@ u HAPTER 1 Introduction: Emergent Spaces: Seeding Change and Innovation in Small Urban Spaces Petra Kuppinger {Urban transformations often startin small spaces, where ordinary people ssonhict thee diy activites and act based on thee wales, tations, and fnceds. They might experiment with new ideas and strategies deven by changing circumstances, grievances, aca neglect, or dire necessities, In ‘cemingly random activities of tial and err, urbanites create, tet, and rework practices and se ypaces to insert their neds, demands, and voices into the cityscape. Resulting emergent spaces and activities are rooted in love cls, immigrant, or minority cultures; nascent cultural, soil, and polical contexts and movements, enviconmental concern, religioss ‘motivations; or economic necessities. These emergent spaces can become sites of urhan social and cultural beginnings, outline aspects cf urban futures, exemplify dynamics of innovation and reslkence, and they can challenge existing urban forms and practices, Some actors or stakeokers Kupper =) Deparment Sociology and Anthropology, Monmouth Colles, Monmouth 11, USA «mal petonm ed (©The Auris under exe sce to Sprngsr Natane ' Swigeedand AG 2021 Kuper (ed) Bees Spc Palgrave Studies in Urban Auheopoogy ps /oLorg/10. 1002978 8 080-8437 3.1‘pronounce concrete goals and loudly state their demands. Others simply sect acording to their habits, bee, oF trains and quietly ad them 0 the eryseape- Some clam heir yoice and role in the city or seek wo secure their economic survival. Some hope to inset religious voices or create spiritual spaces in secular cites, Numerous urban residents point to urban Sneguls the sole and igs of amiga, sci problems, oem By seeding change in small spaces, ordinary urbanites seck to create ‘more livable an just iis. When small constinvencies engage in informal innovations, resting changes might remain ephemeral, sty fade away, be limited to thei respective vontexts, oF fall altogether: They cat also start broader constimencic, expand int larger movements, and become Usbrant seeds for more pervasive cultural, politcal, soca, environmental ‘or eligons transformations, Regardless oftheir circumstances, cestem porary globalized cities include milline of esdents who creatively act ssall spaces to emake the city envision more livable and inclusive cities, snd ight for social justice. Some groups act forthe good of los residents ‘OF uses; others hope for their etfrts to feed into larger transformations, ‘Some want to improve the paysial spaces in which they aet. Others seck ‘changes with regard to urban participation, rights, and polis, or want to smke the demands of their consutuencies heard, They act it spaces that are safe, suitable, nearby, or most accesible, Some voice thei demands of stage their activities in different spaces across the city, use transient, oF ‘even moving spaces if they best suit their purposes. Regardless of isues nd goal, st their offen informal and wnplanned incepeon, mash oF te future of ertical auvties and efforts in small urban spaces remains unpredictable “Emergent Spacer exposes contests scrote the globe where urbanites negotiate, make, and remake urban spaces create opportunities; atempe to emision and produce socal change; challenge urban Ki, culture, and politics; or ask Jor their right 10 the city. Ibe focus ofthis volume ison Spaces and contexts where change is seeded, regardles of whether it was Planned or whether twas or wall be succesfulin the long run, Contributors analyze seeds of change at thet inception. They explore moments of nit ating change regatdles of subsequent outcomes. This volume is framed by te flowing questions: How is urban change seeded in stall spaces Who scods attempts of chunge and paricipauon’ What agendas and _dymamies shape actives in emergent spaces? What makes some emergent spaces successful as they become established urban features and contributetw broader urban transfarmation? What porentils for change do emer [gent spaces hive in their vicinity and cities a ange? Contibiors ta tis ‘olume observed urban residents as they claimed space, inserted thi demands, and articulated visions of better cities and fares. ‘They 28 {questions lke: How do small groups of inary and often also disenfran chised people design, suggest, and implement ideas of change? What types fof paces do they pick for ther actitiew? Why do some activities unfold in ttansient, ephemeral, or mobile spaces? How do urhanites concretely voice their clits to the city, crete opportunities, and design more just urban farures? When, bow, and by whom is change seeded in often imsisble oF marginalized spaces? While the long-term results of people’ activites and demands for change are important, the focus of this volume ison the ‘minutiae of inating change. ‘Chapters inthis volume do not analyze vast oe loud wrban movements ctamine the secding of change in unlikely moments and spacs. Contributors conducted ethnographic fieldwork in often invisible, neglected, or transient spaces chat escape the attention of other observers Intensive ethnographic fieldwork allow! the authors to identify emergent spaces where new of neglected voices claim rights and participation, and creatively articulate thee contributions tothe ety: Authors unearth scene ingly irelevant, but bopeful, beginnings of urban translormations and inst tht itis important to have one's analytical ear to the grovind in unlikely spaces when and where ideas and activities ure ist afticulte. Searching out smal instances of change, authors are Reenly aware that some ofthe activities they observed might fade away or be suppressed. But regardless of ther tee succes of Glue, iis paramount to explore many ‘imergene spaces and activites to better understand an theorize urban beginnings and the dynamics of seeding change. ‘Case stuies inthis volume explore examples in cities aross the globe ‘They tell stores of seeding and creatively living change, Based on rich chnographic daa, suthorsillastate hos ordinary urbanites use sina spaces to situate their practices and demands form and maintain cai telatonships and networks and ereate opportunities for cultural expre sions, social and political participation, change, and improvement ‘Chapters ilastrate how emergent spaces ister the localization of migrant lives, qucer subcultures, diverse cates and religions, experiments with ‘green practices and new forms of urban shared living and solidarity They soalyze dynamics of place-making, cultural negotiations, evonomic sur ‘val, spatial and cultural experimentation, and the creation of new4 xuoNar relationships and alliances, They introduce ordinary citizens, theie mais tions, activities, struggles, and creative initiatives and illustrate how the availabilty of diverse accesible spaces is fundamental to quests for the localization of migrants, religions activities and debates, and overall par- ticipation inthe city. Authors explore seeding moments and dynamics of place-making, economic sural, politics of care, new forms of socality snd leisire, an the quest for new arban relationships, debates, and Tie ‘Syles. They cover tops ranging fom the creation of transit queer spsccsin Brazil the negotiation of spaces of Christan debatesin Shanghai's taxis, to spaces of home and belonging for South Asian asigrnts in Ch the role of soccer fds in the localization of immigrants ina midwestern town in the United Staes, and Musi middle-class women’s spaces of ‘religious debate and learning in homes in Pakistan. Authors analze urban squatter setlements, 8 ventral plaza, 2 restaurant, 2 eligious teaching instrure, urban infaseracrares, sports and "leisure sites, and sreen/sustainable Dusinescs and” workshops. They eapture ephemeral esis in moving spices ike tase 3 pop-ap dinner events, at Hecting hoctrnal parties, anc transient public eating spaces in city parks, These ‘smal spaces allow bantes to gather, discus, and experiment with new Forms of sociability, urban life, and social justice, Change can be seeded 3t ‘recurrent events in changing locations lke fundaasing events or a moving, party scene that propose new lifestyles and ways of urban belonging and “olidarity. People do not nccesaiy claim or challenge the spaces they use, bbut might voice broader chims to urban rights, visibility, recognition, and Patticpation in spaces thar best suit their purposes and/or ate readily salble ‘Debates about urban change an astvism are often centered on specific topies, lke migration, housing, environment, religion, work, or educa tion. This volume explores emergent spaces from multiple topical angles. CConribators examine migrant community activities, faith based actisites ‘environmental themes, quests for citizenship oF social and economic js tice, and comple articulations of several such factor Seenine Chance ‘Theoretically, ths volume examines the seeding of change in emergent spaces, the potential for change of such sceding, and the oppertuai inikates for more just and inchosve cites. Authors identi’ activities of | urbanites before they become broadly visible or yield ge sale resultsCCeozrl in this analysis ofthe dynamies of the seeding of change are Sharon Zakin’s (2010) notions of “urban beginnings” and the “authenticity” of ‘emerging spaces in the fae of powerful homogenizing forces in neoliberal flobalzed cites. Ata historial moment when neoliberal policies dom rate large parts of global and globalizing cites ti crucial to identity ‘spaces, moments, and aetites where ordinary urbanites claim the share, Fights, and parcipstion in the cy and immagine a heer ity (Mitchel 2003; Franck and Stevens 20073; Pardoand Prato 2012;Chase etl, 2008). Downton and upesle sections of cities re tghty planned and under ‘constant surveillance so that only the “right wsets ean popalate spaces i ‘ways envisioned by planners and ones, Franck and Stevens cll these “right space,” where offal, developers, investors, and residemts/sers “hive vested interests in a homogeneous predictable and well ordered “environment where use and appearance are controlled” (20076, 22), The Tightening and surveillance of such spaces, however, docs nor preclude ‘creative challenges, but “displaces risky actives somewhere ele” (ibid) ‘or pushes them into invisible nooks and moment, Tight spaces, Franck and Stevens note, might be efiient or profitable for authorities and elites, tour what they eal "loose spaces” are a “key sources of sociability nelu= sSveness diversification, and growth” (ibid, 23). Loose, thats open, and Largely uncontrolled, spaces and moments can accommodate the many voices of diverse urban divellers whore ideas and needs contradict aco ‘en and profitoriented cityteapes and those who contra and benefit fom them, Loose spaces accommodate the “messy vitality ofthe metropolitan ‘condition, with is wapredictble intermingling of classes, races, nd social and cull forms” (Boddy quoted in Franck and Stevens 20079, 24). ‘Such space lei, offers unforeseen opportunities, and actives there “may arse as aa immediate and unexpected response to specific con. seat, it develops and changes over ime” (ibid, 26). Loose space and the loose (or simply less restrained) use of spaces “oftcn shows people's ‘conscious reaction against rules, expectations and constrains” (ibid) ‘Urban resident ae hard-pressed to find loose spaces or spaces condu: «ive to their creative activites and interventions in central Gi spaces ‘They ether find eracksintighly controlled downtown spaces or momen- tary use an claim such spaces for thennclves, More often people elma invisible and remore spaces, or seemingly irclevant spaces i thee ach broods or on urban fninges (Mukhija and Loukaitou-Sideris 201) ‘Shatom Zatkin writes abet food vendors who were prshes ont of ener spaces and ended up at a more distant ball eld offering their food andeaaing this space into a hidden destination fr authentic Latin Ametican fod (2010, 191), Trying to unpack ordinary people's activiics in smal spaces, a number ‘of questions ate cenral: Who ae these urbanites, and what makes ther ‘umn to particular groups, activites, and spaces? How do they carve out snwoments and spaces where the act aecording to their beliefs and needs, and mect, cooperate, and envision hertr farares, and, wery importantly for mang, escape the dictates of powerful neoliberal urban economics? ‘Where can people “he themscves” and ly the groundwork for herr and snore equal and incisive cities? Suiata, Spaces ‘Urban scholars hive long understood the vital nature of small urban spaces. When Willan F Whyte (1943) went live and conduct research ina Boston Italian American neighborhood ia 1937, he kaew that he could understand this quarter only if he engaged small groups and the Spaces they inhabited, Whyte worked with young men who mot on stcet corners, analyzed their activities, and how chey were tied into other local rnceworks, He illustrated that the quarter was nat chaotic and dysfone tional 3 urban elites suggested. Instead, he argued, immigrant residents were seucmurally disadvantaged and excinded from urban opporcanitics. Eibnogeapiic research in small and seemingly inconsequential spaces, ike street comer, allowed Whyte t0 unpack the complexities of urban partic: pation and exchsion. Later, others (Liehow 1967; Anderion 1978) sin lary studied the social Hie of corner spaces, iustrated tse exclusion of Aliean American men in American cities, and mapped wtban stractarl inequalities. These scholars didnot examine spaces and activites assed ing change, but they highlighted the significance of small spaces in urban studies. Ethnographic reearch in limited spatial contexts t crucial for 4 nuanced understanding of larger urban dynamics and transformations (Low 2000; Duncier and Carter 1999; Goldstein 2016; Krase and Uherck 2017). Examining smal spaces allows ethnogeaphers to observe interie tions, learn about issues, grievances, and possible solutions as they ate slisctsed by ordinary residents who daily nteractn chese spaces test thi ideas and practices, nd design new spatial and socal forms and practices, before they take them to larger or more visible venues. Spaces lke street comers, parks, playgrounds, restaneans, stores, bars, ‘or community centers offen serve as “third spaces” (Oldenburg 1989)1 ISFRODUCTION: EGER SINCES SEEDING CHANGE, 7 where people meet, away from the privacy of their homes andthe formal ‘ved and hierarchical stratare of Workplaces. At religious meetings, on the plaza, in restaurants, or at partie, urbanites encounter fiends and seraigers, make new acquaintances, and build and strengthen existing connections and networks (¢ Dunsier 1992; Bielo 2009). They create Ihome spaces avy fFom home where they disease shared concems and devise strategies for addresing them, Such spaces accommodate face-Co face contacts and debates among groups where all participants can voice their opinions. Among equals or similar peaple who congrezate in non Ircrarchiel space, initial ind lic ortho cases and state them selves, theirideas, needs, and demands inthe respective groups and spaces ‘They create socaiies and spataiies thot suit their porposes make them feel at home and that ean serve ae stating points lor more Ba-seaching. cores (Azzara 2019), The availability of small third spaces fndamsetal fe the seeding of democratic and inclusive change Wiliam H. Whyte (1980) examined the (d}= )fanction of (planned) small roan spaces with the understanding that design enhances, sie, oF prevents “the socal fe of small urban spaces.” He analyzes the role of Sting, fountains, entrees, or the availabilty of food in the creation of ‘comfortable spaces where people socialize and linger. He illustrates bow ‘welcoming and interactive small spaces ean be produced by design details and points to the importance of such spaces as sites of un-/planed ceocoumters between urbanites. People are atracted to comfortable small spaces “and they go thereby choige—not to escape the city but ko partake in ie” (ibid, 100). Urbanites seek our such spaces in. search of random «encounters Or 10 fel and observe the presence of others, In ewenty-is ontury caliber cities, many of Where's welcoming public space hive ‘become tight, priatized, commercialized, exclusive, or have disappeared altogether. Wien benches are removed and spikes ae installed on plant rs, people are forced t0 create their own spaces where they ean eongre fate, Pursue their interests, use spaces in ways dllerent om usose Jmtended, or they move their activities to les visible, more remoned, oF ephemeral spaces. “Flexible spaces and tracsient uses ae cra elements of urban parts pation and the seeding of change (Pardo etal. 2020), I have noted ele ‘where the relevance of "fexible topographies” and fccting encounters in the making and remaking of urban cultures (Kuppinger 2014). Whea 180 pesestrians in a German city greet each other and interact within che famework of Muslim piety they momentanly remake the space and8 emuinivaen moment and seed a vision of a more spiritual and inclusive city in this space, Silay when a group oF Afghan women and their children rou: ‘one congregate in the same spr in city park, they insert thei vision of ditferenly gendered spaces ito the cgyscape (ibid). The flexible topo taphics of small spaces allow for urbanites to momentarily use and claim Franck and Stesene’ “loose spaces” in ways that bes sit their papoes Repeated use and practice, for example, the use of a particular public ‘enue for women-only events, inscribe such uses and possibilities more firmly into the cityscape, and they become more regular hubs in alterna- te srban maps, They fon the foorteps that create and solic nes? turban ways and cultures (de Certeau 1984), ‘Ordinary people create spaces that arc important for their groups, ike the migeante” soccer Beld in Beardstown (Miraftab, thie volume). “The efforts of groups with some financial means have seeded more visible fesults, like the moagues in Phocrix (Ali, this volume; sce also Truitt 2019}, or private busineses that are based om anl advocate ideas of us- tsinablgy in Stuttgare, Germany (Kappinger, chs volume). Access 0 spice and resources has enabled groupe to maintain long-term exper ints that foreshadow new socialite and spatalities. Farmers markets in the United Seates are an example of an emergent space/actvity that tig sered avast movement and substantial change, Franck and Swen expla: “What starts out as a single and possibly temporary innovation may beconte mote firmly established or more widely adopted. The fst farmers market started in New York City in one square in 1976" (20073, 18). ‘Todky more than 8600 farmers’ markets are registered in the USDA, Farmer Market Directory (What is a farmers’ macket? 2020; Bubinas 2015), Michael LaFond intrces the ufibabrik, a large “creative and non-profit development of bulings and spaces” that has since 1979 housed an alternative community in Belin (2010, 68). la this defunct fila studio compound “activists have been working [..] to test and demon strate what is posible wit local places and resourees, culturally, socaly and ecologically speaking” (ibid). Aetviate understand the wfaFabrk 38 3 ‘reiraun (ite spaces) where they and vistors ean participate in culeural ‘rents and inspiring projects such as an “organic bakery, alternative ‘Free School,” solar and co-generation energy systems” that outline and fore shadow diffrent urban futures ibe) Such achievements dno coast tue the end of ther efforts, but enlarge their scope oF inspire others slsewhere,1 INFRODUCTON IMERGERTSINCHS SERDING CHANGE. 9 Pemutc ano OrHeR Spaces ‘Mach has besa written about claims to and sransformations in public spaces, Scholars analyze movements that turned empty Tos into comm ny gardens, the use of public spaces for ad hoc art projects and installa tions, or for (informal) markets and related commercial activities (e.g ‘Chase etal. 2008: Zakin 2010, 191; Crouch 2010, Hou 2010, 2010, 2014; Goldstein 2016; Rantisi and Leslie 2010), Analysts challenge ‘notions of the moder, planned, and/or neoliberal city and point to the stcativity and resilience of urbanites a they appropriate, remake, oF reuse public spaces to best fi thee purpesesLoukaitou Sieris and Elventeucht 72009; Mukhija and Loukaitow Sideris 2014). Some such uses are tempo: ‘ary and appear inconsequential, but bear witness «© the presence of ei ferent urban needs and demands People ae creative in their las ton small spaces Jeffey Hou reports that in Hong Kong Filipina guest workers occupy the ground lar of Norman Fosters sign ta FSC bling (an oon of gobs opal) every Send, ni ransom ietiom an anonymous cosporate enact 10a lvely commu gathering, space here migrant worker ii, chat and ene. (2010s, 7), How also examines night market in Sestleand points to is 1008 in se coset Asian night markers, expecially "Thipets motores rene Shin Nighe Market,” which attracts thousanls of visitors everynight 2010s, T1, 2010, 111}; remakes neighborhood spaces, and challenges normal” business boury and spaces in the city (bid). Chantal Sxint Blancit and Adsiano Cancels (2014) examine the annual Santa Cruzan procession of Filpino migrants in Pada, Italy, where mostly women ‘Somneatie worker claim their eight to urban vsbily and participation (sce Wu 2010, 142, fora similar procession of Flipinas in Taipei). Caroline ‘Chen (2010) examines how retirees in Bejing dance under vast overpass fof urban highways. Inthe absence of other suitable venues, the eldedly ‘hhose these spaces because they allow dhem rouse loud music or deuny ‘ming, practice a traditional dance, socialize, and exerise, Chen notes how the dincers momentarily appropriate publi spaces thar serve no socal function a al While public spaces remain crucial for random encounters between, peop, claims to visibility and participation or for staging protests andLn gunner demonstrations, it is necesary to look beyond the eonfines oF public Spacce for criteal and restive. sctivites and engagements. AS Ray Olden noted for tied spaces, not all relevant mecting spaces are nce essay realy public. Margaer Craord examines garage sales 38 an “bi titensyottle-stucked dimension of the informal evonomy” (2014, 21), ‘She insists on theie “potential to reshape urban values and utban space” [ibid 22) and explains that garage sles are "part of an extensive network ‘of recyeling” (ibid) and thus elements of emerging circular economies. Since their appearance in the United States in the 1960 (bid, 25-26), {gage sales chronicle the economic ups and downs of houses and ‘ommunitics and highlight frugality and recycling cultures, Some such venrures have umed ingo permanent stores (bid, 34). Garage sles became urban fatures whose places, contents, an frequency tll complex stories of excessive consumption, neighborlines, and economic necessity sintaed in private spaces that are same inta: momentary pac spaces, ‘Many spaces are privately owned (bars, restaurants, stores, ete), but ‘open to 3 (elect) public. While owners hae the ihe ro deny enrance oF remove people, these spaces nevertheless can be mecting spaces and emes ent spaces of change, especially if agenda and goals of owners and Ws tors overlap (eg. Giemann and Cacsperlein 2008; Mattauuch and Yiliz 2008; Milbourne 2010). Religious spaces are similarly complex in that they strat specie groups of belcwers or vistors but ean fame wrban teansformations in thee vicinity (Kuppinger 2018). Wentifhing emergent spaces, itis erucal conclude such semi-public or even seemingly pevate spaces dat attiact suangers to thee activites. Zaman (this volume) shows ‘how celigious mectings of woasen in living roonts atest groups of Wome {some ae stranger to the hostesses) who seek to reshape ther lives, fami hes, and city: Bhamphy (this voiame) sn chat a how partes in private homes are more than fun events, as participants negotiate cultural int ties and belonging and creste new cura elds and foreshadow colt teansformations. Activites in private spaces attract and invite sini minded strangers who do not necessarily know each, Bi inthe case, ‘vent, or coatent i sulficient for entry into these spaces, While truly public spaces ae fondamentally important for the functioning of a democratic society, there are many other spaces, defined as semi-puble or private, that ‘ean become emergent spaces as people engage in debates and activites there that stive to improve cites,1 SSFROBNCTION EMPREHNT SHS SEEDING CHANGE. UT Creative Pracricxs axn Spaces Large scale and highly visible political activities oF protests are crucial in cites, but they are neither the aly ways of urban engagements nor sole sources of transformations, People use creative ideas in inauspicious com- texts 10 claim theie ight to the city, They articulate new and exciting Practices which offen also include aesthetically pleasing expresions ia luncapested spaces, Stall creative acts or aesthetic satements are vital, beaute they can become highly visible contibutions to cityscapes, expe” sially ata time of intensive social mesa use and posting. Most obvious here ae graffi or murals which overnight can make powerful statements requiring relacvely ttle resources (Sicber etal. 2012). Such manifesta ‘ions of vernacular and informal creatives often unfold aay from com- mercialized downtowns and inspire and engender change in unlikely spaces (Wal etal 2002, 2006; Hallam and Ingold 2007s Lippard 1997). ‘Scholars have examined the creative work and contribution of fmm grant (Feenindez-Kely and DiMaggio 2010; Lena and! Carnfieki 2008) nd working-clsee commonities (Fdensor and Millington 2009, 2010). ‘They emphasize the transformative potential of ordinary people’ creative activities (Edensor eal. 2010; Gibson 2012). Ben Chappell (2012) exam- ines the creative work that Mexican American men invest their lowrider ‘as. Their work in backyards and alleys i not only abour the aesthetics and finctionality oftheir cars, but they chim their right to urban spacer ‘when they crue and congregate with their ears. As these colofil cars drive (or at times jump) through the city, theie owners claim belonging and participation. The cas constitute mobile sods ofa more divers and inclusive urban culture. Roberto Beda describes the *Chicano practice of Rasquachifcaion,” where homeowner decorate their houses in brighe colors and re-/ase sundae artes forvery complex and visible embslshment (201332014, 1;see Rojas 2010, 40). This creative work i par ofa larger quest for Wis” ilty al sil jstce a5 marginalized groups cai urban space, belon ings, and partcipaion (Rios 2010). Bedova argues that this creatity is “rooted i resourcefulness and alapabiity” ant has the “capacity to hold lite together with bits of string, old coffe cans, and broken mirrors in 2 shvaling gesture of aesthetic bravado” (2014, 3) These aesthetic of" mak- ing something of nothing, of the discarded, reverent and spontancous” {ibid 5) opposes clements of dominant consumer socioty (ce garage sales above). They seed more aesthetic and sable quarters. These creative12 wun expressions are not guided by profitabilisy, but reflect people's quest 0 embellish thie envizonment, ahd elas and transform viban spaces. They emphasize quality of local aesthetics, or livability concerns for all urbanites, especialy Tower clus, sanginalized and inmigrant com ties They make a starement about the ciny and propose a more just and less commercialized and exploitative city. ‘Alison Bain challenges stereotypes of bland and uncreaive suburbs and insists the “there sa lot more caltral work happening in suburbia than the North American arban scholarylteratare revels” (2013, 19s ese alo Ahmed and Duyer 2017). She explains that suburban creative workers folten labor aa distance to powerful artic cece, but she points to “theit lative power and infvence in shaping the suburban landscape of which they afe an integral par” (ibid, 27; sce also Felton and Collis 2012). ‘Those artits seed more vibrant and engaged suburban cultures and landscapes ‘Scholars argc that we nccd to take sctiusly all creative expressions, including those that eit sensitivities label as nor worthy ofthe term art (Gibson and Connell 2011). They insist on the transformative power of liver popular or vemacular creative interventions. Edensor etal. argue for “more dispersed spatiale of creativity” (2010, 11) and insist that “we should not underestimate the potential of the Banal to produce alter native and resistant everyday practices that enable indvials to reclaim Some autonomy oe control aver dislocated power” (ibi.). Popul exe ative activities ate offen ted to social an cult] innoxation and raneor ‘mations. Tim Edensor and Steve Millington (2009, 2010) deseribe how working class residents in Manchester and Shefild decorate their houses with sizable displays of eolrtal Christmas lighting which cultura liter might label as kitsch. Edensor and Milington argue that these creative practices in “unpectaclar, ordinary, mundane spaces” (2010, 170) are ‘ital elements ofa local “economy of generosity” (ibid, 171) tha empha sizes Chritunas as a moment of convivial, communal please, ach borliness and generosiy™ (bid., 178) and every year seeds and renews “neighborly interactions, charity, solidarity and! memorial” (ibid, 181) in otherwise overiooked working-class quarters.InsurceN® Sraces, Scholars examine the power and potentials of “insurgent spaces” where turban resdents use, claim, oF and eemake spaces, often challenging ot Jgnoring rules and regulations of authorities or owners, o better serve their purposes. Such spaces are powerful mesting points and jumping. boards for urban politial and social movements or become symbols for their movements (e.g. Geai Park i Istanbul or Tart Square i Caio). (Others remain more limited in their scope and uses" activities. Citizens tse ad undermine public spaces in different ways. Michael Rios describes “adaptive” practices where residems, for example, appropriate unclaimed spaces for their own “economic and social ses” (2010, 101). He argues that there ae “assertive” spaces where people “express an exp cultural identity” and thus “anchor [] group solidarity om the urban landscape” (ibid, 103), Spaces and aes ike “publi Festivals and etual sch 36 de los Muertos” can “challenge existing costes and symbols, resulting in changing meanings of public space” (ibid; sce Saine-Blancat and Cancelberi 2014). Participants and other stakeholders negotiate spaces, thei characteristic, and long-term roles and transformations wth thee daily and repeated steps and claims. Globalizing cities further contain, ‘what Rios calls neyoritive spaces chat “represent the leading edge of cl tual interchange in the public realm” as they "move beyond symbolic representation ofa particular group” as mulkiple groups seed and nego ste change and their coexistence and cooperation in such spaces (ibid, 100). These claims and changes are consciously seeded and actively main tained to push their stakeholders’ rights and claims, As public spaces hecome increasingly “tight” (Franck and Stevens 20073) and “regulated, privatized and diminishing” (Hou 2010a, 1), ‘aiming and remaking spaces hecomes ever more argent for disenfan chhised urhanites. They reclaim exclusive and heavily controlled a policed pbc spaces an arcmin to remake their materiales o scihiries rem porary or permanently. They create “new uses an! forms of public pace” byway of Sspontancoxss events, mintended vses and a variety of atvires| that defy and escape eules and regulations" ibid, 9). While these efforts for “everyday expresions of public space activism might not have the appearance of radial inairgency” they ate nonetheless the result of “extensive grasroots struggle” (10). They articulate “alternative social sind spatial relationships” (bi. 12). Hou ouatines ways in which people ‘claim or alter space: They appropriate spaces temporary’ or permanestlyMi rxcrmaicen change “meaning, ownership, and structure of public space” (ibid, 13). ‘They reclaim “abandoned or underutilized wiban ypaces for new and ea lective functions” (ibid). They pluralize spaces and create culturally more diverse and inclusive spaces (ibid). They eranggrss boundaries such a5 bbeeween public and private and create new meanings and relationships, They conte dominant urban meanings and regulations and introduce alternative ones (bid) TInsungent spaces an active tkeewers of spaces have hen decumented jn many contexts, Activities of the Occupy movement are an example ‘where indvidnsls and groups loc voiced their demande using occupy {ng concrete spaces, Protesters on Caito’s Tabi Square built an lived in Stent city on the square for secs inthe spring of 2011, Debates abet such visible spatial movements have contnbinted toa better undestancing ‘ofthe politi! and slaverve ase and potentials of urban spaces, Less has teen stl about small-scale active in less visible spaces that seck 10 change spataities and socialites in less spectacular ways. Even les been ssi short barely noticeable seedings oF change in small spaces. och seceding might or might not have the potential to locally change things oF to escr grown into 3 noticeable urban challenge or movement. Ths vol lume seeks to analyze such moments and spaces, Ovruve oF Tas Vorume “The volume is dived into Uhre sections, Chapters in the frst seetion (Migrants, Place-Making, and Claims ro the City) csamine emergent spacesin the context migrant or imovigrant communities. Authors explore bow ins-/migrants and their communitis carefully inser themselves into their new cites by phicing themselves in new and old spaces, making, themselves visible, claiming participation, and seeding sold roots in the city: Miguel Pérez and Cristobal Palma explore how immigrant residents ‘him belonging and citizenship in Santiago, Chile, by way of the houses they built themselves (autoconstruction). The authors emphasize the role ‘ofthese homes as emergent spaces that strengthen the newcomers claims to urban rights, recognition, and egual participation, Pérez and Palma llysrate how inumigeane builders and residents grow physical eoots by way ‘of theis homes and construct theascves 3» worthy stizeus by ti slid Spaces inthe city, azanak Mirafab describes how a multi cultural group ‘of immigrant worker in 3 US Midwestern tovsn seeded change and thie participation by way of thir insistence to find and create paces to play1 BSFROBUCTION: EMERGENT SINCES.SHEDENG CHANGE. 15 soccer and ta celebrate their own festivals in an ever more public and vis Tbe mance. Miaab notes thar only by way of a grassroot-level analiss ‘an observers understand the characteristics of emergent spaces and the intricacies of small and local place-making activigies that see and foster long-term changesin communities. Aso working in Chile Megan Shechan ‘explores the role and complexity of Saigo’ central Plaza de Armas 38 {an emergene space of migrant socality and localization, With the infas of Iigrants an their ase ofthe Plaza as an informal meeting space the Pla has become a discursively contested space. As different constituency claim space and nse of the Plaza, public dcbatesfocos not only om the ae 36 ‘of the Plaza, but on larger themes of immigration and rights, a symbol ined in the visibility of the immigrants an the plaa, By way of mcctng the Plaza and turing the Plaza into the subject of debates, iaigesnts meet thei social needs andl make thee presence vile inthe city: Debates shout thie presence further solic the immigrants claim to the cy. Also i Chie, Andrew Nelson explores new Sout Asian restaurants as emer sent space fora small groups of mostly Nepal migrants inthe regional city ‘of lquique, He ilistrtes how migrants use the restaurants as sail spaces ‘or themselves, but also to make their presence visible, introduce Toes 10 the South Asian cuisine, and position themselves in ch city and among its sliverse constituencies. Neon demonstrates that small semi-public meet ing spaces like a restaurant where groups of immigrants mect can const tute emergent spaces that trigger farther changes that not only localize immigeants bat abo localize aspects of theit culture (food), and insert ‘those into larger urban enlinary landscapes. The second section of the book (Religion, Urban Innovation, and Urban Spiritual Geographies) examines the role of religion, rligioiis, and tligiously inpired acters in the seeding of urban change, Steven Hu inirosuces the elfrt ofa pastor in Shang who hope improve urbat ulty/ciil behavior Gia bumpersticker campaign aiming at creating ‘empathy with taxi drivers. Known for thir aggressive driving, tai divers ict much abuse ina city tht is characterized by horrendows trafic, With the buinper sicker campaign, the pastor hoped to insert debates about