CHAPTER 2 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE MODERN
STATE ,
David Held :
CONTENTS.
1._ INTRODUCTION
4.1 Some preliminary definitions
1.2 The structure of the chapter
2_ABRIEF HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPEAN STATES 74
2.4 Empires 79
2.2. Systems of divided authority in mediaeval Europe 79
2.3 The polity of estates 81
2.4 Absolutist states 83
2.5 Modern states 87
3 FATES BECOME SUPREME? 90
3.1 War and militarism 90
3.2 States and capitalism 98
3.3 Summary: the story so far 103
4 SOVEREIGNTY AND THE MODERN NATION-STATE:
COMPETING CONCEPTIONS 104
What is the proper nature of political authority? 105
Hobbes 106
Rousseau 108
‘ocke _ 110
Mil a 112
Marx and Engels 113
Weber 114
5__ CONCLUSION 15
References "17
READINGS
Reading A: Leviathan 720,
Reading B: The social contract 122r
1__INTRODUCTION
‘This chapter has three overall purposes: first, to introduce the diversity
of state forms which have existed over time and which constitute the
broad historical context for understanding the nature of the modern
state; secondly, to explore the question: Why did the nation-state become
‘the supreme form of the modern state?; thirdly, to examine competing
conceptions of the modern state — its sovereignty, authority and
legitimacy. These objectives are clearly wide-ranging; but by devoting
attention to all three I hope to shed some light on the key formative
processes of the modern state and the controversies that surround it,
The prime focus of this chapter will be the making of the madern state °
in Europe, Thore ae a numberof mportan reasons fortis googie
{EsIFiction. In the first instance, the story of the formation of the modern
state isin part the story ofthe formation of Europe, and'vice yerea. The
ovement of ditizcuve Europeu elenty i closly ttea to
trontion of Europe by satan Morwover th states system 0f Europ has
fod extsordnay induene in the weld beyond Europe: European
txyanson and davelopmont has hada deeive vole shaping he
politcal sap of ho melrn ward Pushannore,dbstes soos the
ur of the modem tate Inga past drive fam Buropean
intellectual tectons, notabaheilightanmangelthouph to recognize
this by mo moana to suggn ha erasing of pertasco about a
State wos understood snd expensed burp sone
1.1_SOME PRELIMINARY DEFINITIONS
Itis intriguing to note that for the greater part of human history states
have not existed at all. States are historical phenomena, constructed
under particular conditions, and far froin fixed or ‘natural enfitis. Ta
hunting-and-gathering communities, in etal Sgr
the regions wandered by semi-nomadic or nomadic peoples there has,
been no recognizably separate state or political organization. Today,
there are still many communities which anthropologists refer to as
‘stateless’ — communities such as the Jale people of the New Guinea
highlands, the pastoral Nuer of the South Sudan, the M'dendeuili and
‘Arusha of East Afzica. ‘Stateless’, however, should not be taken to mean
the absence of any mechanisms of regulation or government throug
which decisions affecting tiie Community can be made and disputes
Jetad. A diverse aray of such mechanisms ave existed, fam family
and kinship structures to the rules and norms af custoin or tradition,
and to the established powers of a chief {a warrior or priest, or both),
often assisted by a council or court.
Table 2.1 provides a useful starting pont by juxtaposing stateless and
state societies in order to bring the latter's broad characteristics into
relief, Table 2.1 offers only rudimentary definitions. One feason for this
is that states, like other social phenome, have changed over tise,
partly in relation to the transformation of the conditions ofthe societiessuPTER? THE DEVELGPUENT OFTHE MOOI STATE ea
‘Table 2.1. Features stateless and state sociatios
Biatless sacetes= State societies c
informal mechanisms of government pollical apparatus or governmental
= Irettasons ferent fom Sher
érganizatens inthe community,
10 clear boundaries toa sock ‘ule takes place‘bver a speci
= population and tereory