista women sold some chumbi and pottery: items which Mestizo comadres used to receive in exchange for a few needles or aspirins in 1974 were sold for a hundred soles or more, Although in 1976, the impact of tourism on Lamista feasts was not yet clear, there were indications that the feast of Santa Rosa, as a main annual Jakwash event, might become an “ethnic dance" in the same way as the Kalela dance analyzed by Mitchell (1956). Forest Indian features, such as ishpingus, dancing to the scund of drums and flutes and body-painting, were encouraged openly by regional authorities, At the same time, crafts could be sold directly to visitors in Tarapoto and provide a new source of cash as among other minorities of the Peruvian Amazon such as the Shipibo, near Pucallpa, or the Chama, near Iquitos. VIII.2 The Lami a wedding feast or funcia Ideally, Lamista marriage consists of an Indian marriage (Q. nitikur) followed by a Roman Catholic ceremony and a wedding feast 2 The first event in which the Lamista Quechua took part’ as an Indian minority was the National Festival of Folklore in Arequipa in 1972: they were represented by a few drummers and dancers led by Pedro Salas (cf chapter III, p.87 ). Following the construction of a tourist hétel in Tarapoto in 1974, one shop of Lamista crafts was opened in the town and crafts were sold at the airport. In 1976, a hotel, a restaurant and a craft shop were opened in Lamas. The feast of Santa Rosa was publicized in national and foreign travel agencies in Lima and it was attended by a few foreign tourists. In 1977 a local tourist agency was opened in Tarapoto, and tours of Lamas were organized for visitors who could stop in Tarapoto on their flights from Lima to Iquitos, the main centre for tourism in the Peruvian Amazon.- 267 -° (S/Q. funeia) which requires the sponsorship of non-Indian god-parents (S. padrinos). As a major opportunity to establish relations of co- parenthood across the ethnic boundary, the funcia can be seen asa ritualized transaction from which Indians and non-Indians derive benefits of different kinds.° 2,i The Indi n_marri ge or nitikur ‘The nitikur is a marriage by mock-capture: the kidnapping, (Q. niti-y, or wiri, with a connotation of violence), results in the transfer of a woman by a man to his father's house. This transfer can be preceded by a period during which the couple live in isolation in a forest shack, The nitikur follows a stage of formalized courting, (Q. kashukur) which a young man manifests to other men by playing specific tunes on the boulder stones in the vicinity of his household, He may conmunicate his intentions to the girl whom he plans to kidnap, ideally by’ throwing her a pod containing a gift and magical substances. ‘The news of an elopement, transmitted as gossip by the expression Q. "nitikushka" (he or she has eloped), circulates as the first announcement of a marriage, Marriage, however, as the public recogni- tion of affinal ties, is completed only after the man's parents, accompanied by ayllu relatives, go and notify the girl's parents of their daughter's transfer to their house as a daughter-in-law, This acknowledgement, which is expected to take place within a few weeks of the elopement, is made in a ritual called Q. manakur. This ritual 3 In mixed areas of San Martin as well as in two Runa centres partially under Protestant influence, (Sisa, since 1970, and Pongo, since 1972), some Lamista Quechua marry without wedding-feasts. These cases however do not impinge on the majority of the Lamista Quechua population nor on the population of Lamas and I shall therefore ignore them,- 268 - takes place at night (between 10 p.m, and 4 a.m.) in the bride's father's chacra house even if it is distant. ‘As she enters her father's house, the bride walks towards her father who is sitting with his close male relatives and she says Q. “shamushkani_rikurik", I have come to appear in front of you. In a standardized manner of speech, the groom's father extols the qualities of his son as a good agriculturalist, a carrier of heavy loads and a good hunter, In response to this speech, both the bride's parcnts disparage their daughter and allude to more suitable brides in the neighbourhood. While the bride's parents provide coffee and a light meal, the groom's parents bring rum and tobacco, a more expensive prestation. The speeches are then followed by the reciprocal. whipping (Q. makaku-y, or S. chupada) of male affines at the same gencalogical level, and by the whipping of young men by their fathers. Blows, given with a leather belt, are violent enough to cause bleeding and men must be re-animated with rum when they are close to fainting. This dramatic whipping, followed by embraces, restores good relations among both affines and kinsfolk. If no funcia is planned, the marriage is concluded at this point. No property is transferred from one household to the other except for the bride's personal effects, and a new cotton blanket and indigo-dyed cloth, (in which Lamista women carry their babies), which she receives new from her father, This cloth is an index of marricd status among Lamista women, together with face-painting. The groom is’ reminded that he must give shares of his produce to his wife's parents and more particularly ‘a share of any game he hunts to his wife's mother, A relation of avoidance is defined between the groom and his mother-in~ law, to whom he must show respect, while relations which can be- 269 - considered as joking are manifested between the couple's siblings and more particularly between the groom and his wife's siblings as they play set games during the wake. In the past, the bride's father used to submit the groom to a trial (S. prueba de fuerza), probably set in colonial times, which consisted in taking a standard load to Yurimaguas or Moyobamba, delivering it to a trader and coming back with another load within six days: this custom was no longer practiced at the time of fieldwork, « At dawn, the bride's female relatives, particularly her mother, wail in lament for her departure. After the mafiakur, the bride is expected to remain for some time in her husband's father's chacra house: she can visit her mother only a few weeks later, and only in the company of her husband's unmarried sisters or brother's wives. It is only after her husband has become independent that a woman can visit her mother freely again, rather than holding brief conversations with her on paths or during feasts. The nitikur is differentiated from casual affairs in that it entails a shift of residence for the girl. After the elopement, however, a girl may be sent back to her parents for various reasons which are mainly related to the rejection of the marriage by one set of parents, and more particularly by the groom's parents, Such carly failures are of little consequence except for an increased tension between the domestic groups involved and a loss of prestige for the girl. After the mafiakur, however, a girl is returned to her parents! houschold as Q. wischunakudu, a rejected woman, and her chances of marrying with a funcia are seriously compromised, Such rejections can give rise to feuding, and the groom may have to emigrate temporarily to a distant clearing, The case of Matilde shows how a girl's father may seck the intervention of a Mestizo compadre to enforce a marriage- 270 - which was agreed upon in a mafakur. The case of Matilde 2 In May 1974, Matilde was brought to the house of Roberto.by his son Mauricio: she was 15 and Mauricio 19, Matilde's father gave his consent in the mafiakur and a funcia was planned for the time when Mauricio would return from military service, at the feast of Santa Rosa 1976, Mauricio stayed away in the army for two years, In the meantime, Matilde worked in Roberto's houschold and chacras with his last two unmarried daughters andason, under the supervision of her mother-in-law: she cultivated more particularly the chacra allocated to Mauricio by his father. aca In August 1976, Mauricio came back with a woman of lowland Indian origin, -who had borne him a son: he asked Matilde to go back to her father's house, As his parents objected to the "laziness" of the lowland woman, they and Matilde's father, a widower, asked Matilde's baptism god-father, who was then the judge of Lamas, to intervene, The judge arranged that Mauricio should be put into jail and that civil marriage should be a condition for his release, After the marriage with Matilde was registered in the tovn-hall and Mauricio was freed, he“ left Lamas and could not be found, It was assumed that Mauricio had joined his lowland common-law wife, whose return-fare to Iquitos had been paid by Roberto with money borrowed from his patron. Matilde was then sent back to her father's house and no compensation was given to her for the two years during which she worked in Roberto's household. This case was discussed by most Lamista Quechua at the time of the Santa Rosa 1976: Matilde's exemplary behaviour in her father-in-law's household was balanced against the fact that the funcia had not been held yet; the authority expected from Mauricio's Father to enforce the marriage was balanced against the fact that in the army, Mauricio had become fluent in Spanish and literate, and that he had been made a sergeant, a rare occurrence among Lamista soldiers. The nitikur can thus be considered as a form of trial-marriage which is relatively easy to dissolve during its carly phase, particularly if no children have been born, Information on failed marriages, however, was difficult to obtain and 1 became aware of only a few such instances, As a trial-marriage, the nitikur differs from the Andean practice of S/Q. ‘sirvinakuy by which women may give birth to several children before a church-marriage is performed: among the Lamista Quechua, a funcia either follows the clopement by two ycars or less,- 271 - or it is not held at all, Out of eleven cases of ‘nitikur which I became aware of in the area of Lamas between 1975 and 1976, six were followed by a funcia before the end of 1976, The figitres of twenty church-marriages in Lamas in 1976, and fourteen in Sisa in 1975, may suggest that church-marriages are not reserved to a small minority of Lamista Quechua, while the most common form of marriage would be the nitikur, It seems that the main reasons for which nitikur marriages are not followed by funcias are failure to conform to norms set by the Catholic*Church (birth of children, previous marriage) and poverty (in the case of orphans) rather than an indifferent choice between the two forms of marriage: Indian marriage is socially inferior to church- marriage in that the latter is a’prerequisite for the reception of a gargo.’) There were however no perceptible differences in the treatment of wonen by their affines nor in the relations between affines when a church-marriage had not been held. Parents impoverished by widow- hood or by illness can celebrate a second-rate form of funcia in which their co-affines bear more expenses than they do. In areas distant from centres, funcias are often celebrated as lay feasts: sponsorship by non-Indian settlers is then given central importance. These marriages, which are celebrated without participa- tion of the clergy, are not always registered subsequently in the parish.4 4 ‘The registration of marriages, mostly in the parish and exceptionally in the civil registrar, was given little importance in comparison with the registration of the birth of children in the parish and increasingly in the town hall and offices of distritos: birth- certificates or certificates of baptism, which are equally valid though the former are now preferred, are the main documents required in all legal matters, They do not carry indications of the parents' ties.- 272 - T am not aware of any case in which othcr Indians were asked to act as sponsors in a funcia: only a married couple categorized as non- Indian (S. esposos as opposed to reunidos, in cGmmon-law union), can sponsor a Lamista wedding. ‘This relation is asymmetrical: non-Indians never invite their compadres to participate in their weddings, not even in the kitchen, The-Lamista funcia, rather than a church-marriage, can thus be defined as a ritual in which members of the dominant socicty act as sponsors for minority members, The description of a funcia can « show to a greater extent than the description of the feast of Santa Rosa how inter-ethnic relations are manifested in Lamista rituals. 2.ii The funcia Although there are some slight variations in the Runa territories, the succession of events and the general performance of Lamista funcias are uniform, I shall refer more particularly to the funcia as it is performed in Lamas, where the use of codified symbols is striking. Rather than referring to an ideal model (as I have done to describe the nitikur), I shall present the case of a particular funcia in Lamas, among Moicty B members. The funcia of Octavio and Rosario This funcia was held in Lamas on 18,9,1976, at the time of the year preferred for the celebration of funcias, after the feast of Santa Rosa. Four other funcias were celebrated on the same day in Huaico for the convenience of the vicar. The funcia followed the nitikur by eight months, The kidnapping had been violent, involving the rape of the bride in her father's chacra house, and relations between the two sets of relatives were Strained until a funcia was planned, only four weeks before it was held. — A trader and his wife agreed to sponsor the wedding, but because they had never acted as sponsors before, an experienced senior ‘citizen of Lamas was asked to instruct then.- 273 - Three main phases can be distinguished in the ia: firstly, the preparation of the feast by the two sets of relatives; secondly, the celebration of the feast, and thirdly, the marriage council, or S. consejo, on the day following the funcia. * The preparation The preparation of funcias follows the same schedule as that of all other Lamista feasts: in the houses of the groom's father and of the bride's father, the shares of produce provided by invited relatives and the produce provided by the couple's parents are processed during four days prior to the feast, which is held on a Saturday, ‘The number of relatives whom I could count -in Octavio's house was 70, and in Rosario's house, 80, excluding children, Octavio's mother's sister, a widow living in Pongo, came specially to attend the funcia, At least eight persons were closely related to both the bride and groom: they joined one or the other house according to the reckoning of ayllu ties: for instance, Octavio's father's sister, who was also Rosario's brother's wife, joined her husband in Rosario's father's house. Larger shares of produce are expected from the couple's fathers" brothers than from other relatives: the couple's parents, however, bear approximately two thirds of the expenses. Ab in the feast of Santa Rosa, the preparation of the cooked food served in-the wedding meal, also called voto, took place under the supervision of Mestizo female cooks. An aswa mama was also subordinate to the cook in each house, In funcias, the main role of the cooks is to butcher pigs and prepare their moat and fat: the cooks set apart the raw salted pork-meat owed to the sponsors; (in this case, these received half a pig from the groom's side and one leg and ten chickens from the bride's side), As in the feast of Santa Rosa, the cooks then supervised the making of maize cakes and they allocated shares o£ cooked food to all the non-Indians involved in the funcia, In the groom's house, his mother's brother acted as a pulpero or rui-steward, The expenses of the groom's and bride's relatives for the funcia are presented in Table VIII,2. During the preparation of the funcia, the couple and their relatives wear Indian clothes. On the day of the funcia, however, the couple wear non-Indian clothes while all their Felatives wear their best Indian clothes, These wedding clothes correspond to an antiquated Mestizo costume rather than to contemporary Mestizo dress. sfhe bride wears two costumes successively: at church, she wears a black skirt and white blouse and is covered with a black veil, She later puts on a colourful skirt, a blouse, and sandals if she can use them, and she protects herself from the sun or rain with an umbrella, The groom wears a Mestizo type of suit and shoes if he can use them. ‘These clothes are hired by the god-mother from a Nestizo woman who derives an income from this trade. After they have been fitted, the god-mother keeps these clothes in her house, where the bride and groom put them on at dawn before the wedding-mass. On the eve of the funcia, the god-mother takes the bride to a Mestizo woman specializing in dressing the hair of Indian brides (S/Q. chimbachidora), who plaits her hair in many braids with ribbons and gold-like beads hired for the occasion, This hair-style is remarkably similar to that of children- 274 - undergoing the hair-cutting cercmony (Q: ‘lanta tipina). Both the hairdresser and the clothes-lender are paid in cooked food. As long as they wear Mestizo clothes, during the day of the funcia, the bride and groom are under obligation to keep their faces expressionless, to remain silent and to abstain from eating and drinking in public. They resume their usual behaviour at sunset, when they recover their own clothes in the god-parents' house. The celebration The celebration of the funcia can be summarized briefly in five events, which cntail movements between Huaico and the Plaza to the sound of a band. The first event is a short wedding mass, at dawn, attended by the couple, their relatives and the sponsors: the relatives of the bride and groom sit on opposice sides. The second event is the reception of the couple and their closer relatives in the house of the sponsors. In this case, Octavio's and Rosario's parents were received in the shop-bar of their new compadre. The funcia is the only occasion in which Indians are invited to sit as guests in the houses of Mestizos and the atmosphere tends to be solemn. Coffee and soft drinks were served to women and rum to men: while waiting, the guests made deals with their compadre and women bought bread, sweets and trinkets, which were soldat their full price. ‘This event was thereforé profitable to the trader, whose shop became familiar to his Indian compadres and ahijados (god-children). The third event takes place in Huaico and it is the main ritual by which the marriage is recognized, whether a mass has been held or not. ‘This ritual (S. cumplimiento), consists of the pooling of the votos in the groom's house and of a dance in which sponsors, couple and parents are shampoocd with rum and sprinkled with cake crumbs by the cooks. Inside the house, which as in all other rituals has been emptied, the god-mother, the bride and her parents sit behind a hired table in the female end of the house, to the right of the door, while the god-father, the groom and his parents sit behind another table on the opposite side. Shares of the voto are brought in front of these tables and announced as coming from the groom (S/Q. novionanta) or from the bride (S/Q. noviamanta), Deceased parents are replaced by the closest relatives, father's brother and mother's sister. A dance between the god-parents and the couple's parents is followed by a dance between the two sets of parents, The fourth event consists of two meals, the first served in the groom's house and the second in the bride's house, for the god-parents and their guests. In this funcia, there were 41 Mestizo guests, 31 adults and 10 children who were served large portions. During the meals, non-Indians practiced alceo, that is they put the food in containers which were taken away to the town by children or servants. In this funcia, the god-mother brought cutlery and plates for the guests; Nestizos were served at a long table formed by the two tables referred to above. The bride and groom were the only Indians sitting at this table, but they did not eat and had to keep their heads down and. their hands under the table “in show of obedience". During the neal, Indians squatted or stood outside the house and they made jokes about the amount of food consumed by the "fat pigs", When the non- Indians finished their meal, the tables were taken outside and the= 275 ~ band played for them to dance. Men, and later women, ate then in small circles in the usual Lamista manner, A similar meal was served later in the bride's house: most of the food, however, was taken away in alce, with which the god-parénts and their guests gave banqucts in their houses on the next day, Before sunset, the couple's relatives escorted their compadres to the town, where the bride and groom recovered their Indian clothes. the bride's relatives then accompanied her to the groom's father's house for a fifth event, the pufuchco or "leaving the bride to sleep", which includes a violent ant-dance, In this-case, obscene jokes were made by the groom's relatives about Guerra women, Rosario's relatives, ‘The marriage council or consejo The second part of the funcia, vhe marriage council or consejo, is held on the next day in Muaico, in the bride's father's house, It can be defined as a broader repetition of the events which took place during the mafiakur, with the additional presence of the sponsors. Punche, a drink of beaten eggs and rum, is preparcd simultancously in the houses of the bride and groom, ‘The groom's relatives, taking the bride with them, go to her father's house where they are joined by the god-parents without guests: in this case, the god-parents were accompanied by the elder citizen who instructed them. While on the day of the funcia ‘the celebration of the foast was performed to honour the god-parents and-their guests, the council is concerned mainly with the relations between the two sets of relatives: Quechua, rather than Spanish, is used, and the intervention of the god-father in the heated dialogues preceding the ritualized reconciliation may be resented: after whipping takes place as in the maffakur, the god-father can be asked to whip opponents, but in this case he was not. Blows are as violent as in the mafakur, In this case reparation was made by the groom's brothers to the bride's relatives for their obscene jokes, and the groom was severely beaten on account of the fact that he had raped the bride in her father's house, After everyone had been reconciled, the god-parents returned alone to the Plaza and cach set of relatives prepared to go to their chacra houses, ii The funcia in the ethnic system ‘The Lamista funcia is thus performed by Indians for non-Indians so that the latter witness the establishment of affinal ties in the Indian closed sphere. The feast, in which the bride and groom act as Nestizo dummies, is formalized as an approximation of a Mestizo feast for Mestizo guests: these guests receive most of the goods provided at the wedding. ‘ Two questions can be asked: firstly, what is entailed by the tics of ritual co-parenthood established at funcias? and secondly, why do- 276 ~ the Lamista Quechua engage in such considerable expense to have their wedding feasts validated by non-Indian sponsors? While for baptism a close relationship and mutual esteem are major criteria in the choice of god-parents, in funcias the god-parents, although they may not be part of "la sociedad", must have a socio~ economic status publically-recognized as stable. Both wealth, in the case of traders and estate-owners, and prestige, in the case of civil servants, are criteria in the choice of wedding-sponsors: in the cight « funcias which I attended, the god-fathers were: the mayor of Lamas, a policeman, a land-owner settled in Tarapoto, a retired local authority, a teacher and two retail traders who owned trucks, one of whom was the god-father in Octavio's and Rosario's funcia, Although this man did not Belong to "1a sociedad", he was very successful as a retail trader and his small truck gave him prestige: because of the rising demand of foodstuffs in Tarapoto and of groceries and drugs in Lamas, frequent journeys to T&rapoto were profitable and small quantities of produce could be purchased from Indians at one time. Non-Indians considered that they made a favour to Indians when sponsoring their funcias. A common saying was "los Indios nos buscan" (Indians approach us, importune us), and complaints were made about the expenses involved, These expenses, however, which consisted of some rum, the mass fee and a wage for the four musicians of the band and, in this case, a crate of beer, the favourite drink of non-Indians in San Martin, were small in comparison with those of the couple s parents. In Lamas, the advantages derived by non-Indians from ties of co-parenthood with Indians are clear: as we have seen in the feast of Santa Rosa and in the funcia, non-Indians always aim at obtaining produce from Indians, either raw, for sale or home consumption,’ or in the form of cooked food, While traders secure the delivery of crops- 277 - through debt-relations, poor Mestizos, particularly female household heads, derive an income from any service which can be codified as indispensable in a feast. Urban dwellers who do not produce their own food, such as teachers and clerks, rely particularly on Indian produce since staples are often scarce on the market of Lamas. Unlike previous analysts of compadrazgo as reciprocal relations (Mintz and Wolf, 1950), Van den Berghe, (1966), has suggested with reference to Chiapas that “insofar as compadrazgo ties cut across class or ethnic lines, the former tend to reinforce rather than to undermine the latter" (1966: 1236) In a near future, these asymmetrical ties in which Indians are losers may be modified by the development of local markets for food- stuffs: miltiplex.ties may then be refitaced by relations between buyers and settlers. If, the gains of non-Indians are clear, the advantages which Indians derive from ties of compadrazgo are less tangible. ‘These advantages appear to be twofold: firstly, credit and protection are expected from traders and authorities, while various services, such as sewing, writing letters, a supply of basic commodities (matches, kerosene, candles) are expected from low-status Mestizo ritual co-parents; secondly, Mestizo compadres are called upon for settling disputes which break out in the Indian closed sphere and particularly disputes between affines. I suggest that the funcia, as a ritual, makes explicit a delegation of power by Indians to non-Indian compadres so that the latter enforce jural norms among Indians: as a minority which has been subjected to colonial rule, the Lamista Quechua have no internal means of enforcing norms except for the threat of spirit-attacks: after indirect rule has been abolished and while Indians are still reluctant to make use of non-Indian judicial means, which are slow and costly, they resort to- 278 - compadres as mediators of disputes which claimants themselves settle in the latter's presence. The funcia, in which there is no significant transfer of property but a reorganization of rights, duties and expectations among ‘two sets of relatives, has considerable implications for cooperative activities and relations between localized-units in the Indian closed sphere. The god-parents are "paid" by each set of relatives with a voto to witness the council in which roles are redistributed among participants on the next day. It is as witnesses of this ritualized reconciliation which god-parents are later asked to intervene again as conciliators of disputes in which their compadres are involved, particularly those rising from adultory, fights and offenses related to the domestic domain’. Among the Lamista Quechua, these structural aspects of the god- parents' role seem to outweigh the transactional aspects of individual ties with traders or local authorities. The difference between marriage by nitikur and marriage by funcia can be questioned again: although the funcia and particularly the council repeats the conciliation which has already taken place in the maffakur, it differs from the latter in that it provides a broader and immediate assertion of all the potential ties between the two sets of affines, In a marriage by nitikur, the development of these ties is slow and depends mainly on initiatives of the groom in building a cooperative set, while a funcia is the first of many ritual events in which the groom will be able to reiterate ties with the same relatives. Funcias are also the main means at the disposal of senior household heads to extend their ties before their cooperative sets are replaced by their son's; (as mentioned in chapter V, pp.165-169), The approximate equivalent of a year's labour is therefore given- 279 > to non‘Indians in exchange for an external guarantee of the relations created at marriage in the Indian closed sphere: to perform this exchange, the Lamista Quechua create a Mestizo setting in theirsown houses, which are usually not open to non-Indians, even conpadres being normally invited only to sit on the threshold. All Lamista feasts, except for moots which remain informal, require the intervention of non-Indians, The performance of these rituals entails alternate movements between open and closed spheres, and manifests inter-ethnic relations, The relation between Catholicism, compadrazgo and the ethnic system has been clearly understood by the Protestant Churches in San Mart{n, which all aim at putting an end to Lamista feasts with a determination never shown by the Catholic Church.- 280 - Table VIII,2 The preparation of Octavio's and Rosario's funcia, (18.9.1976), with an_indication of expenses in the groom's and bride's houses. Groom's house Bride's house 14.9 Relatives bring produce from their chacras to Huaico iden 15.9 Men fetch firewood, women make maize beer. Octavio's father buys 2 loads of Rosario's father also buys salt-fishfrom his patron (60 kg x 2) two loads (2,000 soles each) to feed relatives during the preparation. Octavio's father buys 2 demijohns of Rosario's father buys 1 rum (35 litres, 1,500 soles each) demijohn of rum 16.9, The cook (butchers 1 pig and prepares idem, 1 pig it with thé help of participants, In the afternoon, cakes are made with iden the following ingredients: = 12 arrobas of maize (108 kg) - 9 arrobas of maize - 7 paneros of manioc (84 kg) - 7 paneros of manioc - 7 bundles of molasses - _ 7 bundles of molasses = 272 eggs - 344 eggs 31 pots of biscochuelo are prepared. 40 pots of biscochuelo ‘The cook composes the voto. idem Half a pig is taken to the god-parents. One leg of pork and 10 . chickens are taken to the god- parents, 17.9 The cook butchers 2 pigs. idem, 2 pigs In the afternoon, the cook kills 53 chickens, plucked and gutted by idem, 48 chickens women. The cook prepares the shares of idem meat for the meals 18.9 All invited male relatives bring idem at least one bottle of rum. The groom's father's brothers bring 11 more chickens are killed 2 half demijohns. and prepared for the meal. The expenses are worth approximately 50,000 soles in cach house,