Reviews 1099

sienne," analyzes the lives of the four sainted abbots of Cluny, Odo (927-42), Mai'eul
(965-94), Odilo (994-1049), and Hugh of Semur (1049-1109). Chapter 2, "La croix, le
moine et l'empereur: Devotion a la croix et theologie politique a Cluny autour de l'an mil,"
focuses on devotion to the cross in Cluniac liturgy. In chapter 3, "La place ideale du laic a
Cluny: D'une morale statutaire a une ethique absolue?" Iogna-Prat reviews recent schol-
arship on Odo's Vita Sancti Geraldi, presents a valuable dossier of largely untapped ma-
terial relating to the life of St. Gerald, and studies from a variety of perspectives the roles
of laypeople in the life of Cluny. Chapter 4, "Les morts dans la comptabilite celeste des
clunisiens aux Xle et Xlle siecles," opens up the vast subject of how Cluniac monks pre-
served and cared for the memory of the dead during the eleventh and twelfth centuries,
while chapter 5, "Odon, Romainmotier et l'eglise clunisienne des origines," uses an analysis
of relations between Cluny and the monastery of Romainmotier between 928/29 and 1100
to illustrate the process by which the ecclesia Cluniacensis was constructed. Chapter 6, "La
geste des origines dans l'historiographie clunisienne des Xle et Xlle siecles," shows how
stories about Cluny's origins changed between 1030 and the abbacy of Peter the Venerable.
Chapter 7, "Cluny, 910-1910, ou l'instrumentalisation de la memoire des origines," con-
cludes this valuable collection of Cluniac studies by analyzing the millennial commemo-
ration of the abbey's foundation.
STEPHEN D. WHITE, Emory University

DOMINIQUE IOGNA-PRAT, Order and Exclusion: Cluny and Christendom Face Heresy, Ju-
daism, and Islam (1000-1150). Trans. Graham Robert Edwards. Foreword by Barbara
H. Rosenwein. (Conjunctions of Religion and Power in the Medieval Past.) Ithaca, N.Y.,
and London: Cornell University Press, 2002. Pp. xvii, 407; 3 black-and-white figures.
$59.95. First published in 1998 under the title Ordonner et exclure, by Aubier, Paris.
Extraordinarily far-reaching implications flow from this study, which is fundamentally a
critical reading of three treatises by Peter the Venerable. Dominique Iogna-Prat examines
the context, intellectual tools, and intent of Peter's works aimed at the enemies of Chris-
tendom: Contra Petrobrusianos, a refutation of the beliefs of the heresiarch Peter of Bruis
and his sect; Adversus Judeos, a polemic against the Jews; and Contra sectam Sarraceno-
rum, an attack on Muhammad and his teachings. These three constituted a coherent view
of the world and "helped to forge the intolerant society that emerged during the time of
the first two Crusades" (p. 323).
Part 1 of Order and Exclusion outlines the history of the abbey of Cluny in the eleventh
and twelfth centuries. The author argues that Cluny exercised control far beyond its own
monastic community. The abbey became a spawning ground for powerful clerics, who
enjoyed unusual geographic mobility. At the same time as it sent its monks into the world,
it also absorbed outsiders into its fabric, for example, by including in its necrology as a
"monk of our congregation" many lay and religious people from outside the Cluniac fold.
Prayers for deceased donors were offered not just at Cluny but also at its dependencies,
and the feast of All Saints, introduced at Cluny by Abbot Odilo in the 1030s, spread to
become a universal celebration. Peter the Venerable continued this extension of the Cluniac
family by introducing into his treatise De miraculis saints who were ordinary monks rather
than abbots, monks from La Chartreuse as well as Cluny, and even deceased lay folk, all
expansions of the usual restrictive model for such writing. The ultimate outreach of De
miraculis depicts the abbey as a sacred space within which the continuous spiritual practices
of the Cluniac monks stretch beyond the world of the living into purgatorial places to help
suffering souls.
In the second part of Order and Exclusion Iogna-Prat examines Peter's sociology of
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Christianity as the abbot mounted his defense of Christian society from internal attack.
Each of the challenges raised against the church by the Petrobrusians was refuted, with
particular passion used to defend the central celebration of the Eucharist by the undefiled
hands of devoted priests. The entire cycle of transformation becomes clear: the donations
of worldly things pass through the hands of the mediating priest/monk to become spiri-
tualia, drawing all into Christian society. A disturbing element, however, disrupted Peter's
holistic view, and three to four years after writing against heresy Peter attacked the Jews,
outsiders who damage the unity of Christian society.
Iogna-Prat addresses the abbot's anthropology of Christianity in part 3, first by exam-
ining the Jews and then the Saracens in two impassioned defensive works written to protect
the church from outside attackers. Iogna-Prat argues that Adversus Judeos was written in
two parts, the first incorporating the standard Christological defense, while the end of the
fourth chapter together with the fifth forms a second stage of writing that departs from
intellectual proofs and sinks to furious invective. Peter opens with direct address to the
Jews, bidding them repent of the murder of Christ and accept him as God. To assist in
their understanding and conversion, the abbot presents evidence that Christ is the Son of
God, that he is truly God and not an earthly ruler but a heavenly king. Christ is the Messiah,
and the Jews are exiled and miserable for refusing to accept him as such. In the second
stage the abbot attacks the Jews for their failure to accept Christianity and their foolish
adherence to the Talmud instead of relying on the prophetic truths of the Old Testament.
Peter did not specify the Jewish texts from which he was working, but Iogna-Prat speculates
that a Jewish convert may have supplied the abbot with excerpts of Talmudic and other
Jewish texts. What is evident is that Peter was not at all clear about the nature and uses of
the Talmud, so that he read fables in midrash as theological texts and used them for violent
attacks on the stupidity and wrongheadedness of the Jews. For example, in a tale from the
Talmud about peopling the Promised Land, Jewish women bear a baby every day, a meta-
phor that Peter took at face value as evidence of the idiocy of Jewish beliefs. Talmudic tales
that depict God as all too human drove Peter into a rage as evidence of idolatry and
suggested to him that by indulging in such absurdities, Jews cannot be human.
The treatise against the Jews was followed a few years later by Peter's denunciation of
the teachings of Muhammad, Contra sectam Sarracenorum, which sought to encourage
Christian beliefs rather than to call Christian readers to crusade. Peter relates how he
obtained translations of the Qur'an and sent them to Bernard of Clairvaux to write a
refutation. When Bernard ignored Peter's request, Peter eventually wrote the response him-
self. His Contra sectam Sarracenorum consists of two books. Other medieval sources sug-
gest that it might have been intended to be longer, but Iogna-Prat argues that the work is
complete as it stands. The first book seems to suggest that Peter is open to debate rather
than polemic, writing that he wishes to use words, speak reasonably, and approach his
readers "not with hate but love" (p. 347). Iogna-Prat refuses to join those who use this
text to make Peter into a medieval hero of nonviolence, pointing out that the abbot's
ostensible goal is to encourage the followers of Muhammad to listen to his arguments and
be drawn from their errors, although the actual audience was Christian. The abbot starts
off with a query about why Muhammad's sectaries should accept only parts of the Scrip-
tures and attack Holy Writ asfilledwith errors. If the Old Testament contains truth, why
not the New Testament also? Peter's second book challenges Muhammad as the seal of the
prophets, pointing out that he performed no miracles, the litmus test of sanctity. Although
Peter's rhetoric was less inflamed than in the attack on the Jews, Iogna-Prat argues that
Contra sectam Sarracenorum "came down in the end to demonizing Muhammad and his
sectaries" (p. 356).
Ecclesia Cluniacensis, a formidable spiritual force, used its awesome liturgical potential
to pour out prayers and eucharistic celebrations for its community. That community was
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defined in the 1140s by the exclusion of aliens—unrepentant heretics, Jews, and Saracens—
described by Peter the Venerable, its greatest intellectual abbot. Iogna-Prat's work is thus
a major entry into the larger discussion of the twelfth century, a century that appeals as a
time of cultural blossoming and repels as a time of persecution. In addition, the author
carefully notes that modern intolerance and persecution may be connected to the demon-
izations of the Other in the medieval past. He closes by suggesting "whatever the discon-
tinuities that make the Middle Ages seem distant and exotic, it is worthwhile to seek to
identify their residues and project a little light into the theater of our shadows" (p. 365).
Order and Exclusion is a work of superb scholarship, drawing from both a careful
reading of the texts and a masterly knowledge of medieval historiography. The text is
elegantly translated, beautifully presented, and will elicit scholarly discussions for years to
come.
PENELOPE D. JOHNSON, New York University

ISIDORUS HISPALENSIS, lsidori Hispalensis Chronica, ed. Jose Carlos Martin. (Corpus
Christianorum, Series Latina, 112.) Turnhout: Brepols, 2003. Pp. 310*, 239; black-and-
whitefigures.€230.
Martin's French introduction to this edition of Isidore's Chronica has only a little to say
about the content of the work, although he does point out that this universal chronicle is
structured, not according to the tradition of Jerome, who interpreted history as a succession
of empires, but (at least in its final version) to that of Augustine, who saw history in terms
of the six ages of mankind, of which the last is the Christian era. Isidore kindly points out
at the very end that nobody knows when history will end collectively, but each individual
will have his or her own ending before long. Isidore himself died in 636, but his Chronica
is not like the Etymologiae, which was left unfinished; he had worked on the chronicle for
many years, but the final surviving version can be definitely and internally dated to 626.
The first version is datable to 615, and some surviving versions come from intervening
expansions.
Most of Martin's energy has gone into successfully meeting the challenge posed by the
need to produce a reliable stemma for the early manuscripts, which had defeated the last
editor, Theodor Mommsen (in the MGH, in 1894; surprisingly, that edition was the elev-
enth). There are 118 relevant manuscripts, of which Martin discusses 31 in detail. Only
13 are now in Spain; 17 are in the Vatican. Careful comparison and argument help establish
correct readings, without reference to what Isidore says elsewhere about their spelling
(particularly as regards the letter h), to their sense, or to their grammar; this is welcome,
in the light of the depressing tendency to overclassicize the language in editions of the
Etymologiae. Abbreviations are resolved if the spelling is uncontroversial. All manuscript
variants are fortunately in the apparatus, except for ae/e and oe/e; thus we can, for example,
see the remarkable range of spellings for Hippocrates (chapter 180, pp. 88-89) and stirps
(chapter 4, pp. 10-11). There are only occasional linguistic comments, largely unillumi-
nating: "a cette epoque, on pouvait trouver des emplois de genitif au lieu du datif" (p. 160*)
is hardly a helpful way to present seventh-century nominal morphology, for example.
The edition keeps Mommsen's section numbering and indicates sources (but not what
the sources say). One valuable aspect of the edition is that it is presented twice: verso pages
have the first version, of 615, carefully and convincingly reconstructed from manuscript
comparisons, and the facing recto pages have the final 626 version, with differences be-
tween the two indicated via letterspacing. Each has its own separate apparatus. This ar-
rangement can be genuinely interesting; the first version was compiled under King Sisebut
and the second under King Swinthila, which led to rephrasings necessary on grounds of