CHAPTER TWO

MYTHS IN AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGION

2.1 TYPES OF MYTHS

The different types of myths that exist can be classified into different categories, this includes

classifications based on religion, location, time etc. In this study, types of myths will be looked at

as aetiological, ritual and eschatology.

2.1.1 AETIOLOGICAL MYTH

Aetiological myths (sometimes spelled etiological) are those myths that explain origins and

causes. Creation myths are etiological, explaining how the universe or the world or life in the

world came into being. Etiological myth does not have to situate itself at the beginning of all

things, it can account for the creation of a new entity or activity within the established order of

creation, just as much as for the creation of an ordered world out of primal chaos. The word

aetiological is from the Greek word aetion  meaning “reason” or “explanation”. The reasons

given in an aetiological myth are not usually scientifically related, but they give explanations that

have meaning for us as human beings.

Aetiological myths mostly deal with gods, monsters or heroes who in some distant past

performed a certain deed, the result of which has shaped a particular aspect of the world and/or

its inhabitants as we see them today. Somehow, these otherworldly characters left a mark or a

sign that can still be recognized at later times, providing the link that enables the “process of

binding the volatile present to the traditionally and divinely sanctioned regularity of the
past”. This mark can manifest itself in the sphere of mankind, offering an otherworldly origin to

customs, cults, rituals, institutions, and so on. Alternatively, the original event manifests itself as

a more palpable sign or mark, usually in the landscape: caves, mountains, rivers, cliffs, groves,

etc.

Generally speaking, aetiology is firmly wedded to origin myths, traditional stories that typically

tell us of the three stages of creation: theogony, cosmogony and anthropogony. These tales of

birth, creation and epiphany are especially suited to aetiology because they are situated in a time

that is ancient enough to ‘fit the requirement’ of being categorically different, and because they

present the crucial moment of ‘generation’ – the primal burst that defines the nature of whatever

it is that is created, and at the same time provides the ‘knob’ to which aetiological tales could be

attached. Some mythologists would even go so far as to claim that the only ‘real’ myths are

creation myths. 

An example of an aetiological myth is the one believed by the Yoruba tribe of West Africa about

how they were created. In the beginning, there was only the sky above, water and marshland

below. The chief god Olorun ruled the sky, and the goddess Olokun ruled what was below.

Obatala, another god, reflected upon this situation, then went to Olorun for permission to create

dry land for all kinds of living creatures to inhabit. He was given permission, so he sought advice

from Orunmila, oldest son of Olorun and the god of prophecy. He was told he would need a gold

chain long enough to reach below, a snail's shell filled with sand, a white hen, a black cat, and a

palm nut, all of which he was to carry in a bag. All the gods contributed what gold they had, and

Orunmila supplied the articles for the bag. When all was ready, Obatala hung the chain from a

corner of the sky, placed the bag over his shoulder, and started the downward climb.
When he reached the end of the chain he saw he still had some distance to go. From above, he

heard Orunmila instruct him to pour the sand from the snail's shell, and also immediately release

the white hen. He did as he was told, whereupon the hen landing on the sand began scratching

and scattering it about. Wherever the sand landed it formed dry land, the bigger piles becoming

hills and the smaller piles valleys. Obatala jumped to a hill and named the place Ife. The dry land

now extended as far as he could see. He dug a hole, planted the palm nut, and saw it grow to

maturity in a flash. The mature palm tree dropped more palm nuts on the ground, each of which

grew immediately to maturity and repeated the process. Obatala settled down with the cat for

company. Many months passed, and he grew bored with his routine. He decided to create beings

like himself to keep him company. He dug into the sand and soon found clay with which to

mould figures like himself and started on his task, but he soon grew tired and decided to take a

break. He made wine from a nearby palm tree, and drank bowl after bowl. Not realizing he was

drunk, Obatala returned to his task of fashioning the new beings; because of his condition he

fashioned many imperfect figures. Without realizing this, he called out to Olorun to breathe life

into his creatures. The next day he realized what he had done, and swore never to drink again,

and to take care of those who were deformed, thus becoming Protector of the Deformed. The

new people built huts as Obatala had done, and soon Ife prospered and became a city.

All the other gods were happy with what Obatala had done, and visited the land often, except for

Olokun, the ruler of all below the sky. She had not been consulted by Obatala, and grew angry

that he had usurped so much of her kingdom. When Obatala returned to his home in the sky for a

visit, Olokun summoned the great waves of her vast oceans and sent them surging across the

land. Wave after wave she unleashed, until much of the land was underwater and many of the
people were drowned. Those that had fled to the highest land beseeched the god Eshu who had

been visiting, to return to the sky and report what was happening to them. Eshu demanded

sacrifice be made to Obatala and himself before he would deliver the message. The people

sacrificed some goats, and Eshu returned to the sky. When Orunmila heard the news he climbed

down the golden chain to the earth, and cast many spells which caused the flood waters to retreat

and the dry African land reappear. So ended the great flood.

This African myth has a strong resemblance with all other aetiology myths that tend to talk about

the beginnings and creation. When myth explains origins or a new beginning, it expounds a

cosmogony. All cosmogonies essentially coincide in the beginning: the passing from chaos to the

cosmos, from disorder to order. This passing is a gestation that occurs in a time different from

our own: sacred time. Primitive cultures remember, through regular representations, the

cosmogonic act par excellence, creation. But these accounts always begin from chaos; the

sacredness of what precedes, and the impotence of human imagination, do not allow them to go

back any further in time. Creation, for these cultures, does not mean a production from nothing, a

radical idea unique to monotheism. When myth speaks of the genesis of things or the birth of the

cosmos, it is speaking of a metamorphosis (Cassirer, 1972). All cosmogony presupposes a

substratum which is more or less determined and generally perceptible, in which the mythical

change intervenes.

2.1.2 RITUAL MYTHS

Myth and ritual are two central components of religious practice. Although myth and ritual are

commonly united as parts of religion, the exact relationship between them has been a matter of

controversy among scholars. One of the approaches to this problem is "the myth and ritual, or
myth-ritualist, theory," held notably by the so-called Cambridge Ritualists, which holds that

"myth does not stand by itself but is tied to ritual." This theory is still disputed; many scholars

now believe that myth and ritual share common paradigms, but not that one developed from the

other.

Among the many theories of myth and many theories of ritual, the myth and ritual theory is

distinctive in connecting myths to rituals. The myth and ritual, or myth-ritualist, theory maintains

that myths and rituals operate together. The theory claims not that myths and rituals happen to go

hand in hand but that they must. In its most uncompromising form, the theory contends that

myths and rituals cannot exist without each other. In a milder form, the theory asserts that myths

and rituals originally exist together but may subsequently go their separate ways. In a still milder

form of the theory, myths and rituals can arise separately but subsequently coalesce.

One possibility immediately presents itself: perhaps ritual arose from myth. Many religious

rituals—notably Passover among Jews, Christmas and Easter among Christians, and

the Hajj among Muslims—commemorate, or involve commemoration of, events in religious

literature. Leaving the sphere of historical religions, the ritual-from-myth approach often sees the

relationship between myth and ritual as analogous to the relationship between science and

technology. The pioneering anthropologist Edward Burnett Tylor is the classic exponent of this

view. He saw myth as an attempt to explain the world: for him, myth was a sort of proto-

science. Ritual is secondary: just as technology is an application of science, so ritual is an

application of myth—an attempt to produce certain effects, given the supposed nature of the

world: "For Tylor, myth functions to explain the world as an end in itself. Ritual applies that

explanation to control the world." A ritual always presupposes a preexisting myth: in short, myth

gives rise to ritual.

Against the intuitive idea that ritual reenacts myth or applies mythical theories, many 19th-

century anthropologists supported the opposite position: that myth and religious doctrine result

from ritual. This is known as the "primacy of ritual" hypothesis. This view was asserted for the

first time by the bible scholar William Robertson Smith. The scholar Meletinsky notes that Smith

introduced the concept "dogmatically." In his Lectures on the Religion of the Semites (1889),

Smith draws a distinction between ancient and modern religion: in modern religion, doctrine is

central; in ancient religion, ritual is central. On the whole, Smith argues, ancients tended to be

conservative with regard to rituals, making sure to pass them down faithfully. In contrast, the

myths that justified those rituals could change. In fact, according to Smith, many of the myths

that have come down to us arose "after the original, nonmythic reason [...] for the ritual had

somehow been forgotten."

As an example, Smith gives the worship of Adonis. Worshipers mourned Adonis's mythical

death in a ritual that coincided with the annual withering of the vegetation. According to Smith,

the ritual mourning originally had a nonmythical explanation: with the annual withering of

plants, "the worshippers lament out of natural sympathy [...] just as modern man is touched with

melancholy at the falling of autumn leaves." Once worshipers forgot the original, nonmythical

reason for the mourning ritual, they created "the myth of Adonis as the dying and rising god of

vegetation [...] to account for the ritual.

In his essay "The Ritual View of Myth and the Mythic," (1955) Stanley Edgar Hyman makes an

argument similar to Smith's:

"In Fiji [...] the physical peculiarities of an island with only one small patch of fertile soil are

explained by a myth telling how Mberewalaki, a culture hero, flew into a passion at the

misbehavior of the people of the island and hurled all the soil he was bringing them in a heap,
instead of laying it out properly. Hocart points out that the myth is used aetiologically to explain

the nature of the island, but did not originate in that attempt. The adventures of Mberewalaki

originated, like all mythology, in ritual performance, and most of the lore of Hocart's Fijian

informants consisted of such ritual myths. When they get interested in the topology of the island

or are asked about it, Hocart argues, they do precisely what we would do, which is ransack their

lore for an answer."

Here Hyman argues against the etiological interpretation of myth, which says that myths

originated from attempts to explain the origins (etiologies) of natural phenomena. If true, the

etiological interpretation would make myth older than, or at least independent of, ritual—as E.B.

Tylor believes it is. But Hyman argues that people use myth for etiological purposes only after

myth is already in place: in short, myths didn't originate as explanations of natural phenomena.

Further, Hyman argues, myth originated from ritual performance. Thus, ritual came before myth,

and myth depends on ritual for its existence until it gains an independent status as an etiological

story.

Not all students of mythology think ritual emerged from myth or myth emerged from ritual:

some allow myths and rituals a greater degree of freedom from one another. Although myths and

rituals often appear together, these scholars do not think every myth has or had a corresponding

ritual, or vice versa. The classicist Walter Burkert believes myths and rituals were originally

independent. When myths and rituals do come together, he argues, they do so to reinforce each

other. A myth that tells how the gods established a ritual reinforces that ritual by giving it divine

status: "Do this because the gods did or do it." A ritual based on a mythical event makes the story

of that event more than a mere myth: the myth becomes more important because it narrates an

event whose imitation is considered sacred.

Furthermore, Burkert argues that myth and ritual together serve a "socializing function." As an

example, Burkert gives the example of hunting rituals. Hunting, Burkert argues, took on a

sacred, ritualistic aura once it ceased to be necessary for survival: "Hunting lost its basic function

with the emergence of agriculture some ten thousand years ago. But hunting ritual had become

so important that it could not be given up." By performing the ritual of hunting together, an

ancient society bonded itself together as a group, and also provided a way for its members to

vent their anxieties over their own aggressiveness and mortality. Like William Smith, the

anthropologist Bronisław Malinowski argued in his essay Myth in Primitive Psychology (1926)

that myths function as fictitious accounts of the origin of rituals, thereby providing a justification

for those rituals: myth "gives rituals a hoary past and thereby sanctions them." However,

Malinowski also points out that many cultural practices besides ritual have related myths: for

Malinowski, "myth and ritual are therefore not coextensive." In other words, not all myths are

outgrowths of ritual, and not all rituals are outgrowths of myth.

2.1.3 ESCHATOLOGICAL MYTH

In the history of religion, the term eschatology refers to conceptions of the last things:

immortality of the soul, rebirth, resurrection, migration of the soul, and the end of time. These

concepts also have secular parallels—for example, in the turning points of one’s life and in one’s

understanding of death. Often these notions are contrasted with the experience of suffering in the

world. Eschatological themes thrive during crises, serving as consolation for those who hope for

a better world or as motivation for a revolutionary transformation of society.

Shaped by the extent and nature of the believer’s involvement in the world, eschatological

expectations assume either an individual or a collective form, embracing individual souls, a

people or group, humanity, or the whole cosmos. The social implications of the two forms
of eschatology are significant. Individual forms tend to foster either apolitical or

politically conservative attitudes—predicated on the belief that each person experiences God’s

judgment upon death and that there is therefore little purpose to changing the world. Some forms

of collective eschatology, however, involve political activism and the expectation of the

public manifestation of God’s justice. Not only do they hope for collective corporeal salvation

and a transformation of the world, but they actively prepare for it.

In mythical eschatology the origin of the world is reproduced at the end of the world; that is, the

process of creating order out of chaos that occurred at the beginning of time occurs again at the

end of time (the “End” or “Endtime”). In the beginning, according to this approach, universal

laws and the pure order of things are established, but eventually law and order decay and

degenerate. Salvation, therefore, is found in a return of the world’s origin. Both the mythical

actions of the gods and historical actions of humans are seen as representations of an eternal

struggle in which the world order is defended against chaos. History thus becomes a cultic drama

in which priests and kings play out preordained ritual roles.

Mythical eschatology, then, can be defined in terms of the “myth of the eternal return,” which

posits a cyclic view of history. In religious festivals, the lost time of history is regenerated and

eternity is represented. Through the ritualistic repetition of the creation of the cosmos, the

impression of transience is proved wrong. Everything is shown to remain in

place, hope is inherent in memory, and future salvation is depicted as a return to

the primordial origin or to an original golden age. In mythical eschatology, the meaning of

history is found in a celebration of the eternity of the cosmos and the repeatability of the origin

of the world.
Historical eschatology, on the contrary, is grounded not in a mythical primal happening but in

events in time that provide the structure of history and are essential to its progress. Biblical and

biblically influenced eschatologies are historical and directed toward the historical future. In this

view, experiences are never universal. Rituals such as Passover and seder are not attempts to

repeat events and experiences but are ways to remember them through the telling of history and

tradition. Rituals are events in which a novum (a new or extraordinary event or action) is

symbolically experienced. Hope is thus grounded in historical remembrance but transcends what

is remembered historically.

2.2 PURPOSE OF MYTH IN AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGION

Myths play a very important role in the African understanding of reality. African religions

cannot operate in a vacuum; therefore myths provide the necessary analytic and conceptual

framework for an authentic way of traditional and religious practice.. They provide the solid

foundation on which African Traditional Religion hinges, they are the fertile ground for African

worship. They constitute expressions of the inner side of individuals and their relationship with

others, nature and with the supernatural. It is the philosophical reflections of the people in past,

preserved and handed down to society through myths; if indeed the past is unintelligible and

conveys meaning only in the light of the present, then myths convey meaning only when they

establish a coherent relationship between the past and the present.

The reason is quite simple. A people’s world view cannot be studied in isolation of their past and

the past is as important as the present in deciding the future. Given this scenario, we can deduce

that Myths bring to light the past experiences of the people and from there the present African

philosophy sees an avenue for philosophizing. Uduigwomen (1995) observed, in African

epistemology, myths serve as a means of acquiring and transmitting knowledge, for knowledge

has a prominent place in the African mind. It enables the African to recollect past activities of

men and societies which make it possible for the individual or societies to orientate themselves

aimed and bewildering currents of the society.

There have been disputes and disagreements as to the role and place of myths in African

Traditional Religion. Some have argued that myths cannot be connected to religion because they

obviously fall short of empirical verifiability and logical consistency, but Horton, (1987)

debunked this and admitted myths and rituals into the general corpus of experience which is

capable of exhibiting a logical and consistent structure. Similarly, if African religion is a

reflection on African experience and myths are stabilizing factors to African experience; it then

follows that African religion is a critical reflection on myths as stabilizing factors. So the critical

analysis and the awareness of the relevance of myths proverbs, folklores, etc. would go a long

way in inculcating in Africans the habit of critical reflections on issues bordering on life (Jaja,

1995).

Myths are the essential and ready tools for thinking and communicating in African religion.

Through their meaningful and communicative features, myths exhibit and enhance the

coherence, stability and continuity of the society. They play the role of literature and fill the

lacuna created by lack of literature on past history and supplement the oral culture of African

experience (Jaja, 1995). Myths connect the past with the present. The vestiges of what truth is in

African epistemology are traceable to mythological depositories and other conventional values.

Hence myths serve as sources of truth. Some myths are authoritative and appear to have a

compelling force of obedience on the people.

Myths also play an important role in the moral education of the religion community in traditional

African. Generally, beauty is regarded as a form of moral goodness. The value of beauty and

goodness is mostly couched in myths. In conformity with this, African aesthetic value is

circumscribed in moral beauty. This is epitomized in myths in African culture which focuses on

values, virtues, attachments, loyalties, faithfulness, diligence and other social and religious

virtues (Jaja, 2001). A few examples will suffice. African vision of the universe is entrenched in

various creation myths, which basically serve etiological purposes. They thus explain how and

why the different natural phenomena came into existence, the forces behind their perfect working

and the relationship that existed and still exists between man and the creator God and the

universe.

2.3 SIGNIFICANCE OF MYTH IN AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGION

Articulations on African cosmology may differ from one locality to another; they varyingly

depict God as the Supreme Being and that He created what comprises the universe, and that after

creating the universe God dwells in it and sustains its inhabitants. This speaks of God’s

imminence. And for the African, that is reality incontestable. According to Yoruba religion

myth, God dwelt in the sky (heaven) which was quite low. Men originally went freely to Him to

tender complaints and He responded spontaneously. However, it is related that, after sometime

and due to the disobedience of man, God withdrew and separated from the world He created and

was no longer bothered about it. Instead, He sent His ministers, the divinities endowing them

with various responsibilities. This explains the concept of a transcendent or withdrawn God. God

withdrew without informing his people. This is the idea of Deus Absconditus (or Deus otiosus or

Deus remotus).
African religion also see man as the center of the universe. Every other thing was created for his

use. He is the being that exhibits the absoluteness of God”. We may now look closely at the

cosmogony of some African societies to illustrate our point. Among the Igbo, the Supreme deity

to whom all power of creation is credited is known as Chukwu, Chiokike or Chineke. According

to Nwala, the cosmogony of the Igbo is based on a theogony which views Chineke as self-

creating; that has always been, will always be. Chukwu, the everlasting deity, created the

universe which includes the sky (Eluigwe), the heavenly bodies, the earth (Elu-uwa) and the

spirits and earthly creatures. The myth has it that Chukwu is symbolized by all or anyamvii,

which is believed to be the source from which all other reforms of life radiated. The first man

that was created was known as Ife-nta, meaning junior light. This name places man very close to

Chukwu (i.e. Sun, the great light). Man is thus, “is” next to God in order of things in the

universe. Furthermore, the first to be created was obo-omananya.

Other creatures that God made are animals, plants and spirits. All these creatures enjoyed an

initial harmony with God. It should be stated that certain events were responsible for the

distortion of this original cosmogonic harmony. In the first place, the Supreme deity granted man

too much freedom in terms of action, and man abused it and this led to quarrels, acrimony and

confusion among the created beings. For instance, the myth has it that there was constant quarrel

among women and the careless use of kitchen utensils, particularly the pestle which was

constantly hitting at the sky, the original abode of God. Chukwu was annoyed and thus the sky

eventually moved away from the earth.

From the myth, we can learn the following. In the first place, there is the acknowledgment of a

supreme deity with power of creation and control over what he has created. Furthermore, man is

very crucial in this creation. Man misused his initial freedom and restraint has to be imposed. It
was on the basis of this that morality and the act of appeasing the Creator emerged. Relation to

this is the fact that it was man who distorted the original cosmic harmony and to correct this, he

developed certain religious practices to placate his creator.

According to the Ibibio an ethic group in Akwa Ibom State of Nigeria, the most dominant feature

in human existence is the belief in the Supreme self-begotten being called Abasi-Ibom. Abasi in

this context means “a divine being who always and will always be forever, while Ibom refers to

the limitlessness and infinite nature of this being. It is further held that Abasi Ibom created two

offsprings namely: Abasi Enyong (male) with dominion over the sky (Enyong) and whose

offspring include the sun, thunder and lighting, the second offspring of Abasi Ibom is AbasiIsong

(female), with control over the earth (Isong) and whose offspring include Nedem in charge of the

waters and Ekpo in charge of the bushes. The Ibibio believe that this high God (Abasi-Ibom)

created all things including Indemo to whom he also gives charge of the different aspects of

human affairs. Thus, there is Ndem Isong (fertility deity) to look after land fertility; Ndem Udua

(market deity) to protect the interest of traders; Ndem Ikot (farmalan deity) who is supposed to

dwell in the farmland to look after the growth of the crops. According to Udoidem, Abasi Ibom

having created Himself, caused the sky (enyong) Isong (earth) and Inyang Ibom (the waters) by

mere verbal command.

At the time of creation the earth and the sky were separated entities that got struck together to

satisfy their natural sexual desire. However, conflict later resulted between them and the sky

moved away. It is reported that separation must have been caused by the earthy kids who

normally rub their dirty oily hands on the face of the sky after eating and thus forced the sky to

move upwards. To effect the separation, Abasi-Ibom sent a giant with an axe to force away the

sky from the earth. The Ibibio still hold that despite this separation, the conflict between the earth
and the sky persists and this is manifested in the alternation of days and nights. Night reflects

when the earth has overpowered the sky, while ‘day” reflects the reverse. From the foregoing, we

have shown that myths represent the African spirit and the African view of reality.

Therefore for African Traditional Religion to be authentically African, it must operate within the

conceptual framework of myths which represent the African reality and they are authentically

African in nature. The use of Eurocentric yardstick to judge African religion is unacceptable and

immoral. The fact that African societies were pre-literate does not negate the existence of a truly

African religion practice based on the environment, experience and culture of the people. It is

worthy to remember that even in Greece, the emergence of philosophy was preceded by the

rationalizing and systematizing of myths, such as we find, for example, in Hesiod’s Theogony

(Kirk, 1974).
 CHAPTER THREE

GENERAL OVERVIEW OF SACRED PLACES

3.1 MEANING OF SACRED PLACES

The word ‘Sacred’ has different meanings to different communities (Verschuuren et al 2010). In

most African communities it is the central foci of its traditional belief. Within this sanctity lies

the resilient power of its tradition. Primarily, sacredness proposes spirituality. The concept

“sacred” manifests itself to man as an atmosphere of spiritual suspense. Such realm is most time

attributed to certain space based on the cosmic knowledge of the presence of the divine. Eliade

(1959) therefore viewed a sacred place as one where the three cosmic levels, earth, heaven and

the underworld, at once come into contact with each other, and are represented. This view clearly

projects the African worldview of sacred place which is believed to be the ‘meeting-point’ of the

three worlds of man. The earth inhabited by man, the underworld by the ancestors and the world

above by the Supreme God and gods (Mr. Enemmou, 2014). It is at the sacred place that man

communicates and communes with Beings in the other worlds. Such world is therefore of

religious significance to man. In view of this, Oviedo and Jeanrenaud (2006) defined sacred sites

as areas of special spiritual significance to peoples and communities. They may include primarily

natural areas (such as forests or rivers), or primarily built or monumental areas (such as temples).

In Africa, the place of shrines and sacred places cannot be overemphasized. There is no doubt

that Africans are notoriously religious and that religion colours all aspect of their lives (Mbiti,

1970). The socio-religious values of shrines and sacred places are amongst the make ups of the

historical identity of the African people. Africans believe in the existence of deities, spirits and
ancestors whose abodes are shrines and sacred places. Africans also believe that the aspects or

properties of the Supreme Being can rest on natural objects and places for the wellbeing of man.

Shrines and other sacred places are therefore, treated with fear, awe and respect. However,

shrines and sacred places serve many purposes that aid sustainable development. They are the

trusted avenues for conflict resolution, social control, cultural education and moral development,

thus, they are instrumental to sustainable development.

However, all these started dwindling with the advent of Christianity, western civilization and

globalization. Many people now see shrines and sacred places as homes of demons, evil dwelling

and archaic and those who still practice the traditional religion as pagans and heathens. Because

of these new perceptions about shrines and sacred places by the Christians, most shrines and

sacred places were destroyed and used for the erection of schools and hospitals to mention but a

few. And the other ones left are neglected and abandoned. The observed situation seems to be

part of the factors for the increasing rate of corruption in Nigeria.

Sacred places are found in different cultures all over the world. Such places are frequently

marked or embellished in architectural structures and art. The sacredness of a place is linked in

some way to natural objects and features such as trees, stones, water, mountains, caves and forms

in the landscape. These natural objects and forms lie at the root of the forms and shapes

employed to mark or embellish a sacred site. These same sacred forms and shapes derived from

natural objects and features become symbolic or emblematic of the sacred or divine. Sacred

places are not only the abode of the divine but also serve as a means to entice the divine to

continue to reside at a given place or to take up residence at a new site. Sacred places are often

rich in aesthetic experience. Sacred places are important places for religious groups. In Judaism,

Mount Sinai is a sacred place because of what Moses encountered with God in the place. Places
are referred to as sacred places because of remarkable events that took place in the place or

because of its formation or because it is an abode of the gods. Sacred places can be mountains or

groves, forests, trees, stones, rivers, streams or lakes. For all these to be taken as sacred, they

must be some specific indicator outside what is normal or unique to that natural place or object.

For example, the arranging of massive stones into a building or the movement of a stream of

water in a particular order outside what is normal. For example, the Zuma rock in Abuja and the

hot and cold stream in Enugu State. The sacred places according to Foley (2010), are considered

to be beneficial to healing and well-being. Sacred places rekindle reverence for land and cultural

diversity and connect nature and culture.

Every civilization has its share of sacred places, that is, geographical locations buildings,

monuments or environmental features, such as mountains, lakes, rocks, waterfalls and so on that

are believed to be endowed with intense spiritual qualities. Indeed, such places are frequently

thought to possess a variety of supernatural power that can heal, rejuvenate, or otherwise affect

the human beings who visit them often as devout pilgrims. They are also, sometimes thought to

be the focal points of creation, the places where deities first manifested themselves or performed

some fundamental actions, and are thus typically steeped in mythology and theological dogmas.

Traditionally, regardless of the varying topologies of shrines, they still serve unique functions

and purposes in the traditional African society which include protection, provision, guidance,

revelations, etc. These unique functions have attracted much audience and veneration to these

shrines as found in the traditional African society.

Moreover, sacred places are forest fragments of varying sizes, which are communally protected,

and have significant religious connotation for protecting the community. Hunting and logging
are usually strictly prohibited within these patches. (Gadgil and Vertak, 1975). Such forests are

left untouched with huge religious significance attached to their meaning and existence. Most of

the sacred groves have strict restrictions, hence it was noted that “traditionally, and in some cases

even today, members of the community take turns to protect the place. This is aimed at ensuring

maximum compliance to the restrictions guiding the shrine. In Nigeria today, one of the notable

sacred places is the Osun-Oshogbo sacred grove which is enlisted in the world’s heritage list by

the UNESCO. Other notable sacred places include Ubinukpabi sacred grove that is associated

with Chukwu shrine at Arochukwu, Abia state, Ohia-Udowerre sacred grove at Ndiowu and

Okija shrine at Ihiala, Anambra State, etc.

3.2 TYPES OF SACRED PLACES IN AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGION

Sacred places can be classified into single nodal feature, archeological sites, burial sites,

detached huts and shrines, whole towns. Drawing on this, Van Binsbergen distinguished between

shrines constructed by humans and natural shrines such as trees, hills, groves, pools, streams,

falls, and rapids. Dominique Zahan calls these natural shrines of water, earth, air, and fire,

"elementary cathedrals." Sacred places associated with water include streams, rivers, lakes, and

springs. Those associated with the earth include the ground itself, rocks, crossroads, hollows,

hills, and mountains, and those associated with air include trees and groves.

In the village of Ntumbaw, the burial groves of chiefs are considered sacred ground, and the

current chief enters this sacred place only to communicate with the departed chiefs. Religious

activities also take place in the public square. In Nigeria, Oshun festivals take place in the

courtyard of the oba (king) as well as in the sacred grove of Oshun. Worship also takes place in

individual homes. Blier argues that the vertical houses of the Batammaliba (which they consider
places of worship) are designed to emphasize their belief that God is the highest one and are

oriented in an east-west path to face Kuiyekulie, the dwelling place of Kuiye. Other parts of the

house point to their sacrificial relationship to Kuiye's providence through human procreation, and

to other deities in their religious system.

3.2.1 SINGLE NODAL FEATURES

There are Sacral architecture (also known as sacred architecture or religious architecture) as

sacred sites. This is a religious architectural practice concerned with the design and construction

of places of worship or sacred or intentional space, such

as churches, mosques, stupas, synagogues, and temples. Many cultures devoted considerable

resources to their sacred architecture and places of worship. Religious and sacred spaces are

amongst the most impressive and permanent monolithic buildings created by humanity.

Conversely, sacred architecture as a locale for meta-intimacy may also be non-monolithic,

ephemeral and intensely private, personal and non-public.

Sacred, religious and holy structures often evolved over centuries and were the largest buildings

in the world, prior to the modern skyscraper. While the various styles employed in sacred

architecture sometimes reflected trends in other structures, these styles also remained unique

from the contemporary architecture used in other structures. 

Recent years have seen a rapid mushrooming of nodal sites across Africa as more people grow in

their faith or start a new life as believers. While this may paint a picture of a newly religious

continent, the truth is, Africa has long been a continent steeped in religion. This is not only

evidenced by the indigenous beliefs found across the continent, but also by the historical places

of worship that have stood the test of time to tell the story of the continent’s beliefs in all its
vibrant diversity. Africa’s famous sacred buildings are a source of great fascination. From the

rich history to the unique architecture, there’s a lot that lends allure to these structures. A good

example of such place in Africa is the Pyramids at Giza.

Considered a sacred site by people the world over, the Great Pyramid is the oldest of the Seven

Wonders of the World, and was built around 4,500 years ago. It is believed to have been

constructed as a tomb for the pharaoh Khufu, although there has been little evidence to this

effect. The pyramid is often referred to as simply Khufu, in honor of the pharaoh. Many people

see the Great Pyramid as an example of sacred geometry in action. Its four sides are aligned

precisely with the four cardinal points on a compass — not bad for something constructed long

before modern mathematical techniques came into practice. Its positioning also serves as a

sundial on the winter and summer solstices, and the spring and fall equinox dates.

On a metaphysical level, for some belief systems the Great Pyramid is a place of great spiritual

significance. If the Great Pyramid was used for religious purposes — such as a temple, place

of meditation, or holy monument — rather than as a tomb, then certainly its size alone would

make it a place of wonder. Although all evidence points to it being a funerary monument, there

are several religious sites within the pyramid complex. Specifically, there is a temple in the small

valley nearby, by the Nile River, and connected to the pyramid by a causeway.

The ancient Egyptians saw the shape of the pyramids as a method of providing new life to the

dead, because the pyramid represented the form of the physical body emerging from the earth

and ascending towards the light of the sun.

Today, many people visit Egypt and tour the Giza Necropolis. The entire area is said to be filled

with magic and mystery. 

3.2.2. ARCHEAOLOGICAL SITES

Africa has the longest record of human habitation in the world. The first hominins emerged 6-7

million years ago, and among the earliest anatomically modern human skulls found so far were

discovered at Omo Kibish, Jebel Irhoud, and Florisbad

European archaeology, as well as that of North Africa, is generally divided into the Stone

Age (comprising the Lower Paleolithic, the Middle Paleolithic, the Upper Paleolithic,

the Mesolithic, and the Neolithic), the Bronze Age, and the Iron Age. For Africa south of the

Sahara, African archaeology is classified in a slightly different way, with the Paleolithic

generally divided into the Early Stone Age, the Middle Stone Age, and the Later Stone

Age. After these three stages come the Pastoral Neolithic, the Iron Age and then later historical

periods.

Africa's prehistory has been largely ignored, with the exception of research into early human

evolution. However, it is overseen by the PanAfrican Archaeological Association, whose

members consist of professional archaeologists from all over Africa.

3.2.2 BURIAL SITES

From the African traditional religious view point, cemeteries are not merely burial spaces but

they are highly revered spiritual sanctuaries where the deceased experience a transmutation into

the domain of after-life where they are then referred to as ancestors (Mhlongo, 2017).

The staff (Opa) of Oranmiyan is an example of a burial site that is sacred till today. It is 5.27

meters-high, believed to be the staff used by Oranmiyan which now marked the spot of his grave,

200 meters away. According to the lore of Ile-Ife, Oranmiyan shortly before his death, struck the

staff and commanded it to transform into stone. He himself walked into his chamber and just as
the staff transformed into a pillar of stone, he and his horse upon which he sat turned granite too.

The only people that must compulsorily see the chamber are his children whom he made kings in

those kingdoms he fought and conquered. When a king passes away, the newly crowned

successor must appear in person and enter the inner sanctum of the Oranmiyan shrine for a royal

rite. This “Shrine of Kings” is reputedly a hallowed ground where any prayer said there is

answered.

3.2.4. SHRINES

African Shrines are more than just spiritual vessels or places of worship. They are cultural

signposts, markers of identity, powerful symbols of solidarity and cohesion, physical

manifestations of presence and ownership, and more.

In the African context, shrines are cultural signposts that help one understand and read the

ethnic, territorial, and social lay of the land. The contributions gathered here by Allan Charles

Dawson demonstrate how African shrines help to define ethnic boundaries, shape group identity,

and symbolically articulate a society’s connection with the land it occupies.

Shrines are physical manifestations of a group’s claim to a particular piece of land and are thus

markers of identity—they represent, both figuratively and literally, a community’s ‘roots’ in the

land it works and lives on. The shrine is representative of a connection with the land at the

cosmological and supernatural level and, in terms of a community’s or ethnic group’s claim to

cultivable territory, serves as a reminder to outsiders of ownership.

3.2.5 WHOLE TOWNS

A whole city can be sacred and they are usually called holy cities. This is a city important to the

history or faith of a specific religion. Such cities may also contain at least one headquarters

complex (often containing a religious edifice, seminary, shrine, residence of the leading cleric of

the religion and/or chambers of the religious leadership's offices) which constitutes a major

destination of human traffic, or pilgrimage to the city, especially for major ceremonies and

observances. A holy city is a symbolic city, representing attributes beyond its natural

characteristics.

Ile-Ife, situated in south-western Nigeria, is one of the world’s principal sacred cities. For

the Yoruba, the city is located at the epicenter of not only Yorubaland but of the entire world, of

not only all that has existed and all that exists, but of all that will ever exist. It is the birthplace of

gods and humans alike and the core of Yoruba identity. The city of Ile-Ife, like many other

Yoruba cities, is laid out in concentric circles radiating out from the king’s palace, the most

sacred, most spiritually potent spot. It is the ancient walls of the city that divide the sacred from

the profane and its gates are much more than mere barriers against intruders or invaders. They

are thresholds adorned with magical objects and shrines overseen by Esu, the gatekeeper god,

who filters out evil spirits and neutralizes the power of malevolent magic and medicine.

Paradoxically, the human gatekeepers blessed by Esu, are often notorious ex-convicts on parole,

whose reputations and physical presence repel any unwanted visitors.

3.3 SIGNIFICANCE OF SACRED PLACES