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The Quest For Regional Integration in The Caribbean Girvan
The Quest For Regional Integration in The Caribbean Girvan
Speaking notes
The limitations of small size have been the main motive for economic integration initiatives in
the Anglophone Caribbean.
However, there have always been extra-economic motives for the broader project of regional
integration. These include (i) attaining national independence (WI Federation), (ii) sharing the
costs of common services and functional cooperation, (iv) pooling bargaining power in
international fora and (iv) affirming a common West Indian identity.
Economic integration initiatives over the past 60 years have progressed from (i) a failed attempt
at Customs Union under the WI Federation (50s), to (ii) a partial free trade agreement in the
1960s, (iii) another failed attempt at Customs Union in the 1970s and 1980s with the
establishment of the Caribbean Community and Common market (Caricom); this included
provisions for joint agricultural and industrial development and the harmonisation of incentives,
and (iv) the current drive to create a so-called ‘single market and economy’ (CSME), starting
around 1989.
With regard to the CSME, a partial single market has been achieved. There is an incomplete
customs union and incomplete freedom of movement of services, capital and labour. No
significant progress has been registered in the harmonisation of policies, taxation, and laws etc
that constitute the core of a single economy.
More worrying is the fact that the limited economic integration accomplished so far has not
impacted significantly on regional economic development and the majority of member states do
not perceive significant benefits to be had from deepening economic integration, especially when
the financial and political costs are factored in.
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In 2001-2007 intra-regional trade was 14.5% of CARICOM’s total trade, a modest increase from
the 8.3% recorded in 1973-1979. Further, intra-regional trade growth since the 1990s is not
attributable to trade liberalisation and the partial customs union. And 88% of intra-regional
exports originates in Trinidad and Tobago (2008), and is attributable (directly and indirectly) to
its energy-based industries. The other member states rely principally on exports of goods and
services to metropolitan markets.
First, member states have generally failed to implement their commitments under the various
schemes fully, consistently and in a timely manner. This would have created business
uncertainty, thereby undermining investment and the growth effects of market widening. At the
root of the so-called implementation deficit is the unwillingness of member states to cede some
legal and executive authority to regional institutions (supranationality). But this may itself
reflect a perception of limited benefits.
Hence, a second explanation may be that economic integration as such has a limited capacity to
drive development among economies that are small, relatively undiversified and oriented to third
country markets. Thus, it has been argued that even a fully implemented Caricom single market
is unlikely to bring about significant trade creation and additional investment in Caricom.
According to this line of argument, the greatest potential benefits of integration lie in the realm
of functional cooperation (research and development, human resource development, export
promotion, etc). Notably, public pronouncements by regional officials now emphasise this aspect
of integration.
This leads to a third explanation; which is that the kind of economic integration being pursued,
which is centred on market integration and across-the-board policy harmonisation, may not be
appropriate to the actual conditions of Caricom economies.
In response to this conundrum, proposals have been made to prioritise implementation of the
single economy in sectors with a high growth potential and in the provision of regional public
goods where early benefits can be reaped.
Thus, the ‘Single Development Vision’ (2007) identified energy, intra-regional traded
agricultural products, niche manufacturing, sustainable tourism and new export services as
‘drivers’ of regional development, where common regional policies and support services would
be deployed. The ‘Strategic Plan for Regional Development’ (in preparation) refines this
approach by proposing food security, renewable energy and maritime transport as sectors in
which public and private investment will be mobilised and public-private partnerships will be
forged. The Caricom Trade and Investment Report (2010) also identifies four areas for
‘investment related reform’ in support of regional transformation: sectoral development priorities
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(energy, food, tourism, and new economic drivers), human capital and employment creation,
innovation and technology transfer, and regional and international competitiveness.
These approaches suggest the evolution of a kind of hybrid model of economic integration; in
which elements of ‘industrial policy’ (selective interventions by means of common policies,
functional cooperation and investment) are combined with elements of orthodox ‘open
regionalism’ (selective implementation of single economy elements).
First, financing will need to be mobilised for investment in regional public goods. The resources
currently available for such purposes are inadequate, or poorly allocated to support regional
projects.
Second, this approach, in and of itself, does not resolve the issue of implementation. It is unlikely
that even a partial or ‘selective’ single economy of the kind envisaged can be effectively
implemented with the present legal framework and institutional machinery Reform of
community governance cannot be avoided.
Third, there will be the need to reconcile this approach with economic treaties with third
countries; treaties which create competing regionalisms and impinge on domestic policy space.
Hence, the ‘Economic Partnership Agreement’ made with Europe brings Caricom into a de facto
integration scheme with the Dominican Republic. It also obligates Caricom governments’
policies in reciprocal trade liberalisation, services, investment, intellectual property protection
competition policy and public procurement. Treaties of similar scope and content are being
negotiated with Canada, probably to be followed by the United States.
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APPENDIX 2: OVERVIEW OF ECONOMIC INTEGRATION INITIATIVES—
FROM CARIFTA TO SINGLE DEVELOPMENT VISION
CARICOM Revised/
CARIFTA
CARICOM 1973 CSME Single Development Vision
1. Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Belize (then British Honduras), Dominica, Grenada, Guyana,
Jamaica, Montserrat, St. Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, and Trinidad and
Tobago. Four countries signed the Agreement in 1965, seven more joined in 1968 and the twelfth (Belize) in
1971.
2. The Treaty of Chaguaramas of July 1973 established CARICOM. All 12 CARIFTA countries
became members of both the Community and the Common Market. In 1983, The Bahamas became a member
of the Community only.
3. The Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas establishing CARICOM and CSME was signed in 2002 and
came into force in 2006. Suriname joined the Community in 1995 and Haiti in 2002, bringing the total
membership of CARICOM to 15. The Bahamas and Montserrat are not participating in the CSME; Haiti’s
participation has been delayed by institutional problems. The 12 remaining countries are participating in the
CSME.
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APPENDIX 3 POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ECONOMIC INTEGRATION INITIATIVES
CARICOM Single Development
CARIFTA CARICOM 1973 Revised/CSME Vision
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APPENDIX 4
1166 585 50
TOTAL
1. Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, St. Lucia, St
Kitts and Nevis, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago.
Source: author’s estimate, based on data in CARICOM 2009d, Attachment 1, Parts 1 and 2.
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APPENDIX 5
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SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
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