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    SYMBOL & | STRUCTURE BRIAN BRACE TAYLOR q a SYMBOL & STRUCTURE Reading Indian architecture in the second half of the twentieth century, that is, since India attained independence from British colonial rule in 1947, is as complex a task as it is a rewarding one, It entails decoding and comprehending rich and diverse cultures ina society which is nonetheless highly conservative and bureaucratic, Although the economy is still rural-based, the growth of Indian cities ~as in other cities in the developing world — has been phenomenal and has been accompanied by all the contradictions and conflicts to be found ina rigidly new urban immigrants must share the same space. ‘As one might expect in a country with very ancient turban traditions in both the Indus and Ganges river valleys, the forms of architectural expression found there and in newer cities like Madras or Jaipur involve accumulated yet diverse cultural overlays, Hindu, Buddhist, Christian, Muslim or Sikh, or a combination of these influences. However, the advent of industrial capitalism in India in the last 150 years has added new dimensions and new pressures from abroad, particularly within the hierarchical, class-ridden society where urbanized societies. The pressure to modernize all aspects of this very disparate and yet profoundly ‘conservative society has accelerated since the British government relinquished its political hold. Modernization has meant a number of things in this new nation-state, It has entailed national policy decisions to import from the West goods, expertise and professional services, even in the realm of culture, of which architecture is most certainly a part, American, German, British and even Polish architects were invited to participate in major projects. Most significantly, the world famous French architect, Le Corbusier, was called upon within the first five ‘years of independence, to conceive an entirely new adiministrative city in the Punjab, Chandigarh, as a symbol of India’s political and cultural progressiveness. His theories, but especially his buildings, there and in the city of Ahmedabad, exercised a tremendous influence upon a young generation of professional architects just beginning, their studies or going into practice. Raj Rewal, born in 1934, was among those who first encountered the application of advanced Western. 10 4 theories of urban planning and building, technologies in their country, and have confronted, questioned, assimilated or even rejected such modernization in the context of traditional Indian cultures. However, Rewal, like his slightly older compatriots Charles Correa, Anant Raje, Achyut Kandvinde and B.Y. Doshi, and his contemporaries such as Ranjit Sabikkhi, Uttam Jain and Satish Grover, is one of a group of professionals who have either been educated or have worked abroad (or both) and who have therefore come to take a critical look atthe issues of Indian modernization and Indian traditions, with Asin most expanding th metropolies, New I shanty towns consist built shelters employing ‘materials are aaa Development Aud usualy stil beyond the resources &f the RS SS eee SYMBOL & STRUCTURE Reading Indian architecture in the second half of the wentieth century, thats, since India attained independence from British colonial rule in 1947, is as complex a task as its a rewarding one. It entails decoding and comprehending rich and diverse ccalturcs ina society which is nonetheless highly ‘conservative and bureaucratic. Although the economy is still ruraltbased, the growth of Indian ities ~25 in other cities inthe developing world~ thas been phenomenal and has been accompanied by all the contradictions and conflicts to be found ina rigidly hierarchical, elass-ridden society where ‘new urban immigrants must share the same space. ‘As one might expect in a country with very ancient ‘urban traditions in both the Indus and Ganges river valleys, the forms of architectural expression found there and in newer cities like Madras or iput, Snwolve accumulated yet diverse cultural overlays; Hindu, Buddhist, Christian, Muslim or Sikh, or a ‘combination of these influences. However, the ‘advent of industrial capitalism in India in the last 150 years has added new dimensions and new pressures from abroad, particularly within the terbanized societies. The pressure to modernize all aspects of this very disparate and yet profoundly conservative society has accelerated since the British government relinquished its political hol. Modernization has meant a number of things in this new nation-state. It has entailed ational policy decisions to import from the West goods, expertise and professional Services, even in the realm of culture, of which architecture is most certainly a part. American, German, British and even Polish architects were eeited to participate in major projects. Most Significantly, the world famous French architect, Le Coebusicr, was called upon within the first five years of independence, to conceive an entirely new administrative ity in the Punjab, Chandigarh, as a symbol of India’s political and cultural progressivencss. His theories, but especially his buildings, there and in the city of Ahmedabad, exercised 2 tremendous influence upon a young generation of professional architects just beginning. their studies or going into practice. Raj Rewal, ‘born in 1934, was among those who first encountered the application of advanced Western 10 e sheories of urban planning and building technologies in their country, and have confronted, questioned, assimilated or even rejected such ‘modernization in the context of traditional Indian, cultures, However, Rewal, like his slightly older compatsiots Charles Correa, Anant Raje, Achyut Kandvinde and B.V. Doshi, and his contemporaries such as Ranjit Sabikhi, Uteam Jain and Satish Grover, is one of a group of professionals who have cither been educated or have worked abroad (er both) and who have therefore come to take a critical look atthe issues of Indian modernization and Indian traditions, with Asin most expanding third world etrpolises, New Delhi has shanty towns consisting of elf Inui selters employing whatever materials are available. Housing institutions such asthe Delhi Development Authority are cual ull beyond the nancial resources of the people living here. rt multiplet housing by os for Indian staff of the i Emibssy, and incorporated tional building materials cred brick, Influonced et (te 1960s) by Le vier’ and Louis Kahw’s use Rew and his Idiom porariesdezigned such ¢ very much in the same informed awareness that an appropriate combination of the ewo must be found for contemporary India. The work of Raj Rewal is permeated by a sense of history, both Western and Indian. Its no wonder, therefore, that his experience of the divergences within modern culture and modern society in the West has rendered his role asa practising architect in his own ‘country all the more complex given that modern India is experiencing a rapture similar to the West ANEMAIRCAL METHOD ‘This rupture has 2s much to do with the Indian architect’ function in society as it does with the ctalural significance of the product itself (i.e. the buildings). Specialization is one very clear manifestation in modern times of the widening gulf between culture and society, both in the East and in the West. Whae the German philosopher Jorgen Habermas noted some years ago about ‘cultural modernization, is also relevant in trying to locate Rewal’ architecture in its own contemporary context: There appear the structures of cagitive- instrumental, moraleprectical, and of aestietic- expressive rationality, each of these under the control of specialists who seem more adept at being logical in these particular ways than other people are. As a result, the distance has grown between the cultve of the experts and that of the larger public." Raj Rewal has struggled against the ‘marginalization of the architect by the bureaucracy in Indian society each time the oceasion arose, and particularly in the public commissions whieh he received, often through his suecess in design competitions.” In public projects, architects have been given the right to conceive buildings but not to supervise their construction (which was delegated to civil service engineers): this is now, thanks to his own efforts, geadually changing. In Rewal’ private commissions and in some of his semi-public projects, he has worked closely with contractor-builders and erafismen to develop innovative solutions, in exterior finishes, for ‘example; and hie has participated atthe level of| programming with individual members of co- SYMBOL & STRUCTURE ‘operative housing societies (such as Zakir Hussein) in defining their needs, However, in India, asin ‘other parts of the world, the architect is frequently ‘ast in the role of Swindow-dresser’, a designer of facades. [tis one of the apparent paradoxes in Raj Rewal’s career that he must continually face a universal trend towards greater specialization of roles, of seeregation from cecision-makii powers, of the increasing cultural autonomy of the profession from society; yet his major works continuse to be for public (or semi-public) institutions in search of symbols of social progress. Looking atthe first side ofthis paradox, that is to say at Raj Rewal’ role in Indian society, one perceives that his production is not based upon a theory. The buildings reflec a highly empirical approach, whether applied to designing mass housing, offices, or scientific institutions, oF to compiling data on ancient monuments, ‘There is no ideological foundation to his architecture which, could be seen to be bridging the gulf between culture and mass society. rom the very first period of his professional life (roughly from 1962, when he returned to India, «0 1972), Rewal revealed a dual concern, fora building’ expressiveness by means of its structure, and for incorporating historical precedents into urban design. Yet, despite his exposure to European ideas and movements of the late 1950 andearly 19605, the two were not related £0 one another theoretically, except in his mass housing schemes. In this initial period, while teaching at the Delhi School of Architecture, he undertook a number of studies of traditional urban dwelling types and the urban fabric (morphologies) they engendered, most notably in che cities of Rajasthan stich as Jaisalmer and Jaipur. The notions of type and mode! (as applied by intellectuals and architects in France and Italy, for example) had serong ideological (particularly Marxist) implications elsewhere, whereas in the Indian context they did nnot.* Raj Rewal’s first muleiple-unit housing. project, built for the French Embassy staf? (1967-69) is indicative of his links to Western European modernist traditions in housing as well 5 a sensitivity to local climate and lifestyles (e.g closed-in terraces, interior courtyards). 1" in print saiay aurea plot vce a eA feng i ese setrpane peice SRSA URI eEOeTES GSAS [pee Aare pea saa ee Siete ar sons ag se Pra com pip dag eaten wma pu eng ‘loans snore Aerronz¥s) exo opt Tosiniphe Cpr ETO aE scp taro ha poe) pe a nity yo stone a4 snd pa sues urge joe on peau ou! papa dary sted] ay segs pr ead Si ase even epee eee SCL SRSA EES A] onan bape are rena aye tiga eee Tape Gra ese po poon omen au pas su aan oa ns 0961 Sze pu Nisr299 ap jo esr pep) See Scan sah cage aifesiapesed potatos resort em suman yo suru feet ue oy ccs fe pal eS ey capi paacieroy wap grag aor qateaoudn 30 popedaay dear wo open ae perona somes jn sah of aja Se ganar ays Ganeny ier Sitesi seus meera warp 9 errapael agnor ayo TeBhOH SaasaByc paICaMNR pee ponadus Se oye sepneg a4, sy se pe so eaatopaad ae asset oo ima weg oa fo le iia espe opp sg Se ssoioud yo yo soquatsj puto ut swore nether w)arielag iarsugee igen fac en ep darunor nies marae stoned Suryeus-uossionp troy woRedaues Jo 'S2]or [iain eae pues py an ee eae re care coer fey wrsoopesed sede 9 s00 So] See Eat mip ampuegeasan tes AQanbote sinaee Sey Por apo mond oe rire tp song) pou sep SAAD (uss ages os azn Seay eed =a amas TOHNAS 09 jo sioquiow yenpraspun tats Sunumuteasoud 0 a2] oma ze paredonsed sey ay pur ‘ajdcuexa 40} ‘SoySTTY ZoUID:x9 ur “suOMNos aALnesOUUL dojaaop 01 ustusyess pu si9pying-zosesau09 pen Kppsop9 payor sey 2y “spofoad ongnd-taos sy 30 thos om poe suoyssyurtton venta genoy Up Suueyp dqjenpers ‘saxo ua sy om sxe ‘ou st siya i(ss30Un Sud a94ai9s [LAP 03 pareBaqap seat pry) HoHOeunsuoD atorp astazadns oF you ing sumpying aaraot09 08 sys ag uonKS H20q, ary spanpze ‘sisoford aygnd uy z"suonmad.os UuBisop UY ssa2aN8 st efsinouy Hoyo ~pa4T9993 24 yom suorssqumuos aygnd ayp ay ApsE|NoEIed ur “ss0x8 uorseao0 ayy aura ypeo {2o:90s ueEpUy Soesoneaing ayy £4 sozarypze ayp Jo uorseexeuSaeur oop sree papisinnae sey peaing Seay a Pgeds2B0y ayy fi yoy pw susadss amp Baum oy woos uaa sey aucisyp aye iat Dy ‘aun ajdood snyyo wor soon soprorsand 3504p 1 y22180p Bisa po adap anos was oy sasyoyssds so aus ay xapun asoyy 6 yea Lnjouonesaarseauds nays fo pu “yoopead-peueun‘yeyomnest, sands fo sounsonus ayy svodd soy. ** axanuon Kreiodurayues lumo sar ur aumpaanyae §eainy 22230} 09 Supdan ws auesops ospe st uoneztusopout pesnsyn> nog? 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CGOHLSW TORT NE soqy atp 02 sens gamadn e SusuaLzadxa st eHPU tuzepottr wey aati xopduro> azows ayp ype AazINOD sty ut sosanypae Sunsnead & se 2f03 st pazapuos sea 259g) 242 Ut Aas1d0s waDpott pu aT] tuxopour urgagas s9ousuaarp xp so aouatiodxa Ste eqn ‘sa0}ou9qp “9puON CU S12] “UEIPL pure uaaisag, Y20q “Cs0rsty Jo asus we Aq pareawtaod st yeoman] feq yo 3058 34.1, “eEpuy Aarxodacoati09 20} puny 2q asnt om at Jo woHeUIGUIOD saetadosdde ur wip ssauareave pousoyut yy ut yom Lexa Sas ips poul}iop ursoduoee ypu sm pu oy "9pUgs mag pe] pu 521 ae 974g (50961 20) 282 sw parang "9009 9243 1p sour ping perpen pa sapuoua anand 200) pesruodinuy pu soguey ae oy fie won sy 29 19.02 (gBens suns dige saf 2, SYMBOL & STRUCTURE A derail of passageway in Rew: Sheikh Sarei mast fonsing comple illustrates the anchtet’searlies), and perhaps most sueceafal acm: to edapt the morphology of od iowns ito a ‘contemporary equivalent Notwithstanding the relatively high standard of accommodation forthe inhabitants, these first wellings contained no structural innovations of rote: nor could they reflect the architect’ studies of traditional urhan fabrics. The Embassy housing has strong similarities with the work of Rewal’ Indian "mporaries, such as The Design Group, Anant wear (1970) does one sdies of ancient cities like er. + urban morphology of streets, passages, courtyards, etc. sposed into a contemporary project, that of : Sheikh Sarai in New Delhi. Co impart to these buildings a asa, an flavour ox poetic mood” which characterizes ancient masterpieces of Indian architecture. (See Rewal’ essay, page 34). Is this the ‘equivalent of the ‘aura’ of traditional art in the West, “surrounded by a ritually induced aura that distanced it from everyday life"? about which 18 Walter Benjamin wrote? The connotations of Raj Rewals discourse on rasa combined with rationalism, when read and seen in the context of his buile work, are intellectually perilous: without sufficient attention, one can easly cross that fine line that separates inspired transformation of historical references, into something entirely nw from historicism the use of history for a pre- determined purpose. A danger is that the bureaucratic élite who have been commissioning itch of Rewal’s most recent buildings should become enamoured of a particular style, oF ‘monumental ‘look’. Inthe hands of other, less talented architects than Rewal, the sandstone and concrete, the references to historical spaces and building typologies could devolve into a superficial language. ‘As was suggested earlier, the contemporary architecture of India lends itself to multiple “readings. This is true even within the built work of a single architect, where the overlays of ‘intentions and juxtaposition of images may indeed be confusing. Rewal’s position as a practising architect within the system appears paradoxical, in that he has specialized in producing superior quality models for mass housing and institutional buildings. Apart from several individual private residences, he has not designed factories, hotels, or religious edifices. He has created spaces of ‘impressive beauty and power, both in individual buildings, such as the CIET or the early Nehru Pavilion, and in fragments of urban fabric such a8 the NU complex. Moreover, on the technical side of the building processes as they exist in India today, Rewal is eminently experienced, pragmatic, inventive, Yet the problem remains, and is shared by a majority of architects, that che distance between them and the rest of society, between their specialized culture and that of a bureaucratized society or of conservative rural society, is increasingly difficult to bridge. Only radical change in the social and economic structures of ‘modern India will allow the cultural messages found in the work of Raj Rewal and his contemporaries to be heard and understood. Only then can onc hope to sce re-established an identity of social and cultural valus. Notes 1 Jay, Martin "Habermas and “Modernist Henna’ and [Modemity, RJ. Bernstein ed MIT Press, 1985, p. 127 2 Rwal’ first winning design jn a major competition was the Bazaar Bhikaji Cama in [New Delhi in 1966. His most recent comission from 2 competition is the extension to the Indian Parliament building in New Delhi (1990) Examples such as Ilan architect Aldo Rossi’ publication The Architecrure {the City (1966) provided 2 ‘model approach for many studies in France and dlsewbere 4 Daniel Treiber develops in Bis ‘essay Un regionalism dps _grand nombre (p. 24) the parallels herween the approaches of Rewal and ‘members of Team Ten such 3 Candilis, Woods, and vas Eyck. In particular, he notes similarities between Reveal’ “segments of the Asian (Games Village and the Semiramis-type layout for Moroccan housing by Candis, Josic, and Woods 5 Sen, Geet, ‘Raj Reval: Architect Extraordinary Inside Outside, Aug. 1979, Bombay, p. 9. Curtis, WIR, “Modern Architect: Indian Roots Architecure & Design vel. 5 no. 3, March 1989, p44 6 Lall, Ashok, “Trade Fair Exhibition Halle, Architecne & Design, July-August 1585, pas. 7 Arends, Hannah, ed Tiniminatons, “The Work of Arvin the Age of Mechanic Reproduction’, Collins, London, 1973, p. 219-255, An old miniatre painting depicting tadiional roof terraces ie Rajastho TRADITION & CHANGE ROMILA THAPAR then from a study ofits simplest forms that the sendy of Indian architecture ought to begin for itis hy a sepettuon of those thatthe late forms are evolved.” AK. Coomaraswamy Societies have many pasts and each generation hooses the past on which it wishes to draw. Eeevssbly, the choice is conditioned by present seeds. The past therefore no longer remains that of single society or culture but is intertwined with she many manifestations ofc sdcas. The diversity of the architectural past in Beds is mind-boggling, for it encompasses ssamsally every form of major significance nurtured sesthin India or introduced from outside: courtyard Sbocies of the early Indus settlements; tumuli associated with Buddhist sites surrounded by scaipted mailings; barrel-vaulted roofs on houses eich wooden beams; stone temples and royal palzccs with corbelled arches and many-pillared [balls am infinity of truc arches and domes from central Asis and Persia; the neo-classicism of the Brith eighteenth century; the Greco-Roman sera of Europe: Gothic frontages and Baroque the experiments with Modernism — all ofthem are to be seen in India; not just as scestanding structures, but rather as c curvature of Indian life, et activities and forms represent a greater in most architectual expressions of ce of disjunctures? al purpose. One has to do ncerned with the effect of yy of sun and shade, and ng materials. The other is s. of political power, of identity, Many assified Indian in terms of religion its structural, onal purpose and social statement can shift in either direction, and the move towards functional purpose today adds to this perspective fon past forms. A.contemporary Indian architect could happily turn to the past and produce a pastiche from. surviving monuments: the kind of forms which ‘come to mind in so many elements of New Delhi, or worse, the Public Works Department style of post-independence India, with its plethora of Ajanta arches et al. But the historical context has to be observed more eclecticaly Religious monuments have tended to survive for the obvious reason that they were intended to, and were therefore built of more lasting materials. Yet iff we speak of a traditional architecture then it has also to include forms of domestic architecture. ‘These can be, in a sense, inferred traditions, since the basic structures would have been part of a continuum of building, even if examples have not survived today. Domestic architecture in whatever form provides deeper social insights and is expressive of funetional needs. Horizontal excavations can provide clues to formal structures. What immediately comes to tind are the ground plans of houses and segments of cities such as at Moenjo-daro and Harappa, or later at Taxila. Sculptured panels at Buddhist sites or the miniature paintings that illustrated books at a later period, provide vignettes of townscapes and, occasionally, village dwellings. View of the city of Jassie A courtyard of twadivional house, in aia Asian Game New Dethi by Raj Rewel Indian towns, aver time, were characterized by the other, with balconies overlook courtyards providing public space within the house, ands another set ha scatter of terraces permitting yet activities. Houses had both publi and private space; yee in many ways this space from that in the changing towns of whether this community, which in contemporary life is inevitably being fractured, can be reconstituted in some form. Perhaps the clan of the village — which » ated into caste — wi now emerge as the d removal ofa sense of community brings about alienation, Can architectural forms provide reinvigorated notion of a sense of community? Ra Rewal has sought an answer to this question in his plan and construction of the Asian Games Vill This incorporates 500 housing units of varying sizes aimied at integrating the inhabitants in egree of community living. The comparisons which he makes with village clusters in complexes of places such as Jaisalmer, is a subdle suggestion of the transference of community from an evolved environment to one wh is similar. TRADITION & CHANGE Royal palaces form a major part of domestic ecture through their tendency t incorporate any facets of different styles — the vernacular, are not static they ore as a barometer of changes in fashion and ey have only to answer to the 1s. Dominating the s sthern India is the Man Mandir in the fort at +c builtin the fifteenth century by Man gh. This influenced a amber of later palaces, bai at Fatehpue Sik, and Datia Pari Ovehha, India, in the wealthy merchant havelis of Gujarat and Rajasthan, The style moved from the Man Mandir's inward-looking courtyards and the narrow balconies enveloped in a mesh of ali, to the much more open mood of Datia and Ozehha, Dati, ‘towering over the town, as many of these palaces did, opens out to larger courryards within an interplay of squares and cross axes and moves towards fewer features and increasing lightness on the upper floors, Orchha’s arches, stunningly open ‘on each level, feamiing the sky and flanked by a gallery, are an even more dramatic use of public lan aed section ofthe palace in Datia, indi view of the palace a Seaton through the Jodha palace at Fatehpur Sikri, I vistuve painting of and gardens, SBthocontury. view and private space. Pillared walkways and pavilions, carved brackets and stone lattices, ‘punctuate the square geometry pf the basic structure. Courtyards became the major focus of public space — the space used for family and community gatherings and ceremonies. [tis this sense of space that is evoked in Raj Rewal’s use of courtyards in the Institute of Immunology. Differences in status and resources are evident in domestic architecture. The Man Mandi was a peak point in a powerful Rajput state. The palaces of Fatehpur Sikri, Agra and Delhi are imperial and declare themselves so in styl, size and the characteristic juxtaposition of sandstone and marble, At Datia and Orchha, the brick and mortar ‘walls covered with lime plaster, malleable enough cozake on any style, arealso the slightly brash statements of small states living off local revenue — partially agricultural, partly drawn from the commercial tax of a trade route, and possibly even the plunder of rebellion. The wooden havelis of Gujarat refer to yet another social category, those swith wealth drawn from commerce and from land. Domestic architecture of the British Empire in India turned the earlier tradition inside out, The clustering of communities in the havetis and casbals of earlier times gave way to the wide open spaces of the cantonments in the vicinity ofthe old cities. As in Roman garrison towns, the imperial élite lived apart. In many ofthe old cities of northern India the distinction is sill visible, juxtaposed with what remains ofthe ‘civil lines’ areas on their oucer peripheries ‘But the individual house, the bungalow, has come to stay. Its genesis appears to have been ina collection of rooms surrounded by a portico or veranda (forthe circulation of ar), set in a garden reminiscent of English suburban houses. & A —_——— | Roof terse from the palace at Jicalner The bungalow does noe grow around the courtyard for the public space of the house isthe veranda which is also a kind of threshold area, an area for negotiation, neither in nor out. [tis asif the courtyaed were inverted out into the veranda Living becomes more private, more enclosed. The ‘bungalow has become the prototype for much suburban housing. The question may legitimately be asked whether this is the ideal form of suburban living, Does the individual’ home necessarily have tobe place aparcor can it be clustered and integrated around specific Fearures, such as courtyards, as has been done inthe Asian Games Village ? Am An atiemp by Raj Rewal to introduce similar roy teresces in the senior staff and research chlor’ dueling in the NII complex: ‘The post-colonial architect in India has much to choose from and there is always the danger that a return to roots may result in a montage of bits and pieces from the past. The basic question relates to the understanding of tradition, and in architecrure this cannot be restricted to monuments alone but has to include domestic architecture — even if examples only survive in the foundations of structures at excavations or in palaces. An approach based on tradition would involve looking at problems of the layout of cities where functional areas were traditionally clearly demarcated: where main highways were either processional paths or points of focus integrated with the smaller networks of streets and these in turn were nthe {integrated withthe less public pedestrian ways. R Even a single house expresses a way of life, technology, status and levels of coherence with those in the vicinity. A concern with tradition therefore does not mean merely the use of decorative elements from the past. Following a traditional approach would also involve a reconstruction of the life of communities and families. For architecture is not the habitat ofthe single, self-sufficient individual: iis inevitably the expression of a community A oie ofthe Central Instone of Educatona! Technology, New ‘Delhi, from the nor EVOLUTION & METAMORPHOSIS RAJ REWAL EVOLUTION & METAMORPHOSIS The city of Jaisalmer in Rajasthan ‘archetypal exanaple of. urban morpholegy tn north bia, Goel shadows result fom the built fabric of the city India is an ancient civilization with 2 rich heritage, a poor third world nation anda modern developing country. These coexistent factors prompt diverse influences. A unified architectural language under such circumstances is neither possible nor desirable. The metaphysics of space and the quest for serenity, recurrent themes in Indian architecture, are confronted with hon migrants and the frantic needs of an emerging. middle-income consumer society. niques, for commercial ped for cold climates, seem adequate and stcrile. At the same time, the based on a hand-crafted jogy, which have stood the test seem unable to cope with of mass migration from mass consumption, oF ired for a modern that Ihave looked at the India, which has th chat of Iran, central Asia, and the Mediterranean basin, to explore the underlying principles that could have relevance for our time, Thave, nevertheless, leaned on the modern architectural movement for structural logic, vigour and versatility. Traditional Indian architecture has responded in the past to fiunctional requirements concerning climate and community needs, and has ‘evolved by trial and error through the centuies a method of modulating space and light. From the rational point of view, the traditional morphology of Rajasthan cities has important lessons to reich us for mass housing schemes. ‘ORBAN FABRIC A miniature painting depicts the city of Lahore. As. city, i ‘alt within weledefin parameters, with interconnecting ‘The forts of Jaisalmer and Jodhpur offer from nets high plateaux splendid overviews of the cites laid ‘ut below: Settlement patterns are clearly visible and the texture of the city, with its closely-related solids and voids, can be compared to the form of a sponge. The densely packed buildings “breathe” through the courtyards at different levels and are ‘woven into a labyrinth of narrow streets and. winding alleys, hardly visible from above, ‘The morphology of the city is in response to scorchingly hot summer days, mild evenings and sunny winters. Cool shadows and air currents are built into the geain ofthe city of fisalmer and are an excellent demonstration of the achievement of lowsrise, high-density development. Similar EVOILTION & cuusrens patterns of habitation can be observed in Venice, The joining together of several buildings, «= Toledo and Shiraz, where temperatures rise retain their identity yet form a cohesive clust: uncomfortably during the day but the evening an enduting vernacular tradition within the temperatures are pleasant. subcontinent, A diligent study of this mi The sense of enclosure and continuity of to tackle the difficult problems of mass housine movements maintained throughout these cities, The endless repetition of a single type of block » thereby respecting the identity of spaces. slab has proved a dreary solution. Perhaps ‘We have tried to evolve mass housing schemes _greater promise in the linking of units with The Asien Games Village, based on similar criteria In the Asian Games rational variations based on unified codes. In Aesigned with thee values present, Village and Sheikh Sarai housing project, the Afghanistan’ mountainous regions, clusters of new urban pattem elong peripheral roads are connected to cul-de-sac simple, stone houses with small variations address onal ines. parking squares, The central spine of the layout isthe problems with frugality and great elegance reserved for narrow, shaded, pedestrian pathways The mohallas of north Indian cities, the casbah of which weave through a varity of semi-public enclosures. The design aims to preserve acarefil balance between continuity and change around a Unified movement pattern. The layout plans follow traditional methods of creating shade and cross ventilation, but also attempt to solve the contempors-v problems of vehicular movement and parking. The creation ofthe traditional narrow street, Jinking all the housing units, provides for intimate ‘encounters between people and a sense of Ss 2 belonging to the neighbourhood square. The hhuman scale of these spaces allows inhabitants to ‘An Afghan village near Kaba Participate in the theatre ofthe street rather than ilsates the rational mawner merely to view it. of forming an asembly of using ‘ents into a luster. The identity of ‘the individual is absorbed nto the collective whole Spaces for pedestrian and The design solution forthe housing at he Inatitate of Immunology reflects the potentiat for developing apartments that con Be linked together form ecuster vehicular movement though the Avion Game Village are indicated bythe shaded areas on ‘his partial plan, EVOLUTION & METAMORPHOSIS Be cat ale ee nae ‘on aki’ of parts, comprising doors, windows, cane facades of Jaisalmer exhibit a similar methodology, ee re nance ee edie Eee a oem of immunology asa series of distinct clusters eae maim wince Soa te tpchuldngs assed hee le bby means ofa similar facade creatment, using ‘asa neatment, as here it ‘at the NIL Se ee a

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