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CHAPTER 2 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE MODERN STATE , David Held : CONTENTS. 1._ INTRODUCTION 4.1 Some preliminary definitions 1.2 The structure of the chapter 2_ABRIEF HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPEAN STATES 74 2.4 Empires 79 2.2. Systems of divided authority in mediaeval Europe 79 2.3 The polity of estates 81 2.4 Absolutist states 83 2.5 Modern states 87 3 FATES BECOME SUPREME? 90 3.1 War and militarism 90 3.2 States and capitalism 98 3.3 Summary: the story so far 103 4 SOVEREIGNTY AND THE MODERN NATION-STATE: COMPETING CONCEPTIONS 104 What is the proper nature of political authority? 105 Hobbes 106 Rousseau 108 ‘ocke _ 110 Mil a 112 Marx and Engels 113 Weber 114 5__ CONCLUSION 15 References "17 READINGS Reading A: Leviathan 720, Reading B: The social contract 122 r 1__INTRODUCTION ‘This chapter has three overall purposes: first, to introduce the diversity of state forms which have existed over time and which constitute the broad historical context for understanding the nature of the modern state; secondly, to explore the question: Why did the nation-state become ‘the supreme form of the modern state?; thirdly, to examine competing conceptions of the modern state — its sovereignty, authority and legitimacy. These objectives are clearly wide-ranging; but by devoting attention to all three I hope to shed some light on the key formative processes of the modern state and the controversies that surround it, The prime focus of this chapter will be the making of the madern state ° in Europe, Thore ae a numberof mportan reasons fortis googie {EsIFiction. In the first instance, the story of the formation of the modern state isin part the story ofthe formation of Europe, and'vice yerea. The ovement of ditizcuve Europeu elenty i closly ttea to trontion of Europe by satan Morwover th states system 0f Europ has fod extsordnay induene in the weld beyond Europe: European txyanson and davelopmont has hada deeive vole shaping he politcal sap of ho melrn ward Pushannore,dbstes soos the ur of the modem tate Inga past drive fam Buropean intellectual tectons, notabaheilightanmangelthouph to recognize this by mo moana to suggn ha erasing of pertasco about a State wos understood snd expensed burp sone 1.1_SOME PRELIMINARY DEFINITIONS Itis intriguing to note that for the greater part of human history states have not existed at all. States are historical phenomena, constructed under particular conditions, and far froin fixed or ‘natural enfitis. Ta hunting-and-gathering communities, in etal Sgr the regions wandered by semi-nomadic or nomadic peoples there has, been no recognizably separate state or political organization. Today, there are still many communities which anthropologists refer to as ‘stateless’ — communities such as the Jale people of the New Guinea highlands, the pastoral Nuer of the South Sudan, the M'dendeuili and ‘Arusha of East Afzica. ‘Stateless’, however, should not be taken to mean the absence of any mechanisms of regulation or government throug which decisions affecting tiie Community can be made and disputes Jetad. A diverse aray of such mechanisms ave existed, fam family and kinship structures to the rules and norms af custoin or tradition, and to the established powers of a chief {a warrior or priest, or both), often assisted by a council or court. Table 2.1 provides a useful starting pont by juxtaposing stateless and state societies in order to bring the latter's broad characteristics into relief, Table 2.1 offers only rudimentary definitions. One feason for this is that states, like other social phenome, have changed over tise, partly in relation to the transformation of the conditions ofthe societies suPTER? THE DEVELGPUENT OFTHE MOOI STATE ea ‘Table 2.1. Features stateless and state sociatios Biatless sacetes= State societies c informal mechanisms of government pollical apparatus or governmental = Irettasons ferent fom Sher érganizatens inthe community, 10 clear boundaries toa sock ‘ule takes place‘bver a speci = population and tereory

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