Professional Documents
Culture Documents
COMPARATIVE/ RELIGION
POLITICAL
ANDSTUDIES
PUBLIC POLICY
/ March 2002
This article addresses the relationship between religion and politics in liberal democracies from
a public policy angle. The analysis shows that contrary to the general secularization thesis, there
is a visible religious impact on public policy, but it varies according to what measure of secular-
ization is used. Confessional heritage (Catholicism versus Protestantism) and cultural values
(levels of religiosity) are better predictors than institutional differentiation or political mobiliza-
tion. When confessional heritage is held constant, the institutional impact increases. It is not sur-
prising that Catholic countries produce less than fully liberal abortion policies, but the most
restrictive abortion policies are found in those Catholic countries where high levels of religiosity
persist. Moreover, a strong presence of religious parties is not associated with restrictive abor-
tion policies, but in all countries with moderate to high levels of religiosity and with strong Chris-
tian Democratic parties and only there, moderate or “distress” models of abortion exist.
MICHAEL MINKENBERG
Europa-Universität Viadrina
AUTHOR’S NOTE: Earlier versions of this article have been presented at the European Con-
sortium of Political Research (ECPR) joint sessions of workshops in Copenhagen in April 2000
and at the annual meetings of the American Political Science Association (APSA) in Washington,
D.C., in September 2000. The author wishes to thank Stefano Bartolini and the European Uni-
versity Institute in Fiesole, Italy, for the opportunity to conduct research and write parts of this
article. The author also expresses his thanks to all participants in the ECPR workshop “Church
and State in Europe” and on the APSA panel “The Family and the State,” to the four anonymous
Comparative Political Studies reviewers, to Peter Katzenstein and the graduate students at the
Department of Government of Cornell University, and to John Madeley at the London School of
Economics for helpful comments.
COMPARATIVE POLITICAL STUDIES, Vol. 35 No. 2, March 2002 221-247
© 2002 Sage Publications
221
on religion’s political impact, most notably in the fields of electoral and party
research and political sociology. In recent years, this literature has been
enriched by a theoretical debate about the concept of secularization and the
usefulness of rational choice approaches in the study of religion (see Gorski,
2000). This article addresses these issues from another angle. Instead of
examining the decline or persistence of religious values or the input of reli-
gion into political behavior, the focus here is, in the context of Western
democracies, on the input of religious values and institutions into substantive
policy areas. The perspective of this article is derived from the intersection of
three questions: Do institutions matter? Does religion matter? Does politics
matter? Thus the article follows a shift in public policy research from an
emphasis on levels of socioeconomic development to one on more political
variables such as differences between dominant party traditions and between
contrasting governmental structures. In addition, it emphasizes cultural vari-
ables that have only recently received more attention (see Castles, 1993,
1998; Schmidt, 1997).
A major study of modernization and new social movements concluded
that the liberalization of abortion is a manifestation of a comprehensive and
long-lasting secularization process (Rucht, 1994). By contrast with general
secularization theories implicit in this thesis, this article argues that there is a
visible religious impact on public policy but that it varies according to what
measure of secularization is used. The article attempts to test whether cul-
tural heritage (Catholicism versus Protestantism) and cultural differences
(levels of religiosity) are better predictors than variation in institutional dif-
ferentiation or political mobilization. In other words, is religion’s influence
on public policy culturally path dependent, as a values-oriented approach
might suggest, or is it the consequence of political design and behavior, as
implied in rational-choice approaches? Relevant policy areas include welfare
state regimes, the rules governing minority religions, and more specifically,
education policy and family policy. Of course, religious interests may also
play a role in other policy fields such as foreign affairs or environmental pro-
tection. But very few policy areas involve religious and moral values and
interests as deeply and visibly and are as hotly contested as abortion. More-
over, abortion policies vary considerably across Western democracies, hence
the article’s focus on this particular policy area.
The article is organized into five parts. First, the role of religion in recent
public policy literature is reviewed and an attempt is made to provide a theo-
retical anchoring of the major argument. Then the problem of identifying
classificatory types among the variety of abortion policies is tackled. Third,
variations in the institutional arrangement of church-state relations are
as institutions acting via the institutionalized relation they have with the state
and as interest groups acting via the political parties. Women’s movements
will also be excluded from the current exercise on the grounds that unlike
churches or Christian Democratic parties, they cannot be modeled as a reli-
gious variable. Moreover, comparative research on women’s movements and
the abortion issue shows that the evidence of the relationship between the
movements’ strength and resources and the outcome is inconclusive. The
movements were important in putting the issue on the agenda but, compared
with other factors, left few traces in the actual making of policy (see Rucht,
1994, especially p. 172; Yishai, 1993; see also M. F. Katzenstein & Mueller,
1987).
Table 1
A Typology of Abortion Policies
woman but by doctors or other experts who determine the “indications” are
exceptions allowed and the woman exempted from criminal charges. The
woman’s choice is second to null; counseling is usually mandatory. Finally,
the distress model emphasizes the priority of the unborn life but leaves the
final decision up to the woman. Here also, counseling is usually compulsory,
there are waiting periods, and it is made clear that abortions are granted only
exceptionally. The woman has to give special reasons for her decision to ter-
minate her pregnancy and claim a situation of distress. Where the final deci-
sion is only hers, variants of this model can be classified as moderately lib-
eral. With the exception of Ireland, the abortion policies in all Western
democracies fall into one of the three categories (see Table 1).
When considering the variation of abortion policies and strictly political
institutions or variables, such as the type of democracy (consensus versus
majoritarian democracy), party system (multiparty versus two-party system),
federalism, or judicial review (see Lijphart, 1999), no identifiable patterns
emerge. One might argue that the distress model is somewhat associated with
consensus democracy in which the existence of multiparty systems and other
legalistic case in defense of the French tradition of laïcité (Messner, 1999; see
also Barbier, 1995; Zylberberg, 1995).
All of these approaches are characterized by the fact that they either are
built on a single dimension (or a small number of interrelated indicators) or
involve a broad variety of indicators but do not sufficiently distinguish
between independent and dependent variables in the church-state relation-
ship or the difference between the institutional arrangement itself and its
political corollaries. For the purpose of comparative political analysis, a more
robust operationalization is required that would involve the identification of
political, economic, and legal criteria while avoiding mere historical or insti-
tutional accounts. Instead of being legalistic, normative, or case-study ori-
ented, the approach should be empirical, analytical, and comparative.
A first step toward a concept that satisfies these criteria is provided by
Chaves and Cann (1992). In contrast to Iannaccone’s supply-side approach
and his focus on the relationship between Protestant concentration and
church attendance rates (which showed a strong correlation but ignored
Catholic countries; see above and Iannaccone, 1991), Chaves and Cann
argued with de Tocqueville that the theoretical focus needs to be adjusted
toward political aspects:
Like Smith, [de Tocqueville] focused on the separation of church and state, but
he highlighted the political rather than the economic aspect of that separation:
the advantage that religion enjoys when it is not identified with a particular set
of political interests. (Chaves & Cann, 1992, p. 275)
Table 2
A Continuum of Church-State Relations
0 1 2 2.3a 3 4 5 6
salaries; (e) there is a system of ecclesiastical tax collection; and (f) the state
directly subsidizes, beyond mere tax breaks, the operation, maintenance, or
capital expenses for churches (Chaves & Cann, 1992). The result of this
index is the following distribution of countries along a 7-point scale (see
Table 2).
This distribution of 19 countries shows that there is a significant variation
of church-state relationships, even within the group of Catholic countries
such as Ireland on one hand and Belgium on the other; that is, “although
Catholic countries are uniformly non-pluralistic, they are not uniformly reg-
ulated” (Chaves & Cann, 1992, p. 283, see also Table 4). As expected, the
four Scandinavian countries, all Protestant, appear at the pole of strong state
regulation, whereas historically Catholic France and the predominantly
Protestant United States are close to each other at the pole of separation or
deregulation. It is not surprising that Germany is in the middle along with
Protestant Britain and Catholic Belgium but above the mean.1
A first attempt can now be made to look at the implications of the relation-
ship between church and state for abortion policies. For the sake of clarity, the
continuum of church-state relations has been condensed into a threefold
typology: Countries with values of 0 and 1 are classified as cases of church-
1. It might seem surprising to find Ireland at the extreme end of the separation scale, but the
powerful presence of Catholicism did not require constitutional or institutional privileges. Other
classifications such as Messner’s (1999) also list Ireland, along with France and the Netherlands,
among the “pluralist countries.”
Table 3
Abortion Policies and Church-State Relations
state separation, those with values between 2 and 4 belong to the category of
partial establishment, and the rest are considered as cases of full establish-
ment. The results of the analysis are presented in Table 3.
No overall pattern emerges when abortion policies and varieties of
church-state relations are taken into account, but some clustering of the cases
is visible. In all four Scandinavian countries, which are the only ones with full
establishment, the liberal period model is applied. But the other two countries
with a period model scored lowest on the establishment scale. Thus secular-
ization as institutional differentiation by itself does not lead to a liberalization
of abortion. However, among those cases with establishment, partial or full, a
pattern is apparent. Full establishment correlates highly with the most liberal
model, whereas partial establishment corresponds with the less liberal dis-
tress or the very restrictive indication model. This suggests that where estab-
lishment exists, the interest of churches to prevent a liberal abortion ruling is
better served if churches operate somewhat independently of the state, as
deprivatized, society-oriented churches (Casanova, 1994; see above). Over-
all, Table 3 demonstrates that the institutional impact is modest to low and
that secularization as differentiation does not predict effects of religious val-
ues on public policy. In other words, contrary to some secularization theorists
(see Gorski, 2000, and above), institutional differentiation does not augur the
demise of religious influence in politics. But in contrast to expectations that
the economics of religion model might raise, the political deregulation of
religion does not much enhance religion’s impact on public policy either.
2. The emphasis is on the historic weight of the Protestant majority, not on the current propor-
tion, such as that in the Netherlands of the early 1990s where Catholics (36%) outweigh Protes-
tants (26%) and are rivaled by an equally large group of those with no church affiliation at all (see
Fischer Weltalmanach, 1999).
Table 4
Church-State Relations and Confessional Composition
Table 5
Abortion Policies, Confessional Composition, and Church-State Relations
separation” does not entail a particular abortion model, the Protestant “state
church group” of the Nordic countries is also the one with the most liberal
abortion policies. Because an analysis of the Greek case with an orthodox
state church reveals a similar outcome (Mavrogordatos, 2000), one might
infer that highly privileged churches do not put their money into fighting for
particular policy positions that are traditionally dear to them. They instead
seem to prefer preserving their status, even by compromising on these issues.
In other words, they have ceased to be religious interest groups and have
turned into political institutions.3 Overall, Table 5 confirms the limits of a
culture-blind economics of religion approach: When confessional patterns
are introduced and held constant, the policy effects of institutional differenti-
ation increase somewhat.
One of the most relevant considerations affecting how churches operate is
level of religiosity, because high levels of religiosity assure churches high
legitimacy as political actors. Moreover, religiosity may be a better predictor
for public policy than confessional composition alone if the question of
whether a country is Catholic or Protestant is held to be less important than
whether Catholics or Protestants actually attend church or believe the teach-
ings of the church. In the following analysis, religiosity is measured by fre-
quency of churchgoing rather than by religious beliefs because it ties religi-
osity to existing institutions instead of more abstract religious concepts and
values. Data on churchgoing in the 19 countries analyzed here are taken from
the 1980s and 1990s waves of the World Values Survey (see Inglehart &
Baker, 2000; Inglehart & Minkenberg, 2000). Table 6 summarizes levels of
religiosity as measured by average rates of churchgoing in the two decades.
The pattern in Table 6, taken together with the data in Table 2, underlines
the importance of distinguishing the different dimensions of secularization.
In terms of institutional differentiation, the Scandinavian group of countries
is not secularized. But the data on religiosity (whether measured in terms of
churchgoing or in terms of religious beliefs) indicate an advanced state of
secularization as disenchantment. Quite the opposite seems true for countries
such as Ireland, Canada, Spain, and the United States, where regardless of
confessional factors, churchgoing rates or subjective religiosity is compara-
tively high and the institutional separation of church and state is rather
advanced (for data on religious beliefs, see Inglehart & Baker, 2000;
Inglehart & Minkenberg, 2000).
3. This suggests that churches can be analyzed as interest groups (see Warner, 2000), but they
do not always behave as such. They assume various roles, and in some cases, it may be more
appropriate to analyze them as parapublic institutions that link private and public sectors and act
on only a few selected policy fields (P. Katzenstein, 1987).
Table 6
Levels of Religiosity
The data in Table 7 complete the analysis of the direct religious impact on
public policy and provide the clearest pattern of relationships. Low religios-
ity corresponds with liberal abortion policies. The difference between Scan-
dinavia and France lies in the difference between Protestantism and Catholi-
cism and between full establishment and separation. However, high
religiosity is not automatically associated with restrictive abortion policies,
but coupled with Catholicism, it is. The “Catholic impact” marks the differ-
ence between the United States and Ireland, the two countries that score high-
est in religiosity while applying a separatist model of church-state relations.
That is, other things being equal, religious doctrine or the cultural pattern set
earlier in a country’s history is an important factor for explaining the effects
of religion on politics. But among Catholic countries in which differences of
religious doctrine are less relevant, variations in abortion policy can best be
explained by levels of religiosity, with France, Austria, and Belgium on one
hand and Ireland, Portugal, and Spain on the other (Italy being an exception
here). A direct comparison of France and Ireland is most telling, because both
countries share the heritage of Catholic doctrine and a separation of state and
church but differ vastly in terms of religiosity. In general, when comparing
Tables 3 and 7, it becomes clear that religiosity is a better predictor of public
policy than is institutional differentiation, especially when religious doctrine
is also taken into account. Moreover, whereas the institutional impact
increased when the confessional makeup of the countries was held constant
(see Table 5), it is less strong than the confessional impact when levels of reli-
giosity are held constant (Table 7).
Table 7
Abortion Policies, Religiosity, and Confessional Composition
The most direct link between religion and politics at the intersection of the
electoral and policy-making levels exists where explicitly religious parties,
most notably, Christian Democratic ones, play a role in the party system.
Here, one would expect distinct policy effects, particularly in those areas of
public policy in which church interests are visible. The study of party systems
and the role of religious forces therein has been influenced largely by the
seminal article of Lipset and Rokkan (1967). They argued that the state-
church cleavage was one of the most consequential factors shaping West
European party systems:
The decisive battle came to stand between the aspirations of the mobilizing
nation-state and the corporate claims of the churches. This was far more than a
matter of economics. . . . The fundamental issue between Church and State
focused on the control of education. (p. 15)
The result of these policies of the nation-state was the formation of confes-
sional parties as a defensive reaction of the churches.
However, contrary to the general persuasiveness of the model, Lipset and
Rokkan’s (1967) theory cannot explain why in the French III Republic, no
such party emerged. Here, the major theoretical conditions for the formation
of a confessional party were met, that is, a strong Catholicism and an intense
conflict between state and church (see Kalyvas, 1996). Furthermore, the the-
ory did not anticipate the emergence of Protestant parties or movements such
as those in contemporary Scandinavia or the United States (see Minkenberg,
1990; von Beyme, 1984). In general, it is important to distinguish between
the existence of a religious cleavage and the existence of a confessional party:
“A religious cleavage without a confessional party is bound to produce a sig-
nificantly different political environment than a religious cleavage with a
confessional party” (Kalyvas, 1996, p. 116).
The relevance of religious cleavages in the postmodern world has been
demonstrated by a variety of election studies. Whereas the class cleavage has
undergone a steady decline in significance and denominational voting fol-
lowed a similar but less linear trend, the religious cleavage in terms of the
relationship between religiosity (as measured by church attendance; see
above) and Left-Right voting behavior has stayed rather stable. No clear
upward or downward trends occurred, except for a slight but steady increase
of religious voting in the United States, which can be attributed to the grow-
ing mobilization efforts of the New Christian Right (see Dalton, 1996; see
also Inglehart, 1997; Minkenberg, 1996). In the early 1990s in all but the
United States and the United Kingdom, the strength of the relationship
between church attendance and voting exceeded that of social class voting
(see Dalton, 1996). The relationship was strongest in Central and Northern
European countries, that is, those countries on which some Christian
(Protestant or Catholic) parties have appeared in the postwar party system but
secularization as disenchantment has advanced furthest. It is also evident that
with few exceptions (United States, Canada), religiosity is a more powerful
predictor of voting behavior than denomination.
Thus considering that religious cleavages are in fact relevant for voting
behavior and party competition and, as shown elsewhere, party competition
matters for public policies (see Klingemann et al., 1994), one should expect
decisive effects of the cleavage on public policy.4 In fact, Castles’s (1998)
analysis showed that in the case of security transfers, public education expen-
ditures, and divorce rates, there is a religious effect. But Christian Demo-
cratic incumbency correlates much less with the dependent variables than do
other related variables such as the political right’s incumbency and
Catholicism-Catholic cultural impact (see Castles, 1998). Because his
4. In their analysis, Klingemann, Hofferbert, and Budge (1994) largely ignored religiously
relevant policies. Of the 54 categories of party platform items they use, only two relate to reli-
gion. Churches or other religious groups are not included in the list of social groups.
Table 8
Strength of Religious Partisan Impact (1945 - 1999)
0 1 2 3 3.3a 4 5
operationalization of the religious factor has some drawbacks (as noted pre-
viously), it is proposed here to approach the role of religion in the party sys-
tem by a different route. To arrive at a measure that captures a religious
(Christian) instead of a merely Catholic partisan impact, the countries are
classified according to five criteria (during the entire time span from 1945
until 1999): (a) Are there explicitly religious parties? (b) Are there (other)
parties with ties to religious groups or churches? (c) Do the platforms of these
parties contain explicitly religious contents? (d) Is the religious cleavage
salient (i.e., a value of 0.25 or more, as measured by Dalton, 1996)? (e) Have
any of these parties been part of the national government for at least 20 years?
The summary in Table 8 shows some striking similarity between the ranking
of these nations and the ranking of the salience of religious voting, with the
Netherlands, Italy, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, and Norway at the top of the
scale (Dalton, 1996). There is an obvious relationship between the cleavage
factor on the voters’ side and the parties’ orientation at the party system and
government side. It also shows that with regard to the partisan variable, these
countries cannot be ranked according to their confessional composition.
For the last step of the analysis, the continuum of religious partisan impact
is condensed into a threefold typology: countries with a value of 4 or 5 are
classified as having a strong religious partisan impact, those with values 2
and 3 as having a medium impact, and those with values 0 and 1 as having a
low impact. A detailed discussion of each country’s Christian Democratic or
otherwise religiously oriented party and their platform positions on abortion
cannot be pursued here. Suffice it to say that in Germany, the Christlich-
Demokratische Union and even more so the Christlich-Soziale Union
opposed the liberalization of the abortion policy in both the early 1970s and
early 1990s. But unification added a more liberal wing of East German activ-
Table 9
Abortion Policies, Religious Partisan Impact, and Religiosity
CONCLUSION
This article has shown that even in the age of postmodernity, religion is
still a force in the realm of politics, including policy making. Unlike mere
functionalist accounts, which hold that the liberalization of abortion is a man-
ifestation of a comprehensive secularization process, a more nuanced con-
cept of secularization allows us to see a distinct impact of religious values on
public policy. In general, secularization as institutional differentiation mat-
ters less than secularization as disenchantment and cultural pluralization. In
light of the debate between secularists and religious economists, a supply-
side-inspired argument postulating that political deregulation, that is, strict
separation of church and state, has a particularly strong impact on abortion
policy could not be verified. Variations in church-state relations alone do not
produce identifiable patterns of policy outputs in the chosen area. In contrast,
a cultural or values-oriented approach, postulating a persisting influence of
confessional values and a high relevance of individual religiosity, proved
more powerful in explaining religious impact on public policy. When the
confessional factor is held constant, institutional impact increases somewhat.
The comparative analysis has largely confirmed what has been shown for
other policy areas, that is, a “Catholic cultural impact” (Castles, 1998). The
confessional pattern set earlier in a nation’s history is an important factor for
explaining the effects of religion on politics. Unsurprisingly, Catholic coun-
tries produce less than fully liberal abortion policies. But it is not only reli-
gious, in particular, Catholic, doctrine but also confession coupled with reli-
giosity, that is, current religious beliefs and practices, that account for most of
the differences. At one end of the spectrum, Catholicism in combination with
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