{ jeant value, While certain aspects of subsistence, religion, or soci Introduction ‘The mast basic statement of archaeological purpose must include a reference to the derivation of the intangible fram the tangible; F the filing out of the bare outline provided by the artifacts i, in the broadest sense, the end to which all archaeological investigation 4s directed. Innovations in. methodology which might add to the ‘effectiveness of the prehistorian in achieving this end are of signif- organization are readily inferred by relatively simple manipulation ‘af recovered evidence, the more ane becomes concerned with the specific details of such an aspect, the less useful conventional meth- E ads become. The present study is an inquiry into an area of artic lation between material and nonmaterial aspects of culture which might provide new insights into the significance of the artifactual material with which the archaeologist reconstructs past cultural systems. The purpose of this investigation is to consider possible relationships between social structure and ceramies in eighteenth- “Ceutury Arikara culture, That such an articulation between ceramics ‘ad social organization could possibly exist is strongly suggested by the following considerations.| [Artifacts are the material products of culturally patterned be- }havior. The patterning manifest in the attributes which characterize ‘any series of similar objects exists because the behavior which pro- duced those objects is patterned, Repeated series of nearly identical ‘operations by one person, oF a group of persons, produces objects marked by a high degree of similarity. ‘The patterning of behavior Which produces standardization in artifacts is largely conditioned by the culture of the makers of those objects, This aspect of cultural patterning is responsible for the attribute correspondence between large numbers of artifacts in a given assemblage which, in turn, makes any typological procedure possible. If culturally conditioned behavioral patterning is responsible for artifactual patterning, then changes in the nature and extent of behavioral pat- terning might reasonably be Sal] affect the attribute pat- tering seen in the resulting object A connection between s0- cial structure and ceramics might be Ween in the possible changes in design configurations in ceramics as they reflect a change in the residence rule of the culture which produced them. Under a matsi- local rule of residence, reinforced by matrilineal descent, one might ‘well expect a large degree of consistent patterning of design at- tributes, since the behavior patterns which produce these configu: rations would be passed from mother to daughters, and preserved by continuous manufacture in the same houschold. Furthermore, these attribute configurations would have a degree of mutual ex: clusion in a community, since each group of women would be responsible for a certain set of pattems differing more or less fromi those held by other similar groups. Change in the social structure ight then hring about a change in the nature of ceramic attribute patterning, if this change in any way tended to disrupt the exclu- sive nature of the shated behavioral patterns existing under a matri- local residence rule. Thus an alteration in the residence rule could bring about a reduction in the number of repeated patterns, and ultimately lead to a more random association between the attributes which .constitute the total design vocabulary of the culture, This might occur under any stress which would shift residence away from the earlier matrilocal norm. ‘The Arikara are particularly suited to such an inguiry, since it can be shown that they underwent a change in social structure Which might have produced a reduction in association between ‘ceramic attributes, This study makes use of a sample of 2,500 sim sherds, recovered from a. stratified three-component Arikara site, the Medicine Crow site, located on the Missouri River in central South Dakota. Discrete consideration of each attribute in the in- ventory of these people posed a particular problem, since the amount of data requiring manipulation became quite excessive. This problem was solved through the application of IBM computation equipment The following analysis is divided into three distinct but some- tht interdependent sections Part 1 resents «summary of Neth em Caddoan culture history followed by a discussion of the evi dence for change in the socal structure of the Pawnee and Arkara duting'the eighteenth century. Part 2 provides a detailed consider- tion of changes in cighteenth-century Arikara ceramic design pat- f) terning as it is seen at the Medicine Crow site, based on the output bof the computer which analyzed these data. Part 3 examines the © possible articulation between the changes in social structure dis- cussed in Part 1 and changes in cerainic design treated in Part 2, svith particular emphasis on the nature and extent, if any, of this _tticulation, The analyticat portion of this study is-based on data processed by the IBM 704 computer at the MIT Computation Laboratory. sTime on this machine was provided through the joint University Eplan for utilization of the laboratory’s facilites. The program was mpiled by the Lttauer Statistical Laboratory, Harvard Univer ;, whose programmers were responsible for seeing the production ough to 2 succes! concasion, The expense of pros com tion, testing, and other services by the Littauer Laboratory graciously assumed by the Department of Anthropology, Har- University, for which the writer is deeply indebted. A full set ture work of this type can utilize the program uachanged if the Sde devised for other lots of specimens is made to ft Schin te er commodious accommodations of the present code. Thus ‘expense of programming, which is considerable, may be avoided. ferences to the accounts of early travelers in the Missouri River during the nineteenth century are taken from those sources nerally accepted to be most accurate. Two of the most frequently references, the accounts of Bradbury and Brackenridge, are4 SFTLISHC CHANGE ON ANIKANA CERAMICS further verified by rather unique circumstances. Each man was @ member of a party ascending the Missouri River; these parties ‘were in sight of each other during their entire visit 10 the Arkara Villages. As a result, an excellent check on the accuracy of both accounts can be obtained by reading contemporary entries. Cor- respondence is essentially complete on all pertinent portions be- tween both journals. Arikara Culture History THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SETTING P Teis generally accepted that the Arikara were formerly either closely allied with or actoally a part of the Skidi Pawnee, their closest linguistic relatives, and that the separation of the two groups took place sometime during the late sixteenth or early seventeenth cen- tury. Acknowledgment of this separation is a part of the traditions of both tribes, and later, in 1834-35, they were again together for 4 period of eight months, following which time they separated on 4 somewhat strained note (Wedel, 1955, p. 81). The Arikara, upon fixst departing their Skidi allies moved slowly up the Missouri River, where ey were encountered by several early trading and explor- ing parties during the course of the eighteenth centary. The most reliable accounts of these parties, with dates and location, are tabu- lated below: Date Seen by ST Bourgmond Location Source shove Niobrara or While R. (de Villers, 19 118 Delisle map vicinity Yankton (Tucker, 1922} 1143 Verendrye Fort Pierre (Wedel, 1955) 1185 Miro White River (Nasatir, 1990) 3195 Trudeaw Cheyenne Hiver 1803 Lewis and Clark Grand River (Beanceeard, 1912) (allen, 1902) By 1803 the Arikara were a well-known group, and additional accounts of them ace plentiful from the nineteenth century, but 5 , |6 STYLISTIC CHANGE IN ARIKARA CERAMICS fee Map 1. Locations of sites discussed in text. 1. Medicine Crow: 2, St, Helena: 4, Talking Crow; 4. Arzberger; 5. La Roche; 8, Dodd, Phillips Ranch, Buffalo Pasture; 7. Riggs, Oshe, Spotted Bear, 8, Oacosna; 9, Crow Creck; 10, Swan Son; 11. Scalp Crock; 12. Swan Creek; 29. Ryahy #4, Black Partizan, 15. Fort Bennett; 16. Leavenworth; 17. Meyer. GQ dle Missouri ZZ Central Plains these are beyond the scope of this study. While there seems to be a Map 2. Archaeologica! cegions strong indication of # general northward movement in the above data, the Arikara were, in all probability, located along the entire course of the Missouri River in what is now South Dakota until rather late in the eighteenth century. Lewis and Clark provide the first negative information in locating them as formerly below the Cheyenne The three villages which we have just left, are the residence of a nation called the Rikaras. They were originally colonies of Pawnees, who estab- lished themselves on the Missouri, below the Chayenne, where traders still remember that twenty years ago they occupied a number of villages, From that situation, a part of the Rikaras emigrated to the neichhozhood of the Mandans, with whom they were then in alliance. The rest of the nation continued near the Chayenne till the year 1797, in the course of which, distressed with their wars with the Sioux, they joined their countrymen near the Mandans (Allen, 1902, pp. 155-36). Thus, in general terms, this tribe apparently accounted for the village occupation of this area of the Missouri River during the eventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This conclusion is fully sup- ted by the available archaeological evidence. Archaeological syntheses of the Platte, Missouri, and Republican Piiver drainages in Nebraska and South Dakota have been based fn a number of taxonomic systems. Most popular of these has been MeKern system, which has been used in various forms by most rkers in the area. The net result of much of this work has been he generation of a plethora of foci, which in many cases probably bverlap, due primarily to a number of discrete publications on ites combined with a general low degree of synthesis above focus level. One of the best summaries of the archaeology of Fe area is that of Lehmer (1954), who, while stil using the focus, but with strong temporal connotations, introduced the thwestern concept of Branch as an integrative device with some ices. However, in view of the confusion which exists regarding8 stviisne CHANGE IN ARIKARA CERAAHCS CENTRAC PLAINS MIDDLE MIssOURI Snake Butte Phase Stanley Phase La Roche Phase [steric Pees Lower Loup Phase ‘Aksar > CHEB Arberser Phase Absarben Phase Middle Missour! Phase Fig. 1, Regional sequences. archaeological unit classification in the area, the writer feels that it might be better to start afresh, at the risk of introducing new terms to a field already overcrowded, by utilizing those concepts introduced by Willey and Phillips (1958). Accordingly, the archae- ological background of historic Pawnee-Arikara culture can be framed by two regional sequences, that of the Republican and the Platte Rivers and tributaries (primarily the Loup), and that of the Missouri River in the state of South Dakota (Map 2). The sequences established in both of these regions are relatively sound throughout their duration and need resolution and clarification only in detail (Fig. 1). In each region, the cultural manifestation ‘which precedes that of Plains Village culture is one of general Wood- land characteristics and lies outside the scope of this study. How much of the following development is rooted in the Woodland culture is unclear; however, there is by no means a direct develop. ‘ment, uninfiuenced by outside stimu : The post:Woodland sequence in the Nebraska region of the Platte and Republican begins with the well-nown Upper Republi- can culture, which has been combined with the partially contempo- rary Nebraska culture into an entity called Aksarben (Stephenson, 1954). In view of the close similarities between Nebraska and Upper Republican “cultures,” they can be considered as constituting a phase, which might be termed the Aksarben phase, for the sake of economy. ARIKARA CULTURE HISTORY 9) Sites of the Aksarben phase are located along the Republican River, principally on its tributaries, on the bluffs of the Missouri River in northeastern Nebraska, and further south along the Mis- souri to the area where Nebraska, Iowa, Kansas, and Missouri border one another. The Republican River sites are characteristically small, \unfortified settlements on creeks rather than along the larger streams, while sites of the Nebraska “culture,” as well as those of the St. Helena focus, an Aksarben phase unit (Cooper, 1936), are located on terraces along the Missouri, Houses are semisubterranean earth lodges, square with rounded comers, constructed on the four cen- tral support post plan, Pottery is grit tempered, with plain or cord- roughened bodies, straight and collared rims, and decoration by incision and cord impression. Pottery from the Republican shows a high incidence of collared rims, cord roughening, and incised decoration, while that from the Missouri River area is more often Plain, with straight rims, handles, and effigy forms. A number of sites located between the two main areas show a blending of ce- ramic traits in detail, which supports both the basic identity of the two variant forms of the Aksarben phase and the reality of the Seographically based differences. A significant ceramic variant is the Sweetwater pottery (Champe, 1936), which shows a high per- centage of cord-impressed rim decoration in contrast to tooled deco- ration elsewhere in the region. Characteristic nonceramic artifacts of the Aksatben phase include small triangular projectile points, notched and unnotched, thumbnail scrapers, diamond-shaped flaked Iives, bison scapula hoes, clay pipes, scapula knives, and, in the Missouri River area, carved shell and figurines. Catlinite pipes are present only in the St. Helena sites; grooved stone mauls are also ‘unigue there, Dating of the Aksarben phase is difficult. Radiocarbon assays on samples from the Coufal site, Howard County, Neb. (M-835, 1138 & 200 A.D.) and from a site in the Medicine Creck area, Frontier County, Neb. (M-644, 1458 ++ 200 A.D.), a Republican Grainage site, are certainly at variance, particularly in view of the fact that the former site is supposedly’ chronologically transitional between the Republican and Missouri River complexes. The physical aspect of the various sites of the Aksarben phase is of interest in chronological considerations. The Republican River sites are coy- ered with a thick loess mantle, indicative of a period of protracted Grought subsequent to their occupation. This contrasts sharply10 SFYLISFIC CHANGE IN ARIKARA CERAMICS with the sites on the Missouri River, which show no loess cover. This difference in site cover has been interpreted by most workers as indicative of a partial differential in date of the two site com- plexes, with the sites to the west being the earlier, having been abandoned due to deteriorating climatic conditions. Lehmer (1954, pp. 148-49) utilizes these data, in combination with the known climatic history of the Central Plains, to arrive at a date for the Republican River sites which is probably quite accurate. AS he points out, Weakly sets the dates of the most severe drought in the area at 1539-64, and suggests that the country at that time ap- proached near desert conditions (Weakly, 1950, p. 93). Thus, the Republican River sites probably date before the period. 1539-64, which is in agreement with at least one radiocarbon date, and which is supported by other archaeological evidence. ‘The next phase in the sequence in the Contra] Plains region is the Lower Loup phase, usually identified as representing the Pawnee in protohistorie times. It is noteworthy that no transitional sites between the Aksarben and Lower Loup phases have been recorded in the area which would have been affected by the Grought. Lehmer suggests a movement to the Missouri River dur- ing this period, since this river, having its source far to the west in the Rocky Mountains, would have provided an ideal refuge area (Lehmer, 1954, p. 149). Thus the Aksarben phase sites along the river which lack the loess cover could well represent the mover to the Missouri at that time. This period late in the sixteonth century could well have been the time of the initial split between the Pawnee and Arikara, since it agrees quite well with the sequence in the Missouri Valley in South Dakota as it is now dated. Sites such as the Arzherger site in central South Dakota might represent the inteusion of Aksarben phase people in that area In summary, the Aksarben phase can be seen as a time of be- iginnings in the formation of the distinetive patterns of Plains Vil lage culture. The complete adjustment to life along the Missouri by these people may have been accelerated due to the necessity of of moving east away from rapidly deteriorating conditions. The succeeding Lower Loup phase (Dunlevy and Bell, 1936) contrasts rather strikingly with that which precedes it. Sites of this phase are concentrated ou the Loup River at its confluence with the Platte. Villages are large, and situated often on defensible sites; fortifications are frequently encountered in the form of ditches F and exhibits @ frank decadence in technique. Extended tr ARIKARS CULTURE Histor IT and embankments. The houses are circular in plan, and rather large, attaining diameters of nearly 50 fect. The floor plan is the familiar four center post, central hearth pattem so familiar in Arikara sites to the north. Lowes Loup ceramics have been divided into (v0 large groups, a collared group and a group characterized by straight rims. Surface finish is now predominantly achieved by Simple stamping, the cord roughening of the earlier Aksarben Phase pottery having been completely abandoned. Decoration is in the form of tool impression, incising, and trailing. Cord im Pressed designs are completely lacking. Incised opposed triangles on shoulders ave frequent. A distinctive Lower Loup ceramic at bute is the cloistered rim, achieved by attaching a great number of strap handles around the rim. These oaaur on ellaed and none collared rims, and seem to be more decorative than functional in most cases. Nonceramic traits of the Lower Loup phase include Lsiangular, unnotched projectile points, catlinite pipes, grooved mauls, rather large, oval scrapers, bison scapula hoes, and grooved bison nbs: Lower Loup sites usually produce trade material in small quantities. ‘This provides excellent dating material, placing the end of the phase in the vicinity of 1700, the nocepted date fox the introduction of trade material into the atea. The Lower Loup phise has been almost certainly linked to the Pawnee (Wedel, 1968), providing an ethnohistoric dimension with some depth in the Central Plains area, Wedel's method will be summarized in a later portion of this study. ‘The final phase in the Central Plains region is the occupation by historically known Pawnee groups. ‘This phase can better be documented from historical sources. In summary, the Pawnee re sided in large villages of circular earth lodges with four or more center posts. Their pottery closely resembles Lower Loup pottery, reatment of this phase is beyond the general scope of this study; good archae- ological coverage is provided by Wedel (1986) and the ethno- raphe Iterature onthe Pawnee i age second regional sequence pertinent to the prehistory of the eighteenth-contury Artkara is that of the middle reaches of the Missouri River in South Dakota. ‘This portion of the Missouri formed the route followed by the Arikara during their movement north from their Nebraska homeland, and it is here that one finds the remains of their villages. Before the arrival of the Arikara,12 STYLIstic CHANGE IN ARIKARA CERAMICS and contemporary at least in part with the Aksarben phase to the South, the middle Missouri region was the location of a number of villages which can be grouped together to form a Middle Missouri phase. This phase is identical to the Middle Missouri tradition as defined by Lehmer (1954), whose summary provides a clear de- lineation of this phase in its salient characteristics. Middle Missouri hhouses are semisubterranean structures, but in contrast to. the Ceniral Plains house types they are long and rectangular. Lacking historically documented house types like those of the Pawnee in the Central Plains, which resemble earlier types in that area quite closely, one cannot make any reconstructions of the superstructure of these Middle Missouri houses. They have a hearth offset toward the front of the house, and are characterized by a raised platform leading into the house from a passage entrance. Cache pits are frequently found in the floors. These houses are often arranged in street-like groups, in marked contrast to the random village pattern observed in all villages of the Pawnee, Arikara, and their Aksarben phase forerunners. Fortification is frequent on Middle Missouri phase sites, and can be in the form of a straight ditch crossing 4 bluff and joining two small valleys or washes (Dodd site, Ander- son focus, Lehmer, 1954, site map, p. 4) or a complete enclosure, usually with bastions (Huff site, Will and Hecker, 1944; Kruse, 1942). Both of these fortification types differ from that seen in later protohistoric Arikara villages. Middle Missouri phase pottery is characterized by grit temper, both simple-stamped and cord-rough- ened surface treatment, with cord roughening being earlier and ‘more southern in distribution, S-shaped and flaring straight rims, and tooled, incised, and cord-impressed decoration. Middle Missouri nonceramic artifacts include plate chalcedony knives, triangular, notched, and unnotched projectile points some- what heavier than those of the Aksarben or succeeding phases in both regions, polished celts, scapular hoes and knives, metapodial fleshers, grooved mauls, and well-chipped, thin scrapers, oval in shape. Sites of the Middle Missouri phase include the following: Dodd (Lehmer, 1954), Riggs (Meleen, 1949; Hurt, 1953), Huff (Will and Hecker, 1944), Twelve Mile Creck and Swanson (Hurt, 1951), Brandon (Over and Meleen, 1941), Mitchell (Meleen, 1938), Fort Yates (Hewes, 1949), Cheyenne River, Early Component (Lehmer, 1954, p. 140), Black Partizan (Warren Caldwell, personal com- ARIKARA CULTURE misrory 13 ‘munication), Crow Creek (Harold Huscher, personal communica- tion), and Breeden (Richard Wheeler, personal communication). The Middle Missouri phase has affnities to the south and east. EThe ceramics are similar to certain of the Mill Creek types, an F Towa derivative of Mississippian culture farther south. Bastioned fortifications are found also at Aztalan. A possible ethnohistoric nection can be made between the Middle Missouri phase and the “Mandan, who were presumably moving through the area at the time of the Middle Missouri phase. This connection is not only supported by resemblances between later Mandan ceramics and thse of the Middle Missouri phase, but, in view of the possibility /dF an equation between Mississippian culture and Siouan speech, by resemblances in the other direction with Mill Greek viewed in F ight of the Siouan-speaking Mandan, Radiocarbon dates for the Middle Missouri phase range from ‘a. 850 A.D. to 1300 A.D. These dates do not seem unreasonable in the light of other evidence. One C 14 date of 1228 has been ob: tained from the Thomas Riggs site in central South Dakota; this site, on the basis of a preponderance of simple stamping as a sur face finish, has been considered as a late expression of the Middle Missouri phase. If this is the case, 1300 A.D. can be taken as an approximate end date for the Middle Missouri phase. This allows a period of 500 years, certainly ample time, for the development of Arikara culture in central South Dakota. However, past opinion ‘on the dating of the Arikara in the Middle Missouri region has tended to limit the range of time involved in the migration of these people northward, Wedel considers anything less than three cen- turies as too short a period to accommodate such a development, however, stating that “To me it seems exceedingly difficult to com- press the history of Arikara culture, as that of a people distinct from the Pawnee, into anything less than three or four centuries” (Wedel, 1949, p. 331). Radiocarbon dates certainly seem to bear out Wedel's consideration on this problem, In the time following the Middle Missouri phase, the general aspect of culture in the Middle Missouri region has been one of contact and blending, which Lehmer (1954, pp. 147-54) terms the Coalescent tradition. This period, which continues into historic times, can be segmented into a series of four phases, which repre- sent the Arikara cultural development from the time of their fission from the Skidi Pawnee, ‘The first of these phases may be named14 STYLISTIC CHANGE IN ARIKARA CERAMICS ARIKARA CULTURE msrony IS after its most typical site, the Arzberger site in central South Dakota. The Arzberger phase is an interesting one, rather clearly showing the intrusion of southern peoples into the area for the first time. Few sites thus far have produced material which ean be placed within this phase with any degree of confidence; save for the type site, the only other site which has yielded Arzberger ceramics in quantity is the Talking Crow site, Buffalo County, S.D. At the Arzberger site itself (Spaulding, 1956), the characteristic traits of the phase are clear cut and distinctive. ‘The Arzberger site is a bastioned, fortifled site located on a high terrace on the east bank of the Missouri River. The fortifcation ditch is circular, however, in marked contrast to the rectangular bastioned fortification systems of the Middle Missouri phase. Houses are from medium to large (36 to slightly under 50 feet in diameter), and scattered in a ran dom pattern within the stockade. In short, the settlement pattem is that of # Central Plains type village within a modified Middle Missouri type fortification. Ceramics from the Araberger site show affinities with Aksarben phase pottery in cord-roughened body treat ‘ment, collars, and decorative motifs in the Arzberger group (Spauld- ing, 1956, p. 194), and with Lower Loup phase ceramics in rim form, decoration and simple stamped body treatment in the Hughes sroup (Spaulding, 1956, p. 150). These two groups of ceramics from the Arzberger site are of interest because of the differences between them as well as their resemblances, respectively, to both of the prehistoric phases of the Central Plains region, In view of these similarities and differences, and the possibility that the Arzberger phase represents the initial movement of a Pawnee-Arikara popula- tion into the Middle Missouri region, chronological placement of the beginning of the Arzberger phase would best seem to be be- tween ca. 1300, the end of the Middle Missouri phase, and 1540-60, the end date of the Aksarben phase. Similarities with the later Lower Loup phase can be interpreted as indicative of a later end date for the Arzberger phase, pethaps in the vicinity of 1600. Ceramic cor- respondences with the Middle Missouri phase pottery are much fewer at this time, and generally vague. A few cord-impressed sherds in the Arzberger pottery assemblage might represent slight Middle Missouri influence, as does the use of horizontal incisions fon certain of both the collared and noncollared types. Horizontal lines, both cord-impressed and incised or trailed, as a decorative motif are common in the pottery of the Middle Missouri Phase. Nonceramie artifacts from the Arzberger site are also suggestive ‘of a transitional position, both chronologically and culturally, for the Arzberger phase. Catlinite pipes, unnotched points, and grooved mauls are typical of Nebraskan protohistorie sites (Lower Loup phase) and of later Arikara sites, while certain other artifacts, such as diamond-shaped knives, isbhooks, and rather flat end serapers are ‘more typical of the Aksarben assemblage. The phase following the Arzberger phase is represented by three sites in central South Dakota, the Meyer site (Hoard, 1949), the “Ta Roche site (Meleen, 1948), and the Scalp Creck site, Wheeler ‘component (Hurt, 1952). Other unreported sites probably relate to this phase including the Sully, Bowman, and Two Teeth sites. The La Roche phase, as this phase may be termed, is character- ‘ized by"unfortfied villages located on the first or second terraces OF the Missouri River, The maximum limits of its distribution have snot yet been determined, but sites of this phase probably extended at least from the White to the Cheyenne Rivers. Houses are circular, with four central posts and central hearth, and are quite large, attaining a diameter of 50 feet. Coramies’are characterized by ‘straight rims, predominantly incised or tool impressed decoration, simple stamped surface finish, and a minority of collared types. Jn nonceramie artifacts, the La Roche phase more closely. ap- P proaches those seen in protohistoric and historic Arikara sites, and is characterized by sandstone abraders, tenoned bone points, cat linite pipes, stone mauls, predominantly unnotched projectile points, Land sinall thumbnail scrapers. Since it shares traits with both the Arzberger phase and the later [phases representative of protohistorie Arikara, the La Roche phase ‘may be placed chronologically intermediate between the two. With end date of 1600 for the Arzberger phase, the La Roche phase j must be later than the beginning of the seventeenth century, but lating the introduction of trade goods into the area at the be- [ginning of the eighteenth century. Thus the La Roche phase may placed rather accurately within the seventeenth century and bably represents late prehistoric Arikara culture. * The succeeding Stanley phase is clearly protohistorie, and the ace of European trade material in small to moderate amounts 'S one of the criteria by which the phase is defined. Villages are [unfortified, with houses somewhat smaller but otherwise identi- eal to those of earlier phases. Cache pits may or may not be placed16 STYLISTIC CHANGE. IN ARIKARA. CERAMICS ARIKADA CULTURE msroRY IT in the floors of houses. Typical Stanley phase sites include Dodd (A Component), (Lehmer, 1954), Medicine Crow (Components A, B, and C), the Talking Crow site (Component B, and possibly C), (Smith, 1951), the Oldham site (Component A), the Oacoma site (Component B), the Spotted Bear site (Hurt, 1954), the Swan Creck site (Hurt, 1957), Rygh A, and others not yet reported on. Geographically, Stanley phase sites are located from the White River north to the Grand, Stanley phase ceramics show innovations on the earlier pattern, An introduction in this phase is the brushing of necks. A. prolif- eration of lip types also occurs, with all of the variations listed in the code for the Lip Profile class (p. 47) present. Bracing seems to become increasingly prevalent in time, and at certain sites it constitutes the overwhelming majority of lip treatment. For the Stanley phase as itis seen to change through the span of a century, the present study provides some detailed information relative to the qualitative and quantitative change within the ceramic as- semblage in terms of individual attributes. Surface finish on Stanley phase ceramics is either plain or simple stamped. While the ma- jority of all rims are direct from most sites, a varying amount of both collars and § rims occur. ‘The $ rim form is more prevalent as one goes north, and might well be the result of Mandan influence, while the collars seem to show the retention of a profile from early Arzberger or Aksarben times. Stanley phase nonceramic artifacts inchide Bison scapula hoes, smal] thumbnail scrapers, small notched and unnotched projectile points, sandstone abraders, plate chalcedony knives, multi-hole rib shaft wrenches, and metapodial fleshers. A common artifact made from European copper or brass is the conical tinkler, a fringe oma- ‘ment for clothing ‘The protohistoric Stanley phase begins with the introduction of European trade material into the Middle Missouri region, Trade ‘material is seldom found in Stanley phase sites in unmodified form; it is usually used to manufacture other articles. This is in sharp contrast with the following phase, which finds the import of Euro- pean objects on a much larger scale resulting in the use of the European objects per se. ‘The earlier date for the Stanley phase may be set at approximately 1700, with a duration to ca. 1750, ‘At the latter date, further contact and difficulties move the Arikara into their final phase. Map 8. Known distibution of sites of three phases, [The following phase represents the historic Arikara. Lehmer (1954) defined a post-Stanley focus unit, the Snake Butte focus, in the Picrre area, basing his definition on the increase in trade ‘Goods and the appearance of fortifications. This did not gain ‘wide ceeptance, however, and the sequence was considered essentially complete in all details by Stanley focus times. It wonld seem that ‘uch differences as appear between what is here termed Stanley ‘phase, which includes his focus of the same name, and the follow: ing phase are actually of sullicient importance to justify the creation 'a separate phase to accommodate them. ‘The Snake Butte phase sesses all of the requisite features needed to constitute a phase [according to Willey and Phillips (1958, p. 22) and will be treated ‘as such here. Sites of this phase are not too numerous, and include the Phillips Ranch and Buffalo Pasture sites in the lower Oahe res fervoir, near Fort Pierre, S.D. (Lehmer, 1954; Strong, 1940), the Fort jennett Indian site near the mouth of the Cheyenne River (Wheel- {x, personal communication), probably the Oahe site and possibly jthe Swan Creek site in part. Of particular significance is their dis- ‘tribution; there are no fortified late contact sites south of the mouth ‘of the Bed River (Map 3). They extend north to the Grand River, {nd include the Leavenworth site, a historically documented Arikara Fite of the nineteenth century (Strong, 1940). The settlement pat observed in Snake Butte phase sites is markedly different from18 STYListic CHANGE IN ARIKARA CERAMICS, ARIKARA CULTURE iustony 19 the earlier Stanley pattern. Fortifications reappear in the Middle Missouri region at this time in the form of round or oval unbastioned ditch and stockade complexes. Houses show a slight increase in size over the previous phase This is probsby dio in pert to 1 between the late complexes in Nebraska and those of South general compression of the village, since Snake Butte houses ae » gencral more closely spaced. A probable result of this was the inclusion filma er eee oe eee of larger cache pits within the house, of the type formerly built classified by phase, whict between the hoteer, thus requiring more floor space to he al . There remains only to consider the historical identification equal amount of living room. Photographs of typical houses of the Stanley phase and those of the Snake Butte phase (Lehmer, 1954, Plates 2 and 21) make this clear. European artifacts are much more sumerous in Snake Butte phase sites, and, as indicated above, were used in many cases in unmodifed form. Furthermore, Snake Butte sites are very productive of horse bones, which are very rare in sites of the Stanley phase. Pottery of the Snake Butte phase shows a rather homogeneous pattern, with braced rims predominating. A unique collared form (Colombe collared rim, Lehmer, 1954, p. 102) also makes its appearance, Cord-impressed decoration also. shows an increase between the Stanley and Snake Butte phases. Non- ceramic artifacts are essentially the same as encountered in the Stanley phase. It is of interest to note the circumstances of occurrence of fort fied villages in the Middle Missouri region. They are prevalent in Middle Missouri phase sites, particularly toward the end of that phase, a time when there was presumably considerable movement into the Missouri Valley by peoples from the south. The Arzberger site is also fortified: this site is generally considered to be a repre- sentative of the first Aksarben peoples in the area, Following this time, and presumably after the departure of the Middle Missouri peoples to the north, unfortified villages predominate, and continue luntil the middle of the eighteenth century. At this time, the his torically documented westward spread of Plains horse and gun culture and an influx of Europeans occurred; fortifications appeat again, probably in response to the same need which generated them three centuries earlier. The sequence outlined above constitutes the main events in the derivation of the Arikara and Pawnee as they were known in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Other groups in the area, such as those responsible for the Dismal River and Oneota com plexes, probably had some effect on this development; but it was ndary, and an extended discussion of these entities is not re ed, In summary, three essential aspects of this study have been tely explored: the archaeological demonstration of a con- ends in ceramics in sites representing the Arikara he Arikara and Pawnee were among the first historically known 1ps in North America to be identified with certain archaeological through the use of the direct historical approach (Strong, 1932, }; Wedel, 1938). Wedel’s pioneer work established an identity n certain sites on the Loup River in eastern Nebraska and be Pawnee, who were found in this area by the first Europeans ‘come among them. Strong's study was carried out on the Leaven- , or Lewis and Clark site, a known Arikara village of the Ay nineteenth century, through which he was able to characterize Arikara material culture in great detail. Since the time of these igations, further accrued evidence suggests nothing contrary edel, bringing a combination of tradition, mythology, history, ttchaeology, and ethnography to bear on the problem, demonstrated he extreme likelihood that sites of the Lower Loup phase repre nted the Pawnee as they were during the late seventeenth and teenth centuries. His reasoning and evidence in the solution BE this problem are clear and well founded. His summary of these sis worthy of quotation in full, since itis as succinet a state mat on the subject as any which could be written, ‘These major fs, ix in number, are as follows: ) Village sites assignable to the Lower Loup focus, 10 or moze in Penns uranyl wey beat of te Hane Panes oon soo confluence of the Loup and Platte Rivers, ‘These sites nearly all yield limited amounts of historical materials, eating their occupancy atleast into very early contact times ric maps and documents show that the Pawnee villages since yt caret conta tines ware lcalza ns sbot ss eon ‘On the basis of available archaeological evidence alone, sites of Lower Loup focus show « much closer relationship to the later Pawnee than they do to the contemporaneous Oneota sites20 STYLISTIC CHANGE IN ARIKARA CERAMICS (5) Pawnee traditions link that tribe directly with several of the proto- historie Lower Loup focus sites. (8) Neither history, ethnography nor recorded traditions offer any proof that another sedentary horticulteral tsibe inhabited this locality since the arrival of Europeans (1938, p. 20). If the Lower Loup sites are the remains of the earlier Pawnee, it follows that the assemblage of artifacts recovered from these sites ‘would resemble similar assemblages obtained from Arikara sites of the same period, and that the Lower Loup phase represents a close approximation to the shared culture of the Arikara and Skidi before their separation. That this is in fact true is suggested by the evi- dence accumulated by Strong and later workers for the Arikara, ‘The Leavenworth site is a large Arikara village located just above the mouth of the Grand River in northern South Dakota. This site was the best documented Arikara village on the river, having been mentioned by almost every trader and explorer who visited it. It ‘was occupied until 1823, the year of Leavenworth’s punitive ex- pedition against the Arikara in retribution for their attack on mem- bers of a Rocky Mountain Fur Company party. The village was shelled by Leavenworth’s forces and was abandoned following this action. Strong found unexploded howitver shells in one of the lodges, as well as parts of exploded ones (Strong, 1932). Since this site was occupied well into the early nineteenth century, its identification with the Arikara is positive. The pottery recovered by Strong from the Leavenworth site is characterized by braced rims anda predominance of grass-brushed necks. The bracing is accomplished on the lip of a rim essentially straight from neck to shoulder. In this rim profile, Arikara pottery cantrasts sharply with historic Mandan ceramics, in which S-shaped rims predominate. Tt has been possible to trace this type of pottery back through a series of stages of logical development, thereby extending the ides tification as Arikara to a series of progressively earlier sites, proba- bly representative of these people during their migration up the Missouri River. Of course, each extension of this identification to an earlier site places some strain upon its reliability; however, in the case ofthese eighteenth-century Arikara sites, the reliability of this ntifcation is of a high order, even in the case of the earliest of the series. While ceramic affinities form the most effective single iterion for determining the relationship between the Leavenworth assemblage and earlier sites representative of protohistoric and pre- historic Arikara, it should be noted that the similarity extends to al- ‘the similarity extending to the circular fortification moat and pal ARIKARA CULTURE misrory 21 ‘most every other aspect of the archaeological assemblage, including architecture and settlement pattern. Where differences exist, it is possible in the majority of eases to demonstrate a logical and mean- ingful basis for them. Following Strong's initial description of Arikara material culture as itis known from the Leavenworth site, Lehmer (1954) identified the Phillips Ranch site, !ccated 5 miles upstream from Pierre, $.D., ‘on the west side of the Missouri River, as the remains of a fortified j Arikara village of the late eighteenth century. A second site, the {Doda site, a mile upstream from the Phillips Ranch site, was also Wdentified as representat Z component. The Dodd site was unfortifed, however, and on this of an Arikara occupation in its latest basis, as well as the absence of horse bones and a smaller amount (of trade material, Lehmer places this occupation anterior to that of the Phillips Ranch site. His dates for the two occupations, 1700-50 | for Dodd and 1750-1800 for Phillips Ranch, are certainly inclusive, ‘but may require a reduction in length to accommodate apparently © earlier sites of the contact period to the south. The pottery samples from these two sites, as well as the remainder of the assemblages, f almost duplicate that found by Strong at the Leavenworth site. Other sites tested by Strong in the thirties and identified as Arikara E by him include the Cheyenne River village, the Sully site, and the Buffalo Pasture site. The latter site, excavated again by the Missouri Basin Project in 1952, is almost identical to the Phillips Ranch sit sade. In this connection, itis of interest to note the account by the ‘Verendrye party, who in 1743 spent some time at a fortified village of a people called by them the Gens de la Petite Cerise, and buried ‘lead tablet in the vicinity before their departure. This tablet was discovered in 1913 near Fort Pierre, at a distance of 5 miles from the Phillips Ranch site. Tt is very possible that this fortified village ‘was either the Phillips Ranch or Buffalo Pasture site. While the Verendryes do not identify the occupants of this village as Arikara, they also do not refer to them as Mandan, although they had been traveling to the Mandan villages at the time and knew who the latter were. The latest occupation at the Dodd site differs from that at Phillips Ranch and Buffalo Pasture in its lack of fortifications. Jn all other respects, it in turn duplicates the assemblage from these two sites. Thus Lehmer's identification of both the Phil- lips Ranch site and the last of the occupations at the Dodd site is22 STYLISTIC CHANGE IN ARIKARA. CERAMICS ARIKARA CULTURE musrony 23, certainly sound. The unfortified village plan typical of the Dodd site is seen in other sites farther to the south. One of the first of these to be investigated was the Talking Crow site (Smith, 1951), 4 four-component site in Buffalo County, $.D., 12 miles downstream : from the Medicine Crow site. Component B of this site is most | pertinent to the extension of the archaeological identification of i the Arikara. While a small quantity of pottery typical of late Arikara sites such as Dodd and Leavenworth was found, the ma- | Ukclihood of an Upper Republican ancestry for protohistoric Feewnee, remarks that: “The appearance of a community with strong [Upper Republican cultural affinities on the Missouri in central South Dekota can hardly be interpreted as anything but an early fement of an Avikara group, quite possibly the first to advance [40 far north into what was to become the heart of the Arikara terri- tory in the eighteenth century” (p. 109). Arzberger pottery has been divided into two large groups, one with strong Upper Republican affinities, and a second characterized by straight rims. The entire Talking Crow ceramic assemblage can be accommodated by the Arzberger site groups, and the stra rim types are not far removed stylistically from later, protohistoric Arikara ceramics. Sites of the La Roche phase, intermediate chron- logically between Arzberger and Stanley phases, are clearly also intermediate in terms of ceramics, architecture, and settlement pat- tem, It will be shown in the concluding portion of this study that further substantiation for this identification can be furnished in a rather striking manner by projecting attribute clusters forward and backward in time according to trends established from the analysis jof the Medicine Crow pottery. Actually, the ethnohistoric identifi ‘ation of the four phases in the Middle Missouri region following ithe Middle Missouri phase places litte if any strain on credibility ‘There is a clear and detailed connection between each phase and its antecedent, and, as yet, no other complex has been isolated in ithe region which would complicate and obscure the evidence as it now stands. With all that is known regarding Arikara-Pawnee guistic affinities, migration traditions, and tribal locations at Ethe advent of the first Europeans, such’a conclusion might have arrived at with a minimum of archaeological investigation nce the archaeology of the region is in fact quite firm in all but the most minute details, there is litle basis for questioning @ jority of the ceramic assemblage of Component B lacks rim bracing, although it is identical to the later pottery in every other respect and grades into it typologically. The three components of the Medicine Crow site provide the intermediate steps required to link ‘Talking Crow B ceramics with those of the historic Arikara Medicine Crow A pottery is highest in frequency of rim bracing, and this component approaches Dodd A most closely in all traits including architecture, which is identical in both sites. Component, B of Medicine Crow is very similar to Component B of Talking: Crow in ceramic traits. However, the striking similarity seen in the Talking Crow ceramics, as well as those from Medicine Crow| B and G, is with Dunlevy’s Division I Lower Loup ceramics (Dus y and Bell, 1936) This has great implications, since it shows] that two complexes, Lower Loup and historic Arikara, quite dis-| similar at the historic horizon, show a greater affinity as one of them is extended into the past. Thus both Strong and Wedel are further substantiated in their initial identifications of Pawnee and] Arikara archaeological remains by projecting the known archaeo- logical data against tradition and history, which credits the Arikara with an origin on the Loup followed by rapid movement up the Missouri River, during which time the ceramic trait inventory of the Arikara diverged from that of the parent group, due to isolation The attribute analysis described in a later section of this study gives some insight into the mechanics of this change. Identification of prehistoric sites in South Dakota as Arikara rests largely on a further extension of the line of evidence outlined] above for the protohistoric period. The most spectacular prehistori site identified as Arikara is the Arzberger site (Strong, 1940; Spauld ing, 1956). Strong identified the site with the Arikara in 1940, notin also the particularly strong resemblances of the pottery to both| Upper Republican and Lower Loup ceramics (Strong, 1940, p, 382), Spaulding concurs in this identification, and, acknowledging he increasing similarity of Arikara pottery to that of the Lower ° ‘Loup phase as one follows it into earlier phases, coupled with fedel's identification of the Lower Loup phase material with the ee provides yet another buttress to both identifications. Final- By, even the antecedent Middle Missouri phase can better be linked another group, the Mandan, and it contrasts so sharply with Fthe Caddoan pattern in the region that there is no possibility of Feonfusion with this complex.24 srvtisnc CHANGE IN’ ARIKARA CERAMICS ARIKARA. CULTURE THsTORY KINSHIP CHANGE IN NORTHERN CADDOAN CULTURE gare “so improbable, on theoretical grounds and the evidence s, that they can be ignored in applying th mess specific indications of such a derivation are pre primacy ‘upon this point which the Schmitts challenge ck’s reconstruction, arguing that a consideration of a wider of relatives, including affinal kin, is needed to bring out the HL characteristics of the system” (p. 62). They also point out siwhen viewed in the light of kinship change as it is seen to To investigate change in the social structure of the Arikara, it is necessary to consider those reconstructions based on inferential evidence which have been formulated for earlier Pawnee by Mi dock (1949) and the Schmitts (nd.). Unfortunately, these tw studies arrive at conclusions which are diametrically opposed; con sequently, the problem must be reconsidered and a choice mad ‘of which interpretation to-use. Murdock classifies Pawnee social organization as Matri-Fox. 1 type is the matrilocal variety of Normal Fox, which is characteri by bilateral or patrilineal descent and asymmetricat cousin terms, In the case of the Pawnee, Crow rather than Omaha cousin term are employed, and descent is bilateral. This formulation is based on} Pawnee schedules collected in the nineteenth century or Iater, andj represents the Pawnee as they were following a considerable bility, ofan earlier Crowe type system for the Pawnee. degree of acculturation to Plains horse culture as well as a larg Sctunitts conclude that oa the basis of a consideration of amount of European influence. OF the 250 societies selected by Bip in all of the Caddoan groups, including Pawnee, Artkara, Murdock for study, only two, the Pawnee and the Siriono, have Es 4 Matri-Fax type of social organization. The Fox type in all of it Bt of Spochr’s study of kinship change as it oceuts in a series ss is rare, and Murdock correctly points out that it is Wisasters tibes (Spochr, 1947). He notes that the termine transitional type, encountered in cases of change in rule of descent. systems of these groups have changed in an orderly fashion Of Matri-Fox, he states that “this subtype embraces . . . transitions lows: from matrilineal to bilateral descent or vice versa” {p. 239). Of 1 Creeks, Choctaw, and Oklahoma Cherokee terminological systems the Pawnee in particular, he feels that they “were presumably ‘sl ehanged from thelr aboriginal forme, This change. has not beet once Matri-Hawaiian, having acquired Crow eowsin terms on the Fandom, but has had a definite direction, ‘The series of variant basis of their residence rule” (p, 234), ‘Thus Murdock views the Sdoles collecéd from the three tribes show that two distinet processes i. ‘ . “ Ne been operative. The first of these isa shift to a patrilineal emphasis Pawnee as representing, a change as follows: “Matri-Fox, from Mat ative, Tho Brat of ther is a sift wo a parineal emphasis tetas oumeal aera EegaL) p uex el ete ‘nd spparently a more recent one, is shift fom a lineage to the ancestral type, is a generational type, and the Hawaiian type} eration pattern in classifying the descendants of Father's Sister in general is encountered in a number of Plains tribes, including fther’s Brother. the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Kiowa Apache, Blackfoot, and Wid the fist process, the sverriding of generation was catried over all of whom Eggan (1985, p. 98) classifies as having a generational athe old systems; the second process was one of Sroing out gen. type of Kinship system {eros cousins as siblings. With the Creck and Cherokee, the ch css cousins as sibling Creek anc e change In @ discussion of the derivation of structural subtypes, Murdock eal iha(teceaaleriite hay ratee laaeree tetas ane (pp. 38425) treats Matri-Fox, the Pawnee type, as follows: under ed with the Mother's Sister, though interestingly enough, the Moth- possible and probable derivations, Matri-Fox can be derived from BF Brother was not classed with the Father's Brother, but retained his ‘Matri-Hawaiian, Matri-Eskimo, (Bi-Fox), (Normal Crow), (Neo-| Fox), (Matr-Yuman).” Of the types in parentheses he states that reconstruction will serve to point out the significant argu- ty which they employ to demonstrate the possibility, if not ive Uncle teem (Spock, 1947, p. 197). ESince all of the Caddoan tribes treated by the Schmitts probably a common origin, they look upon the differences observed26 STYLISTIC CHANGE §% AIUKARA CERAMICS, AMIKARA CULrURE jusToRY 2% orhzecr en the systems of these tribes as reflecting @ differential in eof change, although all change seems to be tending in the direction. This difference in tum can be accounted for by cee oat ference in individual ecological problems and differences in gree of both contact with European culture and acculturation fad pA aE ; 4g aa aia Be veour Cnddoan groups (Pigs 25) sl desonanne Ue 4d Fh 4A LR AR LR AR OR Feplcaon of Spaies hosed when of conga Fig. 2. Wichita kinship terminology. ites among them. The patrilineal emphasis characteristic of initial change can be seen in the series of fathers descend: om orl, oom i father's sister in both the Grand and Republican Pawnee eel eee . However, cousin terms in these systems are still of the and override generation boundaries, The Schmitts point oat Goeth elerl lad Gad at these schedules almost exactly duplicate Choctaw and Br schedules used by Spoehr to demonstrate this type of change. i 8. Grand Pawnee kinship terminology ‘long generational lines is seen to have been completely lished in the Wichita schedule, and is partly at work in eo wee, as evidenced by changes in terminology for the first pb ae generation and by discrepancies in reciprocal usage. comb ora on } Le father’s sisters son is termed father, and mother’s mother’s oy ’«'son, mother's brother, placing both in the proper gener T 1c 8 go Cha ba hd ith the parents, while mother's brother's son's san is called ry d, and father’s sister's daughter's son, brother, each case I ah Piloveriding of generation. The Arikara data indicate a more eee arr onal system than either set of Pawnee terms, although the is regrettably incomplete. While terms for cross cousins : ale ES ES nonreciprocily of terms between female ego and her oe sister, whom she calls mother ars’. her brother's children, ro. £ @ cally nephew and niece, constitutes an inconsistency wt das oe Teo hy Bthe Schmitts interpret as indicative of a recent change in the c | 4 o ch 4 a Ba fbr father’s sister to a generationally based name. One other from Pawnee to Arikara is noticeable, although not dis. Cr eee uae a Jby the Schmitts. This is the change in the term for an tive, father’s sister's spouse, which changes from grand- we dele fe both Payee schedules to father in the Artkara case, This PAlara kar ar aga ib (gon, 1955). He states that: “The working hypothe Fig, 5. Arkara kinship terminologyARIKARA CULTURE mIstORY 29 28 STYLISTIG CHANGE IN ARIARA CERAMICS pTesidence of the Pawnee to have been of recent origin, represent: Bing the change from a Normal to a Matri-Hawaiian system, with Cousin terms resulting from this residence pattern, the fnal being the Matti-Fox system observed. However, there seems be no clearcut reason why the Pawnee sequence of change not be reversed to interpret the Crow cousin terms as the last n of a former Crow system and attempt to find a basis for Tetention of a residence rule after the descent pattern has pi ansed. In fact, the Schmitts take issue with such precise ordering change, saying that “with changing cultures, it seems extremely peifcult to point to one feature and say that this changed first and fused thus and so further changes. Instead, one seems to have a pris of mutually interrslated changes, each one reinforcing the ther” (p. 60). though descent must have changed prior to change in both sin terms and residence, if the Pawnee were formerly of a Crow of organization, it might still be possible to reconcile such a uence of change with that postulated by Murdock. Any factor ig to identify women with the dwelling might tend to disrupt sequence. Although there is some confit in the scarce material BO° | information from early writers on the Ankara which sug. Bests that women were the chief participants in house constea, Boe. Following Gass’s description of the construction of an Arikara he states that, “This labor, like every other kind, is chiefly ferformed by the squaws” (Hosmer, 1904, p. 47), Tabean noted Bist, “The women work alone on these buildings, as at all other Bk" (Abel, 1999, p, 148). An additional factor is suggested by ck (1949, p. 205), who points out that those factors which exis proposed earlier that ‘tribes coming into the Plains with dif ferent backgrounds and social systems ended up with similar kinship systems’ ean be tentatively extended to Plains social struc- ture as a whole, despite the variations noted. That this is in large ‘measure an internal adjustment to the uncertain and changing conditions of Plains environment—ecological and social—rather than a result of borrowing and diffusion is still highly probable” 518.19 aise Arikara, along with Mandan, Hidatsa, Omahi and Oto, constitute the major groups of the so-called Plains village culture. As such, they contrast sharply with the typical hunting and horse-using tribes which surround them, The latter, since they were most subject to change in ther social systems, best exemplify Eggan's hypothesis. However, the village tribes were somewl txposed 0 those inienees which so_powerflly remoulded their vonhortsltaal aighbors and to dering degres, The Siu speaking village tribes were characterized by strong lineage or ganization, with patrilineal emphasis among the Omaba and Oto, and the matrilineage and Crow system typical of the Mandan and Hidatsa, If the Schmitts’ reconstruction is accepted, allowing the Pawnee and earlier Arikara an original Crow type system, then the entire village complex can be said to have had, at one time, systems Chr— his table of Plains types (Eggan, 1955, p. 93). Murdock (1949, p. 350) sug: gests a possible derivation of even the highly patrilineal Omaha| sytem from an earlier Crow tye antecedent, While oe could never stulate an earlier Crow type of organization for the Pawnee} Simply because of the high association of this type with vilgs Fiance the satus of women tend to encourage manna) ne in the Plains, such evidence does provide an additionalj “oe find of Sapecie indications which; whos combined ith Be Ges “epecilly «production and onnership of Scimte atom Tosontruatin of ‘eater Paomee and” gene Paincpal instrument thescofland. =.” as sach 5 ee ot nee are listed by Driver and Massey (1957, map 14) as having piticentered land tennre. Will states that among the Arikars women were the owners and tenders of the garden and at, to the planting, cultivating and harvest” (Will, 1934, p. 6) Ethe case of the Pawnee, there is no doubt that hunting was al. of considerable importance (Lowie, 1955, pp. 73-74), and introduction of the horse undoubtedly placed even greater is on this aspect of the subsistence pattern, but apparently 4 degree sufficient to disrupt completely the largely matri Caddoan Kinship, increases the likelihood of such a system having in fact been employed by them. ; Murdock’s developmental reconstruction of Pawnee kinship rest largely upon his postulated order of change in various aspects of teil srvtse,Reridene, he tates, surly the fst to ci followed by rule of descent, with terms for cross cousins being the most conservative feature. The Pawnee, as they were kn in the nineteenth century, had matrilocal residence, bilateral de scent, and Crow cousin terms. Murdock assumes the matrilo i i i i ! { i30 STYLISTIC CHANGE IN AMIKARA CERAMICS ARIKARA CULTURE MsroRyY 31 centered traits selected by Driver and Massey (1957, p. 432) as characteristic of perfectly integrated matricentered societies. Crow cousin terms are interpreted by Radcliffe-Brown (1952) as demonstrative of his principle of unity of the lineage. If ond were to view the Crow terminology of the Pawnee in this ligh considering the generation-overriding aspect of these terms as rosult of the way in which Ego relates to other lineages connect to his own through different relationships, it seems difficult to seq how this explanation could be valid if lineages were not present or had not been present at some time in the not too distant past Viewed in this fashion, an additional basis for postulating an eatlie Crow type organization for the Pawnee is provided. When all the above arguments are considered, one thing seems to emerg4 quite clearly. This is the large number of “specific indications” 0 & type of social organization for the Pawnee different from the typ4 reconstructed by Murdock. The rarity of the Matri-Fox type pr vides further difficulties. If the type were more common, a greatel amount of comparative study could be brought to bear on th problem, and perhaps a further clarification could be achieved through this method alone. It is worthy of note that the Siriono ‘who are also classified as Matri-Fox, may represent the remnants an carlier horticultural society which might also have had so type of lineage organization. In moving north, away from their Pawnee brethren, the Ar became involved in a series of events and circumstances whicl contributed in dramatic fashion to the almost total disintegration a their culture during the comparatively brief span of two centurie These factors will now be considered as they relate to changes ii internal social organization, which must have undergone a va transformation izt order to adapt to rapidly changing circumstance The Arikara were forced to shift their villages much more. quently due to the peculiarities of the environment. Tabeau, writing in 1804, noted that: ‘The Missouri, at least ftom the River Platte almost up to the Avtar cannot be suitable for a large settlement, and that lack of wood. slo would be more and more an insuperable obstacle, ‘The soil would nq be quite as unproductive on the wooded points as on some of the island and the Rikaras, who cultivated both, reap there a considerable am of maize and other crops as a result of their planting. Tt is true th they cultivate only: new lands, being forced to change their habitat often for want of wood which they exhaust in five or six years. TH dance, alo tiles of the soi, ate sore constant in their homes Because the timber begins to increase in their tersitcy and larger points BS far better supplied with woes (Abel, 1989, p69.) we PO djustment ta more mobile life is manifested in social organi- by a shift to kinship systems of the generation type, which (1955, p. 93) characterizes as more “mobile and amorphous” which are seen in their most advanced form in the tribes which ‘f the classic Plains horse and gun culture. ‘Thus the ob- cl shift to a generationally oriented system suggested by the schedule can be interpreted as partially due to the more ettled pattern of Arikara life which contrasts sharply with the hly sedentary way of life of their village neighbors both to the and to the south. pointed out by the Schmitts, in connection with Pawnee de ation a century later, a sharp decline in population is almost n to result in a change in the residence pattern away from the local ideal (p. 60). During the eighteenth century, the Arikara ent a striking population decline, apparently the result of troduction of smallpox. Trudeau, in 1795, wrote: “In ancient , the Rikara nation was very large; it counted thirty.two popu- ps villages, now depopulated and almost destroyed by the sinal which broke out among them three different times. A few mnilies only, from each of the villages, escaped, these united Bd formed the villages now here, which are situated about a half Frmile apart, upon the same land occupied by their ancestors.” Pi Tabeau, who lived with the Arikara from 1803 to 1805, mentions villages, but is substantially in agreement: “Of the eighteen large villages, situated upon the Missouri at some distance each other, the Ricaras are reduced to three very mediocre Pies, the smallest of which is a league from the other two. They fomprise in all about five hundred men bearing arms. Some hostile ut, in particular, the smallpox unexpectedly made this le ravage among them’ (Abel, 1939). Trudeau also cites popu: : “This nation formerly so numerous, and which, accord- to their reports, could turn out four thousand warriors, is now cs on to about five hundred fighting men, ..” (Beauregard, 1912, There can be little doubt that such a rapid population decline duced some changes in the later residence pattem among the kara, Archaeological evidence supports this in rather striking82 STYLISTIC GHANGE IN ARKKANA cenanercs AMIKARA CULTURE HISTORY 33 Howe Diameter in Feet pe Ae PRT ET pincy b fo Utis trade involved considerable travel at times: “The Ricaras, be [fore this year (1804) carried to the foot of the Black Hills | and maize. They accompanied the Chayennes and found, at tho ‘meeting place, cight other friendly nations..." (p. 154), Thee {Giendly groups included the Kiowa, Kiowa Apache, Comencha oo Philips Ranch (Lehmer, 1954) 1800 —a Dodd A (Lehner, 1954) — — — Spotted Bear (Hirt, 1954) Medicine Crow A Medicine Crow B — ; Arapaho, However, the most i Tie Cow 8 — 00 FI kang fos heeestmperent asec ofthis tate we the Lower Loup (Dunleyy a Bel, 1938) — oe al at es The horse is the most important article La Roche Melee. 1948), Meyer (Hoard, 1949] —«_ ent; but, according te catas: Most frequently it given as a pres- ‘Araberger (Spalding 1956) — 1500 § but, according to their manner, that is to say, is recalled swhey tthe tender in exchange de e. Visciticcabscatiseatovi tena ender in 'ge does not please. This is an understood re. Bd ‘0 ‘50 This present is ordinarily paid with a gun, a hendy ges of powder and balls, a knife and other trifles” j,_The Arikara also traded tobacco for certain items of clothing ae from these groups. From the above accounts, it can be seen tat the Avikara were middle men in the exchange of horses sed pours an ‘exchange which played a highly important part in the parcopment of historic Plains culture, As Ewers has pointed ont F{1955, p. 13), the Arikara, with the Mandan and fi pet at the junction of the southward-moving gun frontier sed He Rorthward-moving horse frontier, a position which was nace tategie from the point of view of trading. As deseribed in Tabeners nrmal (Abel, 1999, p. 121, 151) the Arikara also traded heres, to the Yankton, in exchange for commodities which they wkd Hot get otherwise or would not avail themselves to: “This tion (the Arikara), always destitute through its inertia and ite B08 buys from the Sioux even bows and arrows, although it ge uTounded by woods suitable for supplying them. Tt hastens iy to a ruinous commerce without one being able to make it Herstand that it deprives itself of permanent and assured object JZubsstance for precarious ones, which it could self prone ‘uch or litle exertion” (p. 131) last statement of Tabeau'’s reflects his dislike and scom Fig. 6, Reduction in house diameter. fashion. An examination of site reports dealing with Arikara sites of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries shows a general trend. toward reduction of house size from the earliest to the latest sites (ig. 6). This reduction is particularly noticeable when the mini- mum size of house is considered for each site. The data for Talking Crow B is taken from measurements made from a scale map of, the site in lie of a full report, and as such is not quite as accurate, as the other dimensions given in the chart, This reduetion in house size strongly suggests some change in the size of the residence] group, or pethaps even a change in its basic constitution. On the other hand, it might be interpreted as indicative of the growing scarcity of building materials and have no social significance; bat, considered in the light of what is known regarding Arikara de population during the period represented by the sites, the former interpretation seems most likely to be correct. A third factor which would tend to disrupt Arikara society and cause a change in residence and descent rules is that of imerea participation in trading, carried on entirely by the men. A series (f quotations from Tabeau (Abel, 1939) is particularly enlightening in this connection: “The commodities of the Ricarasatact eno all the year a Targe crowd of Sioux from whom the Ricaras hav om i to endure much ‘without deriving any real benefit, Jt is not so witlf seer was the basis of Arikara economy by the end of the Chayennes and many other wandering nations, whom they sup Bicenth century.. Murdock’ listing of factors which encour ply with maize, tobacco, beans, pumpkins, etc. These people vis Patsilocal residence is pertinent in connection ‘with Arikars sand the advantage of the trade is almost equal Ee wets particularly in horses and guns. As he points ont, Property or wealth, which can be accumulated by men E.sttong factor in the development of patrlocal resdenee, Sich, : :a AWUKARA CULTURE misrory 35, © CHANGE IN ARIKARA CERAMICS which I have already explained. They are, in the fullest sense, slaves; for, being bought, they become property that the husband an lend, give away, and sell when it pleases him. A Ricara lost at sy the enjymont of his wife for some days and he ly tanqily Fa ee asset ieee aoa Cacice el mee Te 1 foot of the bed, while the young man who had won received, Changes te atl forthe Ararat the accounts of Ue BS, hows crest (Abel 150,12) traders who spent a considerable amount of time living with th {his passage also sheds light on the general status of women at Lewis and Clark found them to be well equipped with guns j gr time. While scrorsl polygyny can and frequently does occur Ta ete ele clases Cee as oa all th residence rules other ®t matrilcal, as Murdock points out but they are well armed with fusils...” (Allen, 1902, p. 158). oe te aa eae eee Bradbury takes note of their wealth in boeses in 1841, “The oi Batrilocal residence, for quite obvious reasons. Murdock also cites part of their riches consists in horses, many of which are obtaing from the nations southwest of them, as the Chayennes, Pone Panies, ete, who make predatory excarsions into Mexico, and st horses from the Spaniards” (‘Thwaites, 1904, vol. 5, p. 176) ‘Washington Irving also describes the great number of horses sea around the Arikara villages in 18]1: “The great number of hors gazing around the village and scattered over the neighboring hil and valleys, bespoke the equestrian habits of the Arikaras, wi are admirable horsemen. Indeed, in the number of his hors consists the wealth of an Indian of the prairies. ..” (living, 1894 p. 388) ‘wealth has as its accompaniment an increase in the social staturd of the men at the expense of that of the women, the introductiog of nonsororal polygyny and the disappearance of matrilocal real dence, through the institution of bride-price, and a trend to pate ocal residence. There is a single reference to slaves among ‘Arikara by Brackenridge: “The slaves of whom there is @ much er number than I had supposed. . .” (Thwaites, 1904, vol. 6, #128). Warfare was constant between the Arikara and Dakota ing most of the eighteenth century. ‘All of the above accounts show clearly that the influence at work the Arikara were sufficiently numerous and diverse to effect ‘marked change in their social organization, By 1800 it had di- cl greatly from the earlier type, which was similar to that of Pawnee contemporaries who, in remaining on the Platte and (While sororalpalygyny was practiced by the Arikara (Tabedglms tutus, ere subject to far les stress during the same period rakes explicit reference to this: Abel, 1999, pp. 181-82), there filmmmet time tito some evance inthe ely secon forte nono fourth pressure placed upon these people, mentional bly Soe ee a dee eeoee RaMMEEebove, was that of a protracted conflict with the Dakota to the east i ce ee ‘west. Every account by those present at the time makes lengthy Fecence to this warfare. In moving north along the Missouri River, ‘Arkara occupied an area between the Yankton and ‘Teton bands, , being actively engaged in trading with both groups, became ectly involved in combat with them as well. Tabeau speaks of ‘Arikara a8 “dupes” of the Sioux, who took uafair advantage of x a5 often as the opportunity allowed. Archaeological evidence the elfect of this warfare is quite clear. Village sites of the kara, occupied during the fist half of the eighteenth century Stanley phase), are rather loosely dispersed groups of houses, with ce of defensive structures. Sites from late in the Murdock cites as instrumental in effecting such a change. Bracke ridge wrote, “Poligamy is general; they often have four or f wives. Their courtship and marriage resemble that of most of t Indian nations; if the parties are mutually agreeable to each otha there is a consultation of the familys if this be also favorable, father of the girl, or whoever gives her in marriage, makes a retu for the present he had received from the lover—the match is the concluded” (Thwaites, 1904, vol. 6, 121). Obviously, four or five wives would be unusual under an exch sive rule of sororal polygyny, since families with five daughte would be very rare. Tabeau also states specifically that wives an, trade material (Snake Butte phase), invariably show a tighten- and the Ricaras that it would be astonishing if the husbands wa ete sraa eat ‘ i the husband ‘ap of the village plan, and palisades and defensive moats. This fastidious about their conduet from any other motive than36 STYLISTIC CHANGE IN ARIEARA CERAMICS ARIKARA CULTURE susrorY 37 is the type of village described by the first Europeans in the area. It is also significant that these fortified sites are all located north of the Bad River. The military emphasis which was so prevalent among most of the hunting tribes of the Plains in-historic times had, as one of its features, agegraded men's societies. ‘There is considerable com fusion regarding the presence of such societies among the Artkara According to Lewis and Clark, and Brackenridge, such societies did exist; these writers even give @ roster of them, and state explicitly that membership was determined by age. Later inform- ants flatly refute such statements. Lowie, in discussing the problem, feels that it is probably impossible to determine which was acti ally the case, but inclines to the view that: “Such features of an age-grade series as are.recorded by Brackenridge and Clark were borrowed from the Mandan and Hidatsa, probably by only a por tion of the entire tribe, about the end of the eighteenth century, and thus failed to affect the older Arikara conception of the societies as coordinate units” (Lowie, 1915, p. 655). There seems to be little doubt that some of the Arikara men’s societies ‘were or ized along lines which placed some emphasis on age, and even if? : this pattem were only partially borrowed, it indicates the presence of a predisposition of the culture to utilize an organization of this! type. Age grading emphasizes the generational aspects of society, and as such, reflects in this case the degree of generational emphasis which existed among the Arikara at the time. By contrast, the Pawnee had no such basis for organizing their male societies. ‘Another feature of nonvillage Plains culture which the Arikara not only possessed but passed on to the Skidi Pawnee was the Sun Dance (Murie, 1914). While the Pawnee belief that the “Arikara were the tribe which introduced this dance to the Plains is not substantiated, their transmitting it to the Skidi indicates 4 priority of possession, As such, it constitutes one more trait, nor- mally typical of Plains horse culture, with a suggestion of some time depth among the Arikara. Thus the impression which one gets of the Arikara during the cighteenth century is one of a people who, because of radicad changes in their way of life, must adapt to these changes as rapidly as possible. The social system must be made more flexible, due to 1 mobility brought about through the necessity to adapt to anew environment. Such a change requires a shift of emphasis to the enerational aspects of kinship. Residence is influenced by a rapid Bepulation decline, as well as the constantly increasing stature “of the men, due to trading and the accumulation of wealth which ‘accompanies it. Thus there is little question that there was in fact ‘a change in social organization, characterized above all by the de- p struction of the earlier matricentered integration so typical of the Prehistoric village culture of the Arikara as well as the Pawneo. ‘The Pawnee. also underwent similar changes, for similar reasons, “But not until a century later. As such, protohistoric Pawnee archae- ‘ological material provides this study with an excellent controlStylistic Change in Late Arikara Ceramics ‘The rim sherd sample employed in this analysis was obtained from excavations at the Medicine Crow site (39 BF 2), a three-compo- nent site located 4 miles west of Fort Thompson, $.D., on tha east bank of the Missouri River (Map 1). In addition to this mate- rial, a surface collection from a second site in Nebraska was used! 4 a control. The Medicine Crow site is located on the second terrace of the Missouri River and occupies an area approximately one quarter of a mile square (Fig, 7). The site must have been a favor able one for settlement since very early time; the earliest compo- nent is @ preceramie occupation showing affinities with both the Old Copper culture and the Frontier complex (William Irving, personal communication). The later occupations, by Plains village. peoples, fall within the period of European contact and can be clearly separated into three distinct components. Work was carried out at this site during the summers of 1957 and 1958 as a part of the Missourl Basin project of salvage archaeology in the Big Bend Reservoir. ‘The protohistorie components are represented in two distinct, spatially separate areas of the site. Area A contains a preponderance ‘of Component A and Component B features, with the A occupa: tion being the latest. Area C is assignable in its entirety to Com- 38 STYLISTIC CHANGE IN LATE ARIKARA CERAMICS 39 J. Aerial view of Medicine Crow site, looking east. Large ceremonial ‘and sweat house in left background foreground stiuctures are area A pestic lodges. Deep pits in right foreground are area B excavations into pre ‘components, Area C is off photograph to right (Figs. 7, 8, and 9 are ‘the River Basin Surveys, courtesy ofthe Smithsonian Institution) ent C, the earliest of the three occupations. Area B, containing lusively preceramic remains, is of no concern to the present blem. Tentative dates for the three late components are as ws A. 1750-80 B 1720-80 © 1690-1720 {These dates represent an arbitrary segmentation of a period of ately 100 years in duration, the upper and lower limits of ich have been determined through the use of certain historical Since the assemblage of all three components contain Euro n trade material in the form of ton, sheet brass, and gun parts R terminus post quem must postdate the introduction of such Bpaterial into the area. The date for the intial appearance of Euro material in any quantity is generally assumed to have been Gi the vicinity of 1700 (Lehmer, 1954, p. 136). Thus a date of 100 is assigned, with » 10-year allowance as a margin af error40 srvisevic CHANGE INV ARIKARA CERAMICS 1780 is used as a ferminus ante quem, since no Arikara were ob: served anywhere in the area by those explorers and traders whose journals are available for stedy. Lewis and Clark are most explicit in locating the Arikara; their journals place them far north of the. Big Bend area by 1804 (see above, p. 6). A map reprinted from Perrin du Lac’s Voyage dans les deux Louisianes (Paris, 1805) and bearing ® date of 1802 (Beauregard, 1912, p. 18), indicates an “ancien village de Ricaras” at the mouth of the Cheyenne River, No group designated as Arikara appears anywhere downstream from this locality. In any case, since the Cheyenne River is approximately 120 river miles above Medicine Crow, 1780 is a conservative estimate for the date of the final oc- cupation at this site. Three separate occupations of the same site during a single century by the same tribe, if not the same village group, implies a rather unsettled existence for the Arikara during the eighteenth century. ‘The 30-year segments assigned to each component are completely arbitrary. In all probability, each com ponent falls within one of these segments, but the three components combined do not represent a continuous occupation. That the Arikara were indeed quite mobile at this time is suggested by both historical and archacalagical evidence. The rather powerful ecolog cal factor of Iimitations in the supply of wood for building was involved in the shifting of villages by the Arikara (see above, pp. 30-31). Archaeological sites identified with this group in the area be tween the Platte and Grand Rivers tend to support Tabeau’s obser: vation. These sites are characterized by thin sheet refuse, with true midden accumulation being almost nonexistent. Both Pawnee sites to the south and Mandan sites to the north of the main area of ‘Arikara occupation frequently have trash heaps of considerable A chronology of the type established for the Medicine Crow site, with three sequent components crowded into the span of a century ot less, requires a rather strict stratigraphic contsok in order to segregate properly specimen lots according to component. For- tunately, the very nature of the features excavated makes such control possible. Components A and B are distinguished on the! basis of differences in house type, with three cases of structura¥ superposition providing the proper chronological order. Component C features, for the most part spatially separate from the Compo- nent A and Component B remains, are placed within the sequence STYLISTIC CHANGE IN LATE ARIKARA CERAMICS 41 8, Typical A Component house oor, Diameter 30 feet. Note mortar pit ide door and immediately to right, Burial in left feground presumably dates house onstruction. of stratigraphic | Rim bracing, an attribute which becomes increasingly popu: through time in later Arikara ceramics, is present in the Com: Ponent. C sample to an insignificant desree (58 per cent), but is tively common in both Components A and B (A 220 per cent, 15.1 per cent) &; The houses of all three components are circular earth lodges, with -9), The houses of Components A and B differ in a number of as follows: Component A B Number excavated 5 Diameter 95-40 feet Mortar pit absent Cache pits absent present Floor hard, prepared soft, little or no preparation42 STYLISTIC CHANGE IN ARIKARA. CERAMICS Fig. 9. Smaller A Component house gor excavated into earlier B Compone house flor. A Component house has mortar inside entrance, ao cache pits i floor. B Component floor shows mowths of theee Intramural cache pits lower A floor was much harder and of a lighter color than the upper, cari B house floor In each of the three cases of structural superimposition, the smaller A Component house was the last to have been occupied. The foundation pits of the A Component houses had been eut into the fill of the earlier structures, obliterating portions of the latter. Cases of A Component house walls cutting earlier B Component house| intramural cache pits, and of A Component house posts set into the fil of B Component house cache pits provide the evidence necessary to ascertain the proper sequence of occupation. Component C is represented in area C by a series of large extra mural cache pits which were structurally quite distinct from all but cone of those which were encountered in Area A. These pits pro: vided a large (ca. 700) rim sherd sample, which constituted the majority of the C Component material used in this analysis. In’ area A, four features were encountered which predate Component STYLISTIC CHANGE IN LATE ARIKARA CenaMics 43. tures. These features, two large extramural cache pits and B lodges, can be assigned to Component C on the basis of the fery recovered from them, which compares favorably with that area C. Only one of the houses was well enough preserved to ‘measurements possible. This house had a diameter of 52 ‘The second lodge had been largely obliterated in its peripheral 8 by the subsequent construction of two later houses, repre- of the later components. The &ill of this house was Bemely rich and compact refuse, which apparently resulted from filling of the abandoned house depression by the occupants of lodge could have had a diameter in excess of 50 feet. addition to the eleven domestie structures in area A, a series nur specialized lodges was excavated. These include a typical nial lodge, 50 feet in diameter, a sweat lodge, and two other es of indeterminate function. These houses were grouped in ‘Hanking a trash-free plaza in the approximate center of area I four of these features are assigned to Component A on the of their prepared floors, a very high incidence of rim bracing herds recovered from them, and the occurrence of a B Cont- Pent lodge stratified beneath the sweat lodge. ‘addition to the structural features, a series of test trenches excavated in area A. The sherds from these excavations have somewhat arbitrarily divided into lots representing Compo- Bis A and B by dividing the total depth of sheet refuse at the ‘of a given trench into halves and designating the lots is well as the Fall component assignments of the shed lots from all other res, a series of 206 projectile points, the total sample of this ict type from the site, was measured and plotted in histogram Examination of these data reveals a marked trimodality in tribution of these points by length. des of identical characteristics, perhaps indicative of various al specializations, in each of the three components. ‘This46 stvLismIG CHANGE IN AnIKANA CERAMICS STYLISTIC CHANGE IN LATE ARIKARA cenantios 47 exclusive in any class were chosen for coding; this resulted in t omission of all continuous variables such as thickness, hardn height, or color. Furthermore, only attributes here designated IM: Shoulder-Neck Angle angular curved stylistic were chosen, For the present study, a stylistic attribug IV: Lip Profile (Fig. 18) will be defined as one which results from a choice on the part ‘square the manufacturer from a number of possibilities, made to produg p> pointed a certain effect on the finished vessel. Certain attributes, particul E caine those which comprise the surface finish class, are rather closely FS. cambered lated to and partially contingent upon the method of manufact T while others, such as cord-impressed decoration or chevron motifg Lo are clearly a matter of a free choice, made according to some acsthel thickened tenet, However, itis felt that the majority of the attributes selec B. beveled relate to an artistic style and are not merely byproducts of ti purely technological aspects of pottery manufacture. It may that a certain small amount of intergrading can be observed in s of the attributes used in the code. However, these have not treated as continuous variables and do no violence to the cod] as a whole. For example, two attributes of the Lip Profile cl flot fillet and brace, are at times very similar in appearance. Ho ever, closer inspection and a consideration of the manner in whiq the attribute was achieved resolved all conflict in all but a ved few cases. This code was devised by inspection of each sherd in the c bined sample. This inspection was an integral part of the codi so that the code was formulated during the actual process of sheq description for the purpose of card punching. When comple the code consisted of nineteen classes of attributes, in which class contained from two to eighteen traits. Seventeen of the classes were purely descriptive, with two others representing tf component assignment of the sherd. “The code in its final form is as follows: ccambered brace verted pinched ridge | inside bevel folded |. inverted ip Decoration Technique cord-impressed . took impressed, trailed . punctate cord-wrapped stick ‘9. finger-impressed sx Vi: Lip Design Elements Ewelve basic designs, illustrated in Fig, 21 Vil: Collar Design Technique ccord-impressed tool-impressed trailed Chass I: Surface Finish plain brushed simple stamped cord-roughened over-stamp brushed horizontal brushed, polished polished Class I: Profile Eighteen profiles, ilustrated in Fig. 15 Singer-Impressed ‘Vi: Collar Design Elements Fea baste designs, illustrated in Fig. 21 Ss IX: Neck Decoration Technique 1. cord-impressed 2 toolimpressed48 STYLISTIC CHANGE IN ARIKARA CERAMICS 3, trailed 4, punctate 5, plain 8. ridged 7. incised Clase X: Neck Design Elements ight basie designs, ilustrated in Fig. 21 Class XI: Location of Decoration 1. lip only. 2. neck only 3. neck and lip 4 inside of lip 5. lip and lip inside 6. ip, ip inside, and neck 7 8 9 lip’ and collar collar lip, lip inside, and coflar 10. undecorated LL. collar and neck 12, lip, lip inside, collar, and neck 3S, collar and lip incide 14. collar, lip, and neck Class XI: Appendages strap handle, welded, on lip strap handle, welded, on neck Strap handle, iveted, on lip Strap handle, riveted, on neck Toop handle tabs strap handle, on lip, attachment unknown strap handle, on neck, attachment unknown isolated handle, welded 10 teolated handle, riveted 11. isolated handle) no attachment known 12. nodes 13, punched nodes Class XIII: Handle Decoration Technique cordhimpressed tookimpressed trailed punctate finger-Impressed modeled STYLISTIC CHANGE IN LATE ARIKARA cERAnmICS 49 E-Class XIV: Handle Design Elements Seventeen basic designs, Mlustyated im Fig, 23. {Class XV: Angle of Rim to Body FF 1. inslant 2 outslant 3. vertical Cass XVI: Component ‘This class not pertinent to the present study XVII: Inside Lip Decoration Techniqne Tdentical to Class. XIIL XVIII: Inside Lip Decoration Elements ‘Tdentical to Chass VE FClass XIX: Alternate Component ES This clas not pertinent ta the present study sherd did not receive a punch for that class. Depending upon Biicir condition and size, individual sherds exhibited from two to Bifteen recognizable attributes. Most sherds in the sample, how- ; possessed from ten to twelve attributes. In addition to the bute code, the card for each specimen received a punch desig its precise find spot on the site, This iavalved an additional consisting of 182 individual locations which, while not in- d in the program for machine analysis, have a great value in resolving of smaller scale problems through the use of a small sorter. To cite an example which will demonstrate the utility last Jurge class, it is possible to determine in a very short precisely how many cord-impressed rim sherds occur in all A cache pits. The same determination can be accomplished ny group of attributes in any of the 182 find spots represented fhe site. The major season for omaitting this class from the ma- point far in excess of the value of the data obtained. in the pottery was coded, an effort was made to combine sherds from a single vessel, and treat such groups as a single ‘Thus, with few exceptions, each card is not only represent of '& sim sherd, but of a whole vessel as well. As a result, this is is based on rim sherds representing over 2,000 vessels. cards, when completed, were then processed by an IBM spater, which produced an output consisting of ane con- fable, one column percentagegram and one row percent: for each class with every other class of attributes in the (Fig. 11).| 50 STYLISTIC CHANGE IN ATIKARA CERAMICS STYLISTIC CHANGE IN LATE ARIKARA cenanucs SL A. Covmanxes 10: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 = 1% us Bk Te 5 2 Ms 0 WR 0 1 0 1 6 I 3 6 wm 4 RO A Le 4 0 0 0 0 6 0 0 0 0 Oo 5 6 4 1 % 0 Bw 1 6 5 m J o= ; i 6 1 ® @ wo 9 0 oO 1 B 3 > to so 100 7 4 10 0 6 0 0 Oo 0 8 See PERCENT a 12, Ideal graphs. a. Under conditions of complete eseclation between tribute pai; b. Under completely random conditions of association 1B. Conus Pencextacponaat ‘occurring in each percentage class, in 1 pet cent increments, 1 2 38 4 5 6 7 8 8 : Be eulliens Its obtained would be suificiently clear to demonstrate difer- 0.580 0382 0375 0.265 0.000 0819 0.167 0.500 0.202 0: ees in the degree of attribute patterning between the three com- 2 0212 0.150 0000 0.189 0.000 0.182 0.000 0.250 0250 01 a taat Gis eee on Hess aaa 8 bon O24 O50 218 0000 Osis ose? 0990 O2m 0 nents, This was base on the assumption that as association of 4 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.g fributes becomes more random through tim 5 0001 0.152 0.125 ATT 99H GAEL OOT 0.000 0208 Ut ve components should show @ marked tendency toward uni- & 0.015 0.132 0.000 0.130 0.000 d.oei 0.000 0.000 oos2 ot ality. Two hypothetical cases will clarify this statement. If Gc Gis nal) ono oon net) 0 ooce) andy 1ny Ruare lips were scattered against ten lip designs with complete 4.000 1.000 1,000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.09 ociation, peaks would occur at the 0 and 100 per cent points as jwn in Fig, 12a. The reasons for the single case of 100 per cent ©. Row Pencesraauonax ciation are obvious. The second peak at 0 per cent would occur 1 2 8 4 5 6 7 8 9 face if square lips were exclusively associated with only one design, 10.158 0.509 0014 0.135 0.000 0.40 0.005 0.009 0321.09 would not occur with any of the remaining nine, giving nine 2 0.181 0495 6.000.016 0.600 0140 0.000 0.600 0.058104 Blses of 0 per cent association, and one case of 100 per cent. Wit 3 Gsak 9512 0025 0.75 0.000 0.191 0.025 0.006 0.051 1.04 Jetely random association under the same circumstances, the ecm ee en ‘would be single, and occur at the 10 per cent point as shown 5 0006 0195 0.011 0.220 0.000 0.188 0.011 0.000 0.0550 ear aaeae ips eae eae 6 O14 0.616 0.000 0.228 0.600 0.123 0.000 0.000 O18 LO Bic 2b, Ten percent could resent saat ips occuring ones 7 800 0200 0.000 0.000 6.000 0.000 9.000 0.000 0.000 1.04 h each of the ten designs, or ten P 2 10 pe tion. Finally, if the degree of association were intermediate jeen the theoretical extremes, the curve would be bimodal to ‘extent of the degree of association, with the peaks occurring to the outer limits in direct proportion to the amount of associ- resent in the sample, Sing this astumption aa suggestion of what might be expected, Borst step in treating the data is the plotting, in histogram form, Bal attributes which are present in quantities over ten in the sam. using numbers of cases as one coordinate, amd a percentage Fale (1-100 per cent) as the other. Thus, if cord-impressed dec- Fration is associated with simple stamped surface finish ia B Com- 0.100 0.515 0.012 0.171 0.000 0.150 0.009 0.006 0.036 1.04 Fig. 11, Typical computer output; Class I (surface finish) and Class V (i decoration technique). Class V horizontal and Class I vertical ‘To assess the significance of the output obtained from the com pputer, stating the degree of association of the attributes in the sevem teen stylistic classes which constitute the descriptive code, sever aspects of these data must be considered. It was fel that if a d tribution curve were constructed to show the number of attribySTYLISTIC CHANGE IN LATE ARIKARA CERAMICS 53 52 STYLISTIG CHANGE IN” ARIKARA CERAMICS : Ftributes with which others would be regularly associated deter: Fees peer eett of te time, one case is placed on the graph snes the actual percentage of association, with a greater number the 23 per cent point. The results of this initial effort, while noi Fsulting in a lower percentage, Thus, if a given attribute occurs beyond question, are nonetheless suggestive (Fig. 13a, b). Although] with two others, the resultant association will be 50 per ce ‘manner of clustering suggests some differences which are in accord} Y it w ; 5 to 25 per cent (one-quarter with each). However, if associ with expected rests. The curve for the latest component (A) iMag Cc Car Get (one-duarter Wi ch). Treen Somewhat smoother, while the carlst component produces allan the total mantle is considered. ‘Thevelare the significance of curve which is characterized by a series of peaks. These peaks are @ over-all curves for Components A and C lies in the fact that due to a recurring association of certain attributes at a relatively lier in time, there are certain attributes which are found associ constant percentage, and thus indicate a greater degree of cluster: ited a given degree with certain others more often than later, ing. Since very few of the attributes considered in this study are P Hlowever, the data plotted in Figs. 19a and b are by no means exclusive in their association, one might expect them to ape elusive as a positive demonstration of a reduction in association regularly with certain oferattibutes, The number of such etfilmencese 352 postive demonstration of@ reduction in asciaton >—260 ——240 240 220 220 200 200 ee OF oO 5 5 a x 1 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 98% ye ee Fig. 18. a, Component A, all cases; b, component C, all cases