2. b.

Architecture

The district of the placement of the church was already populated in Roman times. It is believed
that a Roman forum was originally situated there.107 This assumption is reinforced by the fact
that on the grounds of Notre-Dame-la-Grande the remains of two pagan temples were found,
represented by ancient vestiges of a brick and rectangular stone construction located near the
gutter on the northern wall of the current church.108 The church structure as we can see it today
corresponds mostly to the eleventh century reconstruction of the earlier church building, the new
church being consecrated in 1086.109 Important construction works continued also in the second
quarter of the twelfth century: the old tower-porch on the west frontage was removed and the
church was enlarged by two spans towards the west.110 This enlargement is still possible to notice
in the southern part of the church, marked by spire with a staircase. Thus, the whole church was
extended and, what is particularly important for the purpose of this thesis, endowed with the
sculpted facade on the west. The plan of the current church is composed of a central nave with
aisles of similar size and height. The nave and the aisles are, thus, set on the same level, creating
the effect of a hall church. The barrel vault of the nave has a slightly flattened silhouette, whereas
the aisles are covered with a groined vault. From the west to the east, a nave of eight bays
spreads, the ninth bay being located under the conspicuous bell-tower (a steeple). On the
southern side of the church building, there is located an additional porch as well as a large private
chapel attached to the posterior chevet-apse. On the northern side, several chapels have been
added over the centuries, forming an almost continuous sequence which disturbs the original
stylistic coherence, and perhaps also the static coherence.111 The end of the central nave with a
chevet-apse is formed of a vast semi-dome adorned with paintings, the vault resting directly on
the pillars. The choir area as such is framed by masonry columns which are installed at the end of
the apse, on the edge of a small crypt situated beneath the floor of the choir. Mural paintings are
partially preserved there – in the choir area ‒ as well as in the crypt from the eleventh century.
Significant is also the presence of the already mentioned deambulatory with many radiating
chapels which developed around the chevet-apse. Besides its relatively greater length, there are
two other characteristic features of the original design of the church: the slight departures from
the longitudinal axis, and the absence of transept caused probably by the actual spatial
arrangement of the church.112 Also the wellpreserved bell-tower, dating back to the eleventh
century, gives Notre-Dame-la-Grande its distinctive appearance. Representing a square base with
a circular roof over it, this tower is located at the site of the crossing of the naves.113 Adopting the
position of the viewer standing in the street and the main square, the church seems to be
structured rhythmically. Its periphery is punctuated by tiny but well-fitting buttresses, which
almost always correspond to an element of the same type in the interior (niche and its half-
columns which multiply the capitals).114

2. c. Interior decorations

Even though the walls of the church are painted, there is little of the original decor left. The walls
of the nave and the aisles are largely covered by paintings that nineteenth-century restoration
works applied there.115 The whole ensemble was restored by Joly-Leterme in 1851, who had
repainted the columns and the vaults with ornamental motifs.116 At the bottom of the choir,
there are some remains of semi-dome paintings. In French, the term “cul-de-four” means a
quarter-shaped sphere vault, reminiscent of the shape of the bread oven, which was used to cover
the apses. Thus, in our case, the original twelfth-century frescoes survive in the apse vault above
the choir and in the crypt.117 On the vault above the choir, a scene is painted which could be
interpreted as an uncommon portrayal of the Apocalypse.118 Virgin and Child are depicted there
in a mandorla, and above them Christ is painted in his majesty on the vault. Christ’s central
position is framed by a square, inside which a circle is to be found. Thus, Christ is actually situated
inside a circle and a square, with the Lamb of God shown in a smaller circle above him. This central
scene is surrounded by twelve Apostles, who are seated in similar poses as on the facade. The side
corners of the vault towards the nave show the depiction of angels who accompany souls to the
Paradise. In the small crypt under the choir, there are portraits of four anonymous saints painted
on the walls who carry objects such as crowns or books.119 Today, the crypt is unfortunatelly not
open to the public due to its bad condition. In spite of the poor state of their preservation, the
execution of these mural paintings denotes afiliation with the production of great workshops of
the period, for example those which made famous the churches of Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe and
Saint-Hilaire-le-Grand, or the baptistery of Saint-Jean in Poitiers.120 In most of the churches of the
Poitou region from the eleventh century, murals prevailed as a primary means of decorating the
church architecture. Standing as an exception, Notre-Dame-la-Grande confirms this tendency,
while constituting a paralell one: as far as the interior decoration is concerned, there are also
several carved capitals to be mention of which, however, only one is historical. Situated in the de-
ambulatory on the south side of the church, one of the capitals shows the scene of Ascension with
Christ standing in mandorla. The capitals in the choir resemble the style of the Corinthian
antiquity, while the carvings of the other capitals use the stylized foliage called “feuilles grasses”
(thick leaves).121 As for the stones of the walls, it is believed that they were not bare but coated
with white paint.122 The structure of the building was marked with colors as is obvious from the
fragments of painted coatings which were found in the excavations.123 It is likely that the painted
scenes disappeared long before the restoration works of the nineteenth century started. To
conclude, the church must have given much lighter impression during the Middle Ages than it does
today. Even though the paintings of the nineteenth century restored the colorful atmosphere of
the original building, they must be far away from the range of those of the Romanesque era and
do not evoke, for the lack of direct light, the brightness of the original paintings.

3. Façade

The western frontage of the church with its famous sculpted façade was added to the church
during the second quarter of the twelfth century.124 The exact date is uncertain and has been,
thus, subject to wide discussion. Analogy is for example made between Notre-Dame-la-Grande
and the cathedral of Saint Pierre in Angouleme, where the facade sculptures were executed
between 1101 and 1128, or with sculptures at St.-Amant-de-Boixe (c. 1125).125 An exact date of
the sculpted additions was, for example, suggested by K. A. Porter at the beginning of the
twentieth century.126 With the help of comparable examples and stylistic analysis, the scholar
assigned the façade of Notre-Dame-la-Grande to c. 1130.127 However, his attribution has not
been generally accepted, contemporary scholars rather locating the creation of the sculpted
façade between 1100 and 1130.128 As Camus explains, the specific frontages consisting of
porches with towers on the sides were commonly added to the churches of Poitou region during
the first half of the twelfth century.129 Consequently, these large and highly structured facades
became adapted to the needs of the environment, the city urbanism, and thus functioned as an
independent wall with gables.130 It the case of Notre-Dame-la-Grande, the old porch was
removed and the church was enlarged by two spans toward the west.131 Consequently, new
frontage resembling a kind of protecting wall (in French “façade – écran”) created a significant
silhouette. In the case of Notre-Dame-la-Grande, the construction of the frontage underwent
several turns, as is obvious on the first bay of the church. Marie-Thérèse Camus explains that at
least three interventions can be noticed thanks to the final analysis of the establishment of the
church and the elevation, accomplished in 1995. What can be also suggested from those
observations is the lack of finances available for the reconstruction which probably led to the
abandonment of the original intention to re-structure also the whole neighbourhood of the
church.133 After the construction of the frontage, the church was accessible, besides the other
public entrance on the south, from the small square in front of the façade. To enter the church, it
was first necessary to climb the outdoor stairs which were partly incorporated into the façade to
get on the level of the floor of the frontage. Next, after crossing the door-stone, one had to ascend
approximately seven steps down to get to the nave.

Description The whole frontage is rather flat and straight but higher than the building itself. The
facade is in fact composed from one almost square part, which is exceeded by the gable. Thus, the
frontage resembles a kind of “backdrop” which hides the building behind it from sight. On both
sides of the frontage, there are two columns (or two “bundles” of several tiny columns) which
support the spires in the shape of lanterns. The top of the façade, i.e. its gable, is pronounced by
an inlaid wall which emphasizes the sculpted element – Christ in mandorla – in the middle. The
lower parts of the façade are filled up with statues. The façade is structured into several arcatures,
small arcades built into the wall, which are arranged in layers. The motives of leaves (or vegetation
in general), bestiary or fantastic creatures can be found in the decorative parts, such as the
moldings. The space around the entrance door, the portal, is framed by two blind arcades, equally
on the left and on the right. There is a moulding which divides the corpse of the façade along the
middle axis, and, thus, three different registers can be recognized on it: the lowest one, where the
entrance and the sculpted frieze above are located; the central one with big window in the middle;
and, finally, the upper one – the gable. The above-named registers are decorated with sculpted
elements, especially with different figures. The part with the biggest number of sculptures is the
lowest one, that is the frieze, with a representation of a series of episodes from both Old and New
Testament. Since this frieze is the main interest of this thesis, I will pay attention to it separately in
the next chapter. The second part in the middle of the façade contains two registers with
sculptures of twelve Apostles and two bishops represented together. Each of the characters is
“isolated” under the arcade in their own niche, while eight of them is seated at the bottom and six
stands above. The upper gable-wall shows only one niche in its middle, carved in the shape of
mandorla. The statue of Christ is placed inside it, being surrounded by the tetramorph ‒ a symbolic
arrangement of four different creatures who represent the four Apostles. In addition, there are
two more tiny representations above the Christ, the allegories of Moon and Sun.
3. b. Restoration works

As it was stated in the previous chapter, the western façade of Notre-Dame-la-Grande underwent
several changes during the restorations works in the nineteenth century in particular. Those
works, executed between 1845 and 1850, consisted mainly in resumption of the cladding of the
lower parts of the facade, allowing replacement of weathered stones that threatened to cause the
fall of the whole wall.137 New tympanums and capitals were sculpted by using the old ones as
models, and Gothic canopies on both sides of the central bay were removed. In addition, the
tympanum – an arch framing the entrance to the cloister area – supported by a column of the left-
spire of the facade was removed.138 Thus, the traces of the access-gate to the canonical precinct
(originally bound to the western façade) disappeared. Finally, the entire façade was cleaned, re-
joined and patinated.139 More than a hundred years later, a multidisciplinary scientific study
assessing the causes of the rapid deterioration of the façade of Notre-Dame-la-Grande was
conducted.140 Besides other things, the study showed that the soil under the facade was heavily
saturated with salt. This pollution was explained by the presence of the stalls of salt-merchants
nearby the facade (by the foot of the collegiate) placed there for nearly a half of the seventeenth
century.141 The study revealed that the salt had gradually penetrated into the walls because of
the rising level of the humidity and, thus, constituted a devastating condition for the adjacent
stones and sculptures.142 From 1992 to 1995, the main aim of the restoration works was,
therefore, to drain out the water and get rid of the wet soil, as well as of the salt from the
walls.That was executed by using complicated processes, such as replacing the blockage inside the
walls, which had to be done without destabilizing the building. Thus, the facade was isolated from
its underground basis, which was achieved by construction of a retaining wall in the basement of
the church.144 Finally, a drainage network was installed at the foot of the foundations which was
supposed to prevent water from rising. The adjacent stones and the sculptures were cleaned and
desalinated, while those laid in the nineteenth century (not very resistant to salt) had to be
changed completely, having been replaced by those of better quality.145 As for the sculpted
decoration of the facade, it was decided not to restore the missing sculptures. However, each
element visible on the photographs from the second half of the nineteenth century was re-made
identically.146 This happened despite the fact that there is no proof that the nineteenth-century
sculptor faithfully reproduced the medieval originals. To make their surface look older, all new
stones were weathered by the restorers so that they fit harmoniously into the facade. The traces
of polychrome were discovered and recovered.
4. Frieze

As it was already mentioned, the main focus of this thesis is the narrative frieze which occupies
the lower part of the façade of the church Notre-Dame-la-Grande in Poitiers. Specifically, the
question is how the frieze corresponds to various liturgical performances, including liturgical
drama, which used to be performed inside the church. As the services were not intended
exclusively for the clergy, it is necessary to consider both clerics and lay people as the audience of
the performances ‒ and of the narrative scenes of the frieze. As the spectator approaches the
facade, the reliefs of twelfth-century frieze gradually become more distinct and “legible”. Contrary
to the rest of the façade where figurative sculptures dominate, these reliefs tell stories and, thus,
make a strong claim on one’s attention. There are scenes from the Book of Genesis on the left, and
from the New Testament on the right side of the frieze.

4. a. Description

In relation to the whole facade, the frieze is situated to the lowest register of its sculpted
decoration, just above the entrance portal which is flanked by two blind arcades. The narrative
frieze is further separated by a cornice, above which two arcuate registers developed on both
sides of the large window in the middle of the facade. The narrative programme of the frieze, read
from left to right, comprises the following scenes:

1. The Temptation (FIG 1). Adam and Eve are depicted naked standing on both sides of the Apple
Tree around which the serpent is winding. As is clear from the description of the frieze by G.
Lecointre-Dupont (1839), an inscription used to be located above the scene, saying: “ADA: EVA
CRIMEN FERT HOMINI PRIMORDIA LUCTUS”. 147

2. Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon (FIG 2). The figure is seated on a seat similar to a throne,
crowned and bearing a scepter. The inscription above him is still well preserved, not allowing any
speculations about the identity of the character: “NABVCODNOSOR REX”.

3. Prophets Daniel, Jeremiah, Isaiah and Moses (FIG 3). The four prophets are identifiable via the
texts written in the books or phylacteries (scrolls) they carry.Their naming and order in which they
appear on the façade was subject to a great deal of discussion which will be recapitulated later.

4. The Annunciation (FIG 4). This scene represents two characters: on the left, there is Angel
Gabriel who, carrying the veil, salutes the Virgin Mary, standing on the right.
5. Tree of Jesse (FIG 5). The depiction comprises of the bust of Jesse and a tree growing from his
head, on the top of which the dove of the Holy Spirit is perched.

6. David – character sitting in profile (FIG 6). The last scene of the left part of the frieze is
presumably a depiction of David playing the harp. However, only the legs of the character are
nowadays traceable, leaving the identity of the figure uncertain. The association with David or
Sybille has been made based on the iconographical analysis that will be introduced later.

7. The Visitation (FIG 7). To the right of the central portal, there is the Visitation scene occupying
the first place of the right part of the frieze. The figure of Mary is depicted coming from Nazareth
to greet her cousin Elisabeth in Jerusalem. Two maids are also present standing behind Mary and
Elisabeth.

8. The Nativity (FIG 8). Next to the Visitation, the Nativity scene is represented with the figure of
Mary lying stretched, looking at the Christ Child in the cradle above her. Donkey and ox are also
depicted there, standing behind the cradle.

9. The Bathing of the Child (FIG 9). Two women bath the new-born Child in a kind of baptismal tub
resembling a large chalice.149

10. Joseph (FIG 10). The figure of a man is depicted sitting on a chair, his face turned to the scenes
of Nativity and Bathing. According to his expression, he seems to be absorbed in thought.
Traditionally, it is believed that the figure represents Saint Josef.150

11. Struggling or hugging characters (FIG 11). Just below this character, there is a scene with two
wrestling or hugging men which is difficult to explain in relation to the other parts of the frieze.

Among all the representations, the one of the person depicted as sitting in profile in the middle of
the frieze caused the greatest problems in interpretation (fig. 6). That was due to its missing upper
part: turned to the left, the person sits on a small seat, having the knees in the same height as are
the two branches that surmount the head of Jesse in the previous scene. There is also an
indeterminate object which rests on the person’s thighs. Unfortunately, that is all that remained
discernible from the given scene. The upper part of the figure’s body is occupied by a large
uncarved stone left by the craftsman in its original state. From the beginning of the discussions,
two main suggestions of the figure’s interpretation were proposed, i.e. Sibyl and King David.152
Jacques Chailley, for example, argued for the former by stressing the tradition of rather masculine
depictions of Sibyl, emphasizing the veil he recognized in the object on the figure’s thighs.153
Nevertheless, his idea and the way of argumentation was challenged for being too shallow, for
instance by Yves-Jean Riou, who identified the character as David.154 Today, it is generally
believed that the figure represents David, as indicated, for instance, by the shape of the object on
the figure’s knees which reminds of the harp – a musical instrument which is particularly
characteristic of David.155 In addition, many representations of David are actually similar to the
one in Poitiers, i.e. a person seated in profile, sumptuously dressed, with a harp or psaltery on his
knees, having his head bent toward the instrument.156 In contrast to the already solved issue of
the interpretation of the headless figure, the iconography of the last scene with two men situated
below Joseph remains mysterious.157 Two entwined standing figures, both dressed in short
tunics, are not possible to assert if there are fighting or hugging each other. On the other hand, it
seems that the artist tried to distinguish them by their faces: the one on the right is old, bearded
and with curly hair. His companion is, on the contrary, young, beardless and wears a headband.
Several hypotheses claim that we encounter here the union between the Old and New
Testament.158 Nonetheless, some researchers also propose the opposite: the contradiction or
conflict between the two Testaments

4. b. Iconography

Having described the visual program of the façade, it is now possible to focus on its iconography.
From the point of view of the contemporary scholars as well as the ones from the end of the
nineteenth century, the idea which bound together the different reliefs of the frieze is the
representation of the whole history of the Christian religion, from the original fault to the end of
the world.160 To put it simply, the facade illustrates the very basis of the Christian faith.161
Marie-Thérèse Camus for example believes that the incarnation is visually narrated in the frieze
with a clear message: the humanity has sinned, but God sent a Saviour to the world.162 The
chosen ones passed on this promise, like the prophets of the Old Testament, represented here by
Daniel, Jeremiah, Isaiah, Moses and even the persecutor of the Jews, king Nebuchadnezzar.163
Next, there is the woman chosen to give birth to the Saviour, Joseph’s wife Mary who descended
from the lineage of Jesse and David. As was announced to her by the Angel Gabriel, the son of God
was to become a flesh in her womb. In addition, the depiction of the Annunciation nearby the
representation of the ancestors of the Virgin could be understood as an allusion to the affiliation
between the Old and New Testament. The following scene of Visitation, thus, works as a dividing
line between the depiction of the world before the coming of the Saviour and after it. There is
Elizabeth, the first one to bear witness to Mary’s blessed motherhood, easily discernible from the
way she is depicted on the frieze: her hand resting on Mary’s belly to feel the child moving inside.
The birth of the Christ Child follows, immediately supplemented by his bathing – a story not
mentioned by the evangelists but related by an apocryphal Gospel of James. Significantly, the
women bath the new-born Child in a kind of baptismal tub resembling a large chalice, a direct
reference to baptism and the Eucharist, claims Camus. Finally, the mystery of the incarnation is
actualized in the lowest part of the façade. The scenes of the central part remind the spectator
that through his Church, i.e. the apostles and bishops – their successors, Christ is forever present
in the world. The topmost scene then offers a timeless divine vision: Christ appears in his glory,
with the four living beings surrounding his resurrected figure.

4. c. Style

Dealing with the sculpted program of the façade of Notre-Dame-la-Grande, it should be noted that
the main figures of the individual scenes on the frieze have all the same scale and their heads, as
well as their feet, are roughly aligned. Nevertheless, differences in the composition of the two
halves of the frieze are noticeable. It seems that in the left part the composition of the scenes was
dictated by the iconography: between the three narrative scenes (Adam and Eve, the prophets
and the Annunciation), isolated characters such as Nebuchadnezzar, Jesse and David are
intermittently inserted.166 On the right side, the scene of Visitation harmoniously occupies the
space allotted to it. However, after the transition has been made by the depiction of the city, the
last panels seem to have been composed for themselves, not with regard to the whole unit, simply
juxtaposed to it.167 Scholars at the beginning of the twentieth as well as the contemporary ones
agree that the analysis of the arrangement of the sculpted figures make it possible to distinguish
the hand of at least three artists there.168 To the first one belong all reliefs to the left of the
central portal, as well as the depiction of the Joseph on the right.169 The figures of the first hand
are well proportioned, represented with varied attitudes, and executed in high relief.170 A
different artist sculpted the scenes of the Visitation and the Nativity according to Porter, while
Évelyne Proust suggests him as an author of only the scene of Visitation.171 As Proust explains,
the scene fits perfectly to its location; however the sculptor seems to have been unable to
overcome the rigid symmetry of the composition or to escape from the frame of the plates
It is true that especially the scene of Visitation offers a clear contrast to the left part of the frieze –
a refined taste in representing architecture and the inclusion of used structural elements, such as
arches or columns, on one hand, and rather a “flat” way of depicting the characters, whose faces
and feet appear to be a kind of primitive, on the other.173 The remaining three scenes, Nativity,
Bathing of the Child, and the interlaced fighting/hugging characters can be attributed to a third
sculptor by Proust.174 The figures, round and chubby with rather strong noses and bulging eyes,
are carved in high relief. They appear in the scenes where the vivacity of gestures and variety of
expression plays a main role.175 According to Porter, the third artist is responsible only for the
apostles above the frieze.176 As for the stylistic sources, it is generally admitted that sculptors of
the frieze of NotreDame-la-Grande were inspired by the painted cycles found elsewhere in the
region.177 Since the whole discussion on the issues of the stylistic analysis is rather vast, I will now
only mention some of the ideas considering the analogies with the sculpted façade of the
church.178 As for the question of the region of the origin of the sculptor Anat Tcherikover evokes
Burgundy or the South France as the most plausible guesses.179 Évelyne Proust agrees on the
latter explaining that such a southern source of inspiration was taken into the debate especially
because the decoration of the facade of Angouleme cathedral.180 Nevertheless, Proust rejects
any stylistic link between the sculptures of these two facades.181 Another connection has been
suggested between the church of Poitiers and that of Cunault, which, however, concerns only the
iconography.182 Similarly, correspondences between the frieze and some of the carved figures of
the church of Saint-Nicolas in Civray have been highlighted.

René Crozet, for instance, insisted on the existence of similarities between the Annunciation of
Poitiers and the one on the facade of the church of La Villedieu-du-Clain.184 Likewise, the above-
mentioned Arthur Kingsley Porter compared the sculptures of NotreDame-la-Grande with those of
Saint-Jouin-de-Mames, specifically the scene of Annunciation, to pinpoint the common features of
both.185 Anat Tcherikover, who was also mentioned earlier, focuses rather on the scene of Adam
and Eve which, according to her, rather resembles the sculptures of Saint-Jouin.186 Tcherikover
actually revises her observations in her recent work, including in her argument also the reliefs and
niches of the facades of the church of Foussais-Payré in Vendée.187 All the comparisons finally
lead the scholar to conviction that the sculptors of the frieze of Notre-Dame-la-Grande belonged
among a group of the Poitevin artists who specialized in the enrichment of some old facades in
Poitiers, Foussais, Saint-Jouin-de-Marnes and Maillezais, as well as in the production of a new
facade of Notre-Dame-la-Carne in Parthenay.188 Évelyne Proust, however, does not follow Anat
Tcherikover, suggesting rather that the frieze of NotreDame-la-Grande bears a witness of the
capacity of the Poitevin sculpture of the period specialized mainly in the ornament (from which, a
large-scale figurative work emerged)

5. Prophets of Notre-Dame-la-Grande

The scene of four prophets, particularly their correct naming, has been subject to a great deal of
discussion; however, it most likely seems to have been solved by now. The four figures carved in
bas-relief, which appear above the arcading to the left of the main door on the west façade, were
first identified as Old Testament Prophets in 1839 by Gérasime LecointreDupont.190 The scholar
recognized the four biblical quotations inscribed in the books and scrolls which the prophets hold,
however, did not identify the individual figures by names. The prophetic inscriptions held by each
of the four figures were in this time still well visible and were, thus, transcribed by the scholar.191
Julian Durand examined the frieze few years later and as the first one pointed out the connection
between the biblical verses of the prophets and the liturgical reading for Christmas Matins, taken
directly from the Pseudo-Augustinian Sermon Against Jews, Pagans, and Arians. 192 In his work,
the scholar describes each statue of the façade from north to south, that is from top to bottom,
and from left to right.193 Proceeding from the above-mentioned transcription and using the text
of the sermon, Durand correctly linked the biblical verses with the proper prophet and identified
them as Moses, Jeremiah, Isaiah and Daniel. However, since he did not attempt to name them in
the order in which they appear in the Pseudo-Augustinian Sermon (Isaiah—Jeremiah—Daniel—
Moses), his suggested order of the prophets as they appear on the façade was wrong.194
Consequently, French scholar Emile Mâle, for example, adopted Durand’s wrong ordering and
believed that the figures of the prophets were inspired by a liturgical drama analogous to the Play
of Adam. 195 Claiming that the frieze ‒ e. g. the depiction of the figures of prophets ‒ was inspired
by the general impression made by the sermon (rather than by the specific reading or drama),
American scholar Arthur Kingsley Porter as a first one ordered those four prophets differently:
Daniel, Moses, Jeremiah and Isaiah.196 In 1966, Jacques Chailley suggested yet another
identification based on the comparison of the physical appearance of each prophet on the facade
with the particular rubrics.197. Those were found in three different plays: Ordo Prophetarum from
Laon (thirteenth century), Ordo Prophetarum from Rouen (fourteenth century) and the Play of
Adam (twelfth century).198 Nevertheless, his identification of the prophets as Daniel, Isaiah,
Moses and Jeremiah respectively actually contradicts the contents of the inscriptions held by each
prophet; thus, his idea was finally rejected.199 In an attempt to solve the problem of the
identification of the prophets on the frieze, John Phillip Colletta published a paper called “The
Prophets of Notre-Dame-la-Grande at Poitiers: A Definitive Identification”.200 Colletta has proved
in it that using the PseudoAugustinian Sermon as a point of departure, it is possible to identify the
prophets without a doubt: “For the prophecy found on the first scroll (CUM VENERIT SANCTUS
SANCTORUM) is the one recited by Daniel in all ORDINES PROPHETARUM readings derived from
the pseudo-Augustinian sermon; the prophecy on the first book (POST HAEC IN TERRIS VISUS EST
ET CUM HOMINIBUS CONVERSATUS EST) is always recited by Jeremiah; the prophecy on the
second book (EGREDIETUR VIRGA DE RADICE JESSE, ET FLOS DE RADICE EJUS ASCENDET) is always
recited by Isaiah; and the prophecy on the second scroll (PROPHETAM DABIT VOBIS DE FRATRIBUS
VESTRIS ET NON ESTIMA) is always recited by Moses in liturgical dramas based on the ORDO
PROPHETARUM, although not in the readings or the original sermon.” 201 Significantly, the order
of the prophets suggested by Colletta ‒ from left to right as Daniel, Jeremiah, Isaiah and Moses
respectively – has not been challenged until today.

5. a. Other representations of prophets

As is obvious from the text above, the depiction of the four prophets holding the scrolls is the one
which evoked the idea that a particular sermon inspired the frieze of Notre-Dame-laGrande.
Focusing on theme, we might mention other examples of its depiction. More than a century ago,
the already mentioned scholar Julian Durand investigated several series of sculpted figures of
prophets holding inscribed scrolls that appear on Romanesque facades.202 Among his examples
was the facade of Notre-Dame-la-Grande of course, but also many others, such as the cathedral in
Verona (1139).203 Similarly, Arthur Kingsley Porter also investigated those monuments at the
beginning of the twentieth century, suggesting that the texts which appear on the scrolls of the
prophets represent an influence of the Pseudo-Augustinian Sermon. 204 To support this idea,
Porter mentions the sculptures by Guglielmo on the façade of the cathedral in Cremona
(Lombardy), as well as other examples, such as the facades of cathedrals in Ferrara (1135) or
Verona.205 Porter actually gives a whole list of different objects to demonstrate that the motive of
prophets with scrolls where quotations from their prophecies are inscribed might be traced back
as early as the fourth century; however, the type of inscriptions changed over the time: “These
scrolls at first contained texts from their prophecies; but about the end of the XI century
preference came often to be given to the texts cited in the pseudo-Augustine sermon, and even
quotations from the sermon came to be substituted for the scriptures.”206 Nevertheless, to
demonstrate that the relation between a text, be it a sermon or a piece of liturgical drama, and an
artistic object or a visual image is not so straightforward as Porter and Durand make us believe, I
will stop now to examine shortly the example of the cathedral in Verona which has been subject to
a similar discussion.207 Twelve figures sheltered by the cathedral porch are depicted on the
facade, six on each side of the central portal. Ten of them represent the Old Testament prophets,
holding scrolls bearing utterances that make it possible to identify them with certainty. From the
left, they are: Malachi, David, Jeremiah, Isaiah and Daniel, Habakkuk, Haggai, Zechariah, Micah and
Joel. In fact, only four of the prophets, i.e. Jeremiah, Daniel, Habakkuk and Isaiah, hold scrolls with
inscriptions related to Pseudo- Augustinian Sermon against Jews, the source of the liturgical play
Ordo Prophetarum, as was stated above. Dorothy F. Glass, who focuses on the representations of
Ordo Prophetarum on the sculpted monuments in Italy, claims that the claims that the façade of
Verona was inspired by the liturgical play based on the representation of prophets is a rather
anachronistic approach.208 Specifically, the author explains that the case of Verona is the one “in
which the rather rigid evolution from antiphon to lection to drama, asserted by such early scholars
of medieval drama as Karl Young, has not taken place.”209 As Glass explains, the seasonal liturgy
is the central focus of the iconographic program of the façade of the cathedral in Verona and,
therefore, suggests the continuous influence of the liturgy on the architecture even after the Ordo
Prophetarum had come into existence.210 The example of Verona is actually used by Dorothy F.
Glass as a warning against “easy or monolithic solutions, especially those whose origins lie in the
chauvinism of early French scholarship on medieval art.”211 Adding that not even one text of the
Ordo Prophetarum is actually extant in Italy, the scholar thus criticizes the antiquated notions of
the inflexible relationship between text and image. Glass admits that even if a great deal of new
observations can be made based on a close study of both dramatic texts and their rubrics in
relation to the visual appearances of religious architecture, approaches emphasizing the visual
analysis must also be employed: “It is, then, precisely this multifaceted approach, respectful of
textual transmission, literacy, orality, performance and audience that will lead us toward a deeper
understanding of the complex relationships among medieval liturgy, medieval drama, and the
visual arts.”212 Having agreed with the thoughts of Dorothy F. Glass, while dealing with a piece of
art which bears the textual reference to a live performance, it is in my opinion important to ask
where this action took place and what is its relationship to the so-called “frieze of the incarnation”
in Poitiers. In addition, while dealing with the frieze, it seems to be adequate to consider also the
pieces of liturgical drama focused on testifying Christ’s incarnation, even though the frieze,
especially its second part, does not witness the textual references directly. The following chapter
deals with this relationship more closely.

6. Liturgical drama

Dealing with the correspondence between the facade of Notre-Dame-la-Grande and liturgical
drama, it should be mentioned first that no script of any liturgical drama was found in the library
of this church.213 Thus, the discussion about such topic might seem to be unnecessary. However,
as for instance Dorothy F. Glass demonstrates, the viewer does not necessarily need to have
knowledge of a specific liturgical text to understand “the inherent drama of the liturgy.”
Specifically, Glass analyses the examples of sculpted or painted depictions of liturgical rites and
ceremonies to prove that the situation when an “aspect of a performance of liturgical drama
would capture the imagination of a medieval sculptor is not an unusual notion.” Thus, speaking of
traces of liturgical drama on the frieze of the facade of Notre-Damela-Grande it is possible to
assume the correlation between the text and the decoration even though no particular play was
actually proved to be performed there. Despite this fact, the iconographic analyses of its frieze are
traditionally targeted at its relation to the PseudoAugustinian Sermon, wrongly attributed to St.
Augustine at first and later assigned to Quodvultdeus. The main proof for this claim is, to put it
simply, that the depiction of the four prophets holding scrolls or books with inscriptions on the
frieze, which was understood as a direct quotation of the sermon.

6. a. Textual sources Written in the form of a dialogue, the Pseudo-Augustinian Sermon against
Jews, pagans, and Arians enjoyed such popularity in the Middle Ages that it was incorporated to
the liturgy as its regular part.219 Its theme is the confutation of the Jews by their own prophets:
character after character is interrogated by an undefined inquirer, and answers according to their
role in Old and New Testament.220 Apparently, the sermon was already rather dramatic when
incorporated in the ritual of the Church. The chosen parts were most likely read by the members
of the clergy and one can imagine that costumes might have been easily added to its performance
during the Mass, as was the case with the performance of e.g. Visitatio Sepulchri. At some point,
the sermon was re-written into a dramatic form, the dialogue being put into rhyme, and the drama
Ordo Prophetarum emerged.221 Here, several characters, especially from the Old Testament (but
not exclusively) are called to come to the “stage” and utter their respective prophecies: first comes
Isaiah, then Jeremiah, next is Daniel, then Simeon, Zacharias and Elizabeth.222 Thereafter, the
scene of the Visitation is mentioned where Elizabeth appears again, and John the Baptist is also
introduced. As a next one comes Virgil and the king Nebuchadnezzar.223 The last person to be
inquired is Sibyl.224 Since all the known versions of the Ordo Prophetarum were collected and
critically edited, it is possible – based on these findings ‒ to indicate its oldest version, a trope
from the Abbey Saint-Martial at Limoges,225 a monastery which is situated near Poitiers. The text
shows many similarities with the frieze: in particular, the words said by Isaiah are the same as
those inscribed on the facade of Notre-Dame-la-Grande, whereas they were different in the
sermon.226 On the other hand, this manuscript is a little earlier than the Notre-Dame facade
according to Marius Sepet, who dates it to the end of the eleventh century.227 Later, in general,
the Ordo Prophetarum was incorporated into the Play of Adam, of which it constitutes the
epilogue after the scene of the original sin and of the murder of Abel by Cain.228 Thus, similarly as
on the frieze of Notre-Dame, the scene of Adam and Eve precedes there the depiction of the
prophets. The version of the play to be found nearby the city of Poitiers could be the same as the
one from a manuscript of Tours, dating to the beginning of the twelfth century.

Thus, the dramatic reference of the frieze seems to be twofold and since the Ordo and the Play of
Adam are interconnected, there can be no certainty, neither a general agreement, about which
play is actually depicted on the frieze (if any).230 What strongly distinguishes these two liturgical
dramas is the way of their staging: it is believed that the Play of Adam used to be performed
outside the church, while the Play of Prophets was always performed inside the choir area.231
Specifically, the first part of the Anglo-Norman Adam was probably acted even in front of a church
with the exterior façade as its background, where the main action occurred between two extreme
poles: terrestrial paradise and hell.232 After the scenes of the original sin and the murder of Abel,
the parade of prophets – an incorporated Play of Prophets let’s say – probably followed. As for the
Play of Adam, it is characteristic by its strong attachment to the church not only through its use of
the building itself (i.e. its architecture and church properties, such as candles for instance), but
also “through its incorporation of liturgical lectiones and responsoria, and through its adaptation
and translation of a liturgical Ordo Prophetarum […].” 233 The facade of Notre-Dame-la-Grande
would thus represent a particularly interesting example of a placing of the audience before a
structure similar to “scaenae frons”, structure attached to the back of a theatre stage in Ancient
Rome

7. Function: façade as a stage?

Accepting the idea that the Ordo Prophetarum could have been performed in the eastern choir of
Notre-Dame-la-Grande, it is possible to go back to the facade of the church itself to consider its
dramatic aspects and possibly relate its parts to particular motives of the Ordo. Because each of
the large number of characters in the Ordo was given only a short piece of action framed by a brief
appearance on the stage, it seems correct to presume that the figures needed to be immediately
distinguishable from each other.262 Biblical records and church custom suggested the necessary
attributes of each person, their respective clothes, and hand properties used during the stage
action. Here are listed, as an example, the characteristics of some of the prophets as indicated by
the rubrics from Rouen and Laon versions of the Ordo as transcribed by Dunbar H. Ogden: Isaiah.
Laon: “barbatus, dalmatica indutus, stola rubea per medium uerticis ante et retro depedens.”
Rouen: “barbatus, alba indutus, per mediam frontem rubea stola discrinitus.” The Laon version has
the prophet with a beard and wearing a dalmatic with a red stole across his head, hanging down in
the front and back. At Rouen he is without long hair and wears a red stole across his forehead.
Jeremiah. Laon: “similiter, absque stola.” Rouen: “sacerdotali habitu ornatus et barbatus tenens
rotulum.” The Laon play does not mention the scroll. Daniel. Laon: “adolescens, ueste splendida
indutus.” Rouen: “indutus uiridi tunica, iuuenilem uultum habens, tenens spicam.” “Youth” is
defined at Rouen in terms of a green tunicle, which color has not appeared before, and he is
holding an ear or spike of grain. It is interesting to note that fourteenth- and fifteenth-century
texts of the Visitatio from Rouen mention the angel before the sepulchre “et tenens spicam in
manu.” Moses. Laon: “cum dalmatica, barbatus, tabulas legis ferens.” Rouen: “tenens tabulas legis
apertas, indutus alba et cappa, et cornuta facie, barbatus, tenens uirgam in manu.” At Rouen he is
also bearded, carries the Tables of the Law, and instead of a dalmatic he wears an alb and a cope.
He carries a rod, and the rubric uses the same expression as the Vulgate (Exodus 34:29-30):
“cornuta facie,” which has been traditionally accepted as “having horns,” as well as a radiant
countenance. The Hebrew words seem to be ambiguous, and modern scholarship has accepted
this as meaning “beams.” However, here he has some sort of horns.263 As the discussion so far
reveals, it is in my opinion possible to suggest that performances of the Ordo Prophetarum play, or
any other of this kind such as the Play of Adam, took place in the church of Notre-Dame-la-Grande.
If the surmise is right, the processional character of the play requiring one central staging area
indicates one particular part of the church as its hypothetical stage –the choir area.264 Thus, if the
play was performed there, a direct link was created between the text and the visual program of
the fresco. A question follows, what was then the function of the western façade in relation to
liturgical drama (if there was any at all), if it was not to be taken into the staging of the plays
directly? As obvious from the quotation above, the characteristics of the individual prophets were
quite varied. Therefore, in my opinion, the depiction of the prophets on the facade with their
characteristic items could serve as a kind of tool for the lay people to remember the characters.
The purpose of the frieze would, thus, be to present, to remind and to consolidate the characters
of the individual figures in the spectator’s/visitor’s mind.

Conclusion

The aim of this thesis was to examine the possible relation between the static object – the
sculpted frieze of the western façade of the church of Notre-Dame-la-Grande in Poitiers ‒ and live,
dramatic (liturgical) action. Specifically, the frieze was analysed in relation to its possible
references to a concrete action, production of liturgical drama it might have witnessed. After the
current state of research concerning the defined topic was given as well as the literature dealing
with the church as such, general information about the object were related. Dealing with one part
of the church, it was firstly necessary to present the whole building, its history and architectonical
form. Thereafter, the attention was paid directly to the western façade: its appearance,
restoration works and finally its iconography. Only then it was possible to focus on the textual
references of the frieze, the Pseudo-Augustinian Sermon Against Jews, Pagans and Arians, and
liturgical plays that developed from it. Considering the collected information and arguments
established by the rather long research tradition, I allowed myself to claim that the iconography of
the frieze, especially its left part, was inspired by the sermon and presumably also by the Play of
Prophets. 265 Thus, my intention then was to ascertain where productions of the plays might have
taken place and how was this place related to the façade. As explained in the previous chapters,
the sermon, as well as its extension into the liturgical drama, was presumably performed in the
east choir of the church. The question was, consequently, asked to the extent of how the staging
area was related to the frieze on the western façade. The presented idea is that the facade might
be understood as a kind of tool to remember the individual characters of the play/sermon, which
are depicted on the frieze with its characteristic items. Comparing the frieze to a kind of
“advertising space”, it seems to attempt at presenting, reminding of and consolidating the images
of the individual characters of the drama performed inside the church in the minds of its
(potential) spectators. The specific position of liturgical drama in this period, i.e. the beginning of
the twelfth century, is noteworthy, as it was at that time inseparable from the ritual of the liturgy
and completely different from what can be understood as a “drama” today. To support this notion,
Willibald Sauerländer could be mentioned who interprets the large decorated Romanesque
façades as a kind of “stone posters” through which the churches of the twelfth century proclaimed
its dogmas.266 Presumably, in the case of Notre-Dame-laGrande, the frieze played an essential
role of a very similar function. Placed at a low height, the series of images was immediately
accessible to the faithful ready to enter the church, but also to the passers-by. In addition, the
façade could also serve as supportive background for the various sermons that were doubtless
often declamated in the forecourt.267 As Herbert L. Kessler explains, the porticoes and facades of
the church worked as a transition between the material and spiritual worlds, which was
accomplished at the time when the faithful entered the church. Through their form and imagery,
those architectonical elements stressed their own liminality, for instance “by ‘advertising’ the
presence of relics inside and the relationship between this church and the church in heaven
above.”268 On account of the above-given suggestions, it is also important to consider the actual
location of the church in the urban landscape and the social, economic, and cultural whereabouts
thereof . The church of Notre-Dame-la-Grande occupies a prominent place in the heart of the city
of Poitiers. The Saturday weekly market used to be held in front of the church’s western façade
(stands and stalls became later attached to its southern wall) and the city and court officials made
public announcements there.269 The square in front of the church also served as an access to the
palace, the residence of the Counts of Poitou and the seat of the royal administration of the whole
province. 270 It seems, thus, probable that the decision to depict the scenes from liturgical drama
on the frieze of Notre-Dame-la-Grande could have expected such a large public. To conclude,
there is no certainty how the façade actually worked in relation to liturgical drama or if any
liturgical play was ever staged anywhere near the frieze. Nevertheless, it is in my opinion proper to
be aware of the fact that medieval art operated in a phenomenal reality.271 As Kessler explains, it
was “used for instruction and preaching, served devotional practices, contributed to the physical
and emotional spectacles enacted in the church liturgy and court ceremonies, participated in civic
processions, and was a goal and attestation of pilgrimage.”272 I believe, therefore, worth it to
consider also the performative context, or the live action that might once have been connected to
it, while studying any piece of art. In case of the frieze of Notre-Dame-la-Grande, even a
production of liturgical drama performed far away from the object related to it could influence, or
even form, its meaning.