1.2.1.5.

8
Corporate Kingship: The Lozi of Zambia
and the Ultimately Meaningful and Real
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Victor Ocaya, University of Botswana, Gabarone, Botswana

I. INTRODUCTION

Zambia, a landlocked country and the largest in the south central Africa, lies approxi-
mately between latitude 8° and 18° south and between longitude 22° and 34° east. In
an area Qf 755,233 square kilometres Zambia accommodates some seventy three
tribes. One of these ethnic groups is the Lozi.
There are different traditions about the origin of the name Lozi. One tradition
claims that the founders of the ruling Lozi dynasty were called Ma-lozi, and later the
name was passed on to cover all the people over whom they reigned. According to
another tradition, the people of the area were known as Aluyi or Aluyana. When they
were conquered by the Makololo who had advanced from the south the Aluyi were
given the name Rotse. Later when the Aluyi succeeded in liberating themselves, they
retained the Kololo language, and Rotse became Lozi. In fact Bulozi or land of the
Lozi was known under the British colonial administration as Barotseland or land of
the Rotse. The official language of the Lozi, however, is still known as Siluyana
(Turner, 1952, p. 9).
The Lozi live in what is now Western Province of Zambia and mainly in the great
flood-plain of the river Zambezi. It siretches from the confluence of the river Lunge-
vungu and Kabombo with the Zambezi in the north and from the confluence of the
river Lui with the Zambezi in the south. On both sides of the Zambezi, there are
higher forest regions. The Plain is flooded annually and during the flood the people
move out on to higher regions and remain there until the waters recede. In 1880
Fran9ois Coillard, a French protestant missionary and leader of a group of the Paris
Missionary Society, visited the courts of Lewanika, a Lozi king, and recorded, among
other things, the boundary of Lozi country as 'the Zambezi and the Chobe rivers to
the south; the Kwito river (20°E longitude) to the west; the watershed of the Congo
and the Zambezi to the north; and the Kafue river to the east' (Coillard, 1897, pp.
216-218).
Over this vast area of land there were members of some twenty-five tribes over
whom the Lozi king ruled. However, the Lozi regarded the Zambezi plain as the heart
of their country and occasionally referred to it as Bulozi, though the name applied to
the whole kingdom as well (Dasgupta, 1986, p. 45).

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 Western Province, the province in which the Lozi live, is divided into six districts.
They are Mongu, Senanga, Kalabo, Kaoma, Sesheke and Lukulu districts. The
Litunga, or overall Chief, resides in Lealui. The Litunga was also member of the
central committee (MCC), the supreme policy-making body of the United National
Independence Party (UNIP), led by Kenneth Kaunda. For a long time UNIP was the
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only political party in Zambia. However, important political changes took place in
Zambia recently. The country returned to a multi-party democracy and general
elections were held towards the end of 1991. The Movement for Multi-party Democ-
racy (MMD), a political party formed only a few months before, was returned to
power and its leader, Frederick Chiluba, became President of Zambia.

2. ECONOMY

The Lozi had a mixed economy in which they made efficient use of the variety of the
resources provided by nature. Fishing was an important activity. Fishing sites were
attached to their villages. Besides the Zambezi and its tributaries, there were numer-
ous large pans in the Plain which offered valuable fishing sites where fish could be
trapped in reeds and earth darns. The Lozi also caught fish with nets and spears when
the floods fell and the water was low. Each village had gardens attached to it. The
soil of these gardens were fertile and were enriched annually by the alluvial deposits
of each flood. The Lozi made good use of these gardens as well as those on the
margin of the Plain and along the wooden highlands on either side of the Plain.
In addition to fishing and agricultural sites, the Plain also provided rich grazing
lands for the large herds of cattle the Lozi kept. However, these pastures could be
utilized only before and after the flood. During the period of the flood the Lozi had
to move out of the Plain to graze the cattle in the highland bushes. This movement
of the Lozi from the Plain to the highlands was a great national event. Nobody left
the Plain before the king's barge with forty paddlers, all princes and councillors, had
left the capital in the Plain for the capital on the hedge of the highlands. The king
would remain in his marginal capital until the floods receded when he and his people
would return to the Plain. This national event was known as Kuomboka and even
today it is still commemorated every year by the Lozi people. Besides, the colourful
celebrations have become a great tourist attraction.
The Plain thus produced cattle, fish and crops like sorghum, maize and fast-grow-
ing roots-crops. It also provided the Lozi with other subsidiary productive activities
like hunting of animals and trapping of birds for livelihood.
On the other hand, crops like millet, groundnuts and cassava grew in fields in the
cleared bushes in the surrounding highland areas. The woodlands also gave rise to
products which were not available in the Plain. These included honey, canoes, mats,
baskets and fishing nets made of tree-roots, bark-ropes, skins, wooden utensils, drums,
iron implements, beeswax and a number of other items. Naturally, from early times
there was considerable trade between the Lozi and peoples in the vicinity (Holub,
1881, pp. 309-353).
Today a number of these resources have been developed. There are now ranches

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 and cold storages in the Plain. The woodlands supply timber of high quality. Cashew
trees are grown and the nuts are processed in the area. There is a mango pulping plant
and a rice factory in the area, too. The Western Province also supplies a great quanti-
ty of honey. All these consumer goods are marketed both inside and outside Zambia.
The distribution of these products within the Plain and to neighbouring highlands
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was also an essential factor for Lozi unity. Because of the uneven distribution of
natural resources, the Lozi kings were keen to bring the various areas of the neigh-
bourhood under their control. This enabled them to collect tributes which contributed
greatly to their prosperity. The kings redistributed the excess tributes to other parts
of the kingdom and this helped them to control internal trade to their own advantage
(Gluckman, 1941 & 1951).

3, EDUCATION

Education is free in Zambia and there are primary schools located all over the dis-
tricts in the Western Province. Generally speaking, a primary school caters to a
number of villages; but secondary schools are found at different towns in the prov-
ince. Mongu, the administrative headquarters of the province, has three secondary
schools and one teacher training college. For higher education students have to go
elsewhere outside the province.
Nearly as soon as missionaries from Europe and British colonial administrators
arrived in the land, Lozi kings showed great interest in the education of their subjects.
They saw to it that schools were established in the kingdom. Soon there were plenty
of educated Lozi who were employed in various government offices. Today highly
qualified Lozi hold important positions in various sectors (Chaplan, 1970). At the time
I was conducting research for this essay, a Lozi was Vice-Chancellor of the Universi-
ty of Zambia, Lusaka.

4, THE HISTORY OF LOZI KINGDOM

Historians are not at all agreed as to the origins of the Lozi. One tradition connects
the Lozi with the Roswi/Karanga empire that flourished in the present Zimbabwe
about the sixteenth century. Another theory links the Lozi with the Luba/Lunda
kingdom that was in existence in Zaire way back in the ninth century. But the diver-
gencies of views aside, historians agree that the Lozi kingdom was a conquest state
which imposed its institutions on a pre-existing population after little or no resistance
on the part of the original inhabitants. This is the position held also by Dr. Mutumba
Mainga, herself a Lozi and a renowned historian (1968, p. 123).
Some Portuguese visited Loziland early in the nineteenth century. Besides, after the
defeat of the Lozi by the Kololo in 1838 and during the occupation that followed,
certain half-caste traders from the east and west coasts regularly visited Loziland. But
proper historical records on Loziland date from David Livingstone's visit to the area
in 1853 and 1854 (Gluckman, 1968, p. 5).
Between 1883 and 1887 the group of the Paris Evangelical Missionaries, led by

175
 Fran,ois Coillard established itself among the Lozi. This group had its headquarters
in Paris and was operating from Basutoland, now Lesotho. Fran,ois Coillard himself
had worked there for nearly twenty years (Hall, 1965, p. 51; Mainga, 1973, pp.
235-6). It was largely on the advice of these missionaries in 1890 and 1900 that king
Lewanika accepted the protection of Great Britain through the British South African
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Company under treaties which reserved the Lozi kings and people considerable rights.
But the land ruled by the Lozi king became as time went by a lot smaller than the old
kingdom. It became known as Barotseland Province. After Zambia attained indepen-
dence in 1964, Barotseland became Western Province.
The establishment and existence of the early Lozi kingdom over the years was not
plain sailing. The relationship between the king and the princes was characterized by
constant bickering and intrigue. The weakness that naturally followed made the Aluyi
kingdom easy prey to the Makololo marauders from the south. But the Makololo
conquerors did not have it easy either. There was internal dissension among their
rulers and ranks. Aluyi princes then living in exile seized the opportunity; they
organized themselves, launched a counter-attack and drove out the Makololo.
The Aluyi rulers re-established themselves in the Plain under the new name of
Ma-Lozi. Even then the struggle for power within the royal ranks continued, in fact,
right up to the period after Zambia's independence in 1964. As early as 1885 Mulena
Mukwae Maubiba is reported to have summed it up thus: 'Ours is a land of blood;
kings and chiefs succeed each other here like shadows; they are never allowed to
grow old' (Coillard, 1897, p. 171). However, these plots and counter-plots were not
against the kingship. They were directed rather at individual personalities. Even so the
royal feuds must have had pronounced repercussions on the conscience and outlook
of the Lozi people as a whole. So from Mbuyu, or Mboo, the first reported king of
Bulozi, to Mubukwanu who reigned before the Makololo occupation, there were some
twelve or so kings. The Makololo kingship spanned over twenty-four years from 1840
to 1864. From King Sipopa who took over in 1864 to Mbikusita, the present Litunga
who came to the throne in 1968, there were no less than seven kings.
King Lewanika who died in 1916 deserves a special mention. Then known as
Lubosi, Lewanika was king from 1878 to 1884. Tatila Akufuna drove Lubosi out and
was on the throne for one year. But in 1886 Lubosi Lewanika regained his kingship.
It was during Lewanika's reign that foreign influence and pressure began to be
seriously felt in Loziland. Lewanika eventually threw in his lot with British protection
through the South African Company (Muuka, 1966, pp. 248-260; Mainga, 1966, pp.
238-247 & 1972, p. 215).

5. BASIC REALITIES OF THE LOZI LIFE

5.1 The Litunga (King)

The king of Loziland is known as the Litunga. The word means 'earth' and it is used
to refer only to the king. And the Lozi nationhood is referred to in three terms: sicaba
saMalozi (the Lozi nation), bulozi (the land) and bulema bwamulozi (the kingship).
The Lozi always emphasize that the king is the land and the land is the king. He is

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 Mbumu-wa-Litunga (the Great-of-the-Earth). Similarly, sicaba (the nation), Malozi
(the Lozi people) are the king. The kingship in time came to represent not only the
Lozi people properly speaking, but also all those peoples who were conquered and
were absorbed into the Lozi scheme of things (Gluckman, 1968, p. 19).
0

At the heart of the Lozi state is the institution of kingship and the royal cult. The
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Lozi king came to be recognized as the head of the socio-economic and administrative
structure of the whole kingdom. According to the Lozi all members of the royal
family have divine ancestry through their descent from Mbuyu, the daughter of
Nyambe (God). This divine ancestry endows an individual with royalty and makes
him eligible for the kingship if his descent is through the male line. In addition to
this, the office of kingship came to have immense prestige. Once chosen, the king
was elevated above all others by a number of ceremonies and rituals.
At the time of his installation a prince goes through a series of purification rites.
Once. these rites are performed and the prince is invested with the insignia of power
and presented to the public, he suddenly becomes surrounded by mystery and ritual-
ism. His public appearances are restricted and he can communicate with people only
through an intermediary. The king's elevation is demonstrated further through the use
of figurative language when referring to his person and the objects of his household.
Thus, the assumption of his office puts the king in a special class above ordinary
human beings for ever even after death (Mainga, 1972, p. 96).
At the election of the new king the candidate has to be presented and accepted by
his predecessors. This is done partly at the time of installation when some special
rites are performed at the grave of the ancestress, Mbuyu, at Makono and at the grave
of the first king, Mboo. After the installation, the new king goes on a tour of all the
grave-sites in the country, making sacrifices and seeking the approval of all his
predecessors.
The death of a king is symbolically presented as the death of the whole nation in
that all fires in the land are put out. Fire is considered as the source of life. It gives
warmth. Food is cooked on fire. Fire gives light in darkness. The new king ceremoni-
ously lights a new fire. Then all the Lozi citizens relight their fires, supposedly from
the original royal flame made by the new king. The nation is, as it were, resurrected
at the time of a new succession (Mainga, 1972, p. 96).

5.2 The Flood

The flood dominates Lozi life. It covers and uncovers gardens, fertilizing and water-
ing them. The flood fixes the pasturing of cattle; it conditions the methods of fishing.
All life in the Plain moves with the flood. The Lozi calendar is largely defined by the
state of the flood. The two national events of the year are the movements of the king
between his capitals in the Plain and on the margin of the higher regions outside the
Plain.

5.3 The Village

The village occupies a position of central significance in Lozi social structure. Lozi
life is marked by constant movements of people over the land in response to ecologi-

177
 cal demands. During the flood-season the members of a village may disperse widely
and go to different places from one year to another. In these movements the village
in the Plain remains 'home', the base from which people set out for their temporary
flood-season destinations, and to which they return.
For one reason or another some members of a village may decide to migrate to
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another village. But traditionally such movements were between villages and the Lozi
always refer to themselves by the names of the villages from which they hail. The
villages thus have been corporate groups which, like the state and the land, have provid-
ed enduring bases in the shifting links ofLozi inter-relationships. Hence, the Lozi attach
great emotional value to each village and celebrate their names with praises.
The village headman, too, is selected with the greatest care. Prior to the election
of the village headman, everyone concerned was summoned for consultations and long
deliberations. After the election the new headman was confirmed in his position by
an appropriate ceremony at the capital. Besides his other administrative responsibili-
ties, the village headman also took care of the religious needs of the village members.
But most importantly, the village headman distributed land to the people on behalf of
the king who is the ultimate owner of the land (Gluckman, 1951, pp. 65-71).
From the village leaders, the king chooses members of the Mulongwanji, (National
Council), and the Ngambela, (Prime Minister), from among the councillors. All these
people are neither princes nor princesses; they are commoners. Their job is to advise
the king and to administer to the needs of the people through the village headmen and
as directed by the king. The Prime Minister especially was the line of communication
between the king and the people. But one of his important duties was to ensure that
the wishes of the king did not go against the interests of the people (Dasgupta, 1986,
p. 520). The importance of the village in Lozi socio-political organization is thus
made more abundantly clear.

5.4 Nyambe (God)

In the Lozi corpus of beliefs we are given two somehow conflicting pictures of
Nyambe (God) (Mainga, 1972, p. 95). Nyambe is conceived of as the creator and the
original source of all things. He is superior to all other spirits. Indeed, Lozi proverbs
present him as omniscient and omnipotent. Nyambe controls the universe. He guides
the lives and fortunes of mankind. He is capable of punishing people.
In fact, according to Lozi mythology, when Kamunu, the first human being on
earth, killed and ate other animals, Nyambe punished him by depriving him of his pot
in the first instance; on the next occasion, Kamunu's dog was taken away. And when
eventually all the possessions of Kamunu were confiscated and Kamunu still went on
slaughtering animals, Nyambe removed Kamunu's son, thus bringing death to man-
kind (Mainga, 1972, p. 95).
Nyambe appears to dominate all forms of Lozi worship. All prayers and requests
are addressed to him directly. When making plans for the future it is the usual
practice to add Mulimo ha lata (God willing), or Ku ziba Mulimo (only God knows).
However, it is significant to note that the term used here is not Nyambe (God), but
Mulimo (the Spirit).

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 The sun is the symbol of Nyambe and prayers to Nyambe are always said at
sunrise. The Lozi do not have special priests to conduct acts of worship to Nyambe.
The oldest man or woman in the village or family officiates at any such religious
functions. Acts of worship paid to Nyambe are only performed at special occasions
such as before sowing seeds and before harvests. Times of war, droughts, sickness
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and death also call for special supplications to Nyambe. A katala (an alter made of
white sand) was always constructed on the eastern outskirts of the village. On the
altar was placed a bowl of water or any other suitable offering (Mainga, 1972, pp.
95-96).
Yet if one looks deeper into Lozi traditions another aspect of Nyambe emerges.
There appear to be limitations in the power and character of Nyambe. Nyambe did
not always live in heaven. He was a king and originally dwelt on earth among human
beings. He had many wives. One of them was called Nasiele.
However, the co-existence with man did not continue for long. To the dismay of
Nyambe, human beings turned out to be crafty and began to accomplish things re-
served only for Nyambe. They soon became aggressive and using their intelligence
tried to imitate Nyambe. Instead of driving human beings away from the earth, Ny-
ambe chose to flee to heaven. Nyarnbe was surprised to discover that human beings
could imitate him. He feared man and fled from him.
Apparently Nyambe did not know the safest place to run to in order to escape from
man, for according to Lozi traditions, Nyambe sought the advice of human diviners
in his efforts to find a suitable place of refuge out of man's reach. And even when
he had decided to flee to heaven, he could not get there unaided. A spider was called
in and Nyambe used the spider's web to safely reach his destination. All this meant
that Nyambe needed company just as any human being did. When Nyambe removed
himself to heaven, it can be said that he 'died' and buried himself in the sky, and the
sun represents his grave. His linomboti (royal grave keepers), are all the Lozi. The
implications of this story are discussed below.

5.5 Spirits of Ancestors

5.5.1 Royal Balimu (Spirits)

In Loziland there are royal graves where prayers and sacrifices are directed to the
spirits of the ancestor kings, as distinct from that of Nyambe. As we have already
seen earlier, the assumption of the office puts the king in a special position. He is
placed in a class above that of ordinary human beings. The extraordinary status of the
king is believed to continue even after his death. The Lozi believe that at his death
the king becomes even more powerful than when he is alive. They hold that the king
can influence the fate of individuals and of the nation as a whole.
When the king dies, he is buried at a site previously chosen by him and the tomb
is guarded by a number of specially chosen people. These people build a village near
the grave where they will live with their families. Among the villagers at the royal
grave there is a special official known as the Nomboti (royal grave keeper). The duty
of this official is to look after the actual grave and to attend to the needs of the

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 departed king. The Nomboti is also. to perform the task of being an intermediary
between the dead king and the people. Besides, he is empowered to preside over
official sacrifices on behalf of the nation; such sacrifices are usually offered by the
king.
The dead kings, through their linomboti (royal grave keepers), have an important
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role to play in the policy-making activities of the country. If an important decision

has to be made, the spirits of the kings have to be consulted and their verdict guides
the nation or, to be precise, the reigning king and his immediate advisors. The spirits
of the dead kings are also consulted for guidance based on decisions taken earlier
under similar circumstances in Lozi history.

5.5.2 Balimu (Spirits) of Non-royal Ancestors

These spirits have for the surviving members of their families a role much like that
of the royal ancestors for the nation as a whole. Libations and prayers are made to
the spirits of dead ancestors in times of family crisis. Their blessings and good-will
are sought for good health, prosperity and success in life. When neglected, the
ancestor spirits are believed to cause illness or ill-luck to the individuals or persons
concerned. The spirits, then, whether they are royal or common, are, like Nyambe,
accredited with powers to influence and shape the fate of humanity.

5.5.3 Sorcery, Witchcraft and Magic

In Lozi religious practice, belief in sorcery, witchcraft and magic at times reached a
high level which nearly excluded cults of Nyambe and ancestor spirits. However, their
aim and function is the same in that the cults of Nyambe and ancestor spirits, and the
beliefs in sorcery, witchcraft and magic are all practices that provide human beings
with the ability to exercise direct control over their fate.
The Lozi believe in witchcraft and sorcery as explanations which account for
instances of illness, misfortune and death. Both the sorcerer and the witch are seen
as operating within ordinary human relations rather than in the realm of the supernatu-
ral (White, 1961, p. 40). The sorcerer is believed to have special knowledge, particu-
larly of magic which enables him to manipulate matter so as to cause injury.
Both sorcerers and witches can be detected by diviners who, through the use of
medicines and counter-magic, can cleanse the influences of witches and thus protect
society and individuals from sorcery and witchcraft. Divination also provides means
to predict the future and ascertain the causes of sickness, death or any other natural
and human disasters.

6. MORAL CODE OF CONDUCT

Early visitors to Loziland were impressed by the remarkable organization of Lozi

society. The king together with hereditary chiefs governed the country and closely
assisted by the national council. The national council was a well-structured assembly
which was convened from time to time to discuss issues of importance to the nation
and to take major decisions (Gluckman, 1951). We have already noted that one of the

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 responsibilities of the Ngambela, (prime minister), was to protect the people against
the king! Frequently those in authority do things which are not in the best interests
of their subjects. The Lozi king appointed a prime minister to see to it that this did
not happen in Loziland. All this means that there were laws and customs that regulat-
ed the lives of the Lozi. Murder, adultery, incest, theft and witchcraft form the most
important subjects of the moral code of conduct among the Lozi.
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6.1 Murder
In the traditional Lozi setting the king, and judges appointed by him, heard cases of
murder. A person found guilty of killing another person without a just cause, was
condemned to death by the king and was subsequently executed. However, if such a
convict took refuge in the house of Katamoyo (Mother of Life), a feat not easy to
accomplish, the sentence was not carried out.

6.2 Adultery
Those who committed adultery had their cases settled by the headman and elders of
the village. The village court made the husband of the adulteress and the wife of the
adulterer have sexual relation. Once this was done, the matter was considered settled
and the case closed. It is a tooth for tooth or eye for an eye concept of justice in this
instance.
If, on the other hand, a married man committed adultery with an unmarried woman,
the man was made to pay a heavy fine, frequently in heads of cattle, to the parents
or relatives of the woman. Besides, his wife was given the right of divorce against
him should she wish to. The same solution was resorted to if it was a married woman
who was found guilty of having sex with an unmarried man. The married woman not
only paid heavily in goods of some kind, but she also ran the risk of losing her
husband in divorce.

6.3 Incest
The elders of the village made the man who had incestuous relations with a girl pay
two white cows, one to the father of the girl and one to her mother. In Lozi society
the man carried the blame for a case of incest more heavily than the woman. For
reasons not clearly put forward, the man is expected to see the evil of incest more
clearly and resist the temptation for it more easily than the woman. However, both
man and woman were warned against such behaviour and both were told never to
repeat the crime. Even then the stigma attached to incest stayed with both culprits for
a long time. This was one of the factors which made the commission of incest abomi-
nable and rare.

6.4 Theft
Again here elders of the village passed judgements on thieves. The thief had to return
the stolen property to its rightful owner or pay back in kind. If the thief was unable
to do any of these, he or she was forced to work for the person whose goods were
stolen.

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 King Mulambwa who came to power around 1780 A.D. was renowned for the code
of laws he gave to his subjects. He is reported to have decreed, among others, that
if a person was caught stealing, he or she should either be appointed to some position
of responsibility or given a cow or something. The conduct of such a person was
carefully monitored to see whether he or she stole again. An appropriate punishment
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was imposed if any theft was repeated. The justification of that Jaw lay in the belief
that people stole because they were in need (Dasgupta, 1986, p. 53).

6.5 Witchcraft
A person who practised witchcraft to cause harm to his neighbours was not tolerated
in the villages. Like Socrates of old he was made to drink mwati, a poisonous drink
not strong enough to kill. However, unlike Socrates, he was burned alive.

7. CORPORATE KINGSHIP

The Litunga, the reigning King, is the living embodiment of the Lozi people. He is
the land, the nation and the great-of-the-earth. The Litunga rules the nation. All his
decisions are final. The Litunga is surrounded in mystery because he is. a direct
descendant of the mysterious Nyarnbe (God). Before he dies, the Litunga chooses his
grave. When the Litunga dies and is buried, his grave is closely guarded because
according to the Lozi he is not really dead. At his death the Litunga is believed to
join the rest of the ancestor kings and to remain there for ever real and meaningful
as a member of the Corporate Kingship.
The king's influence over Lozi society does not diminish or vanish with his death.
Rather, it is enhanced. The crown prince before his coronation embarks on a coun-
try-wide tour to visit the graveyards of his predecessors. By appropriate ceremonial
rites he seeks their approval for his election and asks for their blessings and guid-
ance. At critical moments in the life of the nation the views of the ancestor kings
are implored through their linomboti (royal grave keepers) and carefully taken into
account by everyone concerned. The ancestor kings are indeed active in the gover-
nance of the Lozi people, and as such belong to the Corporate Kingship of the Lozi
nation.
God, Nyambe, too, is a member of the Corporate Kingship. As we have already
seen, Nyambe, according to Lozi traditions, was initially a king who dwelled among
human beings here on earth before ascending to heaven. It is true that in Lozi beliefs,
Nyambe holds a special place. He is given an exalted position among Lozi kings,
dead or alive. But he is a king nonetheless, a primus inter pares; prayers and sacrific-
es are offered to him; his succour is sought during times of national concern. But this,
as we have seen, is done to the other members of the corporate group as well. Jalla
(1939), Turner (1952) and Mainga (1972) assume that according to the Lozi Nyambe
is the supreme being and they would therefore claim that He is the ultimately mean-
ingful and real. He is so but only in the context of the Corporate Kingship.
The actual picture we are given in the story of Nyambe in Lozi traditions is of
someone not omnipotent, omniscient or omnipresent. We have seen that human beings

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 emerged with new tricks which surprised and annoyed Nyambe. He did not anticipate
nor did he appreciate such a development. Further, he did not know how to restrain
man from his new-found skills. Whereupon Nyambe decided to remove himself from
the vicinity of human beings and deal with them from a distance!
Without the land, the country and the earth, life loses all its meaning. And the king
for the Lozi is the land, the country and the earth. Whom would a Lozi lay down his
https://www.utpjournals.press/doi/pdf/10.3138/uram.16.3-4.173 - Sunday, October 02, 2022 7:52:30 PM - IP Address:165.57.80.222

or her life for? From those Lozi I put the question to, the answer quickly came: the
King and not Nyambe. After some discussions, it was clear that by 'King' was meant
'Kingship', and 'Kingship' includes the ancestor kings. To this I add Nyambe to
complete my idea of Corporate Kingship.
A Christian Lozi will now place Nyambe first. So during my research I had always
to preface my question: If you were not a Christian or if you had never had any
Christian influence whatsoever, whom would you be prepared to die for? 'The King'
was always the response.
The concept of Nyambe as a being of the highest order gained clarity and pre-
eminence with the advent of Christianity. Before that time, as V.W. Turner writes, the
concept was amorphous and Nyambe was a god of contradictory attributes. In this
ambivalence, Turner also sees the nature of Nyambe as being 'a projection of the
difference between the ideal role of the kingship as the institution which maintains
both the natural and the moral order and the tyranny and the weakness of actual
kings' (Turner, 1952, p. 49). This suggestion tends to lend support to the idea of
Corporate Kingship because the Lozi, as far as I could gather, never accorded to
Nyambe that kind of position which Christianity gives to God. The Lozi always held
that their king was the divinity, a God himself (Coillard, 1897, p. 329). As we have
seen, the characteristics of the king do not alter after his demise. And Nyarnbe was
once a king on earth.
Consideration of another factor further strengthens the concept of Corporate King-
ship. The respect given to the living king, prayers and offerings made to Nyambe and
to the ancestor kings operate simultaneously. The Lozi have never seen any conflicts
in these rituals (Mainga, 1972, p. 98). To grasp how such separate forms of religious
practice can be accounted for, one has to have some understanding of Lozi society
and their history, the outlines of which I have given in the early pages of this essay.
This is an instance of the intelligence and sophistication of the Lozi people which
emerges steadily as one either meets them or delves into their history. Gibbons (1904)
describes the Lozi as being 'dignified and courteous but adept in the art of deceit and
singularly regardless of the virtue of telling the truth.' Kuntz (1932) also refers to the
Lozi as 'great liars.' I think that these writers were unduly a bit too hard on the Lozi.
In my opinion, the Lozi are intelligent people; they are attentive and careful in the use
of words. I found that the Lozi do not take people, especially foreigners, for granted.
Generally speaking, I take it that cautious people, like politicians of today, tend to be
unpredictable in their habits; and because of that they are apt to be referred to as
unreliable and untrustworthy. The Lozi mystique is that of understanding, social
awareness and ability to handle problems in the light of Corporate Kingship.

183
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