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Paul D. Hanson
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58 Paul D. Hanson
through the prophets and apostles and set down in the eanon-
ical Scriptures, not on revelations, if there he any, made to
other holy teachers . ” و
While thus insisting that the higher mysteries of Christian theology,
such as the Trinity, have been revealed—thereby reversing the order
followed in scientific inquiry where “reasoning precedes assent” since
here “assent precedes rationalization,” ١٥—Thomas refutes the concept
of double truth found in A v e r r h o is m with the argument that since all
truth comes from God, there can be no conflict between revealed fruths
and truths discovered by hum an reason:
“¥ e t sacred doctrine does make use of human reason, not
indeed to prove the faith (which would take away its merit),
but to clarify certain points of doctrine. Since grace does not
supplant nature, but perfects it, reason ought to be the ser-
vant of faith in the same way as the natural inclination of the
will is the servant of charity . . . ” ١١
The balancing of the respective claims of faith and reason that we
have observed gives evidence of Aquinas’ effort to create a synthesis
between the ways of the philosopher and the theologian while sacrifie-
ing the autonomy of neither. Though he was acutely aware that the
two operated with distinctly different methodologies, his confidence
in the capabilities of reason that had been purified by divine grace and
his conviction that the truth discovered through the proper exercise
of reason could only lead to the same God known through divine reve-
lation allowed him to see in the path of the philosopher a way that
laid the groundwork for the higher revealed truths. Etienne Gilson sum-
marizes Thom as’ position as follows:
“Thomism is an immense effort of intellectual honesty to
reconstruct metaphysics in such a way that its actual accord
with faith should appear as the necessary consequence of the
dem ands of reason itself, and not the accidental result of a
mere desire for conciliation .” ﺀ ا
This synthesis enabled Thomas to uphold the primacy of faith for
Christian theology while at the same time it allowed him to apply the
reasoning faculties to the tasks of leading thinking people to the thresh
Paul D. Hanson 61
plain meaning of the Bible and his applieation of the most advanced
linguistic and historical tools of his time prepared the way for a more
critical approach to biblical research. Above all, however, it was
Luther’s clear distinction between the Bible as a human document and
Scripture as God’s Word revealed to us precisely within that human
docum ent by the Holy Spirit that makes Luther a forerunner of later
critical biblical scholarship. But that statement reguires a huge qualifi-
cation: Only those applications of critical methods that are enlisted
in the service of the search for God’s living address can be in a sense
fraced bac^ to Luther. Historical-critical research, camied on as a purely
historical science as it is in many academic settings today, relates to
the concerns that preoccupied Luther only in an indirect manner analo-
gous to his interest in the methods of Renaissance scholarship.
As in so many areas, so too in regard to the question of biblical
authority, John Calvin’s views were closely related to Luther’s, though
the particular stamp of the French reformer is unmistakable. Calvin
acknowledged the role of reason in the Christian faith, for God’s glory
was present in all of creation to be seen by anyone whose vision was
unimpaired; however, since both human perception and the knowl-
edge of God that God had implanted in humans was clouded by sin,
true knowledge could come only when the Holy $pirit awakened faith
in Christ, through which alone comes knowledge of God. As in the
case of Luther, G od’s gift in Christ came through G od’s condescen-
sion according to Calvin: “Jt is evident from this that we cannot believe
in God except through Christ, in whom God in a manner makes Him-
self little, in order to accommodate Himself to our com prehension . ” ’ آ
This incarnational view of God’s presence, or in terms of $cripture,
what Calvin called G od’s “lisping” in order to be comprehensible to
humans, gave him perfect freedom to comment on human forms such
as anthropomorphisms in Scripture, for in the Bible God has chosen
“to represent himself to us, not as he is in himself, but as he seems
to us,”’®that is to say, in normal human speech.
As modern biblical scholars and theologians we feel quite at home
in reading the expository works of Luther and Calvin. Our assessment
of the syllogistic pattern of the scholastic works of the ^sLReform ation
period is usually quite different, not to mention our reaction to the
Paul D. Hanson 65
arguments ؛٠٢ biblical inerrancy that arose in the 18th century. What
accounts for these changes?
The changes that occurred in approaches to the Bible in the seven-
teenth and eighteenth centuries were actually set in motion by the
Reformation itself. Though the methods of interpretation applied by
Luther stood in continuity with earlier frends (e.g., Augustine’s empha-
sis on the primacy of the literal sense and the sober exegetical approach
of the Abby of St. Victor), ةmajor change came in the way in which
Luther repositioned the Bible as sole authority in matters of faith. A
far greater weight fell upon the task of biblical interpretation, and the
more Luther’s so/a scriptura emphasis gained ascendency, the less
relief came from other authorities, such as the ecclesiastical
magisterium or the unmediated inspiration of the spirit. The inevita-
ble result was an intensifying clash over the theological conclusions
drawn from the Bible in areas such as predestination, justification, and
Christ’s presence in the Eucharist. Luther himself was much troubled
by the increasing exposure of the Reformation churches to criticism
as each group sought to buttress its particular doctrines on the basis
of its own biblical exegesis.
The Roman Catholic theologians lost no time in arguing that the
doctrinal chaos that had developed among the groups that had severed
ties with Rome was proof that $cripture could not be understood apart
from the authoritative guidance of the Magisterium. As the sixteenth
century gave way te the seventeenth, the attack on the authority of
the Bible took an ironic turn as the already serious threat coming from
Catholic theologians was exacerbated by the growing intensity of a
parallel attack coming from the children of the Enlightenment, origi-
nally m ounted by the Erench Deists, though the originally mild criti-
cism of the Deists in England gradually accelerated in intensity. What
could be done te shore up the crumbling fortifications of what was
perceived, not inaccurately, te be the heart of the Reformation mes-
sage, the principle of sola scriptura?
In light of the exegetical-doctrinal ambiguities left in the wake of
the Augustinian “faith-seeking-understanding” approach of the origi-
nal Reformers, it is not hard to understand why recourse was taken
te the alternative method of tee time, that tracing ultimately back to
66 Paul D. Hanson
“Before faith can believe, it must have the divinity of the wit-
ness, to whom faith is to be given, clearly established, from
certain true marks which are apprehended to it, otherwise
it cannot believe...-The Bible with its ©١٧١٦ marks is the argu-
ment on account of which 1 believe . ”ال
One of the results of this argument from reason was that all apparent
errors ٠٢ inconsistencies found in the Bible had to be harmonized
Turretin’s program was adopted in the Helvetic Consensus Formula
of 1675, sponsored by the cantons of Zürich, Basel, Bern and
Schaffhausen ،
In contrast to this development in Switzerland, the basic teachings
of the reformers, and a generally Augustinian faith-leading-to-
understanding position was adopted by the writers of the Westmin-
ster Confession. Rational proofs for the authority of Scripture were
repudiated, with reliance being placed on C od’s testimony in the
human heart by the Holy Spirit. The focus of attention returned to
the saíuific role of Scripture, that is to say, to “The whole counsel of
Cod concerning all things necessary for His own glory, m an’s salva־
tion, faith and life ״ With regard to other areas of human discourse,
appeal to the Bible was not to become a substitute for the proper func-
tion of human reason, which Cod had given humans for the purpose
of ordering their everyday lives. Scripture, for example, was not to
be aligned on one side or other of the scientific arguments of the day.
Even in religious matters like forms of worship and church govern-
ment, Scripture did not supply simple answers but invited the enlight-
ened use of reason and wisdom.
On American soil, the stage ؛٠٢ continued struggle between the tradi-
tional Augustinian tradition and the emerging Aristotelian position was
set with the founding of Princeton Seminary in 1 8 2 ل. Under toe profes-
sorships of Archibald Alexander, Charles Hodge, and finally Archibald
A. Hodge and Benjamin B. Warfield, the Westminster Confession was
subjected to interpretation partially in the light of Turretin’s scholastic
theology, with considerable attention being given to the doctrine of
inerrancy. It is important to note that, especially as developed by the
younger Hodge and by Warfield, it is a far more complicated doc-
trine than is commonly recognized by protagonists on both sides of
Paul D. Hanson
Part II of this essay our brief account of the long journey from Medie-
val hermeneutics ؛٠ the present controversy over the Bible, P e r s is t^
down to the present is a major philosophical controversy and a set
of ensuing hermeneutical questions. Alongside of each other the spirits
of Aristotle and Augustine continue to contend. One urges the attempt
to establish as a prerequisite for faith the authority of the Bible on the
basis of demonstrable-proofs. According to this view literal inerrancy
is a mark of the Bible’s truth and must be rationally defended as a
bulwark of the truths of Christianity against paganism. The other posi-
tion, in Augustinian fashion beginning with the primacy of faith, recog־
nizes in $cripture the Holy Spirit’s witness to C od’s saving gift in Christ.
According to this view clarity regarding the spiritual intent of the Bible
ftees the comm entator to treat apparent errors and inconsistencies as
natural aspects of the hum an form in which God has chosen to be
revealed and invites the Christian to use literary and historical methods
guided by sound human reason in the service of faith seeking under-
standing. Fortunately there are not lacking today thoughtful Chris-
tians who seek to peer behind the present impasse to rediscover the
Spirit that generously visited both Augustine and Aquinas and that
revealed to them the way in which the faith, which alone could receive
C od’s saving grace, could be aided by reason; which is to say that
there remain students in the various theological camps who whole-
heartedly affirm the primacy of faith while not ignoring the useful func-
tion played by enlightened reason within a community that seeks clear
understanding both for its inner life and as something that can con-
tribute to meaningful dialogue with those on the outside. Among such
students many issues remain to be debated. For that reason we push
on to consider the present state of the question.
N o te s
2In Part 1 of this study the author has drawn upon the fine study of Jack Rogers,
“The Church Doctrine of Biblical Authority,” 17-46, in Biblical Authority
(Jack Rogers, ed., Waco, Texas: Word Books, 1977 )٠
*De G enes ؛ad litteram II, 20, quoted in A. D. R. Polman, The Word
of God According to St. Augustine (A.J. Pomerans; Grand Rapids: Eerd-
mans, 1961), 59-60.
17John Calvin, Hebrews and the First and Second Epistles of St. Feter
(W. B. Johnston, ٤٢.; Grand Rapids: Berdmans, 1963), 230.
20Allison, 60.
**Allison^ 60.
» A l l i s o n : 61■
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