Question no 1

Analyze the vision of Islamic Socialism of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Examine how he
converted his vision into state policies and what were consequences of these policies for
state and the people.
Answer: Pakistan under President Pervez Musharraf is the amount of the political, financial and social
states of the most recent fifty years of the country building measure. The Ayub Khan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
and Zia ul Haq systems were related with the Green Revolution, Islamic communism and the Islamization of
Pakistan. At the point when the Green Revolution released the rural capability of the state, Islamic
communism prevailed with regards to assembling the majority strategically, and Islamization reinforced the
part of religion in legislative issues.
Both Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Maulana Bashani, head of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and head of the
Awami National Party, utilized the term Islamic communism in the last part of the 1960s. Be that as it may,
on the grounds that Bhutto really received the philosophy of Islamic communism, he was more joined to it
than Bhashani. Given the political awareness of the Pakistani populace, the prefix Islam demonstrated
proper. Bhutto's image of Islamic communism is a blend of against Indianism, communism and patriotism.
Islamic socialism
The Communist Party of Pakistan was established in 1948 and normally stimulated a specific interest in
looking at Islam and socialism. As belief systems, Islam and socialism both look for social upheaval and
change in development. The two philosophies accept that while people are by and large great as people,
issues emerge on the grounds that society directs their conduct. The shared objectives of the two
philosophies rotate around a tactless society and a reasonable dispersion of abundance.
Large scale Economic Management
That the PPP government aggrieved macroeconomic undertakings can be affirmed by the way that the
obligation trouble became effective during the 1970s. Pakistan made no installments for its yearly
installments, and in 1974 the period of obligation rebuilding started interestingly. 15. These markers,
including the obligation proportion and obligation proportion, improved during this period. 16 While the
public authority practices elite power over monetary arrangement and creates something like a communist
"order" financial model, at times it depends on outside subsidizing for its enormous assembling ventures.
Ruppee devaluation
After protracted conversations in May 1972, the PPP government settled on the troublesome choice to
downgrade the rupee by 58% against the US dollar. The Pakistani rupee, which used to be 4.75 rupees to the
US dollar, has been raised to 11 rupees. For Pakistan, this is a financial shock that the past system was
reluctant to survive. While Bhutto was scrutinized for proceeding with the debasement, his archetype Ayub
Khan was blamed for inaction. The United States is accounted for to have turned Pakistan through the IMF
and retained guide to compel it to make this radical move.
Spending shortage
The PPP government has reveled a lot of optional spending, which is reflected in the spending shortfall. The
spending shortfall of eight percent in 1972-77 was four to five percent higher during the 1960s and a few
percent higher during the 1950s. 20 The public authority spending shortfall between 1972-73 and 1976-77
was 10 billion rupees, or almost two percent of GDP. 21 Years of absence of public investment funds
brought about loss of pay. Generally, an income deficiency implies the state covers current spending,
especially government worker pay rates, from getting.
Fare Policy
The "new" Pakistan in the period after 1971 had the option to adapt to the deficiency of its eastern wing
without significant fare issues by discovering new business sectors in Europe, East Asia and the United
States. The principle exporter of fares from the east wing is hemp, which has as of late been slowly turning
into a financial weight on the west wing. The fare blast was fleeting as the cost of oil quadrupled in 1974,
which thusly influenced imports of oil, composts and a decrease yet to be determined of installments.
Different disappointments for the Bhutto government incorporate catastrophic events like floods, vermin and
seismic tremors bringing about helpless harvest yields. Subsequently, two significant harvests, cotton and
rice, which are the primary fare products, influenced the fare information for the period.
Assembling Industry
The PPP system seems to have evoked extreme apprehensions over the nationalization of industry and how
it impeded mechanical development in Pakistan. Obviously, this impression is wrong and misrepresented on
the grounds that the state's takeover was compartmentalized to the capital and middle products areas as it
were. 35 essentially, this suggested that 20% of the worth added to the huge scope producing area (LSM)
was brought under state proprietorship. Though the private mechanical area to a great extent involving
purchaser products fabricating units was not nationalized by the state.
Political Impact
The PPP got famous with the majority because of its philosophy of Islamic communism and in the process
demonstrated fruitful in the political assembly of the populace. Bhutto had the option to speak with the
majority and utilized the mode of Islamic communism which spun around financial aspects and trademarks
like roti, kapra, makan, mangta hai har insan (each individual looks for food, apparel and sanctuary). Till
Bhutto showed up on the political scene, the landed nobility had cornered the matter of governmental issues
yet none of them had the option to foster the sort of condition with the average person that he had the option
to accomplish. This is on the grounds that these elitist chiefs communicated in a language that didn't contact
a harmony in the hearts of the workers, landless workers, metropolitan poor, little ranchers and salaried
classes. The way that the PPP up-and-comer Khursheed Hassan Meer, a previous Pakistan Air Force non-
dispatched official 50 won against the high profile Asghar Khan, a previous Chief of Pakistan Air Force,
from Rawalpindi, a cantonment city with an enormous resigned military populace, represents the point
plainly.
Conclusion
In Pakistan, the late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Islamic communism are related to one another. The effect on
individuals was positive as the nation generally acknowledged the PPP's nationalization and change
programs. That the late Bhutto's little girl Benazir Bhutto was casted a ballot to control in 1988 in the post-
Zia period, just makes the statement. Notwithstanding, since the mid 1980s, communism as a philosophy
began to disappear universally. Pakistan likewise bought in to this political pattern and Benazir Bhutto as
Prime Minister started the interaction of privatization of public area endeavors in the country. In this
manner, Nawaz Sharif as Prime Minister proceeded with the cycle. Ultimately, President Pervez Musharaff
acquired this political economy which had Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's philosophical stamp of Islamic communism.

Question no 2
Discuss the Afghan policy of General Zia-ul-Haq. Examine its impact on the state and
society of Pakistan.
Answer: Ghulam Ishaq Khan, who was appointed president last week after Zia's death in a plane crash,
also said at a lengthy cabinet meeting that he would advance Zia's plans to introduce an Islamic court system
in the country, according to the government's press service.
Both here and in the Afghan capital, there is speculation that the deaths of Zia and several top Pakistani
generals in Wednesday's unexplained plane crash near Bahawalpur in eastern Pakistan could change
Pakistan's policy towards the Afghanistan war. Zia is a staunch supporter of the guerrillas.
Despite the government's statement today that Zia's war policies will continue, knowledgeable Pakistani and
non-Pakistani officials have said they expect some adjustments to Islamabad's position in the coming
months, but there will be no fundamental changes.
The Islamization proposal is one of Zia's most controversial acts and has sparked criticism from western-
oriented women's organizations and the country's small but elected Shiite Muslim community, which often
has sharp differences with the majority Sunni Muslim in its interpretation of Islamic law.
Ishaq Khan made modest statements about Islamization at a press conference Saturday following Zia's
funeral, but since then, Pakistani politicians and government officials have indicated that an unexpected
large number of people attended the funeral, a fact that they pointed to a spike in sentiment over the late
president repatriating his policy. .
Zia has launched a program to "fit" the country's institutions to Islam. Thousands of mosques were built,
clerics received state salaries and an Islamic tax on bank deposits was introduced. Opponents of Zia claim
that his program aims to maintain political support for clerics and fundamentalist Muslims.
The capital is full of political rumors of change in the post-Zia era. Today's speculation was added from
Zia's son, Ijad ul-Haq, who had held a press conference to thank the late president as head of the family for
the great support.
During the session, the 36-year-old Bank of America official in Bahrain hinted that he might consider a
career in politics. None of the Zia family members had shown such interest before.
The United States recognized the threat of a Soviet invasion because it had a vital strategic interest in
Afghanistan and therefore could not ignore the threat to Pakistan's security. To curb Soviet expansion into
warm waters, the United States and Saudi Arabia decided to support Pakistan to aid the growing resistance
of the Afghan people to Soviet occupation. Pakistan also gained strategic importance after the fall of the
faveli dynasty in Iran. The Carter administration, which referred to Pakistan as a "front line state" during the
Cold War, offered Pakistan $400 million in military and economic assistance, but General Zia turned it
down as a "bean". Pakistan's refusal to accept US aid, however, had no impact on its policy, and Pakistan
supported its resistance policy for more than a year.
Impact and Consequences of US Assistance to Pakistan:
Now, during this time, the Pakistani government has built a very extensive and sustainable network with the
help of the United States and Saudi Arabia. This network has four main points.
(1) drug smuggling.
(2) arms smuggling.
(3) In particular, the use of religious institutions and seminar facilities as well as refugees to form a
guerrilla force to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan.
(4) The control mechanism through which all this must be carried out is the Pakistan Army,
particularly military intelligence.
Babrak Kamal was removed from office on 4 May 1946 and Najibullah came to power, but he was unable to
suppress the activities of the Afghan mujahideen. Negotiations began in Geneva, and on April 16, 1988, the
governments of Pakistan and Afghanistan, with the United States and the Soviet Union as guarantors, finally
signed the Geneva Agreement. Now the mujahideen won and the Soviets withdrew from Afghanistan, and
two years later the Soviet Union itself collapsed due to the economic crisis. Now, with the collapse of the
Soviet Union, the Cold War is over and the United States is now the sole superpower. He achieved his goal.
Pakistan paid a very high price for its involvement in this conflict. In the years that followed, he suffered the
consequences of his efforts for the mujahideen.

Question no 3
Analyze the democratic era (1985-1999) indicating the reasons of political instability.
Answer: President Zia's first initiative was to amend the 1973 constitution to secure his rule over the
parliamentary system. The eighth change turned out to be the most damaging to people's trust in the
democratic system. The President can now have full control and power to take whatever steps he deems
necessary to ensure national integrity. Over the next twelve years, the president used these changes to oust a
number of prime ministers, mostly because of personal struggles or insecurity about changing power.
After the 1988 elections, Mohammed Khan Junjo was appointed Prime Minister and received a unanimous
vote of confidence from the National Assembly. Junjo appears to be a promising component for the
Pakistani government; he called for a smooth transition from military to civilian power, leading to optimism
about the democratic process in Pakistan. In his first year in office, Junjo managed to strike a balance
between creating parliamentary authority as a democratic body and retaining President Zia's blessing. He
developed a five-point program to improve development, literacy, eradicate corruption and improve the
general public. He also stepped up his foreign policy overseas and struggled with a large budget deficit due
to the high costs of the martial law regime. However, on 29 May 1988, President Zia dissolved the National
Assembly and removed the Prime Minister under Article 58-2-b of the Constitution. He claims Geneho
conspired against him to weaken his position; he accused the National Assembly of corruption and failing to
adopt an Islamic way of life.
Opposition parties backed Zia's decision as it favored them and secured early elections. They called for the
constitution to hold elections for ninety days.He felt obliged to announce the election schedule within ninety
days, while the election could be held later. At the same time, as in 1985, he wanted to hold non-partisan
elections, but the Supreme Court insisted that this was against the spirit of the constitution. Political
confusion arose due to Zia's proposal to postpone the election in order to reorganize the political system in
the name of Islam. There were fears that Zia would impose martial law, and the Muslim League was split
between Zia's and Junjo's supporters. All of this stopped when Zia died in a plane crash on August 17.
Ghulam Ishaq Khan is sworn in as President who is President of the Senate and elections are held. What
came as a surprise to external observers who were worried the military could easily take power. The
November 1988 election was based on a political party platform for the first time in fifteen years. Neither
party won a majority in the National Assembly, but the Pakistan People's Party emerged as the single largest
seat. Benazir Bhutto, the head of the PPP, was appointed prime minister after the PPP formed a coalition of
smaller parties to create a functioning majority. At first, people hoped Bhutto would work with opposition
leader Nawaz Sharif of the IJI, who leads the Punjabi party, a majority province. But they soon took
bitterness to new heights and withdrew from the economy by bribing other politicians to influence
membership. This bill, and no improvement in the economic sphere, tarnishes the image of the central
government. In 1990, President Bhutto released the eighth constitutional amendment, a decision upheld by
the Supreme Court. So two years later there was another election.
Prime Minister Sharif has received disapproval on many fronts because he is seen as power-hungry and
potentially corrupt. Shortly after the Eighth Amendment was revised, he had forced the Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court and the Commander in Chief of the Army to pressure the press for not supporting him, and
his family company, Ittefaq Industries, fared unusually well during the economic downturn. This led to
suspicions of corruption. Army Commander Jehangir Karamat is one of many concerned about Sharif's
growing power. He called on the army to be involved in the country's decision-making process to strike a
balance between civilian governments. Two days later he resigned and replaced General Pervez Musharraf.
Musharraf is one of the key strategists in the Kashmir crisis with India. He immediately suspected that he
lacked political support from the civilian government in his aggressive search for Kashmir. The combination
of Sharif's reluctance to confront Kashmiri opposition, growing factional strife and terrorism gave
Musharraf a pretext for carrying out a coup to overthrow the civilian government. On October 12, 1999, he
succeeded in overthrowing Syarif and the Muslim League on the grounds of upholding law and order as well
as strengthening government institutions.
Mohammad Ali Gina always envisioned a democratic Pakistan, and many of his successors fought for this
cause, but only to maintain their own platform of power. Ironically, such political instability plagues
countries whose primary goal is to ensure that their leaders secure their own power. Maybe it's time for a
new equation. The actions of the civilian and military leaders have truly tested the Pakistani people and their
cause as a nation. Pakistan faces the unpleasant task of setting government priorities in line with the needs of
its diverse and inconsistently evolving sub-units. Regardless of the form of government - civil or military,
Islamic or secular - on the one hand the solutions to the problems of mass illiteracy and economic inequality
as well as the imperatives of national integration and national security will determine the degree of political
stability and instability. Pakistan in the years ahead Facing the decade. But people and nations continue to
offer the world great cultural, religious and intellectual traditions.