African Traditional Religion Edited-1-1

LIEBENBERG HIGH SCHOOL
FAMILY AND RELIGIOUS STUDIES
AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGION
LOWER SIX NOTES
2018
FAMILY AND RELIGIOUS STUDIES zjsimoyi@gmail.com 0772 302 556 Page 1

INDIGENOUS RELIGION
Discuss the significance of studying the indigenous religion [25]
Religion – from an African perspective religion can be defined as the continual participation in
traditions (myths and rituals) passed on from one generation to the next. Common beliefs and
practices of a particular community of group of people.
Indigenous Religion (IR) – is a sub-division of the African Traditional Religion (plural).
It can be explained as the sum total systems of beliefs, practices, rituals and institutions of the
local or native people and how they relate with the spiritual world. It also refers to the inherited
Beliefs and Practices, which include religious objects and places, values and morals and
religious officials and /or Leaders.
Tenets – is an established fundamental belief especially relating to religion or politics. These are
the main views, doctrine or guiding principles held by a group or an individual. Thus Tenets of
Indigenous Religion are the guiding principles in the study of the local religion.
TENETS OF INDIGENOUS RELIGION
 Concept of God
 Existence and functions of spirits
 Concept of ancestors
 Totems and indigenous identities
 Communication with spirits
 Symbolism
 Belief in life after death
 The nature of Mediumship
Debate on Indigenous Religion
 The concept of God, religion and worship has been presented in a negative sense by the
early European writers and missionaries. Indigenous beliefs had been characterised as;
 Superstition, witchcraft, primitive, juju, idolatry, fetishism, savage and polytheistic.
 According to Tovagonze, “Many have maintained that God has no place in African
Tribal Religions, or that belief in God is due to the influence of hierarchical society.
Some have said that God in African tribal is nothing more than a glorified Ancestor,
or that belief in God is the reflection of the worship of nature, that Africans are
Animists, that magic is the mother of African Religions.”
 There is a debate whether Africans had a belief in God before the advent of Christian
missionaries. There are two schools of thought regarding this debate: One advocates the
non-existence of God in ATR; ancestors are the unrestricted value in themselves. Belief
in God is a very recent development. The Africans did not have this notion before the
advent of missionaries/Christianity.
 C, Bullock says, I would be the last one to advocate the translation of our word God by
Chishona word Mwari.

 H. Stacy says ‘Shona people are uncivilised and need to be introduced and taught of the
living God and the name Jesus. They believe ancestors were an end in themselves; the
Supreme Being of unrestricted value.’
However, all the above writers simply misinterpreted the known facts, or misrepresented the
African Traditional Beliefs, or misunderstood African Concept of God.
 African scholars maintain that the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, Creator of
Heaven and Earth, Lord of History, has been dealing with Mankind at all times and in all
parts of the World. African ancestors have a rich that they knew God and worshipped
him before the coming of the missionaries. Africans had a belief in god from
antiquity/time immemorial. The Shona and the Ndebele had a belief in God that has been
passed from one generation to another even before the advent of missionaries.
Knowledge of God preceded the coming of the missionaries. According to Mbiti:
“Missionaries did not bring God to Africa, but it was God who brought them to
Africa. One for real is that they brought Christ. Africans do not worship their
ancestors- they are not the supreme Beings; the end in themselves, but God is
the final authority above and beyond the ancestors. Ancestors are just the
intermediaries between people and the Supreme-Being.”
The Concept of God in Indigenous Religion

Concept – the most important basic idea, thought, belief, view, principle or understanding of
something. The concept of God to the basic ideas held by a particular community in how they
understand or perceive about the nature of their deity. Two factors to note about the concept of
God are:
 Africans were familiar with God and had formulated certain ideas about God.
 Belief in God was part and parcel of African thinking and life.
1. Belief in God
 Belief in the existence of God is part and parcel of the concept of God in IR. God is
known and worshipped all over Africa. Indigenous societies acknowledge Him as Father,
Creator, Eternal, completely Beneficent (helpful), ethically Holy, and creatively
Omnipotent. John S. Mbiti notes that, ″All over Africa people have a notion of God as
the Supreme Being the origin and sustenance of all things. ″
 Indigenous peoples strongly believe in the supreme Being (God). They consider Him
″older″ than the zamani period (long past). He is outside and beyond His creation. On the
other hand, He is personally involved in His creation, so that it is not outside of Him or
His reach. He is thus simultaneously Transcendent (supreme) and Immanent (present in
His creation).
 African knowledge of God is expressed in proverbs, short statements, songs, prayers,
names, myths, stories and religious ceremonies. All these are easy to remember and pass
on to other people. There are no sacred writings in Traditional Societies. But God is no
stranger to the African peoples and everybody knows God′s existence almost by instinct
and even children know Him.

 Generally, indigenous concepts of God are strongly coloured and influenced by the
historical, geographical, social and cultural background or environment of each people.
This explains the similarities and differences which we find when we consider the beliefs
about God from all over African Continent.
2. The Eternal Nature of God
 Indigenous Religion accepts the concept of God as Eternal. A number local

communities in Africa considers the of the Eternal Nature of God. Indigenous
communities consider God to be: Omniscient (Knowing all things), Omnipresent
(being everywhere), and Omnipotent (being almighty or all-powerful). These are
essential aspects of his Being.
 Indigenous African peoples consider God to be Transcendent and Immanent. When
African peoples consider God to be Omniscient, they are at the same time confer
upon Him the highest possible position of honour and respect.
 Local people admit that man′s wisdom is limited, incomplete, and acquired. On the
other hand, God′s Omniscience is absolute, unlimited and part of His eternal nature
and being. The metaphor of seeing and hearing explains the concepts of God as
omniscient in a concrete way.
 God is visualized as the ″great Eye″ or the ″sun″ which beams its light everywhere.
African peoples regard Him as the omniscient from whom nothing is hidden since
nothing can escape His vision, hearing and knowledge. God knows everything,
observes everything and hears everything without limitation and without exception.
 God controls nature that is the wind, sun and rain. God is transcendental, so ‘far’
that man cannot reach Him, yet, He is immanent, so ‘near’ that He comes close to
man. In this way, God is thought of as dwelling far away in the sky, or ″above″
beyond the reach of men. Practically all African peoples associate God with the sky.
 God is immanent, being manifested in natural objects and phenomena and they can
turn to Him in acts of worship, at any place and time. It is through many acts of
worship that men acknowledge God to be near and approachable. Such acts include
sacrifices, offerings and prayers.
 Concerning the origin of God, a number of African peoples think of Him as self-
existent and pre-eminent. God is the first, who had always been in existence, and
would never die.
 God is great and supreme. Many societies like the Tonga, and others, speak of Him as
″the Great one″, or ″Great God″, or ″the Great King″, or ″the surpassingly Great
Spirit. ″ The main Zulu name for God, Unkulunkulu, carried with it the sense of ″the
Great-Great-One″, and the same name is used by Ndebele tribe31 for whom it means
″the Greatest of the Great. ″ The Shona people refer to God as: Muwanikwa,
Mutangakugara, Musiki- Creator of all there is in the world: People, vegetation,
animals and the earth itself, Musikavanhu- creator of humanity
 It is commonly believed that God is spirit, even if in thinking or talking about Him
African peoples may often use anthropomorphic images. As far as it is known, there
are no images or physical representations of God by African peoples; this being one
clear indication that they consider Him to be a Spiritual Being. The fact that He is
invisible also leads many to visualize Him as spiritual rather than physical
 The Karanga concept of God

 The Karanga believed in the Supreme Being, creator, or God known as Zame. In
Shona he is popularly known as Mwari. Zame is regarded as Musikavanhu ‘creator
of human beings’, Nyadenga ‘owner of the sky’. In this case, Gelfand (1959) argues
that the Karanga people believed that ‘it was Zame who created the earth, all
humanity, the animals, insects, vegetables, the mountains, the sky, stars, the moon
and everything that exists or moves on the surface of the earth, sea and oceans’.
 A celebrated scholar in the study of the Karanga religion Daneel (1970:15) argues
that:

 Of all Southern and Eastern tribes of Zimbabwe, the Karanga have the most
elaborate cult for worshiping and consulting the Supreme Being. For many centuries
they believed in Mwari as the final authority behind their ancestors, a high-God who
was perhaps less directly involved in the affairs of the individual lives that the
ancestors, but one who could be consulted in matters of communal impart.
 Far from being a remote deity, Zame was believed to control the fertility of Karanga
occupied country, to give rain in times of drought and advice on the course of action
in times of national crisis. Unlike that of some of African tribes, the Karanga
conception of God was not of a disinterested Deus otiosus, isolated from creation in
an abstract remoteness. His first concern was to a tribe as whole, not individual
member .The Karanga believed that in times of crisis, his presence was felt to be very
real, and his commands entailed both moral and political obligations. The main
attributes ascribed to Zame are clearly reflected in various traditional praising names.
Zame’s close association with the apex of the ancestral world has contributed both
towards his anthropomorphic image and has made him the transcendent God, the one
above. Bourdillon (1990) concurs with Daneel (1970) and remarks that, “as do many
African people, the Karanga believe in a remote high God. He is known by various
names including Nyadenga ‘lord of the sky’, Musikavanhu , ‘creator of people’,
Chikara, ‘one inspiring awe’, Dzivaguru, ‘the great pool’, Chirazamavinamauya, ‘the
provider of good and bad things’ Zame ‘the God of Matopos’ and many more.

 The interpretive concept that emerges from the above mentioned names is that of an
ambivalent deity, both immanent and transcendent. Zame’s association with all things
created evokes an almost pantheistic conception because a clear distinction between
Him and His creation is not seen clearly. Taylor (1963:72) says:

 No distinction can be made between the sacred and secular, between supernatural
and natural, for nature, man and the unssen are the inseparably involved in one
another in a total community.
 As a result the average Karanga person was contented to accept the final authority of
Zame as the ultimate controller of midzimu or ancestral spirits.
Karanga traditional religion

The Karanga people are found in the Province of Masvingo in the modern day Zimbabwe. This
province was known as the Fort Victoria Tribal Trust Land during the colonial era. Currently the
province is comprised of seven districts which include Chivi, Gutu, Mwenezi, Bikita,
Masvingo/Nemamwa, Ndanga, Jerera and Zaka. The term Karanga is derived from their dialect,

religion and culture known as Chikaranga. Since their dialect, culture and religious practices are
homogeneous this group of people is popularly known as the Makaranga. Mbiti (1969) observed
that African traditionalists integrate all aspects of life. Therefore, it is difficult to separate the
sacred from the profane. This position is also supported by Amanze (1998: xvi) that:
Wherever the African is, there is his religion: he takes it with him to the beer
party or to attend a funeral ceremony; and if he is educated, he takes religion
with him to the examination room at school or in the university; if he is a
politician he takes it to the house of parliament.
This entails that religion in the Karanga tradition can be talked, danced, acted or even shown in
their art and symbols since there is no boundary separating what may be called the religious and
non - religious. Like all other Shona people of Zimbabwe the Karanga believe in a variety of
spirits such as the idea of God, belief in ancestral spirits, alien spirits as well as nature spirits.
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ATTRIBUTES OF GOD INDIGENOUS RELIGION
Attributes – refers to qualities, characteristics, properties or traits.
Attributes of God in IR refers to words or phrases ascribing traits, properties, qualities or

characteristics to the Supreme Being. These attributes are anthropomorphic in nature.
Anthropomorphism is the ascribing of human character to God.
It should be noted that there no are sacred scriptures of African IR for us to consult and know
what these attributes are. Rather attributes of God in IR can be found in the songs, proverbs,
sayings, recitals and liturgies of so many Zimbabwean tribes.
The Four Main Attributes of God in IR

1. God is real to Africans:
 According to ldowu in IR God is ″real″ to indigenous people and that is why Africans
call Him by names which are descriptive both of His nature and of His attributes and all
over Africa, each people has a local name for God.
 Africans do not perceive of God as an abstract entity whose existence is in the mind. He
is seen and perceived as a real personal entity whose help is sought in times of trouble
and who is believed to be the protector of the people. The various names given to God in
African religion prove or confirm this.
 The fact that God is real to Africans is contained in the meaning of the name they call
him. God′s proper names are a further evidence of how He is real to Africans. In West
Africa, God is known as: Olodumare (owner of the sky) Chukwu (source of being)
Nyame (Greater, or Supreme being) etc.
 In Southern Africa, God is known as: Unkulunkulu (The Great-Great One), Molimo
(Creator). The Shona people refer to God as: Mwari (supreme being) Mutangakugara,
Musiki- Creator of all there is in the world: People, vegetation, animals and the earth
itself. Musikavanhu- creator of humanity. Samasimba- (He is omnipotent, Omnipresent
(ubiquitous, found everywhere) and omniscient (all-knowing).)
 Ndebele and the Shona also refer to him as King. Shona and Ndebele had traditional
leaders/rulers. God rules the universe just as their rulers rules their territories. They
equated this title to God. He has invincible powers over the universe. Hence
Chidzachepo- (existed from eternity).
 These names were not created by Africans after the colonial era but shows how real God
is to Africans. If God were not real to Africans how did they manufacture these names
and given to the Being, they do not know?
 Besides the names, IR is very rich in attributes of God and to the local people God is the
living one who is the ever-present, ever active and ever-acting reality, in the World. God
is described in anthropomorphic terms, is so ″real″ that He is thought of in terms of ″a
living person, ″ never in the sense that He has a human form, but because He ″sees and
hears″ all that happens.
 In the IR God is worshipped and given sacrifices as a real being. The real God controls
the universe, is the creator of everything, governs the destiny of man, sending to him rain
and storm, well-being and famine, health or disease, peace or war.
2. God is unique in African religious ontology

Ontology refer to the study of the existence of God or spirits.
 When the word unique is used in reference to the attribute of God in IR we are looking
at God as having no equal or non like Him and being the only One of its sort. Not only is
God seen as unique but He is also seen as permanent, unchanging and reliable.
 This conception is clearly stated all over Africa and express in expressed in several ways
that God is incomparable. This is why in IR there are no images attributed to the
Supreme Being. In most cases there are no temples dedicated to the Supreme Being.
 Furthermore, the conception of God as King, the King with absolute supremacy,
emphasizes his uniqueness.
 Nobody in Africa has produced any picture attributive to the Supreme Being because the
concept of God is deeply rooted in their belief that the Supreme Being is unique and
nothing is comparable to Him.
 Idowu has this to say concerning the uniqueness of God: “The uniqueness of Deity is one
reason why there are no images – graven or in drawing or in painting of him in Africa.
Symbols there are present, but no images.
 According to Evans-Prichard “though the various natural phenomena are not God from
the African concept of God, they are vehicles through which God reveals Himself to
people. We still maintain that God is unique and that is how Africans see the Supreme
Being.”
3. God is One, the only God of the whole Universe
 In IR God is seen as One and only one who is both God is Eternal and Immortal. This is
a significant part of the African concept of God which must be well understood if one is
to understand African attitude to life with regard to personal relations.
 Despite the various names given to God among different communities in Africa, Divinity
is One. In terms of social justice and moral order the source is the One God. Before God,
there is no favouritism. He is no respecter of persons; He made each one and all are of
equal value before Him.
 The whole African concept of justice is based upon the fact that the world belongs to
Deity; that the social and the moral orders are his ordinance, and that he is far above all
divisions into races, ethnic groups, clan differences, or political partisanships.
 The Africans do not see the Supreme Being as One who will one day cease to be or one
who will eventually die. They rather see Him as the eternal and immortal One who lives
forever to satisfy the human soul. Awolalu and Dopamu argue that in IR Africans hold
that “the Supreme Deity is the Ever-living Reality Whose Being stretches to eternity”.
 There are so many other great attributes of God in African religious ontology
such as: God is the absolute controller of the universe, God is Omnipotent,
Omnipresent and Omniscient in Africa; the Supreme Being is one in Africa; God is
good and merciful, and God is Holy.
 The attributes as enumerated above are not the product of missionary activities or
colonial era. They are part and parcel of Africans. Every child born into African culture
grows with these concepts of God and he does not need to learn them because they are
contained in their folklores, myths, short stories, short sayings, proverbs, ceremonies and
everything around them.

4. God is the Absolute Controller of the Universe
 The absolute nature of God as controller of the universe shows the uniqueness of God in
the African concept of God. It also shows up the falsity of the notion of the withdrawn
God as stated by those European writers. African peoples consider God as King and ruler
of the universe. God is the absolute controller of the universe. Whatever power or
authority there may be, exists in consequence of Him; because it derives from Him and
because he permits it.
 God is the ultimate source of all power and of the moral order. All life and activity, in
both material and non-material sense, derives from Him. He created the world and
everything in it, including not only human beings, animals, plants, and so on, but spirits
also.
 God is the absolute controller of all powers. Even divinities owe their being and divine
authority to Him.
 In addition, He invested the whole universe with a certain non-material kind of power or
influence which manifests itself in various ways and on specific occasions in human
beings and animals and even in natural phenomena, such as lightening, waterfalls, and
mountains. He is the ultimate source and symbol of that power and influence.
 He knows, therefore, the cause of every event, is the Creator and Mover of all things. He
is the very spirit of the universe. The universe is His. This fact occurs frequently in
African thought and prayers.
 God contains attributes of transcendence-immanence as one who is far away and at the
same time actively and effectively rules the universe and governs human affairs. He is
the giver, and naturally, the sustainer of life. He instituted the social order and is its
guardian.
God is Transcendent and Immanent
 These two words, transcendent and immanent could be seen as two sides of the same
coin. Transcendent means that something is beyond what is natural and normal, and
different from it. When Africans see God as transcendent, it means that;
 (a) God is not limited to a particular place and time as human beings are.
 (b) It means that God lives outside the natural world in which human beings live.
 (c) It also means that human beings can never fully comprehend (or understand) the will
or thoughts of the Supreme Being. He is beyond their understanding.
 (d) It further means that God is always there first: He is the creator of all things and the
initiator of all events.
 (e) Finally, it means that human beings feel awe when they remember the presence of
God. He is good and trustworthy in a way that they are not (Brown 2).
 As an immanent (interacts with his people) God, Africans see Him as God whose
presence is felt by people within the natural world. This means that they feel his presence
around their surroundings, and through what happens to them and their families. Africans
see God as very present within the natural world to help protect and deliver his creation,
although at the same time, He transcends the natural realm.
 When we say that God is immanent in the world, we are presenting an attribute that
shows God as dwelling among us or within us.

 Awolalu and Dopamu argue that to the Africans “the transcendence and immanence of
God are two divine attributes that are paradoxically complementary”. This shows that in
IR God is transcendent, yet He is immanent. S
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EXISTENCE AND FUNCTIONS OF SPIRITS
In the IR the Shona and the Ndebele believe in the existence of three main types of spirits:
 Ancestors (Midzimu),
 Alien Spirits (Mashavi),
 Avenging spirits (Ngozi).
Nature of Spirits:
 Spirits are immortal and invisible entities. This is because they do not possess material
body through which they could be seen but they may incarnate into any material thing in
order to make themselves seen for any reason or purpose.
 However, many folk stories in Africa tell of spirits described in human form, activities
and personalities, though sometimes, these descriptions are exaggeration created by the
elders to teach special lessons.
 Mbiti notes that, since spirits are invisible, these spirits are thought to be ubiquitous, so
that a person is never sure where they are or are not (Mbiti, African… 79).
 Majority of people in Africa believe that spirits dwell in the woods, bush, forest, and
rivers. Others hold that spirits dwell in mountains, hills, valleys or just around the village
and at road junctions. Spirits are in the same environment with men.
Ancestral Spirits (Midzimu)
 Mbiti (1969:79) writes, “As for the origin of spirits, there is no clear information what
African peoples say or think about it.”
 Ancestral spirits are the deceased members of the family who were decently buried and
now exist in spiritual form. Mbiti “believe that the spirits are what remain of human
beings when they die physically” and according to Scott (1892:415) “the ancestral spirits
are the spirits of the departed who were once alive and are now dead.”
 It is a common fundamental belief among the indigenous peoples that the existence of a
person continues after death; he or she becomes a spiritual being and acquires
characteristics of immortality and eternity.
 In the Indigenous Religion death marks a transformation of the African person from the
physical to the spiritual form. These are known as vadzimu (ancestral spirits). The
indigenous people believe that the spirits of their dead relatives survive physical death

and remain alive. Mbiti (1969) calls them the living-dead; whilst they are dead
physically, they are alive spiritually. The dead are still part of the family and the living
still have memories of them. At death, the spirit leaves the body and flies away like wind
or air and becomes godlike and goes to live in the spirit world.
 NB: For many indigenous people ancestors are a reality to be given due
acknowledgement, providing for felt needs, the benevolent guardians and protectors of
people. Even though they inhabit the world of spirits they are still present in the human
community as guardians of the family traditions, providers of fortune, and punishers of
those who break accepted mores. So like in most African communities, among the Shona
the ancestors are crucially important for the continued welfare of the family and the
community. However, the African Pentecostal churches confront and reject traditional
beliefs about the “ancestors”, because they believe that these ancestors are not really
ancestors, but demons which need to be exorcised.
 And according to Murphree (1969:32) “the spirit...transforms into an ancestor, taking its
place in the spiritual hierarchy of the ancestors.” The belief in spirits and a spirit world is
as widespread in Zimbabwe as elsewhere in Africa.
 However, not everyone who dies can achieve ancestor-hood status. There are certain
prerequisites/requirements for one to become an ancestral spirit. These are:
One should be a married person with children. This is done for purposes of continuity;
such people had parental responsibility so they have to look after the living using the
experience of parental responsibility they gathered in the previous life.
Necessary rituals should be conducted for a person to become an ancestral spirit (kurova
guva/umbuyiso). Before these rituals are conducted the spirit is believed to be dangerous
to the living. The ritual inaugurates the dead into the spiritual realm,
Moral uprightness. Anti-social behaviour, for example, witchcraft, sorcery, stealing,
social outcasts, mentally deranged, lepers etc. cannot become ancestral spirits. In some
cases, even the immoral become ancestral spirits, but the spirit is believed to have less
impact because of the failure to be exemplary in the previous life.
Hierarchy of spirits
• National Spirits-Debatable. It is a political construct.
• Territorial/Tribal/Clan Spirits- spirits of departed rulers/chiefs.
• Family Ancestral Spirits.

HOMEWORK: Research on a hierarchy of spirits in Indigenous Religion.
Functions of Ancestral spirits
 Amanze (2002) notes that the ancestral spirits not only protect “their people from
dangers such as disease, droughts, famine and witchcraft; but also they punish people
when they break traditional moral norms.”
 When descendants perform appropriate ritual ceremonies and through them, the Midzimu
will perpetuate their contacts with the living through dreams, visions or by means of
spirit possession’
 Bourdillon (1976:227) postulates, that once settled back into the community, the
ancestral spirit is regarded as a friendly guardian to the family that survives him. These
spirit guardians, asserts Bourdillon, “have power over the lives of their descendants.
They are also responsible for bringing the family group together on ritual occasions and
ensure that harmony prevails at family level.”
 Traditionally, Africans hold that to experience good health, prosperity and success in life
one needs to be subordinate to, and venerate (respect/honour) the ancestral spirits. Mbiti
notes that sickness implies an imbalance between the supernatural and the human world
that is disturbing the expected normal flow of life.
 Ancestral spirits are intermediators/mediators between the people and the Supreme
Being. M.F.C, Bourdillon argues that ancestors are bilingual. They speak the language
that God hears and the language the living can understand. --They know what the people
are after since they had been there, and since they are now in the spiritual world, they
know best how to approach God. Africans feel small to approach God directly so the
need to use the ancestral spirits as a way to show respect and courtesy towards God who
must be approached with humility and reverence. An African person does not approach
an elder directly, but does so through his junior. Ancestral Spirits are always appeased
with some ceremonies so as to perform their intermediary role satisfactorily.
 The ancestors are protectors and guardians of the people. Africans believe the world has
mysterious forces which are beyond humanity conception, for example, evil spirits,
natural disasters, sorcerers etc. Humanity can only cope with these forces only with the
guardianship and security proffered by the ancestral spirits that can wade off these forces
that threaten the wellbeing of the living.

 Ancestors do not cause harm, but misfortunes happen when they withdraw their
protection in protest or as a sign of their anger and the family becomes vulnerable to
these forces. Rituals are conducted to appease them so that they would not withdraw their
protection. They also maintain peace and harmony in the family.
 Ancestors fight evil spirits and drive them away from their family descendants where
they once belonged. People are united through ceremonies held in their honour. People
gather in friendly, peaceful and happy ceremonies to please ancestors.
 Ancestors influence proper moral behaviour on people; they shape the morality of the
people. This is done through the issue of reward and punishment. Those who abide by
the restrictions are rewarded and those who break taboos are punished.
 Ancestral spirits meet the expectations of people in their everyday life. They ensure
fertility both of the land and of the people. When a woman begets child, the ancestors are
thanked.
 Ancestors protect people at dangerous working places, academic endeavours, good
yields/bumper harvests, and marriages (etc.) in various enterprises. Some are guardians
and protectors of the land, for example, territorial spirits. They are believed to guard
against foreign invasion/enemies.

The Karanga belief in ancestral spirits
Among the Karanga people ancestors are known as midzimu (plural) and mudzimu
(singular).According to Aschwanden (1982:33) the word ‘mudzimu’ was formed by contracting
mudzi (root) and mukuru (large)’. The two words ‘root’ and ‘large’, he contends, repuresents
what every traditional Karanga most desires to become, through his children and grandchildren,
the founder of a large new clan. In short, a mudzimu is a spirit of a dead consanguine. Thus, a
mother or a father becomes an ancestor for his or her children. Like all the Shona people the
Karanga tribe believed that one who has reached a ripe old age is regarded as a mudzimu
although he or she is still alive. This is why Mbiti (1988:9) argues that, “the ancestors are the
‘living dead’ in so far as they are the departed elders of the community”. This means that
ancestors had gone over, but they continue to have interest in the welfare of the living since
ancestors are powerful spiritual being who acted as mediators between God and the living
people.
Qualifications for one to be an ancestor
It is important for us to appreciate that, to the Karanga; the transition from living human being to
ancestral spirit is gradual. It is not the abrupt change through death which turns a person
suddenly into a mudzimu. The Karanga tend to judge the character of an ancestor according to
how he behaved during his lifetime. If he was an exceptionally good person his spirit may go
straight to God, and he will never visit or molest his family.
However, such cases are the exception rather than a rule. The Karanga also believed that for one
to qualify as an ancestor he or she must die a ‘good death’ that is the one which is ‘natural’ or
‘acceptable’. For the Karanga death is a graduation or rite of passage or change status as one
move from childhood to the ancestor hood. So, anyone who dies by committing suicide cannot
qualifies to be an ancestor but an avenging spirit known as ‘ngozi’ (Gelfand, 1955).
The ritual action of bringing home ceremony should be done after a year from the burial day in
order to transform the deceased from a wondering spirit into an ancestor. This ritual is popularly
known as ‘magadziro’ among the Karanga. (More about this ritual in the next segment of this
chapter)
Lastly, for one to qualify as an ancestor he or she should leave off-spring behind. For Bourdillon
(1990) the life-cycle of the Shona people is incomplete if the person dies without children. This
is why in an event where a problem detected to a husband, a nephew or young brother was
brought to be a substitute to have sexual relations with the wife. For the Karanga people, this
was done to promote the continuation of the lineages.
The role of ancestors in the Karanga traditional religion
Most ancestors have a certain task to perform: they must protect their family and tribe.
Therefore, they stay on earth, close to human habitation. From time to time they make a request
through, for instance, a sick child or bad harvest. These ancestors have not changed; they still
have wishes they want to see met. Thus, sacrifices are made to show them that they are still
remembered by holding ceremonies in their honour (Bira ritual) or whenever food and drink
become available. It must be noted that in the event of forgetfulness the Karanga believed that
the ancestors address their concern through withdrawal of guardianship which means the
protection of the descendants against misfortune(munyama), illness, diseases but more important

against evil spirits, witchcraft and sorcery. As a result, the Karanga ideology is that no witch can
succeed in his or her activities without the tacit concern of the victims of the ancestors. The
witches have to communicate with the ancestors of the one she wants to witch. For this reason,
Mbiti (1975:113) underscored that “ancestors act as conveyor belts between the living and the
dead because they speak the same language with God”.
Gelfand (1959) discovered that ancestors can be family, clan or national spirits. Bakare (1994)
supports the above view and for him, these ancestors can be conceptualized by hierarchy ranging
from the family ancestors known as ‘midzimu yapamusha’, clan ancestors ‘midzimu yedzinza’
and territorial spirits ‘mhondoro’. Zvobgo (1991) argues that the identity of Chaminuka as a
national spirit is uncertain. In another accounts, His spirit is said to have emanated from God. In
another accounts, He is depicted both as a historical personage as well as a spirit. It should be
noted that the Chaminika spirit is not widely believed by other groups of the Karanga people but
He is more pronounced among the Korekore tribe.
Of much interest in this chapter is the family and clan ancestor this is so because for so long a
time the Karanga people were not pronouncing the role of national ancestors since they were
seeing themselves as a tribe rather than a nation. As a result, the Nehanda, Kaguvi and
Chaminuka spirits were not known by the Karanga people before the colonial era.
Gelfand (1959:74) submits that ancestors can cause sickness, but are also concerned with
revealing to the family matters which concerns its welfare as a whole. Not only are they loved,
but they are feared too because of their ability to cause sickness or other misfortunes if a
member of a family commits an offence against another. The Karanga praises the ancestral
spirits in times of trouble, when an important decision has to be taken and in sickness when the
cause has been recognized by the N’anga or Traditional healer. When praying to one’s ancestral
spirits it was customary to kneel down with the trunk upright, while some stand and pray.
It was a general belief among the Karanga people that ancestors were located in a special sacred
place known as ‘Nyikadzimu. As spiritual beings ancestors were not limited in space and time.
They were ‘those in the air’ or ‘varikumhepo’. Sometimes their abode was believed to be
subterranean- underneath or ‘varipasi’. As a result, ancestors according to the Shona people
were not geographically constrained in so far as they look after a descendant in the United
Kingdom as well as the one in Harare at the same time.

Alien Spirits
 Alien or shavi (shave) refers to spirits of strangers/aliens who died away from home and
usually are the spirits of the young and the unmarried. According to Gelfand alien or
shavi spirit are said to be that of a talented foreigner who died many years ago, e.g.
stranger in Mashonaland, and had not been accorded a proper burial. So the spirit was
obliged to wander until it could find a medium or host through whom it could reveal
itself.
 When a medium accepts its particular shave spirit he becomes gifted with the talent once
possessed by the foreigner. The spirits of these people would not have received proper
funeral ceremonies; hence they seek to express themselves through taking possession of
unrelated people. They are unknown to the communities from which they choose hosts.
 According to Taringa, the alien spirits can also be spirits of animals. The Shona believe
that traditional arts such as singing, dancing, divining, healing and hunting are a result of
an appropriate shave spirit. For example, dancing skills are attributed to the snake or
baboon spirit. The shave spirit is also accredited for the power to bring luck to hunters.
 The hosts behave in the way the animal does. The shavi cult is a quest for recognition. It
is a struggle against oblivion caused by death. Since they cannot be ancestral spirits, they
have to be somewhere.
 Some of these alien spirits are spirits of social outcasts/deviances, for example, witches,
sorcerers, suicide victims, the mentally deranged etc. They cannot be adopted into the
world of ancestral spirits and so end up possessing unrelated people.
 The alien Mazungu spirit - are the spirits of African people from Portuguese East Africa.
They came many years ago in search of some minerals and game and many died in these
strange lands and their spirits wandered until they settled on some alien hosts. The spirit
is associated with cleanliness and hygiene. Many reflect a bias picture of white people.
The host behaves in the way the whites do. A woman host washes her body and clothes
regularly. The person is always spotlessly clean. The spirit demands western food staff
such as eggs, rice spaghetti etc. The possessed speaks English and any other European
languages even if the person has never been to School.
Karanga Belief in alien spirits

The alien spirits are known as mashavi (plural) and shavi (singular) among the karanga people.
Aschwanden (1982:30) postulates that the Karanga “weltbild” cannot be understood without
taking into account the spiritual world view. It is a very complicated world which has not been

made less so by the influence of Christianity, (1982:30). A very common type of spirit occurring
in Karanga ritual and belief are those called mashavi or alien spirits. The Karanga derive the
term shavi from kushava – ‘to be on the lookout for something’. A shavi is looking for a home.
According to Boudillon, (1990: 242) “when one asks shona people what mashavi are, a common
explanation is that they are spirits of aliens who died away from home or of young unmarried
persons. Such spirits would not have been settled with the final funerary ceremony and therefore
wander around restlessly”. Gelfand (1973:1330) concurs with this line of thought and adds that
“having no living descendants the mashavi seek to express them by taking possession of
unrelated persons”. Mashavi include the spirits of neighbouring peoples, of white people, of
certain animals (especially baboons and occasionally of other objects such as aero planes”.
Sometimes a shave is said to possess a medium in order to help him or her to perform a
particular task, but most are said to want only to dance. Although it has no special function, such
a spirit is believed to have the extraordinary powers attributed to all spirits and to be able to
make its influence felt on the living community. Being strangers, mashavi are said to choose
their hosts arbitrarily, but once a spirit has done so, it is expected to remain in the family and,
when the original host dies, to possess a descendant or close relative of his. In some areas, all
skills are associated with shavi spirits. The Karanga believed that everyone has a number of
mashavi, which he honours in private, and from which he obtains all his personal talents: such
spirits simply convey skills and rarely come out by possessing their host. Such traditional arts as
hunting , playing the mbira , divining and healing , are attributed to possession by certain
mashavi .The first sign that someone may become a shavi host is some mild illness. In some
parts of Masvingo, fully recognized ancestral spirit can become a shavi away from home or even
among his own people.
Gelfand (1959) argued that the shavi is the spirit of the deceased which found abode in a foreign
host. According to Zvobgo (1991) the shave is wandering or alien spirit, usually of a foreigner
who died and was not given a proper burial. For him, these shave spirits arose from foreign men
and woman whose spirits were restless because their bodies were buried in a strange land. These
spirits wandered round the country searching for suitable mediums or hosts to posses known as
‘Homwe’ among the Karanga. It was widely believed in the Karanga religion that when the
shave spirit selected its host and
If the host recognized and accepted the shave a ritual action took place in order for the spirit to
operate in harmony with its host. The medium recognized the shave since some of these brought
skills and abilities in all forms of life (Bourdillon1990).
Having the above in mind it should be noted that alien spirits are of different types which are as
follows:
Alien spirits brings skills and abilities in all former life.
- Rozvi alien spirits are associated with healing
- Jukwa alien spirits associated with healing and ability to dance
- Chipunha childishness associated with constant giggling in girls
- Shavi mangingwindo- healing
- Rukudzana- dancing
- Bveni/ baboon-stealing and climbing trees
- Rokuroya- witchcraft
- Zungu- neatness
- Rokuvhima- successful in hunting and hunting skills
- Njuzu - divination
- Rokuba - stealing

- Rokuhura – prostitution
Gelfand (1973) argues that shave is the spirit of the deceased which found abode in a foreign
host.
According to Bourdillion (1993) shavi is associated with talent. It represents the notion of
excellence in traditional arts, hunting playing drums, singing, healing.
It should be noted however that there are some differences between shavi and demon or evil
spirits. But there are negative alien spirits that are not promoted in a society such as stealing,
prostitution. However, with then passage of time alien spirit became ancestral spirits.
In addition to the alien spirits, the Karanga do believe in the nature spirits. Thus the Karanga like
all other shona tribes’ cosmology is populated by numerous other spirits such as
zvidhoma/zvitupwani or phantoms, zvishiri or hysteria, goritoto/dzimudzangara or ghost as well
as zvikwambo or goblin. Of particular interest in this chapter is the avenging spirit.
Significance of Alien Spirits
They confer particular talents/skills to their hosts either negative or positive.
Positive Skills/Talents
They can confer hunting talents to their host. One can become an expert in hunting. The
host is known as Mudzimba. Such type of spirits possesses men for example, Khumalo
Shavi.
They bestow healing talents, for example, Sivinda Shavi. This type is popular with
women. The host is able to treat various diseases, convulsions, difficult labour etc. They
impart this expertise to their host.
Madzukwa shavi expert in treating many diseases some of the western medicine cannot
treat, for example, leprosy, epilepsy etc.
Chipunha favours young and unmarried women as its host. It confers curative skills on
its host. It cures diseases that attack small children.
Nyamande shavi- confers divinatory talents. The host can foresee into the future and may
warn a person of an impending disaster and advises the person of the diviner to consult to
avert the disaster. The Baboon spirit can divine illness. It can also help find lost
property, something hidden (Seership).
Masangano Spirit specialises in dancing. It can confer dancing skills on the host and the
person can entertain people at ceremonies (for example, Chakandiwana in
Garandichauya).
Zvipenzi Shavi enables host to perform duties regarded arduous to perform under normal
circumstances. The person is industrious / hardworking.

Shavi reMhondoro is known to possess lions. The lion guards the chiefdom by moving
around at night.
Sangoma produces strong warriors and brave in battles. It confers the ability to kill in
battle and protects the whole territory from invaders or enemies. The spirit can also
provide entertainment.
Possession by alien spirits enhances the social status of the host in the society. I.M Lewis
states that the favourite victims of alien possession are women oppressed in a patriarchal
society or men discriminated in society. Possession gives the chance for them to express
the views they may not under normal circumstances.
Negative Qualities/Attributes
• Shavi rouroyi- Witchcraft: for example, Mzilikazi Shavi,
• Shavi rechipfambi- Prostitution,
• Shavi reumbavha- Stealing,
• Shavi reusimbe- laziness,
• Shavi reurombe- Vagrance / poverty.

Spirit (Ngozi)
 Ngozi is a spirit of someone who dies with a grievance and comes back to seek revenge
against those who wronged it. The idea of seeking a redress of a wrong committed makes
it an avenging spirit.
 Ngozi is the most feared type of spirit among the Shona/Ndebele because it causes
illness, misfortunes, suffering and even death to the offender’s family.
 The original meaning and use of the word ‘ngozi’ is a Karanga term ‘njodzi’ which
means accidents, sorrows, danger to human life, misfortune etc. The term is characteristic
of the actions of the spirit.
 Ngozi attacks the members of the family of the offender because in the African society in
general sin is seen as a collective social error and the whole family is vulnerable to
punishment.
Various types of avenging spirits
 Murdered persons, especially a foreigner or ‘mutorwa’. The spirit comes back to seek
revenge for an injustice committed.
 Parental spirit against its offspring. This could be due to ill treatment of a parent during
life-time. If a child beats up or scolds one of her parents and takes no steps to remedy the
situation through seeking reconciliation, the spirit of the parent comes back as an
avenging spirit. It is known as ‘kupfuka’ in the Shona language.
 The misfortunes are directed to the specific child who wronged the parent. She may
come back as result of tampering with her cooking utensils. These should be replaced
while she is still alive otherwise she may die with a grievance.
 Non-payment of mombe youmai by the son-in-law can influence the spirit of the
deceased mother to come as ngozi. The mother’s spirit is more dangerous than that of the
father because the mother is not of one’s relations; not of the same totem. Children can
perform rituals to conciliate or calm her. The victim is made to perform a humiliating
exercise known as ‘kutanda botso’. Such a spirit if not appeased may cause fertility
problems in the girl children.
 Avenging spirit of a deceased pregnant woman – this is the avenging spirit of a
deceased pregnant woman or a woman who dies soon after giving birth as a result of the
in-law or husband. It has a tendency of causing or calling other ngozi into the family of
the offender.

 Spirit of a servant – this is the avenging spirit of slave (nhapwa/mushandi) can also
come back to seek compensation, especially when they died without being paid their
dues. If the person was ill-treated, they may come seeking revenge. It demands a
wife/virgin girl as a form of compensation.
 A spirit of a spouse/ partner – the spouse might have died as a result of negligence of or
ill-treatment or unfaithfulness of the other partner.
 An avenging spirit can be self-generative. This means that the spirit can come without
being provoked (called upon). However, the avenging spirit can also be initiated. The
relatives of the deceased can invoke (call upon or raise) the deceased’s spirit. They can
use herbs at the deceased’s grave to make the person wreak havoc in the family of the
offender. Some people take medicine while still alive to be able to take revenge if their
death is caused by people.
Solving the ngozi problem
People take steps to get rid of the avenging spirit, for example:
 Kurasira/kurasirira - A black animal or fowl is dedicated to an avenging spirit (ngozi)

and is left to wander in the bush. One who takes away the animal automatically takes the
ngozi.
 Kutsipika - This is a ritual that is meant to drive away the spirit with the help of a n’anga
without propitiatory (pacifying or conciliatory) rites being done. The step may threaten
even the life of the n’anga because it invites the anger of the spirit. This is not a
permanent solution to counter ngozi. The only solution is reparation/compensation.
 This is aptly described in the Shona adage that ‘Mushonga wengozi kuripa’. The victim
family consult a n’anga for appropriate measures to take in order to appease the avenging
spirit. The spirit may require beer, wife, cattle etc.
 Gelfand, notes that these spirits are significant because;
 it acts as an ethical code of conduct.
 It is a strong deterrent to crime. A person should desist from engaging in life
threatening action.
 The fear compels people to respect human value. Stern punishment for taking
one’s life: there is justice even beyond the grave.
 The avenging spirits are agents of social justice. Even ancestral spirits cannot
protect their own; they turn their backs because they are keen to see justice done.

 However, these avenging spirits also militate against the rights of other people.
For example, the use of a girl as a wife for the spirit as compensation/propitiatory
fine to appease. The spirit infringes on the rights of the girl child.
 The individual is denied the right to choose their partner. Marriage rights are
violated. This causes animosity, disunity etc.
 It is expensive in terms of money, consultations and property to appease ngozi.
Avenging spirits in Karanga

It is the spirit of someone who died harboring grudges. Of all evil influences, an angry spirit
(ngozi) is perhaps the most greatly feared by the Karanga
Aschwanden (1982) submits that the Karanga derive this word from njodzi, meaning danger,
sorrow, misfortune. Ngozi is, for example, the spirit of a murdered person seeking reparation.
Gelfand (1959) says there are four kinds of ngozi. For the Karanga people the ngozi is the spirit
of the deceased which comes to fight and seeks justice.
One is the spirit of a servant who, during his life time, was not paid by his master for his
services, or it may be the spirit of a person from whom something was taken or borrowed during
his life time but not returned. The other one may be the spirit of a murdered person, especially a
stranger, hence the karanga saying “ngozi yerombe igandanzara”, the ngozi of a destitute
impoverishes. The third one may be described as a marital spirit which arises when a husband or
wife dies unhappy about a matter of deep concerns him or her. A wife may leave her sick
husband, his spirit seeks revenge. The same applies to a spirit of a woman deserted by her
husband and left without protection and care. This is regarded as a more ruthless ngozi than that
of a husband. The fourth one is a result of a child’s unkindness to, or ill-treatment of his or her
parents-hence ‘kutanda botso’. The Karanga believe that the only panacea to ngozi is retribution.
However, some diviners have attempted to exercise them without appeasement, but this is
usually pernicious.
The living play an important role in achieving the spirit by planting a special tree on the grave
called pfukwa. Sometimes the living verbally attacked the person for the spirit to seek justice.
In its mode of operation, ngozi causes sickness and misfortune in the members of the family. It
can be responsible in explicate events; for example, all cattle stricken by lighting and all die in a
kraal. The ngozi spirit can also manifest itself through possessing a person in either family. It
can also attack the extended family of either party.
The Karanga customs especially among those in Chivi and Mwenezi districts taught that the
solution to do away with the avenging spirits is to pay it. We can here them saying ‘mushonga
wengozi kuiripa’. However, some Karanga elders especially in Gutu and Bikita districts believed
that the solution to do away with avenging spirit is to cast it away (kuirasira).

Like all other Shona people, the Karanga interpreted the acts of Ngozi as a moral restrains, that
is, it governed the society through the fierce of consequences. It also draws attention of Karanga
spiritual beliefs in life after death since ngozi provides causal explanation for events.
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Witchcraft belief
Very often the Karanga people explain disease and misfortune in terms of witchcraft. A person
who practices witchcraft is called a muroyi (witch). According to Gelfand (1959:162) there are
two different classes of witches or varoyi. In the first place is a person who is born with a hard
heart and always wishes to harm others, often for no real apparent reason. But before he can
become a witch, he has first to find one from whom he can buy the poisonous medicines
(uroyi).To him he confides his desire to become a witch. He asks for a little of his medicine, but
before paying for it, he insists on the proof of its potency. “If you can prove it on so and so
whom I hate so that he die, then I shall purchase it”
The muroyi agrees and immediately employs the poison against the unfortunate individual. He
mixes some of it in a bow, casts his spell and, it is believed, the innocent man dies, This witch,
who is called a ‘black n’anga’ also reveals to his client the antidote to his poison, so that the
poisoned person can be saved from death if so desired. This type of witchcraft is usually
classified under sorcery, where zvitsinga or muposo African landmines and mheni mysterious
lightening and thunder usually fall.
In the second group is the witch who is possessed by the spirit, mudzimu or shavi of a relative or
stranger who was a witch. The usual age of possession is eight. When a child is asleep in the hut
with her mother and father they noticed that the child wake up periodically during the night
opens the door and goes out. The child may not realize what she is doing but it is believed she is
being led outside by her spirit to meet a group of other witches. This child is hounded my
dangerous spirits know as mamutsaimurima. After a year or two the new recruit is initiated into
the secrets of uroyi and from about ten years of age she accompanies other witches and watches
how they kill people.
Chavhunduka (1990) argues that there is a difference between witchcraft and sorcery. For him,
witchcraft is mystical while sorcery is practical. Among the Karanga witchcraft is the domain of
women while men excel in sorcery.
Mode of operation
The karanga believed that witches usually use animals like cats, hyenas, owls, bats and dogs on
their errands. It is observable among the Karanga that a sorcerer is less dangerous than a heredity
witch. There was also a belief among the Karanga that witchcrafts can make other people to
work in their fields without their knowledge while some have the capacity to fly.
From the above observation, we can deduce that witchcraft offers causal explanation for the
events in Karanga society in particular and African society at large. For example witchcraft
belief answers the question why a particular event happens. It also account for the belief in life
after death; the presence of evil and failure in life; misfortunes as well as highlight the spiritual
nature of the African world-view.
As a result we can also decipher that witchcraft among the Karanga people has a religious
implication because a witch may not succeed if the ancestral spirits play their role. Thus the role
of sacred practitioners becomes central in fighting witchcraft. These practitioners can strengthen
the homestead as well as administer medicine to confuse witches.

The Karanga belief in traditional healers
Among the Karanga people the traditional healer is known as N’anga. Gelfand (1959:99) defines
n’anga as an intermediary between ancestral spirits vadzimu and the living members of the
family. In this respect the position of the n;anga vi-a-vis the family is equivalent to the position
of the medium(svikiro) of the tribal spirit (teteguru) vi-a-vis tribe.
The Karanga believed that there are two types of n’anga. Some are believed to operate under the
direction of healing spirits and with the aid of their power. Others simply use the skills they have
learnt from their tuition by experts. Bourdillon (1990) discovered that it is possible to acquire the
title of n’anga simply by learning the art of herbalist during a period of apprenticeship with a
senior herbalist; in the course in the apprentice may the teacher formal fees for imparting the
secrets of his art. On the other hand a person may learn herbalism or the art of divining with dice
from the parents or any other senior relative. It should be noted however that although such a
n’anga may acquire a regular clientele, he or she never acquire the reputation and income of
someone reputed to be able to cope with more serious spiritual problems.
The most important qualification 5 by which a person, whether man or woman, may be
recognized as n’anga is evidence that he or she has healing spirit. Very often this is the spirit of a
deceased close relative (usually a parent or guardian) who was a n’anga during life time and
wishes to continue his or her work through a living descendant. A n’anga who practices through
the help of a family spirit elder is likely to be regarded as more powerful the host of a wandering
shavi spirit, and if the profession has been in a family for some generation, the healing power of
the family spirit elders are emphasized.
The n’anga is consulted during family sickness or when there is an ordeal like that of witch
hunting, or exorcising the avenging spirit. The true n’anga is endowed with the power of healing
and divining the cause of an illness or indeed of any difficulty by means of the spirit of an
ancestor who was also a n’anga during his life time.
The healing spirit may enter a person when he is still a child, causing him or her to dream of
medicines. To the outsiders the n’anga in full regalia appears somewhat grotesque and perhaps
ridiculous, but each item of his or her clothing has a meaning and there is a common basic
pattern in all. The special dressings include a hat (ngundu) red and black cloths worn across the
shoulders and chest and a pair of python skins hung from the waist to the knees.

The role of the chief and headman
The chief and the headman were very central in the religious, political and social arena of the
Karanga society before the coming of the Christian missionaries. Among the Karanga the chief
was known as Vashe or Mambo. He worked very closely with the headman who was popularly
known as Sadunhu. Right at the bottom of this social hierarchy was the kraal/villagehead known
as Sabhuku. Of all these three the Chief was a very important person in the traditional Karanga
society because he was dealing with all social affairs of the community at large.
Bourdillon(1990:109)argues that Karanga Chiefs are often nominated by descendants of senior
branches of the chiefly family which have been eliminated from the chiefly succession. The
Chief was traditionally guardian of the fundamental values of upenyu (life) and samba (strength,
vitality, and well-being). Life comes from the land of which the Chief is the owner and strength
and power comes from the Chief’s status and his accession rituals. Both life and strength are
necessary for the prosperity of the people. The Chief is responsible in the prosperity of his
people and particularly for the land and its produce. Thus drought may be blamed on the general
in competency of the Chief or on the fact that political figures receive the burnt of any
dissatisfaction felt by their subjects.
In the traditional Karanga society the Chief was responsible for providing advice on economical,
marital, religious, and political welfare of his territory. For instance, he could intervene in
marital dispute such as divorce. But other marital disputes such as quarrellings and fighting were
solved at family level by family members. If the members of the family failed to resolve the
dispute they approached the kraal head and latter on to the headman and lastly to the chief. As a
result, social disputes may affect children and they find cases they report to the chief.
Another duty of the traditional Chief in the Karanga society was to provide the link between
people and the ancestor of the tribe on account of their inherited position. It was commonly
believed that the ancestors of the Chiefs had direct contact with ancestral spirits of every family.
There were so many social norms and values in the traditional Karanga society. Some people
violet these cultural values and laws of the land and these cases were reported to the chief. For
example, a father might be caught having sexual relationship with his daughter (makunakuna) or
incest the matter was taken straight to the Chief to preside over such cases.
It should be noted at this juncture that in the traditional Karanga society, incest (makunakuna)
was allowed especially in Chivi and Mwenezi. But this was supposed to be done privately
inorder to facilitate bump harvest. This was done through a religious ritual known as Divisi that
is sex done in the field. Again sex between brother and sister was usually practiced as a
medicinal rite if the other one was bitten by a snake called green mamba. Other cases such of
sexual abuse (mubobo and chibharo) were also dealt by the chief.
The chief was also responsible for distributing land to the headmen who latter on allocates small
piece of land to the kraal head who finally distributed it to family members. Furthermore, the
chief was also responsible in other economic matters such as gold panning as well as controlling
trade. In connection to this, the rain making rituals were also contacted at the Chief’s homestead
if there was no other place. He gave instructions to the rain messengers (Nyusa) or ordained
other religious functionaries to perform a rainmaking ritual at Mabweadziva in the Matopo hills
(a religious shrine known as Matonjeni) (Daneel, 1970).

In terms of hierarchy the chief had the same position with God (Zame). The social hierarchy was
like a ladder. Thus the machinda or junior chiefs were equated to the ancestral spirits. The chief
was very important even his death was not allowed to be reported immediately because he was
regarded as the great mountain. His death was pronounced after one month from the date of
death. Among the Karanga people the chief was regarded as immortal, powerful and influential.
This is why people embalm him after his death. The Chief therefore, had special burial and
people were not allowed to cry. As result, the Chief had a special divine power among the
Karanga people.
 Cosmological belief of the Karanga

Like all other African religions the Karanga developed for themselves a world-view or
cosmology. This is captured and narrated in their myths of origins in so far as their social
institutions are concerned. Basically there are four components on the myth of origins among the
Karanga. Aschwanden(1987) identified that such a story narrates about the gods; religious
accounts of the beginning of the world; interaction between the gods and human beings as well
express and confirm society’s religious value. However it should be noted that among the
Karanga people we do not encounter a grand or exhaustive narrative myths as those in the Judeo-
Christian genesis account rather what we find are regional or local stories As a result, the focus
of this chapter is on the Mwedzi and the Guruuswa myths as they are recorded by Aschwanden
(1987).
Myths in the Karanga religion

i) The mwedzi myth
It has been discovered that the majority of Karanga believed in this myth and they shared it to
their children from one generation to another. According to Frobenius in Sharma (1992) the
mwedzi myth goes like this: In the beginning Mwari created the first human being and a man
named Mwedzi. Mwari placed Mwedzi on the bottom of the pool. Mwedzi asked to be released
on the earth to be removed there and a bitter debate with Mwari emerged but Mwari warned
Mwedzi that he would regret one day. After a few days wandering on the bottom of the pool He
came back to Mwari and complained that he was feeling lonely. Mwari decided to give him
Masasa a woman.In the evening the made a fire to warm their bodies and Mwedzi had a
medicine horn known as Gona. He grabbed this gona and rubbed its oil in the index finger as
Masasi was sleeping on the other side of the fire place. Mwedzi jumped over to the side
remarking that he was capable of breaking the furnace. He touched Masasi and she became
pregnant. She gave birth to cattle, goats, grass and many other living things. The next evening
Masasi was taken back to the pool and Mwedzi was left alone. Again Mwedzi petitioned another
wife and was give Murombo (morning star) and Mwedzi repested the same act and Murombo
gave birth to boys, girls and snakes. As a result Mwedzi became the great king. However, with
the passage of time Murombo complained and she suggested that since her daughters were
grown up it was now a time for her to see them. Murombo started to have a relationship with a
snake. One day Mwedzi was bitten by a snake, fell sick and die. For the whole year there was no
rain and Murombo and snake consulted a diviner and finally chose a king who presided over the
rainmaking ceremony.
ii) The Guruuswa myth.

According to this story Mwari traveled with his people from Guruuswa and provided the with
food miraculously through a tree known as Mutiusinazita (the nameless tree).The Karanga elders
narrate that they were following the voice (izwi) of Zame/Mwari which was heard through
grasses, trees, rocks and birds. Through the guidance of the voice the karanga people conquered
their enemy as well as avoid dangerous routes until they reached Great Zimbabwe where the

voice of Mwari was consulted. Finally, the voice of Zame left Great Zimbabwe and settled at
Mabweadziva popularly known as Matonjeni in the Matopo hills. According to the Karanga
elders the voice of Zame can be still heard at this sacred shrine today (Aschwanden, 1982).
Phenomenological analysis of the myths

From the above narrative we can deduce that in these myths there are certain areas of religious
interest. For instance we can see how the Karanga people explain the creation of the world,
emergence of the institute of marriage, sexuality, kingship, divination and rain making ritual. As
a result, the Karanga people were very serious about all these issues raised in this sacred
story.The narrative explains about the Karanga exodus that they originate from a place with tall
grass (guruuswa) - a swamp and muddy area.This symbolizes the issue of giving birth. The story
also explains how the Mwari cult originates as well as the emergence of the sacredness of the
Matopos shrine. In this case the Karanga people through this myth can explain that Zame is the
God of cosmos and is mainly associated with rain. However he is not a fertility God but he is in
charge of all earthly affairs and is easily angered by grave acts such as incest (makunakuna) He
can also be angered by shedding of human blood. As a result he has the power to hold rains and
sent disease and pestilences to affect his people as a way of punishment.

CONCEPT OF LIFE AFTER DEATH IN ATR
In the religions of Africa, life does not end with death, but continues in another realm. The
concepts of "life" and "death" are not mutually exclusive concepts, and there are no clear
dividing lines between them. Human existence is a dynamic process involving the increase or
decrease of "power" or "life force," of "living" and "dying," and there are different levels of life
and death. Many African languages express the fact that things are not going well, such as when
there is sickness, in the words "we are living a little," meaning that the level of life is very low.
The African religions scholar Placide Tempels describes every misfortune that Africans
encounter as "a diminution of vital force." Illness and death result from some outside agent, a
person, thing, or circumstance that weakens people because the agent contains a greater life
force. Death does not alter or end the life or the personality of an individual, but only causes a
change in its conditions. This is expressed in the concept of "ancestors," people who have died
but who continue to "live" in the community and communicate with their families.
This entry traces those ideas that are, or have been, approximately similar across sub-Saharan
Africa. The concepts described within in many cases have been altered in the twentieth century
through the widespread influence of Christianity or Islam, and some of the customs relating to
burials are disappearing. Nevertheless, many religious concepts and practices continue to persist.
The African Concept of Death

Death, although a dreaded event, is perceived as the beginning of a person's deeper relationship
with all of creation, the complementing of life and the beginning of the communication between
the visible and the invisible worlds. The goal of life is to become an ancestor after death. This is
why every person who dies must be given a "correct" funeral, supported by a number of
religious ceremonies. If this is not done, the dead person may become a wandering ghost, unable
to "live" properly after death and therefore a danger to those who remain alive. It might be
argued that "proper" death rites are more a guarantee of protection for the living than to secure a
safe passage for the dying. There is ambivalence about attitudes to the recent dead, which
fluctuate between love and respect on the one hand and dread and despair on the other,
particularly because it is believed that the dead have power over the living.
Many African peoples have a custom of removing a dead body through a hole in the wall of a
house, and not through the door. The reason for this seems to be that this will make it difficult
(or even impossible) for the dead person to remember the way back to the living, as the hole in
the wall is immediately closed. Sometimes the corpse is removed feet first, symbolically
pointing away from the former place of residence. A zigzag path may be taken to the burial site,
or thorns strewn along the way, or a barrier erected at the grave itself because the dead are also
believed to strengthen the living. Many other peoples take special pains to ensure that the dead
are easily able to return to their homes, and some people are even buried under or next to their
homes.
Many people believe that death is the loss of a soul, or souls. Although there is recognition of the
difference between the physical person that is buried and the nonphysical person who lives on,
this must not be confused with a Western dualism that separates "physical" from "spiritual."
When a person dies, there is not some "part" of that person that lives on—it is the whole person
who continues to live in the spirit world, receiving a new body identical to the earthly body, but
with enhanced powers to move about as an ancestor. The death of children is regarded as a

particularly grievous evil event, and many peoples give special names to their children to try to
ward off the reoccurrence of untimely death.
There are many different ideas about the "place" the departed go to, a "land" which in most cases
seems to be a replica of this world. For some it is under the earth, in groves, near or in the homes
of earthly families, or on the other side of a deep river. In most cases it is an extension of what is
known at present, although for some peoples it is a much better place without pain or hunger.
The Kenyan scholar John Mbiti writes that a belief in the continuation of life after death for
African peoples "does not constitute a hope for a future and better life. To live here and now is
the most important concern of African religious activities and beliefs. . . . Even life in the
hereafter is conceived in materialistic and physical terms. There is neither paradise to be hoped
for nor hell to be feared in the hereafter" (Mbiti 1969, pp. 4–5).
The African Concept of the Afterlife
Nearly all African peoples have a belief in a singular supreme being, the creator of the earth.
Although the dead are believed to be somehow nearer to the supreme being than the living, the
original state of bliss in the distant past expressed in creation myths is not restored in
the afterlife. The separation between the supreme being and humankind remains unavoidable
and natural in the place of the departed, even though the dead are able to rest there and be safe.
Most African peoples believe that rewards and punishments come to people in this life and not in
the hereafter. In the land of the departed, what happens there happens automatically, irrespective
of a person's earthly behavior, provided the correct burial rites have been observed. But if a
person is a wizard, a murderer, a thief, one who has broken the community code or taboos, or
one who has had an unnatural death or an improper burial, then such a person may be doomed to
punishment in the afterlife as a wandering ghost, and may be beaten and expelled by the
ancestors or subjected to a period of torture according to the seriousness of their misdeeds, much
like the Catholic concept of purgatory. Among many African peoples is the widespread belief
that witches and sorcerers are not admitted to the spirit world, and therefore they are refused
proper burial—sometimes their bodies are subjected to actions that would make such burial
impossible, such as burning, chopping up, and feeding them to hyenas. Among the Africans, to
be cut off from the community of the ancestors in death is the nearest equivalent of hell.
The concept of reincarnation is found among many peoples. Reincarnation refers to the soul of a
dead person being reborn in the body of another. There is a close relationship between birth and
death. African beliefs in reincarnation differ from those of major Asian religions (especially
Hinduism) in a number of important ways. Hinduism is "world-renouncing," conceiving of a
cycle of rebirth in a world of suffering and illusion from which people wish to escape—only by
great effort—and there is a system of rewards and punishments whereby one is reborn into a
higher or lower station in life (from whence the caste system arose). These ideas that view
reincarnation as something to be feared and avoided are completely lacking in African religions.
Instead, Africans are "world-affirming," and welcome reincarnation. The world is a light, warm,
and living place to which the dead are only too glad to return from the darkness and coldness of
the grave. The dead return to their communities, except for those unfortunate ones previously
mentioned, and there are no limits set to the number of possible reincarnations—an ancestor may
be reincarnated in more than one person at a time. Some African myths say that the number of
souls and bodies is limited. It is important for Africans to discover which ancestor is reborn in a
child, for this is a reason for deep thankfulness. The destiny of a community is fulfilled through
both successive and simultaneous multiple reincarnations.

Transmigration (also called metempsychosis) denotes the changing of a person into an animal.
The most common form of this idea relates to a witch or sorcerer who is believed to be able to
transform into an animal in order to perform evil deeds. Africans also believe that people may
inhabit particular animals after death, especially snakes, which are treated with great respect.
Some African rulers reappear as lions. Some peoples believe that the dead will reappear in the
form of the totem animal of that ethnic group, and these totems are fearsome (such as lions,
leopards, or crocodiles). They symbolize the terrible punishments the dead can inflict if the
moral values of the community are not upheld.
Burial and Mourning Customs

Death in African religions is one of the last transitional stages of life requiring passage rites, and
this too takes a long time to complete. The deceased must be "detached" from the living and
make as smooth a transition to the next life as possible
GALLO IMAGES/CORBIS
because the journey to the world of the dead has many interruptions. If the correct funeral rites
are not observed, the deceased may come back to trouble the living relatives. Usually an animal
is killed in ritual, although this also serves the practical purpose of providing food for the many
guests. Personal belongings are often buried with the deceased to assist in the journey. Various
other rituals follow the funeral itself. Some kill an ox at the burial to accompany the deceased.
Others kill another animal some time after the funeral (three months to two years and even
longer is the period observed). The Nguni in southern Africa call the slaying of the ox "the
returning ox," because the beast accompanies the deceased back home to his or her family and
enables the deceased to act as a protecting ancestor. The "home bringing" rite is a common
African ceremony. Only when a deceased person's surviving relatives have gone, and there is no
one left to remember him or her, can the person be said to have really "died." At that point the
deceased passes into the "graveyard" of time, losing individuality and becoming one of the
unknown multitude of immortals.
Many African burial rites begin with the sending away of the departed with a request that they
do not bring trouble to the living, and they end with a plea for the strengthening of life on the
earth and all that favors it. According to the Tanzanian theologian Laurenti Magesa, funeral rites
simultaneously mourn for the dead and celebrate life in all its abundance. Funerals are a time for
the community to be in solidarity and to regain its identity. In some communities this may
include dancing and merriment for all but the immediate family, thus limiting or even denying
the destructive powers of death and providing the deceased with "light feet" for the journey to
the other world.
Ancient customs are adapted in many South African urban funerals. When someone has died in a
house, all the windows are smeared with ash, all pictures in the house turned around and all
mirrors and televisions and any other reflective objects covered. The beds are removed from the
deceased's room, and the bereaved women sit on the floor, usually on a mattress. During the time
preceding the funeral—usually from seven to thirteen days—visits are paid by people in the
community to comfort the bereaved family. In the case of Christians, consolatory services are
held at the bereaved home. The day before the funeral the corpse is brought home before sunset
and placed in the bedroom. A night vigil then takes place, often lasting until the morning. The
night vigil is a time for pastoral care, to comfort and encourage the bereaved. A ritual killing is

sometimes made for the ancestors, as it is believed that blood must be shed at this time to avoid
further misfortune. Some peoples use the hide of the slaughtered beast to cover the corpse or
place it on top of the coffin as a "blanket" for the deceased. Traditionally, the funeral takes place
in the early morning (often before sunrise) and not late in the afternoon, as it is believed that
sorcerers move around in the afternoons looking for corpses to use for their evil purposes.
Because sorcerers are asleep in the early morning, this is a good time to bury the dead.
In some communities children and unmarried adults are not allowed to attend the funeral. During
the burial itself the immediate family of the deceased is expected to stay together on one side of
the grave at a designated place. They are forbidden from speaking or taking any vocal part in the
funeral. It is customary to place the deceased's personal property, including eating utensils,
walking sticks, blankets, and other useful items, in the grave. After the funeral the people are
invited to the deceased's home for the funeral meal. Many people follow a cleansing ritual at the
gate of the house, where everyone must wash off the dust of the graveyard before entering the
house. Sometimes pieces of cut aloe are placed in the water, and this water is believed to remove
bad luck. Churches that use "holy water" sprinkle people to cleanse them from impurity at this
time.
In southern Africa the period of strict mourning usually continues for at least a week after the
funeral. During this time the bereaved stay at home and do not socialize or have sexual contact.
Some wear black clothes or black cloths fastened to their clothes, and shave their hair (including
facial hair) from the day after the funeral. Because life is concentrated in the hair, shaving the
hair symbolizes death, and its growing again indicates the strengthening of life. People in
physical contact with a corpse are often regarded as unclean. The things belonging to the
deceased should not be used at this time, such as the eating utensils or the chairs the deceased
used. Blankets and anything else in contact with the deceased are all washed. The clothes of the
deceased are wrapped up in a bundle and put away for a year or until the extended period of
mourning has ended, after which they are distributed to family members or destroyed by
burning. After a certain period of time the house and the family must be cleansed from bad luck,
from uncleanness and "darkness." The bereaved family members are washed and a ritual killing
takes place. The time of the cleansing is usually seven days after the funeral, but some observe a
month or even longer. Traditionally, a widow had to remain in mourning for a year after her
husband's death and the children of a deceased parent were in mourning for three months.
A practice that seems to be disappearing in African urban areas is the home-bringing ritual,
although it is still observed in some parts of Africa. A month or two after the funeral the grieving
family slaughters a beast and then goes to the graveyard. They speak to the ancestors to allow
the deceased to return home to rest. It is believed that at the graves the spirits are hovering on the
earth and are restless until they are brought home—an extremely dangerous situation for the
family. The family members take some of the earth covering the grave and put it in a bottle.
They proceed home with the assurance that the deceased relative is accompanying them to look
after the family as an ancestor. Some Christian churches have a night vigil at the home after the
home-bringing. The theologian Marthinus Daneel describes the ceremony in some Zimbabwean
churches, where the living believers escort the spirit of the deceased relative to heaven through
their prayers, after which a mediating role can be attained. The emphasis is on the transformation
of the traditional rite, while providing for the consolation of the bereaved family. This example
shows how these churches try to eliminate an old practice without neglecting the traditionally
conceived need that it has served.

These burial and mourning customs suggest that many practices still prevailing in African
Christian funerals are vestiges of the ancestor cult, especially the ritual killings and the home-
bringing rites. Because a funeral is preeminently a community affair in which the church is but
one of many players, the church does not always determine the form of the funeral. Some of the
indigenous rites have indeed been transformed and given Christian meanings, to which both
Christians and those with traditional orientation can relate. Sometimes there are signs of
confrontation and the changing and discontinuance of old customs to such an extent that they are
no longer recognizable in that context.
African funerals are community affairs in which the whole community feels the grief of the
bereaved and shares in it. The purpose of the activities preceding the funeral is to comfort,
encourage, and heal those who are hurting. Thereafter, the churches see to it that the bereaved
make the transition back to normal life as smoothly and as quickly as possible. This transition
during the mourning period is sometimes accompanied by cleansing rituals by which the
bereaved are assured of their acceptance and protection by God. Because the dominance of
Christianity and Islam in Africa has resulted in the rejection of certain mourning customs, the
funeral becomes an opportunity to declare faith
Read more: http://www.deathreference.com/A-Bi/African-Religions.html#ixzz4enWoAYVN

Traditional Karanga rituals
The religious world view of the Karanga is also populated by a variety of rituals ranging from
healing, witch hunting sacrificial, agricultural only but to mention a few.
a) Rainmaking ritual
Rain-making ritual is part of the agricultural rites. Among the Karanga people it was closely
connected to the notion of ancestral spirits. Ranger (1963:13) observes that during traditional
rituals in the family, Zame/Mwar’s name was never mentioned, but it was mentioned only
during the annual rain rituals with the reference to Mwari waMatonjeni, where a high Priest
prays to the rain-giving God on behalf of the nation. Local annual rain rituals, it was said, took
place between September and January according to the urgency of the need of rain. A great
number of minor ritual centers existed in each ward; a few was operative during good rainy
seasons and the majority of them during droughts. Such a centre was the grave one of the lineage
ancestors, mostly situated on, or at the foot of a granite kopje or it may be a sacred cork tree
(muchakata) or the fig tree (muonde) near the homestead of a kraal head around which a
rushanga (mutoro) is built as indicative of a sacred pole enclosure.
Daneel (1987) noted that originally a distinction was made in Gutu between the Mukwerera
ritual which was conducted at the commencement of the rain and Mutoro ritual which took place
as soon as the crops started ripening. In contrast to the first supplication for rain the latter
ceremony was a thanksgiving for the zhezha (edible tuber) of which nobody was allowed to
partake off before this ritual was conducted.
As soon as the newly sown seed starts germinating and the heavens show signs of withholding
its rain (denga ratarama) the leading kraalhead tells the other kraalheads of this ritual unit that
the time has come to ‘fix the heavens’ (kugadzira matenga). Finger millet (mhunga) and rapoko
(rukweza) was then collected from family heads of each village, irrespective of their religious
convictions. When sufficient millet and rapoko was collected, it was then dedicated to the apical
ancestors by the oldest living descendent of the priestly family from the mbire or shoko tribe -
those of the monkey totem. (At Matonjeni the Chief priest was known as Machokoto)The
presiding officer then mix the rapoko seeds with beer in a clay pot and the address the spirits.
After this local rainmaking ritual, other people from the priestly family (mbire tribe) were sent to
Matonjeni in the modern day Bulawayo in order to perform the national ritual for the upcoming
season. These people were known as Manyusa - rain maker /asker or rain making
messengers.This was a special delegation undertakes trips to Matonjeni to ask for rain from
Zame. They traveled from Chivi, Bikita, Zaka , Gutu and Mwenezi by foot without food until
they reached the sacred shrine Matonjeni. At Matonjeni popularly known by the Karanga as
KuZame the Nyusas were given hospitality by the Mbonga- who were virgin girls and they were
believed to be the wives of Zame. These Mbonga were residents of Matonjeni for the rest of
their life. They were also called VanaMamoyo – descendants of the Rozvi dynasty since they
were of the heart totem. They were unmarried women and did not experience sexual relations the
rest of their life.
At Matonjeni the rain-makers woke up early in the morning and visited the sacred shrine and
talked with the voice of God. These Manyusa communicated with God through the
intermediaries who were custodians of this religious shrine.

When people reached the cave their faces were not allowed to face the cave. As a result they
knelt down while closing their eyes. Opening of eyes during the proceeding of the ritual was
very dangerous precisely because it was resulting for that person to become blind. The
interpreter was not giving his back to the cave. They heard a thunderous voice and the
intermediaries interpreted the message.
These rain makers or askers were supposed to leave their gifts and offerings such as beer and
jewelaries as well as gold and copper products which were mined at Wedza in the modern day
Mashonaland East province the original land of the Mbire tribe. These were given to Zame or
Mwari waMatonjeni.
After speaking with the voice of Zame the ritual participants left the cave quietly and they were
not allowed to turn their eyes to the cave. Traditionally special signs were given by the voice
from the rock o when the rains fall. In most cases the footprints of the messengers were
supposed to be rubbed by rainfall soon after the left the sacred shrine.
b) Witch hunting ritual

Like all other Shona speaking people the Karanga do believed that a person can not die but
he/she can be killed .As a rule witchcraft practice was not suspected amongst the Karanga unless
illness was acute, severe and swift or was a protracted one which was weakening and painful.
Thus witchcraft was not thought of with an ordinary ailment like a cold, but only with illness
which was not explicable or caused undue worrying. Whenever a death took place in a village
there was a definite procedure followed. The family consulted a n’anga to lean the reason for the
tragedy as there were other spirits who may have caused it. It was not allowed to accuse anyone
of being a witch without being absolutely sure of the person and the only way to be certain was
to be told by a reputable n’anga. The n’anga generally recognized the witchcraft practices
through the use of lots or hakata but other methods of divination were also considered equally
authentic. For instance he may peer into a mirror or divine with a special calabash filled with
castor oil.
Once the n’anga declared a person a witch the relatives return to their village and make known
their accusation by depositing a heap of ashes in the doorstep of the accused person’s hut. They
can also put a big branch of a tree called mutarara on the doorway in order to conscientise the
witch that people were now aware that he or she was a witch.
This was done during the night. When the accused woke up in the morning and saw the ashes he
realized that he was named a witch. At this stage the Chief was informed and the accused went
to see him and hotly denied the charge. The Chief then arranged for a trial by ordeal or muteyo
which was carried by a specialist in the field.
The roots of the muteyo were boiled in water and the accused handed the watery mixture to
drink in front of the whole village community who were summoned to witness the trial. If the
accused vomited he was declared innocent and if not he was pronounced guilty.
However, if several people were under suspicion and the n’anga had not singled out the witch,
the Chief ordered all the people in the village, in which witchcraft was suspected, to appear on a
certain day and underwent the muteyo. Each person whether adult or child was handed a plate of
muteyo to drink. All who vomited were declared innocent and the one who was guilty did not
vomit, but his abdomen grows bigger. He was then interrogated and asked whether he was
responsible for the death or sickness. If he confessed that he was a witch he was not allowed to
be killed but was asked to seek refugee in another area and stay there for ever.

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COMMUNICATION WITH THE SPIRITS
 The indigenous people believe in the existence of both a physical or human realm,
natural world and spirit world. This is called the tripartite world view. It comprises belief
in in the existence of 3 worlds that is thehuman world, the natural world and the
spiritual world. These three worlds are linked.
 The natural world provides the habitat for the spirits and sends message from the
spiritual world to the human world.
 The spirit world provides guidance, punishment and blessing to the human world. For
the African every plant, animal and natural phenomena are a carrier of the divine. In
order to appease the spirit world, people have to perform rituals and make sacrifices. The
human world has to relate to both the natural and the spirit world.
 Therefore, various forms of communication with the spirits exists in I.R.

 Communication is “the transfer of information from the sender to the receiver with the
information being understood by the receiver”. Communication is “the transmission of
common understanding through the use of symbols”. In the indigenous communities’
people communicate with the spirits through different ways or forms. NB see J.S Mbiti,
African Religions and Philosophy.
Forms of Communication in IR:

Gelfand notes that, “one of the fundamental tenets of Shona religion is the belief in real
communication with the world of spirits through the medium or host of theparticular
spirit whose help is sought.The Shona accepts revelation through their mediums in a way
that is not completely different from that inwhich a Christian accepts revelation from
readinghis Bible.”
The communication process in I.R occurs through the natural environment, religious
rites or ceremonies, sacred places, symbols and mediumship involving various religious
practitioners.
The spirit mediums – communication follow a set pattern of a hierarchy of spirit beings
up to God the Creator. The channel incorporates the spirit mediumancestral
spiritsGod the Creator.
Gelfand states that among the Shona when the medium is under spirit possessionthey
hearthe "voice" of the spirit calling or addressing themthrough the medium, and see this
as proof of theexistence ofthe spiritual world. It is notthe mediumwho is talking but the
spirit who has made use ofthe body and voice of the host.
The Shona think that they make a real contact with a spirit for once the medium becomes
possessedhe is no longer the same as when he is notpossessed. When the spirit possesses
him heacquires an altered personality. The medium is abridge between the present and
the spiritualworlds in one being, he himself is drawn into thespiritual world in an ecstatic
state.
Mhondoro - the mhondoro medium communicates or intercedes between the human and
the spirits in IR. The mhondoro is the overall spirit of the whole clan or tribe
whoseconcern is the good of the people as a whole. In the case of the tribal medium
(mhondoro) or family medium (mhondoro ormudzimu mudiki wapamusha) possession
has aspecial reason such as incest or the misbehaviourof one member of the family
towards another. Inthis instance the spirit often enters the medium inthe early hours of
the morning. He is heard emittingnoises which waken others who hurry into the hutto see
what is happening. Then the spirit speaksthrough its host and explains the reason for
itsconcern.
TheShona believe that they bring rain, are responsiblefor the bumper harvests.
Mhondoro Yemvura (rain maker) presides over the rainmaking (mukwerera, Gasva,
marenje or chipwa). ‘Mhondoro yemvura’ presides over the ceremony and speaks or
pleads with the ancestors for rain. In the ancient times chiefs whose areas were affected

by drought would sent their agents called ‘mbonga’ (unmarried women) to Matonjeni or
Mabweadziva (Matopos) to entreat the great spirit medium to intercede for rain. God
would speak from a rock and pronounce the procedures and rituals to be performed for
the rains to come. Rainmaking ceremonies are now rare given the advent of Christianity,
rain makers are now rare and the use of scientific cloud seeding.
Mhondoro also communicates with the spirits in making important decision as to
whoshall succeed to the chieftainship.
N’anga or traditional healer - The n’anga is a traditional religious practitioner
possessed by a special spirit of healing and of divining, that is said to have originated a
person with these gifts, many generations ago when the clan was founded. The original
person whose spirit now possesses a nganga knew how to treat disease and to discern its
spiritual cause. This special ngangaspirit remains the family and whan a ngangadies his
healing spirit selects one of his children who, in his turn becomes a nganga. This spirit is
a good one and can contact the ancestral spirits of any family and and so discover what
has annoyed them and what
is necessary to make amends.the male
nganga possession usually occurs as soon as he
starts throwing his hakala (divining bones). Thus
it is the divining spirit which turns the hakata in
the air causing them to fall in such a way as to
reveal the spirit's message.
Reincarnation ceremonyor settling the spirit of the dead – in IR people communicate

with the spirits through an after death ceremony called reincarnation or ‘kurova guva’.
the ceremony is conducted to bring the spirit of the deceased back home as the family
guardian. A ‘muzukuru’ (sister’s son’) makes a formal address to the spirit of the
departed concerning the coming ceremony. The communication is associated with
singing, animal sacrifice, pouring a libation of beer to the ground, singing and dancing.
Prayers - In the Indigenous Religion there are countless prayers when communicating
with the spirits.Through prayers, the worshippers are able to communicate either directly
or indirectly with God, the divinities and the ancestors. It is often said that prayers, like
the making of sacrifices and offerings are at the heart of African religious life. There are
prayers of thanksgiving in which people give gratitude to God; supplications in which
people ask for material blessings; prayers of protection in which people ask for

protection against sickness and death, victory over enemies and long life; and prayers of
dedication in which belongings and children are dedicated to God.
Prayers in indigenous religious literature are handed down orally from generation to
generation. Most prayers are recited by people in official capacities which include priests
and priestesses, diviners,rainmakers, medicine men and women,kings, chiefs, ritual and
family elders, andheads of organized groups such as hunters.Prayers are usually
addressed to God,superhuman beings, and ancestors.
People in search of spiritual assistancefor a variety of human needs address theirprayers
to the powers above. People prayfor life, health, healing, wealth, and prosperity.They
pray for success at work and to be delivered from difficulties. Indigenous communities
people address prayers either directly or indirectly through intermediariesfor all spiritual
assistance possible. They pray in praise, theypray in joy, and they pray in thanksgiving.
If prayers areto be made to the family spirit (mudzimu) these are said before the
ruhuva/chikuva(pot shelf) In the main hut(imba) of the family.Pleading with the
ancestorsi.ekudeketera or ukuthethela. Also kupopotera Midzimu kana
zvinhuzvisirikufambazvakanakamumhuri, the father usually does thioskuchikuva
Music - Music is an audible expression of African communication or prayer.The songs

also enhance emotional and physical participation in the act of worship which some of
the time leads to ecstatic experiences that often results to prophetic utterances from the
divinity through the human medium. Songs are sung as the occasion demands. For
example, some are used only during the sacred day worship; others are reserved for the
annual worship while some are for crisis period or funeral time.
There are many religious songs in praise of one’s God and superhuman beings. There
are many songs intended to express joy for spiritual blessings. There are songs asking
favours from above. And there are songs commonly sung in thanksgiving. Songs are
usually accompanied by the playing of various musical instruments that is beating of
drums, mbira, hosho etc. Music and dancing are powerful means of African
religiousexpression.
Sacrifice - Sacrifice is giving up something valuable in order to render homageto some
superior being. It is also seen as a means of communion between humanity and God. It is
the highest means of establishing and maintaining relationship between human beings
and God on the one hand and the divinity on the other hand.
Offerings have a prominent place in the ceremony.

The Shona has no doubt that he has to
make a real effort to obtain forgiveness for his
transgressions. He must do something tangible to
appease the offended spirit. But he knows that he
can reconciliate and live in peace and equilibrium
again with the spiritual world (
A sacrifice is thus a gift offered toGod or to a superhuman being in recognition of their
superiorityover humanity. Of all acts of worship to the Supreme Being,sacrifices and
offerings are emphasized most in IR.
Animal sacrifice is the usual wayof offering praise and thanksgiving. Bulls, goats, or
chickens are the most commonobjects of sacrifice, offered at every stage of the rites of
passage.
Libation - Libation is the act of pouring out of a liquid such as water, snuff or tobacco,
wine, beer, blood or oil, as a sacrifice to God, the divinities or in honour of a dead
person. While the libation is being poured, the officiating priest also pours out the
people's requests to God or the divinity in prayer.
The importance of libation lies in the belief that since the liquor softens the ground, it
symbolically opens the way to the presence of the divine powers. Thus in the process of
worship, the family head can pour libation to the ancestral spirits on behalf of the family
to sanction the demands of the family members. Libation is also poured during other
social activities like marriage, naming, laying of the foundation of a new house and the
opening of a new house.
Ritual Leaders – communication with spirits occurs through the use of ritual leaders.
Ritual leaders are those members of the community who presideover and conduct
particular religious’ rituals. They come to theirleadership roles in different ways. Some
positions are hereditary and others are the result of a special spiritual calling along with
specialtraining. This category of African ritual leaders includes rulers,priests, mediums,
diviners, healers, rainmakers and elders.
Dreams
Visions
Ceremonies associated with honouring and thanking the alien spirits or Mashavi
(kupembedza Mashavi).
Inspirations

Divinations
Appeasement
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SYMBOLISM IN INDIGENOUS RELIGION
Concepts: 1. Identifying symbols in I.R.
2. Examining symbols in I.R.
2. Examining the significance of symbols.

 According to C.G Jung, “The least of things with a meaning is worth more in life than
the greatest of all things”.
 A symbol is something, (an idea, a sign a ritual art or a behavioural pattern) that stands as
a means of communicating an inner essence.
 Symbols in I.R, includesimages, icons, objects, traditional clothes which have sacred
connotations. They are objects that believers or followers worship or venerate and pray
to. These symbols are sacred and have sacred or symbolic significance or meanings.
 Symbols are objects that serve as symbols of the faith. These objects are often inspiring
to the religion's followers and may be used by them to focus their prayer or announce
their faith, such as if worn as jewellery.
 Symbols are words, gestures, pictures, or objects that carry a particular meaning
which is only recognized by those who share a particular culture. New symbols easily
develop, old ones disappear. Symbols from one particular group are regularly copied by
others. This is why symbols represent the outermost layer of a culture
 Symbols and iconography are vehicles to express a tribe’s spirituality and philosophy.
 Symbols represent different characters and characteristics & adorn many things ranging
from clothing to pottery. Due to the profound nature of these symbols, they are
sometimes seen tattooed onto people’s skin.
1. Symbolic animals
 The totem animals are a vital symbols of indigenous life. Different indigenous clans have
specific relationships with individual animals, they are not allowed to eat the meat of
their specific animal and each totem animal is a sacred symbol.
 When a traveller saw a baboon or baboons seated or walking it signified that there was
no problem. The traveller would travel happily and safely. It meant the ancestors had
blessed the journey, but if one saw one baboon seated with its palm on cheek looking
sad/ unhappy it meant the journey was unsafe and the ancestors of the land would be
advising the traveller to go back.
 a sign that the guardians of the land (vekunyikadzimu) will be touring around the land as
an assurance of the security of the land and its people. Likewise, the lion was not
supposed to be harmed as that would attract severe suffering for either the offender or the
whole Shona community or even both.
Symbolism and the natural environment

 The sacred stones and statues are believed to store the souls of sacred spirits and are
symbols of both religious and political power.
 The sun is one of the most important indigenous symbols and regarded as female due
to its life giving powers. It is a symbols of hope and new beginning.
 Trees & forests are symbolic among the Shona communities. The belief in ancestral
spirits living in tree branches is also implied in death rituals. In the bringing back
home the ancestor ritual some Shona use the branches of certain big trees. They
symbolically drag the branch from the deceased’s grave to the homestead. The most
commonly used branches are those of muhacha/muchakata (Parinari curatellifolia)
and mutuwa (Kirkia acuminate) trees.
 Some trees with religious significance are mubvumira (Kirkia acuminate) used to
ritually mark the establishment of a new homestead, and muzeze (Peltiforum
africanum) whose branches are used for ritual purification after burial. In his research
Mukamuri found that the following trees also have religious significance. Fruit trees
such as mushavi and muonde meeting places for rain-asking ritual
(mutoro/mukwerere).
 The family spirits hover round the village of their families, but the mhondoro live in
the forest in special lions, perhaps in the sacred muhacha tree, or even in the
heavens above. Ceremonies for the tutelary spirits, mhondoro, are held in an
enclosure (ruchanga) surrounding the sacred muchacha tree or in a specially made
wooden structure which resembles a hut (dendemaro). Such gatherings emphasize
the proximity of the worshippers to nature and to the trees, the grass, the soil and the
rocks. Their environment forms a background to their religion.
Symbolic Attire
 The wearing of a black dress by a widow in some parts of Africa is symbolic of
bereavement.
 Ceremonial costumes, for e.g. the Sacred black & white costume (machira-makungwe)
are worn by spirit mediums and n’angas during consultation by believers in I.R.
 The baTonga special dresses with different colours, printed symbols of fish, nyaminyami
and elephants are worn during the Kuomboka ceremony (October & November). They
are used to praise political heroes,to commemorate historical events and to assert social
identities.
 Those possessed by the alien spirits can also put on ‘magagada’, beads (chuma), &
bangles at special ceremonies or when conducting rituals.
 Some of the vessels are used by the witchdoctors for storing medicines and charms for
example sacred lots, ngundu, wooden plate (mbiya), pfuko and mukombe.
Courtship and marriage symbols

 In the baTonga culture symbols also play a large part in courtship procedures &
expressions of love. Young female baTonga wear beads inscribed with symbols given to
them by their suitors. These symbols are usually symbols of love and are offered as love
tokens.
 Other symbol-inscribed beads may not be love tokens and may in fact be cautionary
symbols given to the girl by her family to protect her from unwanted attention

The Man’s Weapons
 The man’s objects that symbolise manhood include:
A) Gano-small axe
b) Pfumo-small spear
b) Tsvimbo- knobkerrie or walking stick
c) Bows and arrows
 These are the symbolise manhood in Shona culture. They are symbols of the tribe’s
fertility which is passed on to every individual by the ancestors. Most traditional Shona
men keep these objects hidden in their bedrooms, they are not for public exhibition they
can only be used on rituals like inheritance, or in defense of the family in case of an
attack at home.
 These objects have a patriarchal and symbolic energy that is synonymous with manhood.
Symbolic meanings of each object;
a) Axe -traditionally used in close combat symbolises the man’s role in close protection
of his family. There is an axe for daily use and the one for ceremonial occasions. Gano or
humbwa is a cutting tool that was used for hunting & war. The axes used during cultural
festivals or religious ceremonies are known as tsomho or dancing axes amongst the
Korekore people of north-eastern Zimbabwe.
b) Pfumo-a hunting instrument also used for warfare symbolic of the man’s role as a
breadwinner and a hunter for the family.
c) Tsvimbo-A sceptre of authority symbol of patriarchy and honour associated with the
institution of manhood.
 These combination objects carry on them a patriarchal and imparted energy closely
associated with manhood.
 Spiritual rods. According to H. Ellert walking sticks & staffs (Tsvimbo/intonga) are
considered as symbols are considered as symbols of power and authority. In both
Ndebele and Shona cultures Tsvimbo has long been representative of both secular and
spiritual authority. If it belongs to a dead ancestor, the spirit medium uses it in calling
forth the spirit to speak & guide the living.
Symbolic swords (bakatwa)
 Bakatwa or knife is a general Shona term for a type of sword found in Mashonaland
and Manicaland provinces. Swords are a symbol of authority, manhood and a
defensive weapon.
Symbolic hoes

 Hoes save a symbolic purpose among the indigenous communities like the baTonga.
Miniature hoes called ‘Katemokavamwali’ were used as important symbols during
rites of passage such as female initiationscalled Chinamwali in Zambia and
Zimbabwe.
 Katemokavamwali literally means the hoe of the female initiate. Katemo is a hoe,
vamwali is of (va) women (mwali) or female initiate.
 Katemokavamwali is also a dance at boys Mukanda ceremonies. Blades of these hoes
were curved from wood or forged by ironsmiths.
The Woman’s wedding jars
In the local communities the bride and her relatives takes with them the wedding jars
on their way to the other tribe. These jars must be new ones; they are symbolic
expression of the bride’s virginity as well as of her future role among the alien tribe.
All jars are symbols of womanhood but each different specific jar has also its own
specific symbolism.
These jars include ‘rongo’ (medium sized) in which the wife prepares warm water for
her husband every morning. NB. Research on symbolic meaning of jars.
The woman’s baskets
Different kinds of baskets are also symbolic in the indigenous religion. Each type of a
basket symbolises a certain state of a woman’s maturity. The largest of the baskets is
called ‘dengu’ followed by others, ‘dengwana’, ‘nhangwana’, ‘shandiro; and ‘rusero’.
Symbolic Plates
the daughter in law is expected to bring some eating utensils i.ewooden plates which
are also symbolic. The wooden plate or ‘ndiro’ was a symbol of tribal fertility among
the Kalanga. The special ‘gunere’ plate has various symbolic meanings.
The head of the family has his own set of plates, the so-called ‘gunere’, he is the most
important upholder of the family’s fertility. It means real fertility comes from the
man, he gives the seeds to his wife hence begets children for the tribe.
‘gunere’ means authority hence its only for man. If a woman offered food to a
stranger in a ‘gunere’ she would be taken to court and accused of adultery. A man’s
gunere is buried with him so that he can maintain his children’s fertility even after
death.
The Hut or the Kitchen symbols
The earthen bench along the wall of the in every kitchen where jars and pots are kept.
This bench is a place of honour in the house, it is the family altar. Its raised position
symbolises the greatness & dignity of the ancestral spirits. Since the ancestors are
higher than anyone else they are honoured at the highest place in the house.

 Among the Kalanga people the bench is also an expression of the husband’s authority &
of his right to have any wives. The bench or rukuva for the Kalanga is a symbol of the
grave of the ancestral spirits. There one prays and makes sacrificial offerings to them.
The jars (hari) on the bench represent the whole represent the whole tribe and the unity of
the family.
 If prayers are to be made to the family spirit (mudzimu) these are said before the ruhuva
(potshelf) In the main hut (imba) of the family. They are very much a family affair with
the family spirits close at hand in the home.
Music or songs
Music instruments in the indigenous culturesare symbolic and reveals people's spiritual
beliefs, their modes of expression, patterns of communication and forms of
entertainment, in as much as their present day popular music reveals a lot about the
people's present lives and past experiences.
Through songs, a daughter-in-law would express her bitterness against a horrible mother-
in-law, a bitter wife against a greedy husband, and the whole community would protest
against an unjust chief, hence there is a tradition of Shona protest songs." There were
songs to praise, urge, ridicule and reprimand. Most communication strategies in the pre-
literate and oral African societies were musical in one way or another
Traditional musical instruments with a symbolic value
 Musical instruments are the tools for teaching the indigenous spirituality to their
followers. These items are often passed down from generation to generation for example
trumpets (hwamanda), thumb piano (mbira)hosho, drums (ngoma) are used at biras &
rainmaking ceremonies. The ngoma-buntimbe ceremonial drums are only played at
special ceremonies such as funerals of chiefs, spirit mediums and other special
ceremonies.
 Mbira – Henrick Ellert states that mbira dzavadzimu were used during spiritual and
religious ceremonies when n’anga and masvikiro spirit mediums call upon vadzimu to
intercede on their behalf with the Supreme being in times of strife or famine
 the mbira has spiritual embodiment and is performed at many different ceremonies,
including rain-making ceremonies, weddings, working parties, ceremonies for appeasing
of the ancestral spirits, ceremonies for installing new chiefs, and death ceremonies,
including the guva ceremony in which a departed person's spirit is welcomed back into
the community a year after their death.
 Solomon Murungu points out, that the keys thus personify the presence of ancestral
spirits directly on the instrument. The sound board, made from a special kind of tree,
mubvamaropa, represents a source of shelter and fuel, basic necessities in everyday
Shona life. The resonator gourd or deze, into which the mbira is mounted and propped as
a second level amplifier is a special type of dried squash, called Nhangatanga or the first
squash, which is a source of food. It is also used as a water container, dende. In its
smaller form and dried, the nhangatanga squash is used as a drinking gourd, mukombe.
The instrument thus symbolizes the basic elements of everyday life in Shona.

 Pembe or pito (whistle) were blown for communication purposes e.g. at a funeral.
Nhekwe or snuff containers

 Snuff is used when an elder member kneels and offer prayers to the ancestors as an
offering to the spirits. Ordinary snuff is called bute or mudhombo and the one used by
spirit mediums is called chambwa.
 Snuff is used for medicinal purposes or is also taken by herbalists or n’angas during
consultations and by the spirit mediums when calling upon ancestral spirits.
Hakata (lots)
 Hakata (lots or divining tablets) traditionally used by Shona king’s sorcerers &
soothsayers to foretell the future. Hakata consists of a basic set of four tablets or pieces,
each with a designated power or value that can be interpreted according to custom and
tradition.
 These four pieces are known as chirume (male), kwami (female), nhokwara (good luck)
and chitokwadzima (bad luck), and in other instances being representative of manhood or
masculinity, motherhood, youth & virginity or purity.
Ceremonial Stool - The BaTonga tribes also sanctifies religious objects and attaches great
symbolism to the ceremonial stool which is kept hidden and closely guarded. These stools
represent the worship of ancestors, an ideal close to the hearts of the baTonga. No one may
sit on these stools and they have never touched the ground. These stools come in different
sizes and shapes depending on the ceremonial nature of that particular stool.
Body Markings or mutilation - Symbolism among the baTonga of Northern Zimbabwe and
part of Zambia pierce a hole through the nose and also remove two upper front teeth as a sign
of independence, freedom or emancipation.
The significance of Symbols in the I.R.

Artificial symbols are created by an individual or a group to represent ideas. Such
symbols usually relate to a believer’s own experience. For example, among the sacred
axe (gano) of the Shona people and the stool in among the baTonga communities.
Communicative symbols are those that are used specifically to communicate
knowledge and information. We are aware that all symbols communicate, hut this
category includes those which are intended purposely to convey concepts, ideas and
emotions.
Ritualistic symbols are used to instruct and indoctrinate the devotees about the article of
their faith and it is mostly liturgical. For example, sacred animals, trees and religious
attire.
Artistic symbols are those that are used for aesthetic purpose. This is a common feature
in most shrines in Africa.
Significance of Symbols as means of Communication - People do not only
communicate their thoughts and feelings orexperience to others but also to themselves,
and this is usually done through symbols.Through communication, symbols could, help

to maintain order and coherence and thisis achieved largely by the use of art objects. This
in turn could be as a powerful instrument forindoctrination or as a tool for impressing
religious dogma in the minds of the devotees, therebymaking it easy for the leaders to
organize their followers in an orderly manner.
Symbols also serve as agents of identification. For example, different individuals
whoprofess the same faith who had not known each other before wearing an emblem that
belongsto particular cult or sect can easily identify each other belonging to the same
faith. In otherwords, members are identified welded together by religious symbols.
Symbols of religious art can also be used as means of preserving knowledge
ofhistorical and religious occurrence. When it is said indigenous religion is
writteneverywhere it is because every traditional Zimbabwe community is replete with
symbols of thereligion and those who have ears to hear and eyes to see can notice them
in cultural context.
Symbols, especially those connected with cultural festivals, which re-enact
historicalevents, are useful instruments for communication to the younger generations
about the sectthey belong. This is another means of preserving culture.
Finally, symbols of religious art could help in achieving higher mystical exercise
andspiritual development, such as divination, medication and education. For example, a
diviner who uses water, oil, and hakata during divination, usually develops
higherspiritual intellectual ability to solve human problems.
 Some symbolic signs or features are significant in forth telling and foretelling future
events.
1.if a branch falls while you watch, it communicates the death of a loved one.
2.the presenceof certain animals, birds or snakes in the homestead may mean something.
When this happens the Shona call this shura. Shura means a brief
strange appearance of some rare animal. This signifies something good
or bad, depending on appearance of a particular animal, to happen
in the not so distant future.37 Usually appearances of snakes signify
death in the family seeing a tsvukukuviri snake in your way was a sign of bad omen.
3.meeting a lion, a leopard or a Zimbabwe bird was a direct enciunte with mhondoro.
4.if the hoe falls from the handle whilst weeding, yu were not to continue doing work.
5.food or when you are eating then all the food falls to the ground by mistake was an
indication than the ancestors have taken their own share (communal existence with the
spirits.
6. a restless whistling of birds alarmed of imminent danger.
Students notes
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INDIGENOUS RELIGION AND GENDER RELATIONS
Status of Women in Indigenous Religion
Objectives;
1. Examine the status of women in Indigenous Religion.

2. Evaluate factors which may promote or hinder women’s progress in Indigenous Religion.
Women Participation in Politics
Objectives;
1. Evaluate the involvement of women in politics in Indigenous Religion.

2. Identify factors which promote or hinder women’s participation in politics.
Status of Women in Indigenous Religion
- The study on the status of women in I.R is determined by various factors including patriarchy,
matriarchy, age, society, marital status, ownership of the means of production, property and what they
are capable of doing and why they cannot do among many.
- traditional myths, proverbs, folktales also define the status of women in I.R
- in some indigenous society the gender relations, roles and status of women are socially defined
- the study on the status of women should be taken in the context of historical time frames; pre-
colonial, colonial period and post-colonial or independence period.
 The status and position of women in I.R has often been given a negative picture. Bourdillon
argue that, ‘‘It is a common misconception [misinterpretation] that women had little or no
status in traditional African societies. There are many reasons given for this view: women are
said to be bought and sold in marriage like chattels [movable personal property or personal
possessions]; at the death of a husband, his widows are inherited with his estate; since women
could not represent themselves in traditional courts but had to be represented by a senior male
relative, it is said that legally they were minors all their lives; wives are said to be completely
subject to their husbands who have the right to beat them within limits; women do most of the
work in the fields and in the home while the men spend much time sitting in idle chatter…’’
[NB: Task; Critique the above quotation]
 The above quotation pictures a subservient role of women as second class citizens. They are
slaves to the society and to their husbands, more of objects with no or little say in day today

family and societal affairs. However, such a view is an illusion or misrepresentation of the real
status of women in I.R.
 Woman acquire higher status through marriage rather than vice-versa. A woman gains or
acquires status through marriage or payment of a bride price. The payment of a high bride price
and value of money or goods given as dowry is an expression of the value the husband places
on marriage. Marriage brings wealth to the in-laws and gives the woman prestige and high
status among her kinsfolk. Thus marriage brings status to both the married woman and her
family or tribe.
 Through marriage the woman acquires status as both a mother and provider to her own family.
Through procreation the woman acquires a higher status in the lineage of her husband. The
status increases with increased number of children, when children marry or are given in to
marriage and the woman has more grandsons and granddaughters, sons in law and daughters in
law and becomes the ancestor of a growing group of descendants.
 Extended family status – the woman obtains a more enhanced status due to her roles and
kinship ties in an extended family set up.
 Traditional ceremonies – woman acquire status by virtue of presiding over traditional
ceremonies. Women mediums are healers, preside over rain making ceremonies among many.
Elder women who have reached menopause also perform rituals like, virginity tests, ‘kukwesha
nhova’, ‘kutema nyora’ and brewing of beer. Bourdillon asserts that women can also play
important roles as hosts to spirits in various possession cults.
 Property ownership – women gain status through acquisition of property. Women acquire
property and gain income through craftwork like basketry, pottery, weaving, farming.
Professional diviners and healers are woman who can earn a healthy income from their art. A
woman may built a small herd from cattle acquired when daughters get married.
 Women’s influential role in marriage – women in I.R do play an influential role in the
homestead and also exercise a level of control over their husbands. Women always had more
say in Shona society than was formally admitted [Bourdillon]. Women in rural areas exercise
more say given that their husbands spend most of the time in at their work places in the towns
or the diaspora. Husbands and even chiefs often consult their wives in private before making
key decisions in society or passing a judgement verdict.
 Founding of chiefdoms – in many ancient traditions about the founding of chiefdoms and
chiefly dynasties women were instrumental in either seducing or defeating the enemy or
through magical knowledge. Bourdillon aver that in a number of Kore Kore chiefdoms, the

chiefly dynasties are said to have been founded by a brother and a sister together, in which the
two became lion spirits and complement each other.
 Authority in administration - the daughters of a Manyika chief were sometimes appointed as
headwomen over subject territories. Women also acted in a system of royal espionage. Some
women exercised considerable influence over the government of the day by becoming a
medium to a senior spirit.
Status of Women vs Men in Traditional Society

The subservient status of women in I.R can be explained as follows:
 Patriarchy – women occupy a low status in a traditional patriarchal society. The father is overall
in charge, can initiate divorce, owns property and the wife has little or no say if the husband
dies.
 Court Cases – it is assumed that women are incapable of conducting or presenting a court case
properly, rather the woman should be accompanied by a male relative to represent her or
speak for her. The male relative should advise her on how to present the case properly, her
defence and acceptable terms for the solution to the dispute. In this case women were legally
minors.
 Adultery cases – society often condemns a married woman involved or caught in adultery. She
is taken a s morally loose. However, for a husband involved in adultery the case is treated as
minor and the husband is societally allowed to do polygamy.
 Post burial rituals – in I.R there is inconsistency on how the life after death ritual is valued for a
deceased woman in relation to a deceased man. In most cases reincarnation ceremony is done
for a deceased adult male yet often neglected for a woman. Bourdillon states that this post
funeral rite is, ‘’…often omitted when the deceased is a woman suggests that women do not
always acquire in life the full adult status necessary to be influential as spirit elders after death.’’
 Presiding over traditions – more man presides over traditional ceremonies and rituals in honor
of spirits as compared to their female counterparts.
 Salary earners – in some societies woman are made to surrender their salaries to their
husbands who is in charge of everything.
 Socialisation – in I.R women are given limited freedom to frequent public places of
entertainment and leisure like beer halls. If seen in such places, they are considered prostitutes
especially the married ones.
NB: YOU MAY WRITE ADDITIONAL NOTES FROM CHAKABVA.

INDIGENOUS RELIGION AND MARRIAGE
 Marriage - Marriage is a legally recognized and/or socially approved arrangement
between two or more individuals that carries certain rights and obligations and usually
involves sexual activity.
 Bourdillon – ‘Marriage is essentially a contract between two families.
MARRIAGE INSTITUTIONS
 -Marriage is one of the most important institutions that was/is highly valued by the
various cultural groups that are found in Zimbabwe.
 -The marriage institution allowed procreation and therefore continuity hence it was
largely celebrated.
 -This institution has largely been affected by the Western culture and the conversion of
African people into Western religions like Christianity- How? Lesbians and Gays and
also dedicated brothers and sisters in the case of Catholics.
 - People are now highly mobile in this globalized world as a result people have largely
intermarried and this has affected the marriage institution in Zimbabwe.
 - Marriage is considered an avenue to get status amongst most ethnic groups in
Zimbabwe.
 -It is almost universal amongst the Bantu people that a person is referred to using the
name of the first born e.g mother of so and so or father as so and so.
 - The westerners use their first names or other tittles e.g. Doctor ,Professor, Mr., Mrs.,
Reverend etc.
 -parenthood is necessary to establish status among the people of Zimbabwe

 -family life is thus of utmost importance. That is the reason why people who don’t get
married are regarded as social outcasts e.g tsvimborume or mbongorori this is usually
explained as a misfortune or caused by evil sprits e.g ane chitsinha/Chinzvi.
 -marriages have varieties of forms, right and customs in different parts of the country.
The procedures for getting married vary widely.
 NB the marriage is essentially A CONTRACT BETWEEN TWO FAMILIES. A
marriage is not a contract between two people (Bourdillion 1987,40)
 QUESTION:Why do we regard marriage as a contract between two families.
 -Tezvara is a tezvara to the whole of the groom’s family.
 -people usually say we have married such and such a family
 -negotiations for marriage require participation by senior representatives of each family.
PROCEDURES (Marriage Rites)
 The process of marriage varies with status, region and cultural beliefs. Normal
procedures of marriage are as follows; it all begins with informal courting which can
also involve private engagement i.e. the exchange of love tokens (nduma) between the
agreed parties. The love tokens included the pieces of under clothing from the girl. This
has largely been replaced by public agreement where engagement rings will be
exchanged.
 Formal introductions and visits to either families are facilitated by the aunt (tete) or the
grandparents.
 This will be followed by the formal and public engagement in this case the suitor
approaches the girl’s family through a messenger that is ‘munyai’ with some gifts.
 The bride price (roora) is then negotiated and paid but not in full. The ceremony
involves payment of money, groceries, eating and celebration. Relatives from either side
take part and give a formal approval of the marriage bond. Son in law (mukwasha)

should remain in debt. Terms included in the bride price include ‘rutsambo’, ‘mombe
youmai’, roora. Rutsambo was associated with sexual rights and was only paid for
virgins. Roora was paid in the form of cattle; this gave the husband rights over children
born to the woman. ‘Mombe youmai’ –cow of motherhood was committed to the
matrilineal ancestors. The bride price should not be equated to other transactions e.g.
buying a home or a car. the wife is not a supply bought as property or a slave who might
be bought and sold again. The husband’s family may not pass her on to a third family, in
the case of divorce she must be officially returned to her kin.
 Formal handover of the daughter in law (kuperekwa or kupururudzwa/kutamba
chiroora). This whereby the aunt and elder sister escorts the daughter in law to the in-
laws’ place and there follows celebrations, dancing, joking, gifts. The daughter in law
covers here face and walks slowly, stopping at intervals and some money tokens are
given by in-laws and relatives. The daughter also does some formal sweeping of the
houses and the yard and giving bathing water to the relatives of the husband.
 Rite of passage process (masungiro)– between the 7th and 8th month of pregnancy the
husband conducts the masungiro process in which the wife if formally handed over to her
parents. The mother should take care of the first pregnancy till birth of then child and
may give her daughter some herbs to strengthen her back (‘musana’) and clearance of the
passage for the baby (‘kuvhura masuwo’). The husband is customarily mandated to buy a
blanket for the father in-law and a cloth for the mother in-law’s dress. A goat is also
slaughtered by the husband and certain rituals follow.
 ‘Kutara’ ritual- the mother of the husband or the aunt takes a cockerel and visits in-
laws. She then ululates as a sign of welcoming the new baby and accepting the daughter
in-law back to the family.

FORMS OR METHODS OF MARRIAGE
NB- Write a detailed research on different methods of marriage basing on the guidelines
below;
1. Elopement i.e. ‘kutizira’.
2. Child marriage i.e. ‘kuzvarira/kuzvarirwa’
3. Service marriage i.e. ‘kutema ugariri’
4. Church marriage i.e. this was borrowed from the European marriage customs
5. Court marriages i.e. this was borrowed from the European marriage customs.
NB: For further information, see Chakabva and also Bourdillon p 29-46.
TYPES OF MARRIAGE
 There are various forms of mate selection the indigenous cultures. All cultures have
norms that specify whether a person brought up in that culture may marry within or
outside the cultural group. Marriage within the group is called endogamy; marriage
outside the group is termed exogamy. Another norm of mate selection is homogamy or
the tendency to marry a person from a similar social background.
 There are various marriage patterns or types. Monogamy is a marriage between two
partners, usually a woman and a man. This is one of the common types of marriage
patterns in the local communities.
 Polygamy is the concurrent marriage of a person of one sex with two or more members
of the opposite sex. a) Polygyny is the existing marriage of one man with two or more
women.
b) Polyandry is the marriage of one woman with two or more men. This marriage type is
not approved in the Zimbabwean cultural context.

 Single-parent families – these have increased significantly due to deaths, divorce and to
births outside marriage. Children in two-parent families are not guaranteed a happy
childhood simply because both parents reside in the same household. Some never-
married people remain single by choice. Other never-married individuals remain single
out of necessity.
 Task: Research more on types of marriages.
NATURE OF DIVORCE IN INDIGENOUS RELIGION
 Divorce – Davis (1993) defines divorce as “a legal or customary decree that a
marriage is dissolved.”
 Divorce is the legal process of dissolving a marriage that allows former spouses
to remarry if they so choose. Most divorces are based on irreconcilable
differences. There has been a breakdown of the marital relationship for which
neither partner is specifically blamed.
 Marriage is one of the most important social institutions, however, there are some
challenges which eventually lead to divorce if they are allowed to go unchecked.
Causes and impacts of Divorce
At the macro-level (national level or societal level), societal factors contributing to
higher rates of divorce include changes in social institutions such as religion and law
(e.g. women empowerment). At the micro-level (local level), characteristics that appear
to contribute to divorce are:
 Marriage at an early age.
 A short period of courtship and dating before marriage.
 Disapproval of the marriage by relatives and friends.

 Limited economic resources.
 Parents who are divorced or have unhappy marriages.
 The presence of children at the beginning of the marriage.
 Having a high school education or less.
 Marriage can be troubled if it is associated with conflicts and fighting.
 Disrespect for each other.
 Poor communication
 Infidelity or sexual immorality among others.
Task: Examine the procedures of facilitating divorce in the Indigenous Religion.
Students notes
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The Role of Women in African Traditional Religion
by J.S. Mbiti
INTRODUCTION
A proverb from Ghana declares that: A woman is a flower in a garden; her husband is the fence
around it'." (1). That is a beautiful picture of women in African society. In this paper I wish to
examine the place and the role of women according to African Religion. The paper focuses on
three areas: mythology, proverbs and prayers. In the area of mythology we are confronted with
the picture of women in the early state of human existence. This is not history. The myth is
broader than history in explaining some aspects of society. It is a language of expressing truths
or realities for which history does not supply a full explanation.
Proverbs are expressions of wisdom acquired through reflection, experience, observation and
general knowledge. They are intimately related to the culture of a given society. To appreciate,
understand and properly apply the proverbs, it is necessary to be part of the culture concerned, or
to study it carefully. We are not able in this paper to go into the depth entailed in proverbs, but
examining or quoting some of them here will give us a working picture or what the religious
wisdom of African peoples says about women.
Prayers take us into the spirituality of those who pray them. they show us among other things,
the inner person, the needs of the heart (both joy and sorrow, gratitude and disappointment,
expectation and anxiety), as the praying person stands 'naked' before spiritual realities. We want
to see what women say in prayer, and thereby to get a glimpse into their spiritual life as that may
be nourished by African Religion and as it may in turn contribute to African Religion itself.
The sources of the material used in the paper are given at the end. Only names of authors and
pages of their works appear in the text, at the end of a particular quotation or summary of the
information so used.
1. WOMEN IN AFRICAN MYTHOLOGY
A large number of myths is to be found in Africa. Every African people (tribe) has its own body
of myths, stories, legends and oral history. We want to concentrate here mainly on the myths
dealing with the origin of human beings, since women are featured very prominently in these
myths.
Some myths speak about an original Mother of mankind, from whom all people originated. For
example, the Akposso (of Togo) tell that when Uwolowu (God) made men, He first made a
woman on the earth and bore with her the first child, the first human being (2). The Ibibio (of
Nigeria) say that human beings came from the divinity Obumo, which was the son of the
mother-divinity Eka-Abassi (3). It is told in eastern Africa about a virgin woman Ekao, who fell
on earth from the sky and bore a son; the son got married to another woman and founded human
society (4). Other examples are mentioned by Baumann (5). The main idea here, is to link
human life directly with God through the woman. She is created by God, and in turn becomes

the instrument of human life. She rightly becomes the one who passes on life. This is beautifully
illustrated in a myth of the Tutsi (of Rwanda). They tell that the original pair of human beings
was in paradise. But both the man and woman were sterile, they could not bear children. So they
begged God to help them. God mixed clay with saliva and formed a small human figure. He
instructed the woman to put the figure into a pot and keep it there for nine months. Every day the
woman had to pour milk into the pot, mornings and evenings. She was to take out the figure only
when it had grown limbs. So she followed these instructions and after nine months she pulled
out what had now become a human being. God made other human beings according to this
method, and these later increased on the earth (S). The pot is here a symbol of the womb of a
mother, in which a baby takes shape and after nine months it is born. The woman shares directly
with God in a personal way, the secrets and mysteries of life and birth. This role of the woman in
sharing in the mysteries of life started already in the mythological time.
In other myths of man's origin, the woman is always or nearly always mentioned. In many cases
even the name of the first woman is given in the myths, and some myths mention only the name
of the woman and not of the man. A lot of the myths say that the first human pair was lowered
by God from the sky to the ground (earth), such as the myths of the Akamba, Turkana, Luo,
Luhyia and others in Kenya; these of the Baganda and Banyoro in Uganda; these of the Tutsi in
Rwanda; of the Bomba and Ila in Zambia; these of the Yoruba and Ibo in Nigeria, and many
others.
In a few myths, it is told that the woman was made by God out of the man's body, or after the
man had been made. Perhaps behind these myths is the wish and practice on the part of males
(men) to dominate women. For example, the Kwotto (of Nigeria) say that God made the first
human beings out of the earth (soil). God made (created) first the husband, and when He had
become tired, lie then made the wife (woman) who turned out to be weaker than her husband
(7).
Fire is an important element in human life. In some myths it is the women who either invented
or discovered fire. Women are also credited with inventing or discovering foodstuffs and their
preparations. Thus the cooking skills of the woman are attributed to her from mythological
times. She is thus not only the bearer of human beings, but also their cook who provides them
with nourishment.
The life of the first human beings is generally depicted as having been in a form of paradise.
God provided for them, in some cases they lived in the sky (heaven) with Him or lie was on
earth with them; God gave them one of three important gifts: immortality, resurrection (if they
died) or rejuvenation (if they grew old). However, this paradise got lost, the earth and heaven
separated, God went to live up in heaven while men lived on the earth, the three gifts got lost
and in their place there came diseases, suffering and death. There are many myths which address
themselves to this change of human fortune. Some speak about a message which God sent to
people, but which either did not reach them or was changed by the messenger on the way, or the
messenger arrived just too late to find that a faster messenger from God had brought another
message. Myths of the lost or changed or later arrived message are very widespread in eastern,
southern and parts of western Africa. The carrier of this message (generally one of immortality,
resurrection or rejuvenation) is often the chameleon; while the carrier of the contra message is

often the lizard, the hare, the weaver bird or the frog.
In some cases the myths speak of a test which God put to the original people. They failed. So the
misfortunes of death and suffering, of God's separation from men came about. Other myths
explain that this occurred as a result of jealousies and quarrels within human families. Still in
other myths, the cause originated from animals, like the hyena which, being (always) hungry
sought and ate the leather rope that had united heaven (sky) and earth (8).
There are, however, considerable myths which put the blame on the women. Thus, for ex9mple,
it was a woman who in Ashanti myths (of Ghana), while pounding fufu (national food) went on
knocking against God Who lived in the sky. So God decided to go higher up. The good woman
instructed her children to construct a tower by piling up the mortars one on top or another. The
tower almost reached God, leaving a gap which could be filled with only one mortar; Since the
children had used up all the mortars, their mother advised them to take the bottom-most mortar
and fill the gap. As they removed this mortar, the whole tower tumbled down and killed many
people. In one of the Pygmy (Bambuti) myths, it is told that God gave the first people one rule:
they could eat the fruits of all the trees, except from one tree. The people observed this rule, until
a pregnant woman was overcome by desire and persistently urged her husband to get the
forbidden fruit for her. Finally he crept secretly into the forest, plucked the fruit and brought it to
her. However, the moon was watching all this and went and reported it to God. God became so
angry that lie sent death to the people as punishment.
While the woman is in these and some other myths blamed for the misfortune that befell the first
human beings, she is clearly not the main nor the only culprit. Indeed the myths that put the
blame on her are proportionally few. They indicate that she shares in the cause and effect of
suffering, misfortune and death in the world. She is a human being like men and children. She is
also raced with the mysteries of life at the other end -- just as she shares in the mysteries of life's
beginning, so she shares in lire's end.
Through the myths of origin, we get a picture of the woman as someone placed by God in a
special position. She shares with Him the creative process of life. In some ways her position and
her role in these myths eclipses the position of the husband (male). She is in a real sense the
mother of human beings, the dispenser of life, howbeit as an agent of God. At the same time the
woman shares in the misfortunes, suffering and death which in various ways came into the
world.
We shall now consider the woman as seen and depicted in African wisdom, in the proverbs of
the ages.
2. WOMEN IN AFRICAN PROVERBS
Proverbs are infinitely more numerous than myths. We find them by the hundreds and thousands
in every African people (tribe). They address themselves to many themes and areas of life and
knowledge. They are very concentrated in the sense that they put a lot of thoughts, ideas,
reflections, experiences, observations, knowledge and even world views, into a few words. We
shall here quote only a few proverbs and try to capture what they intend to put in a few words.

a) Women are extremely valuable in the sight of society. Not only do they bear life, but they
nurse, they cherish, they give warmth, they care for life since all human life passes through their
own bodies. The following proverbs bring these points out clearly.
"Wives and oxen have no friends" (9). This indicates that a wife is so valuable that she cannot be
given over to even the best friends of her husband. For that reason, another proverb reminds us
that: "A woman must not be killed" (10). She is the mother of life, and to kill the woman is to
kill children, to kill humanity itself. The woman should be handled with respect and not be
treated as if she were a slave. So another proverb asks the husband: "Did you buy me with
elephant tusks?" (11), if the husband is ill-treating her. She reminds him that he really cannot
buy her, she is not a commodity for sale like elephant tusks or slaves.
Even an aged woman is a blessing to men. So another proverb says: "It is better to be married to
an old lady than to remain unmarried" (12). There are areas of human life which only the woman
can fulfil. The unmarried man is lacking something, as one proverb explains: "It is at five that
man succeeds" (13). The Maasai who use this proverb explain that a successful life needs "a
wife, a cow, a sheep, a goat, and a donkey". This would mean, that even if one is rich, one is not
successful as long as one lacks a wife.
The value of the woman begins already when she is born and not when she gets married. So it is
stated: "A baby girl means beautiful cows" (14). Already at birth the woman is destined to be
married. In traditional African society this entails a bride-exchange in form of cattle, services,
foodstuffs, family ties, or other expressions of the marriage contract. Furthermore, the woman
will bear children and thus enrich her husband and the wider circle of relatives from both sides.
So the Tsonga and Shangana people of South Africa (Azania) say: "To beget a woman is to
beget a man" (15). This saying carries with it the hope and expectation, that after marriage, the
wife will bear both girls and boys.
b) The woman who is not married has practically no role in society, in African traditional world-
view. It is expected that all women get married. So a proverb states: "an ugly girl does not
become old at home" (16), which means that the looks of a girl should not stop her from getting
married. Otherwise this would deny her the role of womanhood.
This thought is bound up with the value of bearing children. The childless woman goes through
deep sorrows in African society. So it is said, for example: "The woman who has children does
not desert her home" (17). This means that bearing children gives the woman the security and
joy of a family, of being taken care of in her old age, of being respected by the husband and the
wider society. So "the woman whose sons have died is richer than a barren woman" (18), is
intended to say that people will excuse a woman for losing her children through death, but the
one who does not bear is hardly 'excused'. Consequently people say: "A barren wire never gives
thanks" (19) - nothing else is as valuable as children. If a woman has everything else, except
children, she would have no cause or joy to give thanks. The sentiment is expressed in African
societies, that the more children one has the better. So the Ghanaians say: "A serviceable wife is
often blessed with the birth of a tenth child" (20). Parental blessings often run along the lines of:
"May you bear children like bees! May you bear children like calabash seeds!" Today's

economic and educational pressure will force a change in these sentiments, where parents reel
the need to reduce the number of children they can support and educate adequately.
Nevertheless, African society is carried away by the proverb which says: "The satiety of a
pregnant woman is off-spring" (21). This means that motherhood is a woman's fulfillment.
c) The mother or wife is probably the most important member of the family, the centre of
familyhood. So it is said by the Akamba of Kenya for example: "he who has not traveled thinks
that his mother is the best cook in the world." This proverb, while attacking a narrow horizon in
life, shows how central the person of the mother is. This sentiment is aired in another proverb
from the Gikuyu of Kenya: "The baby that refuses its mother's breast, will never be full" (22).
Other people may feed the baby or the person, but their food would never satisfy as well as that
provided by the mother.
The place of the mother is further indicated by comparing her with other women or wives,
whether she is alive or dead. The Swahili of East Africa say categorically: "The step mother is
not a real mother" (23). This sentiment is shared by other peoples and is expressed in various
ways. For example: "Somebody else's mother, however good to you she may be, she can never
be better than your own mother", or "Your step mother is not your mother", or "A sheep does not
lament the death of a goat's kid" (24), all from the Acholi of Uganda. Their neighbours the
Lugbara put it this way: "There are no two mothers", or "There is not another mother" (25).
From southern Africa we hear: "The mother's breast cannot get leprosy" (26). All these and
many other proverbs are indications that the mother's role cannot be one hundred percent
duplicated: she provides (or should provide) the best love and tenderness, warmth, care, bodily
and emotional nourishment, and much more. All this begins already, when the person is inside
the mother's womb and lasts (or should last) until the mother has died or indeed, it continues
when she dies and becomes a spirit, a living dead. It also means that the love, the care and
tenderness should be reciprocated by everyone towards his or her own mother, since everyone
has a mother. So we hear proverbs like: "A chi]d does not laugh at the ugliness of his mother"
(27), from the Lugbara of Uganda; or "The mother of the big he-goat has no horns" (28), from
the Akamba of Kenya. This last proverb indicates that all the "big" men (like artists, generals,
presidents, bishops, doctors, professors, inventors, singers, scientists and so one) are each born
of a woman, of a mother who may not herself be regarded as a "big" person in society. She may
not "have horns", but she gives birth to a "big" person in society.
d) Women are human beings and as such they also have their weaknesses. African society knows
those weaknesses and speaks about them. One of them is jealously, especially when several
wives live in a polygamous family. Three proverbs from the Lugbara of Uganda illustrate this
weakness: "The tongue of co-wives is bitter", "The tongue of co-wives is pointed" (which means
that the co-wives can sting each other with their talking), and "A co-wife is the owner of
jealousy" (29). Such domestic problems can affect the husband who has the task of pleasing each
wife. So a Uhanajan proverb says: "Polygamy makes a husband a double-tongued man" (30).
The husband's role is not easy if the co-wives do not get on well with each other. He may be
seen to favour one more than the others. In this case he could be rebuked with a proverb like:
"This polygamist ploughs one field only" (31). This could indicate that in fact the husband
provokes the co-wives to show jealousy, when they realise that he favours one more than the
others.

The fact that jealousy may arise in polygamous families is not basis enough to condemn
polygamy as such. There are many happy polygamous families just as there are even more
unhappy monogamous families. Indeed, there are proverbs that show and urge respect for
polygamous families. For example: "Uncriticised, are you the senior wife?" (32), used by the
Lugbara, to remind people that the senior wife is the focus of highest respect in the family, but
she too is not perfect and if need be can also be criticised. In any case she has more respect by
being a co-wife than she would have if she were the only wife (in a monogamous family). It is
said in Kenya: "Axes carried in the same bag cannot avoid rattling", to mean among other things,
that it is not so terrible if co-wives "rattle" with each other. Indeed, a proverb from the Tsonga of
southern Africa can be applied to support the "value" or "necessity" of co-wives: "A pole is
strengthened by another pole" (33). If women in African society would have found polygamy to
be unbearable, the custom would have long ago. One proverb reminds us that in such families
there are mutual support and love and care: "The way to overcome cold is to warm each other"
(34).
e) There are also prejudices shown to women in African societies. It is amazing, that similar
prejudices are found in other societies of the world. I give here some examples of proverbs of
prejudice or judgement towards women. Among the Tsonga-Shangana people of southern
Africa, some women earn the remark: "This woman is fire", or "This woman is a deceitful and
ferocious crocodile" (35). Even the beauty of women may earn them remarks like: "Do not
desire a woman with beautiful breast, if you have no money!" (36), to mean that beautiful
women are expensive to win and maintain. The Gikuyu in Kenya say: "Women, like the
weather, are unpredictable", and "Women have no secure gourds, but only leaking upside down
ones" (37). The second of these means that "women are given to letting out secrets. You can't
trust women with secrets". In a beautiful expression the same point is made using the proverb:
"Woman, remember that the mouth is sometimes covered with a branch" (38), to mean that she
cannot keep a secret.
It is thought that women ruin men. So the Maasai remind us: "The prostitute can make you
useless" (39), of course without saying what men do to women! The Maasai also accuse the
women of being short-sighted by saying that: "A woman cannot see her palm" (40). In Uganda
the Acholi complain that: "Women have no chiefs" (41), to mean that "women cannot allow
another woman to be superior. In another sense, a chief is not a chief to his own wife or wives,
or even to other women". Naturally, when the men occupy so many of the superior positions in
society, what more is left for women? The woman is often blamed for disputes in a marriage. So
there are proverbs in Tanzania for example, which say: "A lazy wife does not miss going to her
parents frequently", or "The good wife at her husband's home, the other one is at her parents'
home" (42). But what happens to lazy men, or do they not exist? Women are also accused of
domineering their husbands (whatever the realities may actually be): "No man is a hero to his
wife" (43).
Men complain that they cannot understand women. So the Ghanaians say: "When women
increase in wealth, they are silent. But when they fall into trouble, the whole world gets to
know." In another saying we hear that: "In a town where there are no men, even women praise a
hunch back for being the fastest runner" (44)

There are men (and women) who fear women, considering them to be dangerous. So we hear
proverbs like: "To marry is to put a snake in one's handbag", and even to take up contact with
women is an evasive undertaking: "One does not follow the footprints in the water" (45), which
means that "following a woman is like footprints in water", because "the way soon vanishes". It
is even claimed that words of women have no legal value, they are not reliable: "Women have
no court" (46). They even ruin men: "Marriage roasts (hardens)" (47), is said to mean that a
man's heart hardens after marriage, because of his wife. Even beautiful women get a share of
prejudice: "Beautiful from behind, ugly in front" (48), a proverb which warns that a person may
look attractive or say nice words at first, but after marriage turns out to be really ugly.
f) In spite of these and other prejudices, there are many beautiful things said about women. Some
of these we have already encountered. Men will fight over women - to show how much they
value the women concerned. So in Ghana we hear that: "Two bosom friends that vie one and the
same lady have chosen a common read to be each other's enemy" (49). Compared to a man, the
woman is more precious: "The woman is a banana tree (which multiplies itself); the man
however, is a cornstalk (which stands alone)" (50). It is also from Ghana where we have the
beautiful comparison and mutual complement between the wife and the husband: "Woman is a
flower in a garden; her husband, the fence around it" (51). So the women need all the protection
that men can give them. For this reason the Lugbara say: "The man dies in the wind, the woman
in the house" (52). The woman and the man belong together, can and do love each other, they
need each other. In Lugbara proverb we are told: "The woman is the rib of man" (53), a
statement which is parallel to the Biblical creation story in Genesis 2, 21-22. The Akamba warn
against the danger of remaining unmarried: "He who eats alone, dies alone" -- he leaves neither
wife nor posterity to remember him in the world of the living.
3. WOMEN AND PRAYERS
In traditional African life women play a significant role in the religious activities of society. One
of the areas where this role is prominent, is in offering prayers for their families in particular and
their communities in general. In many areas there were (and still are) women priests
(priestesses); almost everywhere in Africa the mediums (who are so important in traditional
medical practice) are nearly always women; those who experience spirit possession are in most
cases also women. Traditional healing is a profession of both men and women and it is more
often the women practitioners who handle children's and other women 5 medical needs. In this
paper we have space for only a few prayers which illustrate how actively involved are the
women in the spirituality of African Religion. The examples are cited out of my own book (54),
so that there is no need to indicate the source each time.
A women's morning prayer runs: "Morning has risen; God, take away from us every pain, every
ill, every mishap; God, let us come safely home" (55). [n this prayer the woman brings before
God her family and hands it over to God, believing that He will keep away all evil. It is a Pygmy
prayer.
A litany for a sick child is offered by women, addressing it specially to the departed members of
the family who are thought to exercise healing power especially by conveying the request to

God. It comes from the Aro of Sierra Leone. Mother prays: "0 spirits of the past, this little one I
hold is my child; she is your child also, therefore, be gracious unto her". The other women chant:
"She has come into a world of trouble: sickness is in the world, and cold and pain; the pain you
knew, the sickness with which you were familiar". The mother prays on: "Let her sleep in peace,
for there is healing in sleep. Let none among you be angry with me or with my child". The
women take up their chanting: "Let her grow, let her become strong. Let her become full-grown.
Then will she offer such a sacrifice to you that will delight your heart" (56). In this prayer we see
how close the women feel to the spirit-world. They enter into it, they solicit help from it. The
physical and spiritual world mingle here in a harmony of 'going' and 'coming'. The women depict
here a deep sensitivity towards the invisible and spiritual realities.
A woman whose husband is away fighting in war, prays for his protection and safe return. She
prays not just for him alone, but for others who are with him. Like all similar prayers, it is a on-
sided prayer, favouring one side. It comes from the Banyarwanda. "Let him be saved with those
who went with him! Let him stand firm with them. Let him return from the battle with them..."
(57). In this way the women participate in fighting on the side of their husbands. The husbands
would certainly feel encouraged to get this form of spiritual support from their wives.
Recognising that menstruation is intimately linked to the passing on of life, many African
peoples perform a ceremony in Ghana, the Ashanti mother of the concerned girl prays that she
may grow to full maturity and bear children. This is the wish of every mother for her children.
"Nyankonpon Tweaduapon Nyame (God) upon whom men lean and do not fall, receive this
wine and drink. Earth Goddess, whose day of worship is a Thursday, receive this wine and drink.
Spirit of our ancestors, receive this wine and drink. This girl child whom God has given to me,
today the Bara state has come upon her... Do not come and take her away, and do not have
permitted her to menstruate only to die" (58).
In many parts of Africa it does not always rain enough. Rainmaking ceremonies are performed,
at which sacrifices, offering and prayers are made to God, beseeching Him to give more rain or
to let it rain. Here is one such prayer made by Maasai women (Kenya. and Tanzania). The
woman leader intones one part, while other people present for the occasion sing or recite the
other:
Leader: "We need herbs on the earth's back! "
Others: Hie! Wae! Almighty God.
Leader: "The father of Nasira has conquered, has conquered. "
Others: The highlands and also the lowlands of our vast country which belongs to thee, O God.
Leader: "May this be our year, ours in plenty (when you grant us rain!)
Others: "O messenger of Mbatian's son" (59).
This prayer is for the welfare of people, animals and nature at large, since all depend on water

for their survival.
Women express gratitude to God, after childbirth. Then they know that life comes ultimately
from Him and is sustained by Him. The following prayer is said by Pygmy women in a
ceremony of dedicating a baby to God. The mother and father lift the baby towards the sky and
pray: "To Thee, the Creator, to Thee, the Powerful, I offer this fresh bud, new fruit of the ancient
tree. Thou art the Master, we thy children. To Thee, the Creator, to Thee, the Powerful:
Khmvoum (God), Khmvoum, I offer this new plant" (60).
The sorrows of being childless go very deep in the wife. There are many prayers for help in such
situations. From an affected woman of the Barundi, we feel with her the agony of her spirit,
when she prays: "0 Imana (God) of Urundi, if only you would help me! 0 Imana of pity, Imana
of my father's home, if only you would help me!... 0 Imana, if only you would give me a
homestead and children! I prostrate myself before you, Imana of Urundi. I cry to you: Give me
off-spring, give me as you give to others! Imana, what shall I do, where shall I go? I am in
distress: where is there room for me? 0 Merciful, O Imana of mercy, help this once!" (61).
Death also brings with it its own sorrows and problems, and many prayers are offered in such
times. The following prayer pours out desperation with the same forcefulness as the previous
prayer: "My husband, you have abandoned me. My master is gone and will never return. I am
lost. I have no hope. For you used to fetch water and collect firewood for me. You used, to
clothe and feed me with good things... Where shall I go?" (62).
It is clear, that women both participate in the religious activities of society and make their own
contributions for the spiritual welfare of their lives, their families and of society at large. The
prayers are small window that opens into their spirituality which indeed is the spirituality of all
human beings. As they share with God in the great mysteries of passing on life, so they share
also in giving human life a spiritual orientation. They are truly flowers in the garden. They give
life beauty, scent and seed.

The role of women in African religion
THE SUNDAY MAIL
RELIGION REPORTER
MAY 24, 2015
Tracing African Roots
IN African religion, women encourage hard work and industrialisation for sustainable
development. They play an important role in designing and implementing health systems
involving traditional medicines and spirit possession. They play vital roles in the development of
African programmes.
As a result, they are highly recognised in the economic systems by the ruling leaders.
In addition, they run most of the family affairs. It is undisputable that African women are the
major producers of food through subsistence farming. African women have the natural
knowledge on how to till the land,use natural resources and maintain its conservation. This is
because they spend most of their time either with the family or in the fields.
As they conduct farming, they end up acquiring knowledge on medicinal plants for infant
immunisation and adult treatment.
Most of domestic duties were done and are still being done by women of the African religion.
These duties include producing food, storage, distribution and cooking. Unfortunately,
colonialism largely affected the value of African women’s roles and responsibilities in the
communities. The African women have inherited knowledge from other religions.
In African religion, most spiritual processes such as the brewing of beer for rituals, burials and
other such functions are conducted by women. They also lead in song and dance at such events.
Selling of traditional and local medicine is also done by women. Some have even won awards in
this field. They remain the most valuable assets as the custodians of traditional medicines.
Women lead in the selection of traditional medicines for prevention and treatment of diseases,
marriage protection, virginity management and leadership. African women are considered to be
spiritually clean and trustworthy. In African religion, the highly recognised spirits possess more

women than men. These spirits will be in charge of different tribes. Religion differs from one
geographical area to the next. These possessed African women share information in health,
agriculture and remedies to African problems. They are interested in the well being of the
women, children and men of the nation. They were the facilitators of the rules and regulations
from the spirits in most African countries.
Oral education on the conservation of biodiversity and scared areas remain very powerful in
African religion up to this day.
African women indirectly rule the whole of Africa in their capacity as African mothers. They
have moral and spiritual powers acquired through birth. In some African countries, Queens were
heads of state deputised by men. Even in traditional healers’ associations and governments, they
still occupy very senior positions. African women are regarded as the best in terms of influence
and motivation.
African women are also the best care givers, they have a very low rate of discrimination. They
participate in very difficult situations within their families and communities.
A lot of leaders have emerged from the African religion. African women were also directly and
indirectly involved in the liberation war. They provided food and traditional medicine to the
fighters. Some took part as freedom fighters and gained recognition as heroines.
However, as peace makers, women often discourage conflicts and the use of harmful traditional
medicines. Indeed, they deserve to be praised.
Sekuru Friday Chisanyu is the founder and president of Zimbabwe National Practioners
Association.

INDIGENOUS RELIGION AND WEALTH CREATION
Entrepreneur – is a group or individual who takes risk and start a business or an enterprise with
the purpose of generating income or creating wealth.
Enterprise - the activity of creating a business or businesses and managing them.
- a business organisation for wealth creation.
-enterprising is associated with a business or participating in buying and selling projects.
- an individual or individuals can make a living out of it.
- Bishau notes that, ‘An enterprise of business is set up to solve some problems encountered in
society of to provide a need
- The starting of any business in a religious sense is enterprising.
Types of Enterprises in Indigenous Religion
1. Manufacturing of religious materials.
2. Marketing and distribution of religious goods.
3. Provision of religious services.
Ways of Wealth Creation
- Manufacturing of musical instruments for examples certain types of drums, shakers
(hosho), marimba, mbira etc. on a large scale for sale used for religious rituals.
- Manufacturing and selling of indigenous symbols or property for the married women like
chuma, bangles, hari etc.
- Sourcing and selling of traditional herbs by the medicine men.
- Business ventures involving preparing certain types of food, medicine, beer for
traditional rituals.

- Men skilled in playing traditional instruments like drums and mbira could be hired and
get paid. They are hired to play instruments at special religious occasions.
- Obtaining wealth through institutions like ‘kutamba zvugure’ or ‘nyau dancers’.
- The payment of divination fees was a source of wealth for n’angas and other traditional
diviners.
- Manufacture, designing and trading works of art and symbols like staff, rods, axes,
machira, ngoma etc.
- Craftwork especially those who designed traditional dress, hukwe, baskets, wooden
plates Nhekwe etc.
- Traditional practitioners like midwifery, ‘vananyamukuta’. This is the indigenous birth
attendant. Her role is to ensure safe delivery of a child from the realm of the ancestral
spirits to the world of the living.
- Production of artefacts i.e. items of religious or cultural interest.
- Juju Has an element of spiritual power, especial to kill, to steal (incomprehensible tactics
employed).
- Alien spirits confer talents upon individuals hence may use the talent to gather wealth.
Prohibited Ways of Wealth Creation
- The use of goblins or ‘zvikwambo’.
- Use of ways like ‘divisi’ to obtain high yields in the fields.
- Negative manipulation of supernatural powers.
- Obtaining wealth through social ills like witchcraft.
- Social ills like stealing, robbery, murder, cheating, unfair business practices, prostitution.

INDIGENOUS RELIGION AND HEALTH
Concept of Health in indigenous Religion
Objective: Analyse the concept of health in Indigenous Religion
 The concept of health refers to the indigenous people’s view regarding disease, causes
of disease,how disease is diagnosed and treated.
 The indigenous people share a holistic world view on the concept of health and
wellbeing. For the traditional African, health is not just about the proper functioning of
bodily organs.
 Good health for the African consists of mental, physical, spiritual, and emotional
stability [of] oneself, family members, and community; this integrated view of health is
based on the African unitary view of reality. Good health for the African is not a
subjective affair. (Omonzejele 2008:120)
 Good health is usually understood in terms of the relationship with one’s ancestors.
Health amongst Africans is not based merely on how it affects the living, because it is of
paramount importance that the ancestors stay healthy so that they can protect the living
(Iroegbu 2005:81).
 Good health is also believed to be the result of appropriate behaviour; that is, living in
accordance with the values and norms of the traditions of society (Iroegbu 2005:82).
 It is also imperative to emphasise that good health also includes the viewing of an
individual as a collective member of the community; as such, good health would also
include good relations with ancestors and the community. Thus Mbiti (1990) rightly
notes: ‘Only in terms of the other people does individual become conscious of his own
being … When he suffers, he does not suffer alone but with the corporate group ...
Whatever happens to the individual happens to the whole group, and whatever happens
to [the] whole group happens to the individual. The individual can only say: I am
because we are, and since we are, therefore I am.’
Causes of diseases
There are several ways traditional Africans explain or understand the causes of disease. The
Shona distinguish between four different categories of causes of illness and diseases. These are
spirits, witchcraft and sorcery, socio-moral and natural causes.
1. Disease is often caused by attacks from evil or bad spirits.

2. Bourdillon points to the natural cause of illness - These include coughs, colds, influenza
and slight fevers. It would seem that when people are suffering from such illness, they
are regarded as healthy and may go about their day-to-day activities. Aschwanden calls
natural illness as the diseases sent by God (zvirwere zvaMwari).
3. Some also believe that when the ancestors are not treated well, they could punish
people with disease (Magesa). Nyamiti (1984) argue that, when ancestors are neglected
or forgotten by their relatives theyare said to be angry with them and to send them
misfortunes aspunishment. Their anger is usually appeased through prayers andritual in
the form of food and drinks.
4. Aschwanden identifies some type of illnesses which may result in mistakes in sexual
behaviour, for example, a man may become ill if he has sexual intercourse with his wife
while she breasts feeds.
5. Some diseases, however, come from alien spirits seeking a home (Aschwanden).
6. Sorcery - Sorcery is the application of bad magic on people.Sorcery can be used to harm
people, destroy life or property, disrupt the well-being of an individual and to change a
happy destiny to an unhappy one.
Sorcery stands for anti-social employment of physical powers. A person who uses bad
magic is called a sorcerer and they are usually feared by all because of their
mischievousness.
It is believed that sorcerers are capable of employing all sorts of ways to attack other
people and their belongings. They can call upon lightning to attack their victims; send
flies, snakes, etc. to attack their target. They can spit on the ground and command their
spittle to go and harm another person.
7.According to Aschwanden, other diseases are attributed to dirty spirits (mweya yetsvina).
These are held responsible for three diseases: leprosy, epilepsy and tuberculosis.
8. An act of witchcraft–The witches cause illness by planting poison or poisonous objects

on a path or any place and contact results in people becoming sick.
Spell-casting and witchcraft are also other ways one could become sick. There is the
view that people with evil powers could cause other people they see as their enemies or
are disrespectful to them to become sick as a way of punishment. In many indigenous
community’scertain illnesses which defy scientific treatment can be transmitted through
witchcraft and unforeseen forces; these include barrenness, infertility, attacks by

dangerous animals, snake bites by dangerous snakes, persistent headaches and
repeated miscarriages. (Thorpe).
9. Violation of Taboos - Many traditional healers and practitioners are of the opinion that
disobeying taboos is one of the ways people could become sick. Taboos form an important
part of indigenous religion. Taboos exist to make sure that the moral structures of the
universe remain undisturbed for the good of humanity. Disobeying these taboos could lead to
severe illness to the person(s) or community involved.
Diagnosis and Identification of the Cause of Sickness

Research Notes: Explain the methods used by a traditional practitioner to diagnose illness in
Shona/Ndebele religion.

Methods in Indigenous Religion
Spiritual methods
In the indigenous religion the healing process is considered holistic. It means that the healer
deals with the complete person and provides treatment for physical, psychological, spiritual
and social symptoms.It is thus holistic, that is it addresses issues of body, soul and spirit.
 Traditional healers do not separate the natural from the spiritual, or the physical from the
supernatural. This will cause them to address health issues from two major perspectives –
spiritual and physical.
Spiritual protection:
If the diviner or the traditional healer perceives the cause of the disease to be an attack from
evil spirits, the person would be protected by the use of a charms, and a spiritual bath to
drive the evil spirits away. These are rites aimed at driving off evil and dangerous powers,
spirits or elements. Their function is to eliminate the evils or dangers that may have already
taken root in a family or community.
Sacrifices:
Among some indigenous community’s sacrifices are sometimes offered at the request of the
spirits, gods, and ancestors. Sometimes animals are slaughtered for appeasement.
Spiritual cleansing:
In some cases, herbs are prepared for the person to bathe with at specific times for a number
of days. Sometimes an animal can be slaughtered and the bloodwould be sprinkled on the
head and foot of the sick person. Such blood poured on the sick person serves as a way of
cleansing.
Appeasing the spirits &gods: In the case of diseasesthat are caused by a curse or violation
oftaboos, the diviner appeases the ancestors, spirits or thegods.
 This is done according to the severity (seriousness) of the case, byeither sacrificing an
animal (goat, fowl, cow) or by pouring of libation. The sick person would be told to buy
the ritual articles forthe process as mentioned by the gods or the spirits.

 After the rituals, these articles are sometimes left at therequired place to rot, or they are
sometimes thrown into ariver as required by the god or spirits or placed on a four-way
junction or the outskirts of the community depending on the purpose of the ritual.
Exorcism:
‘It is a practice of expelling demons or evil spirits from people that are possessed, or are
in danger of possession by them. Exorcism is usually performed by a person with special
religious authority, such as a traditional healer. This practice is also performed for those
who are mentally challenged. Many of the traditional communities in Zimbabwe are of
the view that mental illness is mostly caused by evil spirits.
Pouring of libation:
Libation is a rite by which some liquid (beer, water or blood) is poured on the ground or
sometimes on objects followed by the chanting or reciting of words. According to the
practitioners, it is a form of prayer. The liquid could be water.
Physical Healing Methods

Prescription of herbs:
 Depending on the kind of disease the of the person, the diviner or the traditional
healer, would prescribe herbs to the sick person.
 These prescriptions come with some specific instructions on how to prepare the herb,
the dose and timeframe.
Counselling:
 Sometimes, the sick person is advised on how to live his or her life, especially the
kind of food the person should or should not eat. This is mostly done when it is an
issue of a violation of a taboo. They are also advised to be of good behaviour should
it be that it was discovered that the disease occurred as a result of impolite behaviour.
Good behaviour
According to African traditional belief, include following and practicing values and
behaviour established by society and culture, participation in religious rituals and
practices, and proper respect for family, neighbours and [the] community. Failure to
follow these behavioural guidelines often results in the good spiritswithdrawing their
blessing and protection [and, therefore, opening doors for illness, death, drought and
other misfortunes].

INDIGENOUS RELIGION AND NATURAL ENVIRONMENT
1. Reverence for nature and kinship with nature
Objectives:
 Examine reverence for nature in Indigenous Religion.

 Explain human kinship with nature in Indigenous Religion
Key Terms:
 Environment refers to the totality surrounding a substance or a person ‘s existence and

the way they relate to the world. This covers the social, political, economic, spiritual and
natural environment which comprises living and non-living things, including water, air,
land, all plants, man and other animals and the existing inter-relationships.
 Environment is all the external conditions, both biotic and non-biotic, that affect an
organism or groups of organisms.
 Reverence - feelings of deep respect, veneration, admiration or devotion towards the
environment. This This implies attitudes, values, perception, beliefs and practices, based
on society with regard to the natural environmental resources of the world.
 Kinship with nature – refers to the interrelationship and interdependence between
indigenous people and nature i.e. animals, plants, mountains, birds, forests, caves, water
bodies etc.
Reverence for Nature and Kinship with Nature
 The Shona believe that they are kin to nature. Communities in I.R revere nature and
believe in kinship relations with nature exist. Among the Shona the natural world
consists of animals, plants and all biological life not classified as animals and plants.
Nature also includes phenomena and objects without biological life.
 Nature is respected because of the indigenous belief in the tripartite world in which an
interrelationship exists among the Spiritual world, Human world and Physical world.
God and ancestral spirits created nature and yet are found within nature.
 Local people hold an anthropocentric world belief in nature i.e. the spirits are found
within nature and fellowship with humans. For example, the presence of certain animals,
birds or snakes in the homestead may mean something.

 When this happens the Shona call this shura. Shura means a brief strange appearance of
some rare animal. Usually appearances of snakes signify death in the family. This is why
the Shona personify animals.
 Totemism & kinship - Animals are mostly personified in the principle of totem-animal
(mutupo). This is a religious idea around which the Shona understand their relationship to
each other and the rest of the world. A clan adopts a particular animal species as its
progenitor or mutupo.
 Natural phenomena & kinship - Among the Shona rocks, bodies of water and
mountains are also personified as living beings. For example, before climbing particular
mountains or entering particular forests one must ritually ask its permission.
 Most aspects of nature are perceived as kin, endowed with consciousness and the power
of ancestral spirits. Trees, animals, insects and plants are all to be approached with
caution and consideration.
 Nyajeka states that, ‘life is an organic web’ hence the living and the dead are united.
The spiritual and the physical worlds flow together in a circle.
 Nature as the residence or shelter of ancestral spirits – the Shona holds the belief that
everything in the universe has life. This means that the world is not lifeless and material.
For the Shona it is alive and there are spirits in the trees, forests, rivers, etc.
 Inseparable reality – i.e. the bond among the spirits, physical world and human world.
Like most Africans, the Shona are kin to all creatures, gods, spirits and nature.
 Kinship and taboos - Bishau argues that Shona religious beliefs play a vital role in
determining positive values and attitudes towards nature. Religious taboos and
restrictions among the Shona are environmentally friendly in the scientific sense.
 Kinship & moral order – man and nature are bound together by one moral order. Man
thus do not seek to control or exploit nature. The ultimate sacred authority controls
morality. This is understood or explained in a hierarchical pattern of, in descending
order, the supreme God (Mwari), territorial ancestors, family ancestors and community
elders.
 Kinship & Sacredness of the land – the land is believed to be the back (musana) of the
ancestors on which nature and humanity are carried. The Shona share with most Africans
the belief in land as sacred. It is ancestral land. Land is sacred because it bears the
remains of the ancestors particularly in the form of graves of the chiefs. In the land is

also buried the umbilical cord of people. It is the abode of the dead. NB see notes on
Land.
 Kinship & Sacredness of animals - The Shona like many other African people
recognize that spirits operate in the human world through animals, birds and fish. Each
Shona subgroup has its own taboos and restrictions towards particular animals. Certain
animals and birds are considered totems. The Shona believe that if totemic animals are
killed or eaten mysterious diseases and wounds will catch up children e.g. loss of teeth &
leprosy. NB See notes on totemism.
 Totemic animals have mythical and religious significance. This is why they feature in
Shona praise poetry.
 The Shona associate other animals that are not totemic animals such as the owl, tortoise
and hyena with bad omen. Killing such animals is believed to be bad omen because the
Shona believe these animals to be familiars that witches use. This leaves other species
open to killing. Sometimes they are killed in large numbers.
 Kinship and sacred forests, mountains & trees - The Shona also believe that particular
trees, forests and mountain forests are inhabited with spirits. They develop, taboos
around the cutting and destruction of certain trees, shrubs and forests.
 There is strong belief among the Shona in sacred forest/mountain forests. In most cases
these are sacred groves. This is where they have the burial sites of their chiefs. Sacred
groves encompass large mountain ranges. These places are therefore the habitat of
ancestral spirits. So all aspects of nature, plants, and wildlife and water bodies are under
the mystical tutelage (control) of ancestral spirits and guardian animals (mhondoro).
 Access not sanctioned through ritual is dangerous because it may result in death. For
example, one of the weekly newspapers in Zimbabwe, The Manica Post of the week 6-
12 August 2004, carried the story of the 19-yearold Loveness Bhunu who disappeared
in the sacred Nzunza Mountains. She had gone there to look for sweeping brooms. She
was with her 8-year-old sister who survived death after falling down a slope. The story
surrounding her disappearance is that she angered the spirits of the mountains by
despising the size of the sweeping brooms. The villagers in this area believe and are
convinced that the spirits of the mountains were angry and caused the girl’s death.
 Gelfand who did research among the Korekore Shona confirms this belief. He writes: “. .
. So strong is this feeling among the Shona that one entering a strange area in a forest, a

mountain or a beautiful spot is not allowed to comment on it least he upsets the ancestral
spirits (vadzimu) of the region.”
 Kinship & trees - The Shona also have taboos in relation to cutting or destroying certain
trees. There is a belief that all large trees belong to the ancestral spirits. For example,
Daneel found this among the Karanga Shona. He comments, ‘Virtually all large trees
(miti mikuru) were protected as they belonged to the ‘samarombo’-ancestors who were
believed to dwell in tree branches.’ The belief in ancestral spirits living in tree branches
is also implied in death rituals. In the bringing back home the ancestor ritual some Shona
use the branches of certain big trees. They symbolically drag the branch from the
deceased’s grave to the homestead. The most commonly used branches are those of
muhacha/muchakata.
 Sacred trees, like other sacred aspects of nature, are a vital part of religious life because
they belong to ancestors. They can only be cut with the ritual permission of the chief. If
one does not ask for permission, it means one is fighting the ancestors.
 Water bodies and wetlands - Water bodies/wetlands are sacred because they are the
abode of animals associated with spirits. The Shona use the concept kuyera in relation
with this. The closest English translation of kuyera is abstinence. This means people
should approach sacred water bodies carefully and observe taboos. For e.g. they should
not use iron buckets to draw water from these places. They must use gourds, wooden or
clay containers, which have not been used for cooking. The guardians of wetland are
animals such as the python and njuzu (water spirits). The Shona believe that these
animals keep these waters on behalf of varipasi (underworld). Wrong doers may be
drowned in the pool by these animals.
 Water from such sources is used for ritual purposes. For e.g. the Shona believe that it
has healing powers, can be used by traditional healers to initiate spirit possession and
cooling avenging spirits. Some water sources are associated with a historical healing
spirit medium.
 Kinship & communal ownership of the land - it is the social group that is considered
as the owner of the land. This could be a clan, kinship group, or family. To have the right
of ownership means a great responsibility from both the individual and the community,
because the ultimate owner of the land is the great ancestral spirit, Mwari. So the Shona
believe that ancestors gave the land to them. Land is therefore a communal property
belonging to both the living and the dead.

Reverence of Nature
Use and respect of totemic animals.
Taboos surrounding the cutting down of certain trees and mountains
Respecting mountains and certain forests as the sacred groves of ancestral
spirits.
Traditional leadership e.g. the chiefs, spirit mediums and ward headmen
monitor this guardianship.
Access to natural resources in these forests is a special prerogative of the
chiefly house.
The concept of ‘chisi’ among the Shona communities.
Controlled & limited access to certain sacred animals or their meat e.g. lions,
leopards and pangolins.
The Shona consider it morally wrong to cut trees in these places called
‘rambatemwa.’ Firewood and building material is fetched from places other than
these sacred places.
A chief may ask for a fine. This can be a sacrificial goat, sheep or cow for
conciliatory ritual with the ancestors.
the chief is respected because of his connection with sovereignty over land
(nyika).
Respect of the communal ownership of the land.
Trees which can-not be used as firewood.
Harvesting of fruits controlled
Gathering of medicine nekufushira midzi.
Taking leaves only not the whole branch kufura mashizha.
Use of certain objects when fetching water.
Kutora many’ana eshiri chete
QN: Analyse human kinship with nature in the indigenous religion.

TABOOS & THE NATURAL ENVIRONMENT
Taboos - moral sanctions that help in shaping a person’s unhu (virtue) in the human community.
- Taboos (Zviera) are strong sanctions that discourage certain forms of human behaviour (Tatira
, 2000).
- Taboos are Indigenous cultural aspects that shape that conduct of its people.
 Categories - those that intend to promote good health,

- prevent bad habits and those
- that discourage cruelty to other living creatures.
- those that help in shaping human conduct and
- fostering eco-friendly behaviour.
Taboos that Preserve the Environment
Taboos which prohibit social vices or ills such as incest (makunakuna). These are
sexual relations with animals or close relatives. Therefore, the violation of such
taboos can be seen as a direct provocation of ancestral spirits who are the custodian
of the moral code.
For the Shona, ukagara paduri, vakadzi vose vaunoroora vanofa (if you sit on the
mortar in which grain is pounded, all the wives that you marry would die). Such
a taboo discourages both young and old males from doing such a bad act because it
threatens very serious consequences to the one who may be tempted to violate it. The
bad habit of sitting on the mortar is avoided because of the fear of ngozi.
The Shona people are discouraged from sitting on hearthstones (pfihwa)on the
common understanding that doing so would lead one to murder his wife or one’s wife
will die. Through fear of losing a wife as a result of such an undesirable habit of
sitting on hearthstones, one would avoid doing so. However, the real reason why
people are discouraged from sitting on hearthstones has nothing to do with causing
death to one’s partner but is a sanction meant to inculcate virtues of cleanliness in
individuals.
Ukaitira tsvina munzira, unoita mamota kumagaro (If you excrete on the road, you
develop boils on the buttocks).

Ukauraya datya matenga, anotadza kunaisa mvura (If you kill a frog, heavens will
fail to bring down rain).
Ukatasva imbwa, unozoita muroyi (If you ride a dog, you will become a witch).
Significance of Taboos
Unhu as understood by the
Shona entails a state of character that is acceptable not only by the person concerned but more
importantly by his society
(see Menkiti, 1984). Such commendable traits are derived from moral education administered
and influenced by, among
others, parents, family sages and group practices. Thus, a sound moral education administered
through taboos help in
preparing and perfecting the young to earn an ethical life external to the family confines and in
the public domain.
Though scholarship has tended to come up with various categories of taboos (Gelfand,
1979; Tatira, 2000b), this paper argues that taboos have one central goal in that they aim
towards the perfection of one’s character in all facets of human life.

INDIGENOUS RELATIONSHIP AND LAND
Topic Objectives;
- Explain the concept of land in Indigenous Religion

- Assess the land ownership system in Indigenous religion
Concept of Land
- Note that the concept of land and its ownership can be better understood in relation to;
Ancestors, Chiefs and Mediums.
 According to Taringa, the Shona share with most Africans the belief that land is sacred
among. It is ancestral land. The reason is that land is believed to be the back (musana) of
the ancestors on which nature and humanity are carried. Land (nyika) with its natural
resources is owned by the ancestral guardians of the land (varidzi venyika).
 Prof G. Chavhunduka argue that, ‘’ancestors occupy a central position in our African
religion largely because of their ownership of land and their relationship to God.
Ownership of land forms the main link between politics, religion, and spirituality in
Zimbabwe.’’ It is thought that each geographical area or territory belongs to the
ancestors, that is, ancestors of the early settlers or founders of the territory. These
ancestors are believed to control rainfall and fertility of the land.
 The Shona belief in sacredness of the land serves as a common history that unite all
generations of the same Shona subgroup. The Shona believe that if one does not relate to
sacred aspects of nature according to prescribed taboos and restrictions the ancestors
would be angry (kutsamwa) and as result some misfortune, such as drought and
epidemics, might befall the community. So the fundamental attitude to land is a religious
one and is based on fear of mystical sanction (punishment) by the ancestors.
 Land is sacred because it bears the remains of the ancestors particularly in the form of
graves of the chiefs. Shona religion is based on the grave. In the central rituals of
‘kumutsa midzimu’ (rituals in honour of ancestors) the point of entry is the grave.
 In other rituals libations are poured on the ground (land). In the land is also buried the
umbilical cord (rukuvhute) of people. It is the abode (residence or resting place) of the
dead. When counting members of the family the Shona always include ‘varipasi’ (those
who in underworld).
 As result land is personified in sayings such as ‘pasi ratsamwa’, ‘pasi panodya’ (the
land is angry, the land can kill).

 As noted above ancestral spirits and chiefs own the land. At his installation the chief
holds in a clenched fist soil mixed with the body fluids of the late chief/just soil from his
grave.
 Primarily it is the chiefdom that stands in special relations to the land. It is the land
bequeathed (handed down) to chief by the ancestors.
 Land belongs to the living, the unborn and the dead. This could hold only at time when
Shona anticipated no change in the future of their communities. The chief acts as the
trustee (guardian or administrator). He allocates land to people.
 Traditional African land ethics - land is communally owned. The land does not have a
marketable value. On the question of ownership rights, it is the social group that is
considered as the owner of the land. Land rights are vested in cooperative groups
(tribes/clans/chiefdom) that have overriding right over those of individuals. It means that
land cannot be sold transferred to another.
 To have the right of ownership means a great responsibility from both the individual and
the community, because the ultimate owner of the land is the great ancestral spirit,
Mwari. So the Shona believe that ancestors gave the land to them.
 In land management the chief also ensures that people follow certain taboos in relation
to land and the natural environment. For example, there is a taboo that forbids
commoners to eat the flesh of an ant bear because it burrows the land. But the ant bear is
a delicacy of the chief. Another example is that the chief ’s household reserves the flesh
of the side of an elephant on which it lies when it drops dead for consumption. Further
the chief also authorizes through ritual the gathering of wild fruits in forests regarded as
sacred. Chiefs also prohibits the cutting of certain trees and the hunting of certain
animals and the pollution of certain water bodies (relate to the land issue).
 The real owners of the land are however the ancestral spirits of the dead tribal rulers
particularly those of the mythical founder-ancestors of the chiefdom. The chief is the
senior descendant of the ancestral spirits who founded the chiefdom hence controls the
land.
 For the Shona people land has primarily a value linked to a tribe, its chief and the spirits
of their ancestors. Overall the chief is sacred. His authority is linked to the land and the
spirits that own it. This is why in Shona the chief (mambo) is called ‘owner of the land’
(muridzi we nyika). Nyika is the Shona name commonly used for land.

 This ownership of the land by the chief is a result of his supposed connections with
mythological founder-ancestors of his chiefdom. It is the ancestors who are believed to
have chosen him and gave power and authority over his subjects
 The chief was also responsible for distributing land to the headmen who latter on
allocates small piece of land to the kraal head who finally distributed it to family
members. In a Shona village [musha] the village the headman allocates land to family
heads and other adults.
The Changing Nature of Shona Attitude Towards Land
 Since colonialism there has been the introduction of a cash economy and modern ways
of farming.
 Administratively there are now district councils running parallel with the traditional role
of chiefs and sometimes taking over from the latter some roles in legal and consultative
matters.
 Where people used to fear ancestral spirits because they may withhold rain and diminish
the productivity of land now they can have successful harvests by using fertilizers and
irrigations.
 Many mission churches and government departments are providing modern agricultural
education and extension services. As a result, Christians tend to more successful farmers
than non-Christians.
 So in some cases the chiefs are losing their political importance, so too do the spirits that
have traditionally supported them. Christianity provides a religion that stretches beyond
the limiting boundaries of kinship group or chiefdom.
 However, the above information does not however mean that the whole system
collapses. Many Shona people still maintain traditional religious beliefs.
9.3 Meaning of land in pre-colonial Zimbabwe
From the above background we can see that land in the Old Testament was sacred and
communal and so was for all people regardless of race, sex, religion or age. What then was the
meaning of land among the people of Zimbabwe before colonialism?
9.3.1 Significance of land among Africans in Zimbabwe

The term land according to Bakare has several meanings in Zimbabwean culture, and these
meaning contribute to an understanding and appreciation of it as a cultural reality. The term land
for Bakare (1993:46) may mean:
a) A ward, community, district, province, territory. People may identify themselves with the
dunhu (land) they come from. For many Zimbabweans kumusha (home) means a village,
district, province, or country. Land (home) therefore, is a place of connection with
mother earth, where one’s roots are, where one’s umbilical cord has been buried, where
one’s ancestors are deposited, a place of connection and orientation. In regards to the
importance of a place which one calls home, Eliade (1961:22) says: “When the
individual is in his land, he is ‘oriented’ in an orderly cosmos, he feels ‘at home’. Taken
outside his land, he is disoriented.”
b) People often identify themselves with the land they come from or were born in, and if
they want to be specific they will mention the name of the country, province, district or
village they come from.
c) Land may mean an allocated plot on which to build a house or a field for farming
purposes, or an inherited piece of land reserved for special purpose, such as a burial site.
d) Land includes mountains, hills, trees, birds, animals, and even air and weather.
To sum up: land for Zimbabweans consists of things that can be both quantified and not
quantified. It offers them identity, history, and livelihood, and it is sacred (Bakare,1993:46).
9.3.2 Land as sacred

The fact that Zimbabweans conceive of land as something that determines their identity, history,
and livelihood, it is more than just a solid part of the earth’s surface: it is a repository of family
ties between the living and the living-timeless, that is, those who have died, but are still alive in
the memories of their loved ones, and those not yet born.
The sacredness of the land is that it belongs to the whole community. What is sacred or holy
cannot be owned by an individual; to do so is to reduce it, to take away from it that which is
sacred. What is holy, chiyera, is communal; it may be a burial site, a sacred tree, hill, or
building. The sacredness of land is that it is held in trust by the king or his appointees, whose
duty is to allot it to those in need of it. Those who are allotted the land do not understand it as
their property the way Europeans understand (Martin and Johnson, 1981:44).
According to Bakare (1993:47) the sacredness of land is also symbolized by the burying of the
umbilical cord after the birth of a child. The act gives the child not only its birthright, but
identity and affinity to the land. The burying of the umbilical cord goes beyond the family
boundaries to include the clan, village, district, province, country or nation. There is a kind of
affinity among those members whose umbilical cord is buried in the same soil. This is why
during the liberation struggle, Zimbabweans greet each other using the expression Mwana wevhu
( son of the soil). The salutation was meant to inspire and encourage unity among the
dispossessed Zimbabweans. By using this salutation, sons and daughters of the soil were being
reminded of their common plight. It also evoked a deep longing for freedom. A ‘child of the
soil’ was being invited to be united in order to regain lost land and its attendant identity. Lan
(1985:172) expresses the thought when he described the meaning of the term ‘child of the soil’:
“The black man belongs to the soil and it claims him, he and millions of others to come. To
deprive him of it is to rob him of his birthright and his death right. He is in the soil in life and
death – mwana wevhu.” For Zimunya (1981:61) the expression is more than a designation for all
the black people; it is a clarion call to the dispossessed to fight for their freedom and native land.
Bakare (1993:48) adds that “The loss of land to a child of the soil means losing the graves of
one’s forebears and the home of one’s childhood, the sense of community, the ordered pattern of
nature, the sense of orientation, and the continuity and meaning of life. Thus, the desecration of

sacred sites by the settlers in order to destroy the Zimbabwean sense of connection with the
ancestors and history was, therefore, an unforgivable act.”
Activity 9.2
1. Discuss various ways why the people of Zimbabwe want to identify themselves with the
dunhu (land) they come from.
2. Discuss the view that land for Zimbabweans consists of things that can be both quantified
and not unquantified.
3. Explain why people like Bakare regard the land as sacred.
9.4 British Colonial Understanding of Land

For Cecil John Rhodes and his Pioneer Column there was nothing morally wrong with the idea
of fighting for land, even if it was land already belonging to others. So the British South Africa
Company’s desire, under Rhodes’ leadership, to invade Zimbabwe in order to occupy it and
plunder its mineral resources was, within the context of British culture, an acceptable thing to
do. Thus land for the settlers was a commodity to be bought, owned, sold and used as one chose.
As a commodity, land was marketable and classified as cheap or expensive. Rhodes did not
perceive land as sacred but as an economic commodity, a repository of mineral rather than
ancestral wealth. Land was to be owned by individuals and companies, fenced and gated as
private property.
Therefore, the removal of Africans from their traditional land as not seen by the whites as a
terrible thing by the settlers; indeed, the African traditional concept of ownership of land was
taken advantage of. Communal land had been neither fenced nor plots clearly marked; for the
British unmarked land meant that it was not owned. As a result eviction exercises were carried
out without compensating the Africans for the loss of their homes. No transport was offered to
carry the disposed or their belongings to the newly designated reserves, which were sometimes
as far as 150 kilometres away. The evacuees walked to their destination like refugees fleeing a
battle front.
However, the history of Zimbabwe is typified by a series of wars of resistance against foreign
invaders. According to Fage (1978:232) the first resistance occurred in 1572 against the
Portuguese under Francisco de Barreto. It took two Zimbabwean kings Mutapa and Changamire
in an alliance, to fight the enemy. The Portuguese were defeated in 1693 this is according to
(Beach, 1980:140). Thus the political domination which the Portuguese had planned to establish
was obliterated. The only contact left after this encounter was commercial, a reality that had
existed before the war (Bakare, 1993:40). For Bakare (1993:40) Zimbabwe experienced relative
pace for the next 150 years. There were isolated attacks and excursions from some hunters and
land speculators but they were too insignificant to warrant a war. It was no until the mid-1880s
that the country was faced with a new invasion, this time from British land grabbers and
speculator.
The history of Zimbabwe reveals that the colonizers laws reserved half of the total land to
whites and by 1940 half of the black population had been removed from white areas to reserves.
C. Rhodes had promised that each Whiteman whom he had come with would get 5000 hectares
of good land. The land Tenure, Act of 1969 was a total denial of human rights. It insisted on a
policy of national development where land could be seen permanent as European or African.
This had various implications on church state relations. Tenants who had been farming on

mission land were to be evicted. The colonial system of land distribution was truly Israelite in
the time of Amos. Natives were dispossessed to reserves in Gwai and Shangani.
Activity 9.3
1. Compare and contrast the African and Western understanding of land ownership. Which
dimension do you think is convincing.
2. Examine the view that the Bible was used to justify the occupation of Africa by the
Westerners.
3. To what extend can Zimbabweans use the Bible to justify the fast trek land reform.
9.5 The Concept of Land in Independent Zimbabwe

At independence, there was joy at liberation and a general expectation of a restitution of stolen
land, but three decades have since come and gone and the rural folk who supported the liberation
war are still remain landless. During the colonial era, settlers and their regimes were blamed for
dispossession, but today they have been joined by the elite in dispossessing the peasantry.
Together the politicians and the elite own the cropland much needed by the peasantry. This
being the case it should be noted that by 1980 the country was divided into:
a) Commercial large-scale farms owned by individual settlers
b) Communal land owned by the African community
c) Small-scale African owned by Africans
d) Parks, forest land and urban areas owned by the state
The principal thread of Zimbabwe’s history has to do with the history of land, land as a home
which has to be protected against invaders, where access to land is a birthright worth fighting
and dying for. The majority of people in Zimbabwe have bitter memories about it and an
individual or regime which deprives them of it by amassing land is regarded as the people’s
enemy. For this reason Brueggermann (1977:61) says: “Only the landed are attempted to forget.
Only the well-off and seemingly satiated are tempted to forget the history of barrenness and
slavery, of hunger and manna, of gifts and promises kept beyond all human expectation.”
It is painful truth in Zimbabwe where the elite which has amassed land to themselves have lost
the bitter memories of the war of liberation. The elite have become blind to the plight of the
landless peasants, some of them with no place to call a home. Land is there to be shared between
brothers and sisters, and not to be hoarded for self security. It is not a monopoly or property of
one generation living at a particular time in history. It belongs to the community, and beyond
this communal ownership of land the Zimbabwean tradition recognizes the creator (musiki) as
the only ultimate owner of his creation. Lilburne (1989:34) says: “For Christians land is always a
gift, bearing in many ways the stamp of the creator upon it.” Lilburne as a Westerner was
reminding his fellow Christians, who view land as simple resource material to be exploited, to
have respected of it as an entrusted gift from God. Thus wstern Christians may learn a lot from
the Zimbabwean traditional concept of land or from that of the Native Americans, as expressed
by Chief Seattle when he was approached by European settlers wanting to purchase his land,
which they viewed as a commodity, his response was: “How can you buy or sell the sky, the
warmth of the land? The idea is strange. If we do not own the freshness of the air and the sparkle
of the water, how can you buy them…?
Bakare laments that both the church and the state’s approach to the land issue has been one of
Caution at Independence the majority really needed the natural resource. It was however, not as
simple as taking land from one group of people and giving it to another. Different clauses of the

law were to be followed. It also involved proper consideration of the kind of economy the
country finds itself in.
The Independence agreement at Lancaster House with Britain only allowed government to buy
land at half prices from white farmers who were willing to sell. (Willing buyer willing seller).
Britain and America promised to pay for this land, but by 1990 Britain had given only a small
fraction of the promised money. By 1987 government of Zimbabwe had bought up to 2,2 m
hectares and was very insignificant considering those in need. Thus, not much had happened in
land redistribution.
In 1990 the restrictive clauses of the Independence agreement expired. In 1992 a new law, the
Land Acquisition Act was paused allowing government to designate any under utilized land for
resettlement. With this law, still nothing touchable had taken place up to 1998. The issue of
land in Zimbabwe is not about lack of it but the inequittability of its distribution. For Bakare,
the land issue is existential. He laments the multiple ownership of farms by some top
government officials at the expense of the peasantry. He even noted that the government has
substituted the colonizer in dispossessing the peasantry of his God given gift. The future of
theology and its credibility in Zimbabwe depends on the willingness of Christians to grapple
with real issues affecting the people such as the land issue. When handled with care, land has
been a source of life, hope, freedom and redemption. But where people have been unable to use
it rightly, they have experienced, disillusionment, captivity and even death.
Land is a God given gift. Since Independence resettlement has been a major political issue and
has been characterized by denouncing historical inequalities. By 1990 the government had
resettled almost 52 000 farmers on 2,7m hectares which was only 32% of the set target. With the
Land Acquisition Act of 1992 the government was compulsory allowed to purchase about 5,5m
hectares out of the 11m hectares which were still owned by the whites. The same act also
allowed government to set a Derelict Land Board to oversee the underutilized land and set it for
resettlement. In 1993 the government announced its plans to take 70 farms and resettle people.
Its however, still surprising that up to 1998 – 2000 all those farms were not distributed to the
general populace. The land was grabbed by the top government officials. To this end Bakare
questions the logic behind a man possessing a game park or a river / dam. He argues that these
are natural resources which should be shared. Bakare’s argument holds a lot of water.
The original preferences for resettlement were the unemployed, farm labourers, landless former
war veterans. All this went into disarray with some greed top officials deciding to self
aggrandize themselves. Though agriculture is the mainstay of Zimbabwe’s economy the
government has sacrificed this vital economic sector for political expediency since the rejection
of the referendum in February 2000, which was blamed on the white minority. To show the
importance of this sector is the fact that by September 2000 about 20% of people in formal
employment worked in agriculture. Agriculture contributed 20% of the Gross Domestic Product
(GDP) and 40% of the total earnings.
The government targeted productive farms which the CFU objected and this contributed to the
decline in maize produce since 2000. Other crops like tobacco too suffered negatively. In 1998
the Svosve people occupied farms without government approval. War veterans formed in the so
called 3rd Chimurenga in 2000. This only shows how central land is to a Zimbabwean. Though
the government was denying people its access the people took it upon themselves to resettle
themselves.

Early September 2001 foreign ministers of the Commonwealth and Australian Commissioner to
the UN Secretary General of the Commonwealth met in Abujah (Nigeria). They sought to
resolve the Zimbabwean land issue, hence the Abujah Agreement. It stated that there is need for
appreciation of the histories imbalances in land ownership in Zimbabwe. The crisis in
Zimbabwe was a threat to Southern Africa and the unity of the commonwealth.
With all this in mind one comes to observe that land in Zimbabwe like in the Bible was a borne
of contention officials always want to have the majority and the fertile land at the expense of the
general populace who have the majority and the fertile land at the expense of the general
populace who have the land as their sole source of livelihood. The gospel shall remain useless if
it does not address such bread and butter issues. Land is a gift from God to all and should be
shared equitably for the benefit of all citizens. Land has never and shall never be an asset to be
monopolized by individual and its ultimate owner is God. All should take into cognizance the
fact that they just stewards on their pieces of land.
9.6 The Role of the Church in Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe

The role of the church in Africa according to Ela (1988:115) should discover that they have been
given a unique observation post and, consequently, have good reason to be ‘lookout’. Isaiah 21:8
says “lookouts shout, on the watchtower, lord, I stand all day; and at my post I keep guard all
night.” So the prophetic role of the church in Africa is to be on the lookout for the signs that
point to the unjust structures such as those of land tenure. By pointing to these unjust structures
the church will be touching the experience of the landless insofar as God’s love and justice are
concerned. Stivers (1988:117) says: “Justice is rooted in the very being of God according to the
Christian tradition. It is an essential part of God’s community of love and calls us to make
fairness the touchstone of our social response to other persons and to the rest of creation.”
The African church should shout that the unequal distribution of land and the land reform
programmes in Zimbabwe is by its existence unjust, because it is not sensitive to the needs of the
landless poor. a series of the acts which were used by successive colonial governments do reflect
a gross sense of injustice practiced by the settlers. To overcome the impasse of the present
disparity of land distribution and guarantee adequate food production we propose:
a) That no individual should own land which he/she does not us adequately for the benefit
of the community
b) That no more than 400 hectares should be owned by an individual family, that those who
own such an amount of land should us half of it for the production of staple food
c) That individual who own more than 400 hectares should be charged high land taxes
d) That no family should own farm land in perpetuity unless it remains in productive use
e) That those who are professionally trained in agriculture should have land leased to them
in order to produce food for the nation
f) That telephone and cell phone farming by those in other professions be discouraged
g) That the practice of absentee landlords be eliminated
h) That peasant farmers should be given adequate land to sustain their families
i) That traditional peasant farmers, who have to this day been left behind in modern
farming methods by previous colonial regimes, be given training by agricultural officers
j) That agricultural corporations should be limited to growing cash crops only
k) That those families wishing to grow exotic flowers for export be given small plots
(Bakare, 1993:70).
The church should be very clear on these recommendations and be open to preach that there can
be no just land reform programme if these suggestions are not given serious consideration.
Activity 9.4

1. Discuss the idea that ‘the future of theology and its credibility in Zimbabwe depends on
the willingness of Christians to grapple with real issues affecting the people such as the
land issue.
2. The African church is toothless bulldog. Explain by giving examples why the African
church is powerless on the land question in Zimbabwe today.
Students Notes
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Women Participation in Politics
- Politics - Politics is the exercise of power and how that power is exercised and
distributed in society. Politics (from Greek politikos "of, for, or relating to citizens") as a
term is generally applied to the art or science of running governmental or state
affairs, including behaviour within civil governments, but also applies to institutions,
fields, and special interest groups such as the corporate, academic, and religious
segments of society. It consists of "social relations involving authority or power" and to
the methods and tactics used to formulate and apply policy.
- Chimininge states that, ‘’… there is no gender equity in relation to participation in
politics and occupation of top political posts in Zimbabwe. This is in spite of the fact that
Gundani says that a number of Christian women have made it to the top in the political
arena (2002). The fact that we can number them is testimony that politics largely remain
a domain for men and women suffer exclusion and marginalisation.’’
- Chimininge notes that, women participated in politics in the pre-colonial times. It was
difficult to separate religion and politics. Women dominated the religious sphere and
ended up influencing politics.
- In the precolonial times elder women or the queen mother functioned as political
advisers to the kings.
- Women were often distributed in the provinces as wives of the kings and acted as a spy
network on the affairs of the state.
- Through spiritual and magical powers women were often used to seduce the enemy
soldiers.
- Despite the absolute nature and the divine monarchy system in the precolonial states, in
secret the women would reprimand and even advise their husbands in making sound and
prudent decisions in court cases.
- In traditional politics women were often used as a political tool in cementing relations
with subordinate chiefs through a system of marriage alliances.
- Women mediums were also influential in society as they were consulted on key issues
affecting the state. Such women advised and even reprimanded the political officials.
They were often involved in the hierarchy of leadership or acted as advisors and their
spiritual voices were given hid to.
- Women in Zimbabwe, played an important role in politics, Hayes points out that their
important role was often overlooked by the colonialists and male historians Zimbabwe
celebrate figures like Mbuya Nehanda who was both a religious and a political
figure. While she is celebrated as a political figure in post-independence Zimbabwe,

scholars like David Beach have argued that she was innocent, woman unjustly accused.
This is a manifestation of gender inequalities in the political arena.
- Mbuya Tangwena also played a considerable role in the liberation struggle. She
mobilised Tangwena people against the abuses of the colonial regime especially the
grabbing of their ancestral lands. She was also instrumental in assisting the guerrillas in
crossing to Mozambique and offered spiritual and moral guidance.
- Lobengula’ senior queen Lozikheyi had an important political role to play.
- The liberation struggle has negated perceptions about women’s participation in politics.
Women fought alongside men in the bush until the attainment of the “hard won
independence” in 1980. Apart from those who fought in the bush (female guerrillas).
- The peasant women also backed guerrillas through the provision of moral support,
food and providing clothes. Some acted as informers of guerrillas (chimbwidos).
- However, alongside their participation, women were often exploited by male freedom
fighters, the peasants and also the male fighters. Political violence reduces women to
‘prostitutes’, rape victims, slaves or workers. This exploitation has continued in post-
colonial Zimbabwe.
- In spite of the participation of women in politics during the pre-colonial era and during
the liberation struggle, few women have occupied top political posts. In contrast, Weir
(2007:8) points out that rather than being peripheral in politics, women were central
figures in Southern Africa. They demonstrated leadership in political, military and ritual
affairs because the leadership roles involved all the three.
Factors Hindering Women’s Participation in Politics
 There are a number of reasons why women do not actively participate in

politics;
- Socially constructed roles of women from a traditional perspective. Women are usually
assigned the role of mother and wife as opposed to military and political leadership and
participation.
- Traditionally, society has roles that it has assigned to women and these restrict women to
household chores.
- There is belief that in intellect, women are inferior to men and this has led women to
‘submit’ to men in politics and to hesitate to compete in the political domain because
politics is associated with ruling and domination.

- Many religions teach the headship and leadership of men and that women should submit
or respect men. Because political power is often associated with domination and ruling
many women feel that it is difficult to combine submission to husbands and at the same
time occupy positions that they lead men.
- Patriarchal nature of indigenous society. The religious worldview of the patriarchal
society has conditioned people to perceive politics as a domain for men because of the
barricades (obstacles) they have placed to women so that men remain at a dominating or
ruling position. Gundani also points out that it is patriarchy that continues to segregate
and hinder women in politics. He also points at an important aspect that riddles politics in
Zimbabwe which is lack of leadership with a vision.
- The lack of will among male political leadership. Lack of leaders with vision
disadvantages women more because the concerns and welfare of women hardly become a
priority in agenda. The issue of gender equity in politics is often overlooked or ignored
because it is not important to such political leaders.
- The culture of violence and intolerance - In political and leadership competition,
political leaders have fostered a culture of intolerance and violence. Because of that,
many women do not want or hesitate to be associated with violence. Thus this has led
them to refrain from participating in politics.
- Religious beliefs and practices - Most world religions are patriarchal in nature, there are
dominant femininities. Household chores are generally relegated to the woman. They
should be soft, are perceived as ‘weak’ while physical prowess and violence is
associated with men. The socialisation process has restricted women to domestic chores.
- Experiences of women abuse in politics - Related to violence in politics and war times
are the sad narratives of diverse experiences of abuse of women. These abuses include
rape and emotional abuse. Women living with or who have dehumanising experiences of
war do not want to venture into politics. It becomes one of the reasons why some women
do not want to be involved in politics because it opens ‘wounds’ or revive bad memories.
- Legacy of the colonial education system - The persistent gender inequity in Zimbabwe is
also a result of the education system during the colonial era. While Africans were
generally marginalised women were further disadvantaged. As a result, many women
did not get the chance to get formal education. The colonial policies that disadvantaged
women in the education system found fertile ground because many Africans had a
negative attitude towards educating the girl child.

- For several cultural reasons boys were prioritized and were resources were scarce the girl
child often become the victim. With few women who accessed formal education, it
means that very few women would also make it to the top in politics.
Task: Examine factors which promote women’s participation in politics.


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LIEBENBERG HIGH SCHOOL

FAMILY AND RELIGIOUS STUDIES

AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGION

LOWER SIX NOTES

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TENETS OF INDIGENOUS RELIGION

Debate on Indigenous Religion

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The Concept of God in Indigenous Religion

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 Indigenous Religion accepts the concept of God as Eternal. A number local

 The Karanga concept of God

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Karanga traditional religion

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Attributes of God in IR refers to words or phrases ascribing traits, properties, qualities or

The Four Main Attributes of God in IR

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3. God is One, the only God of the whole Universe

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Ancestral Spirits (Midzimu)

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• National Spirits-Debatable. It is a political construct.

• Territorial/Tribal/Clan Spirits- spirits of departed rulers/chiefs.

• Family Ancestral Spirits.

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Functions of Ancestral spirits

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Qualifications for one to be an ancestor

The role of ancestors in the Karanga traditional religion

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Karanga Belief in alien spirits

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Significance of Alien Spirits

They confer particular talents/skills to their hosts either negative or positive.

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• Shavi rouroyi- Witchcraft: for example, Mzilikazi Shavi,

• Shavi rechipfambi- Prostitution,

• Shavi reumbavha- Stealing,

• Shavi reusimbe- laziness,

• Shavi reurombe- Vagrance / poverty.

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 Kurasira/kurasirira - A black animal or fowl is dedicated to an avenging spirit (ngozi)

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Avenging spirits in Karanga

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 Cosmological belief of the Karanga

Myths in the Karanga religion

ii) The Guruuswa myth.

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Phenomenological analysis of the myths

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The African Concept of Death