Eschatology in the Thessalonian Letters

Review and Expositor. 96 (1999)

Eschatology in the Thessalonian Letters

Todd D. Still*

Eschatological texts tend to elicit one of two responses from most readers:
fascination leading to preoccupation or confusion resulting in neglect.1 Whether
or not one is impressed by or interested in things eschatological, those seeking to
ascertain the message of the New Testament on its own terms can ill afford to
ignore the category of eschatology. In fact, any attempt to read the New
Testament without taking into full account the eschatological materials therein is
like "selecting raisin toast for breakfast and then eating around the raisins."2
Stated differently, eschatology is part of the warp and woof of the New
Testament documents.3 This is true of the New Testament in general and of Paul
in particular.4 And none of Paul's epistles is more eschatological in orientation
and expression than 1 and 2 Thessalonians.5 In fact, eschatology suffuses the
Thessalonian letters. Not only does Paul address in some detail the
eschatological concerns which had arisen among the Thessalonian congregation
in 1 Thessalonians 4:13-5:11 and 2 Thessalonians 2:1-12, but he also broaches end-
time topics in 1 Thessalonians 1:10; 2:19; 3:13; 4:6; 5:23 as well as in 2
Thessalonians 1:6-10; 2:14. Although I will examine only the three central
eschatological passages in the Thessalonian correspondence in this article (i. e., 1
Thessalonians. 4:13-18; 5:1-11; 2 Thessalonians 2:1-12), one should note that
eschatology is nowhere far from the fore of Paul's mind in these—and (most) all
of his other—epistles.6
To begin this study, I will delineate the term eschatology and will indicate
how this word is used herein. I will then turn to consider the aforementioned
eschatological texts in their canonical sequence.7 By way of conclusion, I will
offer some theological/ pastoral reflections as to how the eschatological contents
of 1 and 2 Thessalonians might be appropriated by Christians living near the
dawn of a new millennium.

* Todd D. Still is Associate Professor of Religion in New Testament and Greek at

Dallas Baptist University in Dallas, Texas
Disentangling the Term Eschatology

In its relatively short history (approximately two hundred years),8 the word
eschatology has come to have a maddening number of meanings. Because the
word is so slippery, one scholar has even suggested that it be buried.9 Regardless
of how appealing such a proposal might sound to some, it is not possible. For
better or worse, eschatology will remain a part of theological vocabulary.
Getting a grasp on the term, however, is no small task. Broadly defined, the
word seems simple enough to understand. It means "the study or doctrine of the
destiny of humanity and history."10 When construed in this sense, eschatology
would refer "to teaching about such events as the parousia [i. e., the "coming" of
Jesus], the resurrection of the dead, the final judgment, heaven and hell."11 But
things are seldom as simple as they seem. Not a few theologians, a group that
plays second fiddle to few others as "spin doctors," have fashioned this term to
fit their own interpretive programs. George B. Caird has noted eight distinct
scholarly usages of eschatology,12 and I. Howard Marshall has catalogued no less
than nine.13
Fortunately, for the purposes of this paper we do not need to meander
through this terminological maze. The basic definition of eschatology set forth in
the previous paragraph will suffice. In an effort to be more precise, one might
wish to describe Paul's particular eschatological outlook as apocalyptic.14 In doing
so, however, there is a risk of jumping from the frying pan into fire—for
apocalyptic is another convoluted term.15 If by employing the word one has in
mind a thought-world which emphasizes, among other things, dualism,
judgment, and imminence, then Paul's eschatological orientation might be
rightly conceived and depicted as apocalyptic.16 Interestingly, "apocalyptic
eschatology" is nowhere more pronounced in the Pauline epistolary corpus than
in 1 and 2 Thessalonians.17 We now turn to examine three pericopes in the
Thessalonian correspondence which are part and parcel of this theological
perspective.

1 Thessalonians 4:13-18: The Lord's Parousia

Having addressed the topic of "brotherly love" (Philadelphia) in 1

Thessalonians 4:10-12, Paul turns in 4:13-18 to offer his converts instruction
(ou thelomen de hymas agnoein, 4:13) and consolation (parakaleite allëlous en
tots logis toutois, 4:18) concerning those Thessalonian Christians who had fallen
asleep, i. e., who had died (peri tön koimômenôn, 4:13).18 Presumably, Paul is
responding in these verses to a concern raised by the assembly in writing and/or
via Timothy (see 3:6).19 Although scholars have expended much energy
attempting to determine precisely why the congregation was under-informed, if
not uninformed, regarding the destiny of the Christian dead, a consensus has yet
to emerge.20 Could it be that Paul had so throughly emphasized the proximity of
the parousia while he was with the Thessalonians that he had not adequately
emphasized and his converts had not fully entertained the prospect that death

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might come before Jesus did?21 Furthermore, might it be that those who
remained were fearful that their departed sisters and brothers in Christ would be
disadvantaged at the parousia or even excluded from God's "kingdom and glory"
(2:12)?^
Regardless of the precise reason(s) for the Thessalonians' consternation,
Paul's purpose for constructing these verses is clear enough: he wants to instruct
and thereby comfort his converts regarding the destiny of the Christian dead
with special reference to the parousia "so that they might not grieve as do the rest
[i. e., unbelievers] who have no hope" (4:13).23 It is also important at this point to
observe what Paul does not say or seek to do in this passage. He does not
command the Thessalonians to forego grieving,24 nor does Paul presuppose that
his recipients' hope has become "disengaged from their faith"25—though he is
obviously concerned that they (re)gain hope for those who have died prior to the
parousia. Furthermore, Paul does not attempt here (or for that matter elsewhere
in his extant epistles) to answer all of the Thessalonians' (and our) questions
concerning the eschaton. As one commentator aptly puts it: "Paul's pastoral
concern [in this passage] was to guide the way the Thessalonians were living, not
provide them with eschatological gnosis."26 Another interpreter rightly suggests
that Paul's purpose in 4:13-18 "is not to teach a system of speculative eschatology
but to comfort alarmed believers who are worried about their deceased relatives
and friends missing out at Christ's return."27 If this much can be granted, then it
seems hermeneutically inappropriate, if not irresponsible, to take aspects of this
passage out of context (e. g., the "rapture" of which Paul speaks in ΑΛΤ28) or to
import to these verses eschatological details from other texts (e. g., the tribulation
or the millennium) in an (misguided, if well-intentioned) attempt to formulate
some grand end-time scenario or to construct some finely detailed calendar of
ultimate events.29
How is it, then, that Paul does seek to console his dear children (2:8,10) in
their grief? Paul's strategy is two-fold.30 Firstly, Paul seeks to engender
confidence among his converts for the future of their departed loved ones by
appealing to their shared belief (ei gàr pisteuomen) in what may well be an early
Christian creedal statement: "Jesus died and rose again" (Iêsous apethanen kai
anestë, 4:14a; cf. 1:10; 5:9-10; 1 Cor. 15:3-4,12; Rom. 14:9).31 Jesus' resurrection in
the midst of tune functioned for Paul as the paradigm for the resurrection of
Christians at the end of time (cf. 1 Cor. 6:14; 15:12-19; 2 Cor. 4:14).32 To be sure,
Paul does not explicitly refer to the resurrection of those who have fallen asleep
in 4:14b. This is presumably due to Paul's immediate desire to allay his converts'
fear that the dead in Christ will miss out on or be disadvantaged at the parousia.33
Nonetheless, the resurrection of Christians is clearly implied when Paul declares
that God will bring with him (i. e., Jesus at the time of his parousia) those
Thessalonian believers who have died through Jesus (cf. 4:16: "the dead in Christ
will rise first").34 In 4:14, then, Paul draws upon the crux of the ancient Christian
kerygma, "Jesus died and rose again," in an attempt to encourage his converts in
the midst of their mourning. He reasons that even as God raised Jesus, so also
God will raise the Christian dead and will bring them with Jesus when he
comes.35 Not even death can rend asunder the intimate and unique bonds that
believers share with Christ and with one another.36
Having appealed to the resurrection in 4:14 to encourage his converts in
respect to the Christian dead,37 Paul proceeds in 4:15-17 to offer them additional
instruction and thereby consolation predicated upon a "word of the Lord" (en
logo kyriou). Paul's reference to a logion of Jesus in 4:15a has spawned a number
of questions. Two of the most pressing are: 1) What was the precise origin of this
"word"?; and 2) what words in 4:15-17 actually constitute the Lord's word? We
will consider these questions in turn.The first query is typically answered in one
of three ways. Interpreters have construed this logion as: a) an otherwise
unrecorded statement of Jesus (a so-called agraphon); b) a loose paraphrase of or
inference from a teaching of Jesus as recorded in one of the canonical gospels; or
c) a revelatory word of the exalted Lord given to a Christian prophet, perhaps
even Paul himself.38 As to the extent of the logion in 4:15-17, one of two positions
is usually taken: a) the "word of the Lord" appears in 4:15, and Paul expounds
upon it in 4:16-17; or, b) 4:15b is an inference drawn by Paul from the Lord's
word which is set forth in 4:16-17.39 Regarding the precise origin and extent of
this word from the Lord, there is wisdom in F. F. Bruce's suggestion that these
questions be left sub judice.40
Even if much about the logos kyriou of which Paul speaks remains shrouded,
the purpose for which he employs the word is clear: he wants to assure those
Christians who remain (i. e., the epistle's recipients) that the faithful dead will
not be forgotten at the time of the eschaton.41
A full exposition of 4:15-17 is not possible here. Therefore, three additional
observations about these verses must suffice.
1. In 4:15,17, Paul places himself among the living at the time of the parousia.
To be sure, Paul indicates elsewhere that he could conceive of dying before Jesus'
coming (5:10; cf. Rom 14:8; 2 Cor 4:14; 5:8-9; Phil 1:19-26). Nonetheless, A. M.
Hunter is surely not far from the mark when he suggests: "Paul probably
believed to the end of his days in a speedy return of Christ."42 The proximity of
the parousia is a recurring theme in Paul's writings (see, e. g., 1 Cor 7:25-31; 15:51;
Rom 13:11-12; Phil 3:20; 4:5 [?]) and is certainly emphasized in 1 Thess 4:15-17.43
2.1 Thess 4:16-17 indicates that the Lord's coming will be public and
climactic. In describing the event Paul draws upon apocalyptic imagery as well
as language utilized to speak of the arrival (parousia) and reception (apantësis) of a
visiting dignitary in Greek antiquity.44 His pictorial presentation of the parousia
includes metaphors of sight/space (i. e., the Lord descending from heaven;
Christians being caught up in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air) and sound
(i. e., a cry of command, the archangel's call, and the sound of the trumpet of
God). Paul maintains that the Lord's coming will result in the raising of the
Christian dead, the rapturing of the Christian living, and the (re)uniting of both
with their Lord. According to Paul, these things will occur consecutively45 and
will usher in eternity ("so we will always be with the Lord"). For Paul, then, the
parousia would mark the culmination of human history. To describe this reality,
Paul employed metaphoric speech. And this should come as no surprise: "For in

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all things that transcend human experience we have no choice but to use
metaphor" (see 1 Cor 2:9; 13:12).46
3. Lastly and most central to Paul's purpose in crafting this text, 4:15-17
stresses that the faithful dead will in no way be disadvantaged at the parousia.
Not only will they be involved in the eschatological festivities, they will be given
priority over the living. The latter will not precede the former; the deceased will
be raised and raptured first. In 4:18 we discover that Paul wanted his words
regarding the destiny of the Christian dead to serve as a pastoral salve for those
grieving believers who remained. If the positive reception of these lines by
subsequent generations of Christians confronted with the reality of mortality is
any indication, then Paul's words of comfort to the Thessalonians accomplished
their desired purpose.

1 Thessalonians 5:1 -11 : The Day of the Lord

Although a few in the Thessalonian fellowship had died, the congregation's

passion for and even preoccupation with the parousia had not.47 In fact, it
appears that Paul framed 5:1-11 in response to another query from the assembly
regarding Jesus' coming.48 Their question might have run something like this:
"Precisely when will the Lord come?"49 Paul deals with their question rather
tersely in 5:1-3 before turning in 5:4-10 to enjoin his converts to be morally
prepared for the parousia. He then continues in 5:11, a verse which appears to
serve as a general conclusion for the entire section (i. e., 4:13-5:10), to admonish
the fellowship to keep on encouraging and building up one another (cf. 4:18).
As to when (the "times" [chronoi] and "seasons" [kairoQ50) the "day of the
Lord" (hêmera kyriou = yom yhwh)51 would occur, Paul contends that the
Thessalonians do not need written instruction (5:1b; cf. 4:9,13). Presumably Paul
had spoken fully and frequently about the parousia while in Thessalonica (note
1:10; 2:19; 5:23; cf. 2 Thess. 2:5) and thereby regarded them sufficiently tutored on
the topic ("you yourselves know well" [5:2]).52 In 5:2-3, Paul is content to set
forth two metaphors which underscore the unpredictability and inevitability of
the "day." In 5:2 Paul likens the day of the Lord to the coming of a thief in the
night (cf. Matt. 24:43-44/Luke 12:38-39) in order to stress that the day "would
come both at an unexpected point in time and that it would be a threat to those
unprepared for its arrival" (cf. 5:4).53 The second metaphor functions similarly.
Even as outsiders assert that all is well ("peace and security" [eirênë kai
asphaleia]54), ineluctable, inescapable destruction will come upon them like labor
pangs upon a pregnant woman. In response to the Thessalonians' question, Paul
refuses to speculate precisely when the day would come (though as we saw
above he seems to have thought that Jesus would return sooner than later).55
Instead, he contends that the day of the Lord—whenever it occurs—will come
suddenly and will shock the ill-prepared.
Paul turns in 5:4-10 to elaborate upon the need for his converts to be
prepared for the parousia. In these verses Paul presupposes that all of his
recipients are children of light (5:5,8) destined for salvation (5:9). Contrastingly,

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he regards unbelievers to be of the night (5:4,5) and subject to wrath (5:9; cf. 1:10;
2:16; 5:3). Even though he anticipates that his spiritually-enlightened converts
will not be caught off-guard by the day of the Lord (5:4), he nevertheless
admonishes them to stay on guard by staying awake, keeping sober, and putting
on spiritual armor (5:6-8). In contradistinction to non-Christians, the
Thessalonians should neither slumber (5:6) nor become intoxicated (5:6,8). Such
nocturnal activities, Paul maintains, are unbecoming of those who have been
rescued from the dominion of darkness and who are awaiting the Lord's coming.
Those rescued from wrath should remember that the death of Christ offers life
with Christ both here and hereafter (5:10). This theological reality should impact
their ethical activity until he comes; who they are should affect what they do.
The indicative and imperative meet in Paul once again.56

2 Thessalonians 2:1 -12: "Let No One Deceive You"

This passage is one of the most perplexing (and peculiar) in the Pauline letter
corpus, laden as it is with interpretive conundrums. And the fact that Paul, if it
is indeed he as I am inclined to think, presumes knowledge on the part of his
recipients to which we belated readers are not privy only exacerbates an already
complicated exegetical enterprise (see 2:5). Furthermore, scholastic treatments of
and proposals about this text proliferate, making an already daunting task more
intimidating still.57 My goal in overviewing this pericope is necessarily modest.
All that I can hope to do here is to consider what occasioned the instruction
contained in 2:3-12 and to comment upon a few of the more outstanding features
in these verses.
Building upon previous comments concerning the present affliction of the
Thessalonians58 and the future punishment of their oppressors at the time of
Christ's coming (1:5-10), Paul proceeds to take up (yet again) the topic of the
parousia (cf. 1 Thess 4:13-5:11). He begins by pleading for his converts "not to be
quickly shaken in mind or excited, either by spirit or word or by letter
purporting to be from us, to the effect that the day of the Lord has come" (2:2).59
Paul is not sure how (by spirit, word, or letter) nor from whom (the "idlers"?; see
3:6-15; cf. 1 Thess 4:11; 5:14) this claim arose. It may be that one or more of the
Thessalonians with a heightened expectation for the parousia and in the throes of
affliction (mis)appropriated Paul's previous oral and/or written instruction by
equating some external calamity with the commencement of the day of the
Lord.60 Regardless of the precise cause of this eschatological turmoil, Paul is
clearly concerned that this erroneous claim might unsettle, if not undo, the
assembly.61 He turns, therefore, in 2:3-12 to dissuade the Thessalonians from
being deceived regarding the coming of the Lord.
Paul propounds that, prior to the parousia, two events must first transpire:
the "apostasy" and the revelation/parousia of the man of lawlessness/son of
perdition (2:3). Although Paul does not expound upon the "apostasy" to which
he refers, expectation of rebellion against God in the last days was not an

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uncommon feature in Jewish and Christian literature roughly contemporaneous

with Paul and is likely what he has in mind here.62 Paul does offer, however, a
fuller description of the man of lawlessness who seems to function as the leader,
if not the instigator, of the rebellion. We will briefly consider the activity and
destiny of thisfigurein what follows.
Paul maintains that the parousia of the lawless one will be in keeping with the
work of Satan. His coming will be characterized by power, accompanied by false
miraculous manifestations, and marked by wicked deceit which will result in the
ultimate condemnation of those who refuse to believe the truth (2:9-12; cf. Rom
1:18-32). This sinister character is presented as one who will perceive himself as
and proclaim himself to be God. Apparently drawing upon the prophetic books
of Daniel (9:27; 11:31; 12:11; cf. Mark 13:14/Matt 24:15), Isaiah (14:13-15), and
Ezekiel (28:2) and perhaps also reflecting upon the profane activity of such rulers
as Antiochus Epiphanes (who entered the Temple), Pompey (who entered the
Holy of Holies), and Caligula (who sought to erect an image of himself in the
Temple in 41 C.E.), Paul describes this figure as audaciously evil enough to seat
himself in the Temple (2:4).ω
Paul goes on to contend (and this is his primary point) that the mystery of
lawlessness, though presently at work, has yet to crystalize in the man of
lawlessness. Therefore, Paul flatly denounces the spurious claim that the day of
the Lord has come. He maintains that before Jesus returns the lawless one must
first be revealed.64 In order for this to occur, however, that which/the one who
restrains must be removed.65 Only after the removal of this power/person will
the mem of lawlessness be made manifest (2:6-8a). The appearing and coming of
the lawless one will be countered by the revealing and coming of the Lord. Paul
contends that the latter will slay the former by his very breath (2:8b-9).
How are we meant to construe this amazingly complex passage: literally,
figuratively, or a combination thereof? My inclination is to take this text as well
as other ancient texts cast in an apocalyptic hue as figurative.66 I readily admit,
however, that I neither know the mind of Paul nor the Thessalonians.
Furthermore, even if Paul meant this depiction of the man of lawlessness to be
construed symbolically, this is no guarantee that it was or will be. I. Howard
Marshall suggests that the degree to which apocalyptic texts are taken literally or
metaphorically both in Paul's day and our own has much to do with who is
doing the reading/listening. Regardless of one's interpretive predisposition
toward this and other eschatologically oriented texts which employ apocalyptic
imagery, we may agree with Marshall when he writes: "What matters... is the
spiritual truth conveyed by the imagery [employed by Paul in this passage],
namely, the reality and menace of the power of evil which attempts to deny the
67
reality and power of God." To paraphrase Paul here, that which and/or those
who seek to thwart the purposes and people of God will not perpetually
prevail.68
Conclusion

Is it still possible to appropriate the eschatological instruction contained in

the Thessalonian correspondence in a context which differs considerably from
that of the writer and original recipients? While acknowledging that Paul
employs apocalyptic and symbolic language in describing the eschaton and that
such imagery is not meant to be taken literally, contemporary Christians can and,
in my estimation, should continue to take the parousia seriously and to affirm
with our forerunners in the faith the reality of God's ultimate triumph through
Christ at his coming.69 Believers on the precipice of the twenty-first century may
genuinely and energetically join the eschatological chorus begun by first century
Christians by praying Maranatha! (1 Cor 16:22)7° Indeed, "Living in the
imminence of Christ's return is . . . the privilege and the proper stance toward
life of every generation of Christians."71
Regarding Christ's coming, Paul instructs the Thessalonians to be hopeful (1
Thess 4:13-18). He also admonishes them to be watchful for (but not too much
so) and faithful until his return (1 Thess 5:1-11; 2 Thess 2:1-12). It seems to me
that our posture towards the parousia should be similar. This does not mean, of
course, that we jettison our jobs, sell our possessions, don white robes, and
occupy a mountainside staring into space. Nor does it mean that we should
expend precious time, energy, and resources trying to pinpoint precisely when
Christ will come.72 Rather, it means that we should continue to trust that "the
One who began a good work in [us] will bring it to completion at the day of
Christ" (Phil \:6)P While sober reflection about and preparation for the Lord's
coming is commendable, rabid preoccupation with and speculation about the
parousia is deplorable (and does much harm to the gospel).
In an essay entitled "The World's Last Night," C. S. Lewis, the thoughtful
Irish professor of English cum lay theologian, suggested that the New
Testament's teaching on Christ's "second coming" could be summarized thusly:
"1) That he will certainly return. 2) That we cannot possibly find out when. 3)
And that therefore we must always be ready for him."74 Regarding one's
readiness for the Lord's return, he espouses what I regard to be a responsible
position for any given generation of Christians. His words, even if now dated in
some ways, offer a fitting conclusion to this article:

Frantic administration of panaceas to the world is certainly discouraged by

the reflection that 'this present' might be 'the world's last night'; sober work
for the future, within the limits of ordinary morality and prudence, is not.
For what comes is judgement: happy are those whom it finds labouring in
their vocations, whether they were merely going out to feed the pigs or
laying good plans to deliver humanity a hundred years hence from some
great evil. The curtain has indeed fallen. Those pigs will never in fact be fed,
the great campaign against white slavery or governmental tyranny will
never in fact proceed to victory. No matter; you were at your post when the
inspection came.75

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1
Those in the former category frequently heighten the aversion of those in the latter to
eschatological passages. As we approach the year 2000, one can rest assured that
eschatological passions and predictions will be at an all time high. Regarding such, see
the timely and insightful remarks by James D. G. Dunn, "He Will Come Again,"
Interpretation 51 (1997): 42-56. See also the still useful comments of C. S. Lewis on
eschatology in "The World's Last Night" in Fern-Seed and Elephants and Other Essays on
Christianity (Glasgow: Collins, 1975), 65-85.
2
Beverly Roberts Gaventa, First and Second Thessalonians, "Interpretation" (Louisville:
John Knox Press, 1998), 76. After offering this analogy, Gaventa goes on to suggest,
"Eschatology may occupy the periphery of our understanding and experience, but it is not
a peripheral matter."
3
For a learned introduction to eschatology in the New Testament, see David E. Aune,
"Eschatology (Early Christian)," Anchor Bible Dictionary, 2: 594-609.
4
A good place to begin one's reading on Pauline eschatology is with L. Joseph Kreitzer,
"Eschatology," in Dictionary of Paul and his Letters, ed. Gerald F. Hawthorne, Ralph P.
Martin, and Daniel G. Reid (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1993), 253-69.
5
So, e. g., I. Howard Marshall, "Pauline Theology in the Thessalonian
Correspondence," in Paul and Paulinism: Essays in Honour ofC. K. Barrett, ed. Moma D.
Hooker and Stephen G. Wilson (London: SPCK, 1982), 173-83, esp. 179-80. This is not to
suggest, however, that Paul's only (or even primary) purpose in writing the Thessalonians
was to offer them eschatological instruction. So rightly Richard N. Longenecker, "The
Nature of Paul's Early Eschatology," New Testament Studies 31 (1985): 85-95.
For the purpose of this essay I will presuppose that Paul wrote 1 and 2 Thessalonians.
The reader should note, however, that the goodly majority of contemporary New
Testament scholars regard 2 Thessalonians as pseudonymous for, among other reasons,
the variation between the major eschatological sections of the epistles. See, e. g., Maarten
J. J. Menken (2 Thessalonians, New Testament Readings [London: Routledge, 1994], 27-43)
for a recent and accessible argument against the Pauline authorship of 2 Thessalonians.
Cf. Raymond F. Collins, Letters that Paul Did not Write, Good News Studies 28
(Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1988), 209-45. The classic statements against the
authenticity of 2 Thessalonians are William Wrede, Die Echtheit des zweiten
Thessalonicherbriefuntersucht, Texte und Untersuchungen 24.2 (Leipzig: Henrichs, 1903);
and Wolfgang Trilling, Untersuchungen zum zweiten Thessalonicherbrief (Leipzig: St. Benno,
1972). For a defense of the authenticity of 2 Thessalonians with full bibliography, see, e.
g., ch. 2 of my forthcoming monograph. Conflict at Thessalonica: A Pauline Church and its
Neighbours, Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series (Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1999).
6
On the centrality of eschatology in Paul's theology, see, among others, J. Christiaan
Beker, Paul the Apostle: The Triumph of God in Life and Thought (Philadelphia: Fortress Press,
1980); E. Earle Ellis, Pauline Theology: Ministry and Society (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989),
pp. 1-25; Ben Witherington III, Jesus, Paul, and the End of the World: A Comparative Study in
New Testament Eschatology (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1992); C. Marvin Pate,
The End of the Ages Has Come: The Theology of Paul (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1995);
Joseph Plevnik, Paul and the Parousia: An Exegetical and Theological Investigation (Peabody,
MS: Hendrickson, 1997); and most recently James D. G. Dunn, The Theology of Paul the
Apostle (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998), esp. 294-315,461-98.
7
Some scholars have argued that the canonical order of the Thessalonian
correspondence is not the historical order in which Paul wrote the epistles. This argument
has been advocated most recently and forcefully by Charles A. Wanamaker, The Epistles to

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the Thessalonians: A Commentary on the Greek Text, New International Greek Testament
Commentary (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990), 37-45. I, along with the majority of
exegetes who regard both 1 and 2 Thessalonians as authentically Pauline, have not been
convinced by the so-called canonical reversal theory. As to why, see, e. g., Robert Jewett,
The Thessalonian Correspondence: Pauline Rhetoric and Millenarian Piety, Foundations and
Facets: New Testament (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986), 26-30; and Michael W.
Holmes, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, The NIV Application Commentary (Grand Rapids:
Zondervan, 1998), 27-28. For reasons which cannot and need not be explicated here, I date
1 Thessalonians to c. 50 C.E. and place the writing of 2 Thessalonians shortly thereafter,
perhaps 51 C.E. So similarly, F. F. Bruce, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, Word Biblical Commentary
45 (Waco, TX: Word Books, 1982); and Leon Morris, The First and Second Epistles to the
Thessalonians, rev. ed., New International Commentary on the New Testament (Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991), p. 15. With the possible exception of Galatians, the Thessalonian
epistles are Paul's earliest and probably the most ancient documents in our New
Testament.
8
1. Howard Marshall ("Slippery Words. I. Eschatology," Expository Times 89 [1977-78]:
264-69) reports that German theologian K. G. Bretschneider was seemingly the first to use
the word in a work published in 1804. Marshall also notes that American scholar George
Bush was apparently the first to use the term in English in a work published in 1845.
9
Jean Carmignac, "Les dangers de l'eschatologie," New Testament Studies 17 (1970-71):
365-90.
10
So similarly, George B. Caird, The Language and Imagery of the Bible (Philadelphia:
Westminster Press, 1980), 243; and George E. Ladd, "Eschatology," The International
Standard Bible Encyclopedia, rev. ed., 2:130-43 (on 130). The Greek adjective eschatos means
"last or final."
11
So Marshall, "Eschatology," 264. For other theological topics which one might study
under this heading, see Ladd, "Eschatology," 130; and Kreitzer, "Eschatology," 253.
12
In Language and Imagery, 243-71, Caird suggests that scholastic work on eschatology
has sought to emphasize various features of eschatological thought and may be placed
under one of the following headings: individual, historical, consistent, realized,
inaugurated, existential, newness, and purpose.
13
In the interest of space, I will not set these forth here. See, however, "Eschatology,"
267.
14
Not a few scholars have done so. See, e. g v Beker, Paul the Apostle; Paul J. Achtemeier,
"An Apocalyptic Shift in Early Christian Tradition: Reflections on Some Canonical
Evidence," Catholic Biblical Quarterly 45 (1983): 231-48; Marion L. Soards, "Paul: Apostle
and Apocalyptic Visionary," Biblical Theology Bulletin 16 (1987): 148-50; Alan F. Segal, Paul
the Convert: The Apostolate and Apostasy of Saul the Pharisee (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1990), esp. 158-66; John M. G. Barclay, "Conflict in Thessalonica," Catholic Biblical
Quarterly 55 (1993): 512-30; Plevnik, Paul and the Parousia; and J. Louis Martyn, Theological
Issues in the Letters of Paul (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1997). Some interpreters have
expressed reservations about such a description. See, e. g., Witherington, Jesus, Paul, and
the End of the World, 15-20; Leander E. Keck, "Paul and Apocalyptic Theology,"
Interpretation 38 (1984): 229-41; Vincent P. Branick, "Apocalyptic Paul?," Catholic Biblical
Quarterly 47 (1985): 664-75; and Kreitzer, "Eschatology," 253.
15
Keck ("Paul and Apocalyptic Theology," 230) suggests that "'apocalyptic' may be the
most misused word in the scholar's vocabulary because it resists definition." For a useful
introduction to the scholarly conversation regarding the word apocalyptic, see Richard E.
Strum, "Defining the Word 'Apocalyptic': A Problem in Biblical Criticism," in Apocalyptic
and the New Testament: Essays in Honor of J. Louis Martyn, ed. Joel Marcus and Marion L.

204
 Eschatology in the Thessalonian Letters
Review and Expositor, 96 (1999)

Soards, Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series 24 (Sheffield: JSOT
Press, 1989), 17-48.
16
On apocalyptic in general and within the Thessalonian letters in particular, see
further my Conflict at Thessalonka, ch. 8.
17
So also, e. g., Wayne A. Meeks, "Social Functions of Apocalyptic Language in Pauline
Christianity," in Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World, ed. David Hellholm (Tübingen:
J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeckl, 1983), 687-705 (689-95); and Charles A. Wanamaker,
"Apocalypticism at Thessalonka," Neotestamentica 21 (1987): 1-10.
18
On Paul's depiction of death for the Christian as sleep, see, e. g., the remarks of
Ernest Best, The First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians, Harper's New Testament
Commentaries (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1972), 185.
19
Abraham J. Malherbe ("Did the Thessalonians Write to Paul?," in The Conversation
Continues: Studies in Paul and John in Honor of J. Louis Martyn, ed. Robert T. Fortna and
Beverly R. Gaventa [Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1990], 246-57) argues that the
Thessalonians had in fact written Paul. This is possible, but not verifiable.
20
For a rehearsal of the various scholarly proposals, see, e. g., I. Howard Marshall, 1 and
2 Thessalonians, New Century Bible Commentary (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans; London:
Marshall Morgan & Scott, 1983), 120-22; and Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 165-66. Cf. also
Rainer Riesner, Pauls Early Period: Chronology, Mission Strategy, Theology, trans. Doug Stott
(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998), 384-86.
21
For a plausible reconstruction of the contents of Paul's preaching in Thessalonka, see
Barclay, "Conflict in Thessalonka," 516-17. Cf. my Conflict at Thessalonka, chs. 8.3.a and
11.4. Some scholars regard 1 Thess. l:9b-10 as illustrative of Paul's proclamation among
the Thessalonians. Cf. Luke's stylized summary of Paul's preaching in the Thessalonian
synagogue in Acts 17:3-4.
22
For a similar line of reasoning, cf., e.g., David J. Williams, 1 and 2 Thessalonians,
New International Biblical Commentary 12 (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1992), 80; and
David Wenham, Paul: Follower of Jesus or Founder of Christianity (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1995), 298.
23
While ancient people outside of Christian communities were not entirely void of
hope regarding life after death, I am not presently aware of any Greco-Roman ancient
literature or inscriptional evidence that does not in my perception appear rather vague or
even vacuous regarding life beyond when read alongside the New Testament. For a
useful survey of Greek and Roman beliefs concerning life after death, see the overview in
John P. Mason, The Resurrection according to Paul (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press,
1993), 46-60.
24
Contrast Shepherd of Hermas 41.5: "Rid yourself, therefore, of grief and do not oppress
the Holy Spirit that lives in you, lest it intercede with God against you and leave you"!
Johri R. W. Stott (The Message ofl&2 Thessalonians, The Bible Speaks Today [Downers
Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1991], 94) rightly observes: "What Paul prohibits is not grief
but hopeless grief."
25
Pace Karl P. Donfried, "The Theology of 1 Thessalonians," in The Theology of the
Shorter Pauline Letters, New Testament Theology, gen. ed. James D. G. Dunn (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press), 27.
26
D. Michael Martin, 1,2 Thessalonians, New American Commentary 33 (Nashville:
Broadman & Holman Publishers, 1995), 143.
27
Richard N. Longenecker, "Paul's Early Eschatology," 93. So also, e. g., Abraham J.
Malherbe, "Exhortation in 1 Thessalonians," Novum Testamentum 35 (1983): 238-56 (on
254).
 28
The Latin verb rapio was used in translating the Greek harpazein. We derive the
English word rapture from this Latin verb. Paul does not, of course, suggest that those
who remain will be "caught up" or "snatched away" from a time of tribulation. Contra, e.
g., John F. Walvoord, The Thessalonian Epistles (Findlay, OH: Dunham, 1955), pp. 80-83.
Rather, Paul maintains that at the time of the parousia the Christian living will be
"raptured" along with the resurrected dead in Christ in order to be henceforth united
with their Lord and with one another. Malherbe ("Exhortation in 1 Thessalonians," 256, n.
84) rightly notes: "Whereas the word [harpazein] usually denoted the separation from the
living, Paul uses it [in 4:17] to describe a snatching to an association with Lord and other
Christians."
29
Cf. the sage remarks of Charles H. Talbert, The Apocalypse: A Reading of the Revelation
John (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1990), 97.
^So also, e. g., John Gillman, "Signals of Transformation in 1 Thessalonians 4:13-18,"
Catholic Biblical Quarterly 47 (1985): 263-81 (on 272).
31
On lësous apethanen kai oneste as (part of) a creedal statement of the early church, see,
e. g.. Best, Thessalonians, 187-88; Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 168-69; and Longenecker,
"Paul's Early Eschatology," 90.
32
Cf. Plevnik, Paul and the Parousia, 76: "The rule 'What happens to Christ also to the
Christian' expresses solidarity with Christ."
33
See similarly, Plevnik, Paul and the Parousia, 73. So also Joël Delobel, "The Fate of the
Dead according to 1 Thes 4 and 1 Cor 15," in The Thessalonian Correspondence, ed.
Raymond F. Collins, Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum lovaniensium 87 (Leuven:
Leuven University Press, 1990), 340-47 (on 345, n. 16).
34
So rightly, Plevnik, Paul and the Parousia, 71-76. I take dia tou Iësou with tous
koimêthëntas. So also, e. g., Bruce, Thessalonians, 97; and Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 169.
35
On the pivotal role of God in Paul's eschatology, especially in 1 Thessalonians, see
Jerome H. Neyrey, "Eschatology in 1 Thessalonians: The Theological Factor in 1:9-10; 2:4-
5; 3:11-13; 4:6 and 4:13-18," Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers (1980): 219-31.
Precisely where God will take those who sleep (or wake) at the time of the parousia is a
matter of scholarly debate. Some maintain that the destination is earth (e. g., Marshall,
Thessalonians, 124-25; Martin, Thessalonians, 155; Witherington, Jesus, Paul and the End of the
World, 158; Holmes, Thessalonians, 151), others contend heaven (e. g., Paul Ellingworth,
"Which Way Are We Going? A Verb of Movement, especially in 1 Thess 4:14b," The Bible
Translator 25 [1974]: 426-31; Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 175-76). I am inclined to the
former. Regardless of the destination, neither 4:14b nor 4:17a support "the
Dispensationalist view of a pretribulation rapture of the saints so that they will avoid the
messianic woes that precede the end of history" (Witherington, Jesus, Paul, and the End of
the World, 158). So also, Robert H. Gundry, The Church and the Tribulation (Grand Rapids:
Zondervan, 1973), 100-11. Pace, e. g., Robert L. Thomas, "1 Thessalonians," in The
Expositor's Bible Commentary, Vol. 11 (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1978), 276-79.
^Meeks ("Social Functions of Apocalyptic Literature," 694) points out that the
eschatological instruction which Paul offers here could buttress further the solidarity of
the community. Believers are bound together in life and death.
37
It might be worth mentioning in passing that Paul presupposes the historicity of the
resurrection. Noted also by Holmes, Thessalonians, 153, n. 19. Cf. similarly. Best,
Thessalonians, 187-88.
38
Of course, variations of these three basic positions abound. For a discussion of the
various interpretive options and proponents thereof, see Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 170-
71; Plevnik, Paul and the Parousia, 78-81; Wenham, Paul, 305-7,332-33; and Dunn, Paul, 303-
4. See also Robert H. Gundry, "The Hellenization of Dominical Tradition and

206
 Eschatology in the Thessalonian Letters
Review and Expositor, 96 (1999)

Christianization of Jewish Tradition in the Eschatology of 1-2 Thessalonians," New

Testament Studies 33 (1987): 161-78, esp. 164-66.
39
On the location of the logion, in addition to technical commentaries see J. Ramsey
Michaels, "Everything that Rises Must Converge: Paul's Word from the Lord," in To Tell
the Mystery. Essays on New Testament Eschatology in Honor of Robert H. Gundry, ed. Thomas
E. Schmidt and Moisés Silva, Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement
Series 100 (Sheffield: JSOT, 1994), 182-95.
40
Thessalonians, 99.
41
Wanamaker (Thessalonians, 170) rightly notes that the function of 4:15-17 all too
frequently gets lost in the dust of scholastic debate. See also Malherbe, "Exhortation in 1
Thessalonians," 254-56.
42
Paul and his Predecessors, rev. ed. (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1961), 105.
Contrast Ellis, Pauline Theology, 16; and C. E. B. Cranfield, "Thoughts on New Testament
Eschatology," Scottish Journal of Theology 35 (1982): 497-512.
43
Commenting on 1 Thess 4:15, Wenham (Paul, 298) writes: "Paul anticipated that the
Lord would come soon and thought that he himself would be alive at that time." So
similarly, Bruce, Thessalonians, 99; Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 171-72. Contrast Marshall,
Thessalonians, 127; and E. M. B. Green, "A Note on 1 Thessalonians iv. 15,17," Expository
Times 69 (1957): 285-86.
44
See esp. Gundry, "Eschatology of 1-2 Thessalonians," 161-66; and Witherington, Jesus,
Paul, and the End of the World, 158-59.
45
Pace John F. Walvoord, "1 Thessalonians 4: A Central Rapture Passage," in When the
Trumpet Sounds, ed. Thomas Ice and Timothy J. Demy (Eugene, OR: Harvest House, 1995),
251-59.
46
Dunn, "He Will Come Again," 48. Cf. the apposite remarks of Marshall,
Thessalonians, 128: " . . . texts about the parousia must be taken symbolically. A real event
is being described, but it is one which cannot be described literally since the direct activity
of God cannot be fully comprehended in human language." See also, Wanamaker,
Thessalonians, 173.
47
Pace Jewett (Thessalonian Correspondence, 97) who thinks that the Thessalonians'
"intense experience of realized eschatology, so to speak, sustained an unwillingness to
live with the uncertainty of a future eschatology." Barclay ("Conflict in Thessalonka,"
517) rightly observes that the Thessalonians' expectation of the parousia was increasing,
not waning.
48
The introductory formula peri de ("now concerning") marks the beginning of a new,
though related, section. Holmes (Thessalonians, 164) notes, "Whereas 4:13-18 dealt with
the fate of the Christian dead at the Parousia of Jesus, 5:1-11 deals with the attitude of the
living towards the same event." So similarly, Marshall, Thessalonians, 131.
Scholars have rightly rejected Gerhard Friedrkh's proposal that 1 Thess 5:1-11 is a
post-Pauline interpolation ("1 Thessalonicher 5,1-11, der apologetische Einschub eines
Späteren," Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 10 [1973]: 288-315).
49
Marshall (Thessalonians, 132), who is followed by Holmes (Thessalonians, 165),
suggests that the congregation posed this question because they were unsure whether
they were spiritually prepared for parousia. While this suggestion is not without some
merit, I am inclined to think that it was the church's eager expectation regarding the
eschaton that prompted this inquiry (cf. 2 Thess 2:2).
50
Although some scholars have sought to differentiate between "times" and "seasons"
with the former understood as chronological periods and the latter as significant moments
(so, e. g., Morris, Thessalonians, 148-49), it is now widely recognized that these terms are
more or less synonymous (so, e. g., Bruce, Thessalonians, 108-9).
 51
In 4:13-5:11 Paul uses parousia and hëmëra kuriou interchangeably. So rightly, e. g.,
Martin, Thessalonians, 156; and Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 179. Holmes (Thessalonians, 166)
offers the plausible suggestion that Paul switches from the former word to the latter
phrase in 5:2 so as to underscore the theme of judgment. On "the day of the Lord" in the
Old Testament and Paul's employment of this phrase and variations thereon, see, among
others, Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 179.
52
So also Joseph Plevnik, "Pauline Presuppositions," in Thessalonian Correspondence, 50-
61 (56-59).
53
Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 179.
54
For the argument that this phrase is a Roman imperial slogan which Paul regards as
foolishness, see my Conflict at Thessalonka, eh. 10.4.C.
55
On the timing of Christ's coming and Paul's succinct response to the Thessalonians'
question in 5:2-3, Marshall (Thessalonians, 132) writes:

It is worth observing that many people today crave detailed information about both
the time and the course of the last events, and there are writers who are prepared to
answer the question in minute detail and with not a little imagination. Some
advocates of 'dispensational' teaching about the second coming of Jesus are
particularly prone to offering exhaustive and elaborate timetables of future events.
Not so Paul. When he was asked for detailed information, he had nothing more to
say than he says in this passage. Christian teachers today would do well to follow his
example and so avoid 'going beyond what is written.'

56
On the indicative and imperative in Paul, see, e. g., Michael Parsons, "Being Precedes
Act: Indicative and Imperative in Paul's Writing," Evangelical Quarterly 88 (1988): 99-127.
57
For a full bibliography on 2 Thess 2:1-12 as well as other literature related to the
Thessalonian letters, see now Jeffrey A. D. Weima and Stanley E. Porter, An Annotated
Bibliography ofl and 2 Thessalonians, New Testament Tools and Texts 26 (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1998).
58
On the nature, cause, and results of the Thessalonians' affliction, see my full-length
study Conflict at Thessalonka.
59
On 2 Thess. 2:2, see, e. g., Gordon D. Fee, "Pneuma and Eschatology in 2
Thessalonians 2.1-2: A Proposal about Testing the Prophets' and the Purpose of 2
Thessalonians," in To Tell the Mystery, 196-215.
60
For a useful and to my mind convincing reconstruction of the Sitz im Leben which
gave rise to 2 Thessalonians in general and 2:1-12 in particular, see Barclay, "Conflict in
Thessalonka," 525-29. Although some of Paul's converts in Thessalonka might have
differentiated between the day of the Lord and the coming of the Lord, Paul obviously did
not as this text makes manifestly clear.
It is not infrequently suggested that Paul is reacting to some sort of realized
eschatology among the Thessalonians in 2:1-12 (so, e. g., Jewett, Thessalonian
Correspondence, 176). This proposal is rightly rejected by, among others, Gundry, "The
Eschatology of 1-2 Thessalonians," 177, n. 45.
61
Barclay ("Conflict in Thessalonka," 530) comments, "The Thessalonian Letters show
how an apocalyptic sect can get so caught up in its own rhetoric that it develops
tendencies towards economic and social suicide."
62
For a listing of some of the pertinent texts, see Gundry, "The Eschatology of 1-2
Thessalonians," 171.
63
It is now impossible to know for sure whether Paul perceived of the "man of

208
 Eschatology in the Thessalonian Letters
Review and Expositor, 96 (1999)

lawlessness" (cf. the figure of the Antichrist in 1 John 2:18; cf. also 1 John 2:22; 4:3; 2 John
7; Revelation 13) as an actual individual (so, e. g., Stott, Thessalonians, 166-67; and Herschel
H. Hobbs, "Commentary on 2 Thessalonians," in The Broadman Bible Commentary, Vol. 11
[Nashville: Broadman Press, 1971], 291) or as a metaphoric representation of utter evil (so,
e. g., Dunn, "Until He Comes," 50; and John T. Townsend, "II Thessalonians 2:3-13,"
Sockty of Biblical Literature Seminar Paper [1980]: 233-46 [238]). Cf. further Wanamaker
(Thessalonians, 250) who suggests that 2 Thess 2:3-4 "reads like prophecy about historical
events to come, and it is almost certain that this is how Paul and his readers would have
understood it." He continues by suggesting: "This passage can no longer be understood
as valid, since the temple was destroyed in CE 70 without the manifestation of the person
of lawlessness or the return of Christ occurring." No perspective vis-á-vis the "man of
lawlessness" is unproblematk. Stott's contention (Thessalonians, 167) "And whether we
still believe in the coming of [a literal, human] Antichrist will depend largely on whether
we still believe in the coming of Christ," strikes me as overstated.
The ambiguity of the identity of the "man of lawlessness" has generated a legion of
suggestions over the centuries as to whom he might be. These range from Roman
emperors, to popes, to church reformers, to contemporary political and theological
figures, to political and theological movements. Recently, I was told that a metroplex
pastor identified Prince Charles as the Antichrist (and ultimately lost his job over this
interpretive point! There is more than one reason to proceed with caution on this topic!).
For a list of would-be Antichrists, see Stott, Thessalonians, 165-66; and Holmes,
Thessalonians, 241. On the figure of the Antichrist in biblical studies, see the excursus of
Bruce, Thessalonians, 179-88. On how this character has been construed in America from
colonial to contemporary times, see Robert C. Fuller, Naming the Antichrist: The History of
an American Obsesswn (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995).
For interpretive options regarding the temple of God of which Paul speaks in 2:4, see
Marshall, Thessalonians, 190-92; Wanamaker, Thessalonians, 246-47; and Townsend, "II
Thessalonians 2:3-12," 235-37.
64
Longenecker ("Paul's Early Eschatology," 93) rightly sees that Paul's argument in 2:1-
12 is essentially negative. Paul reasons as follows: "... if the Day of the Lord had already
come, Thessalonian Christians would be able by hindsight to identify 'the apostasy' and
'the man of lawlessness' (vs. 3-4) spoken about in Christian tradition and by Paul in his
preaching among them (v.5)—but since they can't, it hasn't!"
65
Numerous proposals regarding the nature of the restraining force (to katechon)/
restrainer (hofatechön)are on offer. These include: the Roman empire as personified in the
emperor; the principle of law and order; the Jewish state; Satan; a force and person hostile
to God; God and his power; the Holy Spirit; the proclamation of the gospel by Christian
missionaries, particularly Paul; and an angelic figure restraining evil until the gospel has
been preached to all nations. For these suggestions and representatives thereof, see
Holmes, Thessalonians, 233-34. Beyond eliminating those proposals which construe that
which/the one who restrains as evil, I have no settled opinion at present. Indeed, "There
are some things in [Paul's letters] hard to understand ..." (2 Pet. 3:16). Happily, I have
good company in my confoundedness. When confronted with 2:6-7, Augustine (City of
God, 20.19) remarked: "I frankly confess that I do not know what he means." We might be
wise to make a similar confession. Cf. Morris, Thessalonians, 228.
66
Drawing upon the work of his teacher George B. Caird (Language and Imagery in the
Bible), N. Thomas Wright, "Putting Paul Together Again: Toward a Synthesis of Pauline
Theology (1 and 2 Thessalonians, Philippians, and Philemon)," in Pauline Theology. I.
Thessalonians, Philippians, Galatians, Philemon, ed. Jouette M. Bassler (Minneapolis: Fortress
Press, 1991), 183-211 (211), contends that "it is high time that... we released ourselves

209
from the woodenly literal reading of apocalyptic language which has been such a strange
characteristic of an otherwise linguistically sensitive age." Contrast Jerry Falwell, who has
recently claimed that the Bible dictates that the Antichrist will be a Jewish male ("Falwell
Apologizes for Antichrist Comment," Baptist Standard 111.7 [1999]: 9). He is, of course, not
the first to posit such. E. g., Irenaeus (c. 180 C.E. in Adv. Haer. 5.25-30) and Hippolytus (c.
200 C.E. in On Antkhrist 14) were likewise convinced. Nevertheless, this interpretive
position regarding the identity of the Antichrist surely does not rise to the level of
"traditional Christian belief" despite Falwell's claims to the contrary.
67
Marshall, Thessalonians, 192.
68
The third stanza of Martin Luther's "A Mighty Fortress Is Our God" serves as a
useful commentary on 2 Thess 2:3-12:
And tho' this world, with devils filled.
Should threaten to undo us.
We will not fear, for God hath willed
His truth to triumph through us:
The Prince of Darkness grim.
We tremble not for him;
His rage we can endure.
For lo, his doom is sure.
One little word shall fell him.
69
Cf. Marshall, Thessalonians, 143; and Dunn, "He Will Come Again," 55-56.
70
Cf. the Apostles' and Nicene Creeds which maintain that Jesus will come to judge the
living and the dead.
71
Ellis, Pauline Theology, 17, n. 45.
72
So rightly. Holmes, Thessalonians, 173.
73
Cf. Longenecker ("Paul's Early Eschatology," 93), who maintains that Paul's
"commitment was not first of all to a programme or some timetable of events but to a
person: Jesus the Messiah."
74
"The World's Last Night," 79.
75
Ibid., 82-83.

210
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