Professional Documents
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Content
Working title.............................................................................................................................2
1. Introduction..........................................................................................................................2
2. Literature review..................................................................................................................7
2.1 Ecological art history: the canon, its recent expansion, and regional specificities..........8
Broad issues raised by canonical Anglophone studies of ecological art...........................8
Ecological art in expansion and its bearing on art history.............................................10
Emerging studies of ecologically concerned art in China...............................................11
2.2 Conceptualizing art through interdisciplinary theories of political ecology..................14
An overview of ecologically informed critical theories...................................................14
Art as practices of interdisciplinary political ecology: convictions and analytical
methods............................................................................................................................15
Eco-ontologies.................................................................................................................17
Political ecology practiced through activism..................................................................18
2.3 Indigeneity: conceptualization, ecological dimensions, and regional specificities........19
Conceptualizing indigeneity: two basic frameworks.......................................................19
Key ecological terms in Indigenous studies.....................................................................21
Contextualizing Indigeneity in Greater China.................................................................26
3. Methodology.......................................................................................................................31
3.1 Research approach: collective case studies....................................................................31
3.2 Data Collection Methods................................................................................................32
3.3 Data analyses..................................................................................................................34
Aspects of analyses..........................................................................................................34
A toolkit for analysis........................................................................................................34
3.4 Limitation.......................................................................................................................37
4. Chapter breakdown...........................................................................................................38
Chapter 1 Introduction.........................................................................................................39
Chapter 2: Hegemonic modernization in Greater China and its bearings on ecology.........40
Chapter 3: Indigeneity through mythological writing: Nuò/Nuó’s lifeworld and the re-
enchantment of rural eco-cosmos.........................................................................................43
Chapter 4: Indigeneity without possessive sovereignty: nomadic experiments in
contemporary Chinese art....................................................................................................45
Chapter 5: Indigeneity in the politics of aesthetics: Pulima’s navigation between the artistic
traditions and contemporaneity............................................................................................47
Chapter 6: Indigeneity through the politics of ecology: the restoration of homelands and
the recent evolution of contemporary Indigenous art in Taiwan..........................................49
Chapter 7: Conclusion/Epilogue..........................................................................................51
5. Selective bibliography........................................................................................................52
Appendix: Eco-art parameters and variables summarized from existing research........62
References...............................................................................................................................63
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Working title
1. Introduction
This research studies an emergent field of ecologically concerned arts in Greater China that
environmental colonization in the region, it explores their sociopolitical, ecocultural, and art-
ecological awareness is observed at the intersection of social scientific studies of urban and
rural environments with extant socially engaged and community-based artistic practices since
1
Notes on capitalization: in writing produced under this research project, the term “Indigenous” with the capitalized “I” is
used to designate human populations that are identified as historically and politically bounded communities who had
inhibited a land before the arrival of later settlers. Meanwhile, “indigenous” and “indigeneity” with the lower-case “i”
denotes the general status of being native to a territory that can describe humans, other-than-human beings, and abiotic
matters. My differentiation of the terms follows the newly established norm in academic publishing houses and mass media
newsrooms to distinguish “Indigenous” from the apolitical use of indigenous as a generic term. Specifically, the
establishment of the practice in writing demonstrates an acknowledgement of the politicization of the conception of
Indigeneity because of global Indigenous activisms since 1970 (Weeber 2020; Scire 2020).
2
To illustrate some trends within this extended field of emergent ecological practices: artists including Ren Ri (c. 任日), Jin
Lipeng (c. 靳立鹏), Li Shan (c. 李山), Zhang Pingjie (c. 張平潔), and Liang Shaoji (c. 梁紹基) have been focusing on
interspecies relationships between humans, plants, animals, and insects by incorporating knowledges and techniques from
biology and genetics; artists such as Cao Minghao and Chen Jianjun (c. 曹明浩,陳建軍), Cheng Xinhao (c. 程新皓), and
Liu Chuang (c. 劉窗) have recently initiated several long-term projects in Southwest China to investigate socio-ecological
and geopolitical problems in the region through extensive ethnographic works; meanwhile, environmental activisms through
art pedagogies and social critiques are seen in Xu Bing’s (c. 徐冰) “Forest Project” (c.《林木森計劃》, since 2004),
Brother Nut’s (c. 堅果兄弟) “Project Dust” (c.《塵埃計劃》, 2015) and “Bring Your Salt with You” project (c.《帶鹽計
劃》, 2018).
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the early 2000s.3 This ecological turn in artistic practice within Greater China remains largely
unmapped by existing ecologically concerned art scholarship, which has so far focused upon
practices in Western Europe, North America, and places subjected to settler colonialism in the
Global South.4 To fill this gap is both necessary and theoretically significant for it can unearth
the idiosyncrasies of the ecological crises in Greater China from the perspective of art and
introduce into the critical theory cluster of art history and criticism alternative metaphysical
models to modern Western dualism (Lee 2019, xix–xxv; Zheng and Lee 2016).
With this acknowledgement, the present research intends to help fill the gap by studying
a field of works whose artistic languages and eco-critical perspectives are informed by non-
and rural societies in Great China. In Mainland China, such practices are exemplified by
politically marginalized regions. These evocative ecological imaginations are often contrasted
revealing the deep ruptures between traditional and contemporary life. In Taiwan, recent
works of Indigenous artists have demonstrated a shared interest in resuming a closer human-
3
For example, a series of environmentally concerned socially engaged art projects initiated by artist, curator, and scholar Wu
Mali including Of The River – A Community Based Eco-Art Project (c. 《人在江湖—淡水河溯河行動》, 2006), Art as
Environment: A Cultural Action in Tropic of Cancer (c.《北回歸線環境藝術行動》, 2006-2007), Taipei Tomorrow as A
Lake Again (c.《台北明天還是一個湖》, 2008), and Art as Environment – A Cultural Action at the Plum Tree Creek (c.
《樹梅坑溪環境藝術行動》, 2010-2012).
4
The 120th issue of Third Text, came out in 2013, carried out the first major scholarly attempt to examine contemporary arts
and the politics of ecology in the Global South. It greatly expanded the geopolitical and theoretical span of preceding
ecological art research that was limited to European-North American contexts.
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environmental relationship and reconstructing their traditional territories,5 which have been
frequent environmental disasters. Their holistic worldviews and artistic expressions stemming
from Indigenous traditions have acquired increasing visibility in the contemporary art scene
modernization in Greater China that began at the end of the 19th century. This modernization
project, by constantly generating new centres and margins through the operation of its
Western Europe and North America to East Asia, from the urban to the rural, and from
regions of the dominant populations to those of the Indigenes and ethnic minorities
(Merchant 2003, 2). As it proceeds, it erodes and replaces native Chinese and Indigenous
transformation has been fueling the rapid urbanization and economic reforms in both
Mainland China and Taiwan since the post-WWII years. As a result, a further deepened
Set against this context, this research seeks understandings of the rising Indigenous and
5
Traditional territory refers to an expansive area in the mountain forest including the tribal settlement, farmlands, hunting
ground, ritualist sites, relics of ancient tribal settlements where the spirits of the ancestors of Indigenous populations dwell,
and the habitats of multiple natural Gods as well as mythical beings (Yao and Chen 2012).
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overarching questions:
Lifeways, and politically ecological critiques are articulated by the works examined?
• What Indigenous or native artistic traditions and quotidian practices are incorporated into
reworked into the politics of aesthetics6 when they enter the spheres of contemporary art
• What is the political-aesthetical efficacy of these works in the broader spheres where
environmental activism, Indigenous and rural communal actions, and ecocultural identity
• How do the above factors shape the unique characteristics of ecologically concerned art
6
Aesthetics is essentially politics as, according to Rancière, it denotes the coordinating system of distributing the “sensible
fabric and intelligible form” that determines what modes of production, perception, thought, and articulation are considered
practices or works of art in a particular society (Rancière 2012, ix, 2006, 82).
7
By methodologies, I mean techniques, skills, modes of production and collaboration, or strategies of display, circulation,
and articulation, among others.
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• How may the examined works elicit new modes of production that re-negotiate with
artistic modernity in Greater China, which has been so far largely modelled on the
contemporary art?
To answer these questions, this research conducts a collective case study that examines
methodologically pioneering artistic practices in the field to illuminate and unpack the
theoretical dimensions afore delineated. At the same time, it invokes analytical strategies
anthropological as well as folk studies of Indigenous traditions in Great China. For the data
collection, I will conduct relational ethnography, in addition to other data sources commonly
included in the case study approach (Yin 2003, 86), to foster my understanding of the “fields
of relations” (Desmond 2014) from which the meanings of works of art stem.
Overall, the research aims to offer a lens into the unique characteristics and underlying
momentum of contemporary art’s ecological turn in Greater China as distinguished from that
critical theory paradigms undergirding art history and criticism today. In presenting these
expected outcomes, the research hopes to bring ecologically concerned arts in Greater China
into dialogue with art practices in other time-places that undertake similar goals to counter
8
Ecocultural identity is an emergent theory of identity politics that emphasizes that the human physiological positions in the
environment and cultural meaning production concerning the environment are inextricable and carry equal weight in shaping
the individual and collective identities (Parks 2020). In section 3.3, I explain the necessity to include ecocultural identity
analyses into the conceptualization of Indigeneity.
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introduction to the research design and methods, synopses of the dissertation chapters, and a
2. Literature review
The review of literature covers three topics central to this research: ecologically concerned
art, political ecology, and indigeneity. Section 3.1 discusses the major art historical and
methodological concerns raised by the recent studies of ecologically concerned art, the
regional specificities of the discipline in Greater China, and the gap targeted by the current
research. Section 3.2 provides an overview of ecologically informed critical theories with an
emphasis on the normative practices of political ecology, based on which it explains the
bearings of these theories on the understanding of ecologically concerned art. Section 3.3
world. Following this, the section lists four ecological theses central to this conceptualization
2.1 Ecological art history: the canon, its recent expansion, and regional specificities
“Ecological art,”9 first emerging in North America and Europe in the 1960s, is now
9
Ecological art and its shorted form “eco-art” or “eco art” are generally used interchangeably (Cheetham 2018). The current
research follows the same practice. For ecological art is a term associated with Euro-North American contemporary art, I use
the expression “ecologically concerned art” to refer to historical art or contemporary artistic practices that do not easily fit
into the canonical category of ecological art in the Western contexts.
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extensively practiced and exhibited worldwide. Although the term encompasses a wide range
of contemporary practices concerned with ecology, it generally denotes visual arts that
between human and nonhuman animals as well as inanimate materials” (Cheetham 2018, 1).
The study of ecological art as a subject of art history began in the early 1970s and became
activism, community engagement, and resources management, and ecological science and
In the ongoing processes of historicization and theorizing ecological art practices, some
major scholarly works recently published are dedicated to the topology of the field through
taxonomical approaches (Weintraub 2012; Brown 2014; Kagan 2014). They have provided a
matrix of parameters for the conception, description, and analysis of ecologically concerned
art in general. Considering the discrete nature of these studies, I summarized these major
findings into a table divided into four categories: strategies, conceptual orientations,
axiological convictions, and anticipations for continuous reference during this research (see
Appendix I).
The topological studies are not the end but the onset of the study of art-ecology
relationships for several reasons. Foremost, the term “ecology” encompasses such a wide
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belonging” (Cazeaux 2018, 9) that continuously evolve with ecologically related disciplines
across social sciences and humanities.10 Ecologically concerned art practices and theories are
online archives, and networks of ecological art11 have predominantly focused on Western
European and North American practices, studies of and in Global South and pan-Asian
regions are now emerging to offer new historical, theoretical, and practical methods in the
approaches and attentiveness to regional specificities that have parted with preceding
through various parameters. The following paragraphs accordingly mention the leading
methodological advancements in the field that have informed the current study.
The 120th issue of Third Text, which came out in 2013, marked a methodological
approach and drawing attention to relevant practices in the global south. It presented an array
10
Originally defined in the late 19th century by German zoologist Ernst Haeckel as the scientific study of the relationship
between different living organisms as well as between organisms and their surrounding abiotic environment (R. L. Smith and
Pimm 2019), the concept of ecology has been greatly expanded by social scientists and humanity scholars, leading to
disciplines that undertake diverse onto-epistemological convictions including but not limited to political ecology,
ethnoecology, ecopsychology, deep ecology, and philosophical discourses like dark ecology. Ecological art, theoretically, can
incorporate methods and concepts from these diverse disciplines.
11
Some exemplary eco-art networks and archival sources are listed in Green Arts Web (http://www.greenarts.org/).
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climate justice activisms, as well as ecologically informed critical theories and philosophies
The theoretical and geographical horizons broadened by this publication were furthered
by a special issue of The Journal of Contemporary Chinese Art (hereafter JCCA) published in
2017. In shedding light on art and ecology in East Asia for the first time, it calls for attention
to be paid to practices of ecologically concerned art in the region, the introduction of non-
modern and pre-modern East Asian thought systems as alternative metaphysical models to
what Bruno Latour summarizes as the “‘nature versus culture’ binarism” (2009, 1) that ungird
Western modernism, and the incorporation of ecological thinking into the critical theories
cluster which art history relies upon (Zheng and Lee 2016).
The propositions made in the special issue are echoed by Eco-Art History in East and
Southeast Asia, published in 2019 as the first edited book featuring historical and
contemporary cases in China, British Malaya, the Korean Peninsula, Philippines, and
Thailand, the collection reveals the continuities and discontinuities in the condition and mode
of artistic engagement with ecology in Asia before and after the advent of modernization. It
ruptures and confluences for they are shown to be inevitably nested in the globalized art
world and ecological conditions while partly defined by local legacies. The anthology has
brought up another important theoretical concern suggested by art historian De-nin Lee: not
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only has ecology become a new theoretical paradigm in art history, it essentially disturbs the
critical reflections on art history as a human enterprise have informed the conceptual framing
of the current research. In particular, this study adopts the concepts of political ecology and
Since the publication of the aforementioned issue of JCCA, several brief surveys have
provided primary historicization and analyses of the genesis, methods, and theoretical-
Historically, the category in China emerged mainly in the private setting of the artists’
studio in the 1990s. At the time, the effects and consequences of the first-round
socioeconomic reform in post-socialist China that started in the late 1970s began to surface in
degradations (T. Smith, Enwezor, and Condee 2008, 295). This domestic transformation was
met by a new round of globalization since the end of the Cold War and the defeat of the
that grew out of Chinese artists’ reflections and responses to the everyday conflictual
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experiences between individuals and surroundings (Yang 2019; Brunner 2018, 404).
movement with strategies, organizations, or claims that allows it to reach the broader social
As Yang Jing, one leading researcher in the field, has observed, environmental and
ecological concerns in contemporary Chinese art have been mainly expressed through studio-
that typically characterize ecological art in Western Europe and North America are rarely
seen in local practices until recently. Yang accordingly suggests that there is no ecological art
but “quasi-ecological art”12 in Mainland China (2019). Meanwhile, the theoretical and
The above observations suggest that ecological approaches by artists from different
regions may vary not only thematically according to their surrounding socio-environmental
12
In Chinese original: “類生態藝術.”
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above-delineated studio practices constitute valuable subjects of research, the current study
pays attention to the recent evolvement in the field, namely post-studio practices that are
observed to have ventured beyond the representative regime of art through experimenting
with interspecies relationships and reaching out for socio-environmental engagement and
artistic practices.13
Due to the lack of historical distance and the nascent state of these practices,
contextualization and theorization of this diverse body of works are yet to be conducted.
Considering the same challenge post to the present research, this study aims at studying the
survey of the field. Meanwhile, its conceptual framing of the artistic phenomenon in focus is
informed by the following convictions based on the previous review. First, the body of post-
studio art concerned with ecology marks major shifts in how contemporary Chinese artists
relationships. This research thus gives equal emphasis to unpacking the ecological thinking of
these artists and exploring how ecological engagement shape the formal and aesthetic
textures of their works. Second, I suggest that ecologically concerned art in Greater China
and broader Asian regions is, rather than a given subject, a heterogeneous field that invites
13
See footnote 3.
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accordingly present the two major critical dimensions intended by this research: political
In T.J. Demos’ introduction to the 120th issue of Third Text, the art historian and theorist
concerned art. In particular, he suggests four theoretical paradigms with which art history and
criticism may engage. These include Guattari's tripartite eco-ontology comprising the
subjective, social, and environmental registers, Marxist cultural geography that emphasizes
equality across humans, other-than-human beings, as well as abiotic matters, and climate
justice activism claiming for the rights of nature against corporate ownership (Demos 2013).
I consider these four paradigms above through three levels of politico-ecological theory.
The first is interdisciplinary political ecology that combines natural sciences with political
Francophone and Anglophone ontological propositions are potentially joined by East Asian
and Indigenous metaphysics, which also offer non-dualist ontological grounds that challenge
the Western modernist division of nature and culture. The third is environmental activism as
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political ecology in-action. As discussed in section 3.3, such practices are also central to the
The following paragraphs expand the current discussion of the three levels of politico-
ecological theory with explanations of how they may inform ecologically concerned art
analysis.
Interdisciplinary political ecology – in contrast with the apolitical ecology that studies the
relations of organism to other organisms and its surrounding environment (R. L. Smith and
production of certain texts that address the dynamics of socio-environmental systems with
explicit considerations how these changes are affected by human politics and economies
(Robbins 2012, 20). A shared premise thus underlies the multifarious practices of political
are inextricable from human politico-economic activities that operate through while
Contemporary ecologically concerned art often aligns with the normative goals and
focused by this research, which engage with Indigenous and native perspectives of Great
China, place post-colonial critiques of the domestic and external domination over
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environmental and human populations at the center of their ecological approach. Art practices
as such can therefore be read as a creative form of political ecology and works of art
the narrative strategies and explanatory models offered by political ecology studies. For
instance, five major theses of political ecology have been well established: degradation and
exclusion, the formation of ecocultural identity, subjectivity and social assemblies through
ecological practices,14 and multi-species actants and agents as players in the politics of
ecology (Robbins 2012). They provide multiple routes into the historical and regional
projects.
posts queries on ecologically concerned art as a peculiar means, medium, and format of
consideration of what this peculiarity indicates provides a basis to discuss how art politicizes
ecological inquiries and – in turn – how these politics shape the eco-aesthetics embodied in
material works of art. In the case studies, I will bring these issues of concern into the analyses
14
This thesis contends that, rather than that extant modes of identity politics and social assemblies determine individuals and
groups’ relationships with the environment, the changes in environmental actions, behaviors, and systems lead to the
formation of new identity politics and social assemblies. This contention echoes with the relational framework of indigeneity
discussed in section 3.3.
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of the artistic languages as well as the exhibitory, spatial rendering, and discursive strategies
of specific works.
Eco-ontologies
Various propositions of eco-ontologies have stemmed from diverse disciplines beyond the
above-delineated scope of political ecology. Generally, they offer alternative models that
ontologies meet with the undergirding goal of ecologically concerned art which, as artist and
theorist Kepes Gyorgy already had observed in the early 1970s, expects to play a formative
technological and biogenetic evolvement, and the resulting spiritual lost (1972, 3–4).
inform, shape, or are being shaped by and revealed through artistic strategies.
Meanwhile, the current research draws attention to eco-ontologies that remain less
visible than those established by the Anglophone and Francophone scholars, namely non-
15
For example, apart from new materialisms and post-nature politics previously mentioned, it can include Indigenous
worldviews such as Eduardo Viveiros de Castro’s perspectivism summarized out of his studies of Amazonian cultures
(Castro 2015) and Descola’s quadripartite model that maps out the relations between humans and other-than-humans in
different communities basing on a coordinate plane woven out physicality and interiority as the variables (Descola 2013).
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suggested by art historians and theorists, ancient Chinese philosophies that embody
relational, holistic cosmovisions in concepts such as “Dao” and “qi” (Zheng and Lee 2016,
cosmovisions in varied time-places are now being introduced into various disciplines to offer
alternative ontological grounds (Cameron, Leeuw, and Desbiens 2014), it is timely to join
these interventions from the regional perspectives of art and indigeneity in Greater China.
today is being conducted outside academia through writings, creative projects, and activisms
by those who do not feel the need to claim themselves as political ecologists or only consider
political ecology as one dimension of their work (Robbins 2012). Informed by this
observation, this research attends to how ecological concerned art practices constitute a form
of activism, how they mobilize, seek collaboration with, or are being inspired by local actions
Meanwhile, it should also be acknowledged that in the contexts of Mainland China and
many other East Asian regions, the alliance between art and activisms are not saliently
observable as in other areas of the Global South. It is, therefore, necessary to bring into
consideration the embedded forms and micro levels of local actions and Indigenous
16
To weld ecology and aesthetics, I should spend a few words on the latter term as ecology has been explained in previous
sections. Aesthetic is understood in the current context as not a subdivision of philosophy that studies the sensory
experiences revolving around the art object or a set of theories of art. Rather, it is a coordinating system of distributing the
“sensible fabric and intelligible form” that determines what modes of production, perception, thought, and articulation are
considered practices or works of art in a particular society (Rancière 2006, 82; Ranciere 2012, ix). The reconfiguration of
eco-ontologies theoretical alters this system of aesthetics in which art operates.
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movements.
As briefly mentioned in previous sections, bringing Indigenous perspectives into the research
of ecologically concerned art has two major implications. The first is to decenter ecological
art and decolonize political ecology by moving away from the Euro-North American canons
(Loftus 2019, 172–74). The second is to overcome and disrupt the ideological dualism and
processes have been established by relevant studies in the past three decades. Despite the
variety of the terms whereby scholars address this distinguishment, it can be generally
summarized as the criterial model versus the relational model or, correspondingly, the geo-
cultural versus the sociopolitical (Radcliffe 2017; Merlan 2009; Gerharz, Uddin, and
Chakkarath 2018).
In particular, the criterial or the geo-cultural framework stems from the original
connotation of the “indigenous,” namely being the descendants of the original inhabitants in a
particular place (Baird 2020; Beckett 2015). This framework thus contends that a
ethnicities, and cultures are the key determinants of its indigenous status (Gerharz, Uddin,
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and Chakkarath 2018; Merlan 2009). By the extension of this, it grounds indigeneity in
relation to their “others” including, mainly, the modern nation-states, colonial apparatuses,
and the dominant populations. Such an approach indicates that Indigeneity, far from being a
processes. On the one hand, contemporary Indigenous status is often acknowledged by the
indicators of the indigenous status. Indigeneity thus becomes inevitably bound up with the
interests of the dominant populations, who through the processes of selection produce
Peoples (Radcliffe 2017). On the other hand, politicized, emancipatory, and subaltern
indigeneity may be acquired through Indigenous Peoples’ negotiations with, resistant against,
and “moral claims on” various hegemonic enterprises of historical and ongoing colonization,
The current research considers both the criterial and the relational analyses as
invoke some persistent conceptions of Indigeneity, I also pay attention to their situated
concerned concepts offered by Indigenous studies framed under this combined model. These
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Studies at the intersection of Indigenous traditions and ecology suggest that Indigenous
see human communities, material environment, and the worlds of spirits as co-inhabitants in
the holistic Indigenous worlds (Grim 2001, xxxiv). This cosmovision accords with a monist
ontology, lying at the center of various Indigenous nature-cultures, that does not distinguish
mind from matter. Under such Indigenous worldviews, all things, including humans and
other-than-human beings, whether biotic or abiotic, are animate, sentient, and perceptive
Such animist worldviews and monist ontologies have shaped the socioeconomic,
ecological, and spiritual activities in Indigenous communities, where the secular versus
sacred division is largely absent in everyday life (Grim 2001). In particular, Indigenous
in kinship with varied sentient entities in Indigenous homelands (Milion 2017). These
knowledges are then practiced in Indigenous lifeways and passed on through oral traditions.
They are accordingly inseparable from the lived experiences of Indigenous groups and
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academic attempts to institutionalize and abstract them, it is practical to invoke the following
summarized by political ecologist Nicolas Houde, studies of IEK generally follow six threads
including “factual observations, management systems, past and current land uses, ethics and
values, culture and identity,” and, undergirding these five, cosmology (2007). As mentioned
aforementioned, studies of world religions and ecology (Miller, Yu, and van der Veer 2014;
Evelyn and John 2001) as well as research on Indigenous traditions and ecology have offered
insights into Indigenous cosmologies worldwide. In particular, the role of religions and
Indigenous Ecological Knowledge is also known as Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and Local Ecological
17
Knowledge (LEK).
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colonial modernization continues to be one major issue of scholarly interest in the field (Grim
2001). Meanwhile, the rest five categories of IEK are being investigated by diverse
1993, 1–2).
While these studies mainly aim at applying IEK to pharmacology, botany, agriculture,
current research takes interest in mainly how these categories of IEK enter and condition the
These six aspects of IEK thus provide basic observation points for the case analyses.
The land bears both metaphysical and material-sociopolitical significance for Indigenous
beings co-inhabit the land are the central discourses in the criterial analyses of Indigeneity
regardless of differences in the genesis stories of Indigenous communities around the world
(Gerharz, Uddin, and Chakkarath 2018). The land is accordingly a major source of
intellectual, figurative, and literal power in Indigenous nature-cultures (Teves, Smith, and
perceptive to climate change disasters, they are disproportionally inflicted with the
18
Ethnoecology studies “the conceptions of ecological relationships held by a people or a culture”; ethnoscience studies
“systems of knowledge developed by a given culture to classify the objects, activities, and events of its universe” (Inglis
1993).
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movements fighting for land stewardship and visibility in environmental politics that arise
accordingly often invoke the rhetoric of indigeneity as a political resource. This strategy has
indigeneity,19 allowing for alliances among diverse Indigenous, non-Indigenous activist, rural,
and other disenfranchised communities worldwide (Tsing 2007, 39–42). Moreover, in regions
identity politics locally and fermenting the process of “becoming Indigenous” among those
Following the above discussion, the chapter breakdown briefly touches upon how
encounters between Indigenous or rural lands in Greater China and the erosive processes of
modernization have engendered criticality and politicalness of the works of art in focus.
Meanwhile, it will also introduce how land-based Indigenous metaphysics have shaped the
D. Ecocultural identity
The affinity between indigeneity and Indigenous lands suggests that ecology, in addition to
ethnic, sociocultural, and political factors, plays a constitutive role in Indigenous identity
19
According to Anna Tsing, other two major frameworks for transnational Indigeneity are “rhetorics of sovereignty,” which
applies mainly to settler-colonial places, and narrative of pluriethnic and multicultural autonomy.
20
These regions include Southeast and East Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. In section 3.3, I will discuss the contestations
over indigeneity and Indigenous Peoples in these regions, with an emphasis on Greater China.
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politics. To explicate this model of identification and its expressions in art and cultural forms,
the current research adopts the concept and analytical framework of ecocultural identity.
constant co-influence of cultural and ecology” (Parks 2020, 103). Additionally, ecocultural
identity theories contend that “all identities have earthly constitutions and forces” that hold
formative role in shaping the self-identification and cultural belongings of not only
Indigenous Peoples but all humans, including even that of extractive capitalists. In turn,
held by individuals and societies. Among these, diverse Indigenous identities comprise a
further explicate that it is no longer sufficient to base the identification of Indigenous Peoples
cultural autonomy, which have been largely incorporated into states’ regulatory projects.
While self-identification – rather than definitive terms like ethnicity or continued inhabitation
in ancestral lands – is suggested the primary determinator of being Indigenous by the United
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Section 3.1 and 3.2 have framed the conceptualization of contemporary indigeneity in a
combined criterial-relational model and listed four key ecological theses – Indigenous
metaphysics, IEK, Indigenous land, and ecocultural identity – central to this conception. This
model prepares for discussing indigeneity and its varied manifestations in Greater China
The term indigenous has only been applied to the identification of human populations
since the mid-20th Century. The contemporary notion of indigeneity, situated largely within
the human socio-politics since then, was largely shaped by transnational Indigenous
movements since the early 1980s and the endorsement of Indigenous rights under varied legal
framework across the globe (Gerharz, Uddin, and Chakkarath 2018). Against such
background, indigeneity often indicates adherence to traditions and resistances against the
Indigenous Peoples are not globally homogenous categories in theory or practice. Though
these terms are widely recognized in former settler colonies including Americas, Australia,
and New Zealand, they remain largely contested in Southeast and East Asia – as in some part
of Africa and the Middle East – as peoples in these regions have not been massively displaced
and replaced by European settler colonizers (Department of Economic and Social Affairs,
Division for Social Policy and Development, and Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on
Indigenous Issues 2009, 6; Beckett 2015; Milion 2017; Tsing 2007). Many governments in
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Asian countries, including China, thus have denied the applicability of the concept of
politically eclectic concept to refer to communities other than the dominant social groups in
government had denied the validity of the concept of Indigenous rights to the United Nations
Commission on Human Rights in 1995 (Sturgeon 2007, 130). Instead, China claims itself to
be a territory of, rather than Indigenous Peoples and latecomers, multiple ethnicities
(Hathaway 2016) including the majority group of Han Chinese and fifty-five ethnic minority
groups (c. 少數民族).21 The latter groups are generally marginalized socioeconomically,
politically, and cultural-ideologically in both modern and imperial China (Hathaway 2016).
Historically, though cultural transference has long been taking place among different
ethnic groups including the Han Chinese, such integration was “weighed in favour of the
absorption of Han traits.” Meanwhile, such cultural assimilation was often accompanied by
the Han Chinese occupation of “agriculturally richer low land” originally inhabited by ethnic
minorities through economic competitions, forcing the latter group to retrieve into
mountainous areas (Unger 1997, 68). Processes as such have been greatly accelerated since
the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, particularly through the building
of state farms, plantations, grassroots Party organizations, and the promotion of Mandarin in
education programs (Unger 1997). Overall, the accelerated erosion of the lifeways of ethnic
21
“少數民族” is sometimes translated as “minority nationality” in English, which is inaccurate as the Chinese government
does not consider “民族” as nationality.
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minorities goes hand in hand with the histories of changing land and property policies,
industrialization, and urbanization in Maoist and post-socialist China, which are also deemed
by political ecologists as the major cause of ecological degradation in the country today (Yeh
2015).
Meanwhile, since the early 1990s, the concept of “Indigenous Peoples”22 has been
Taiwan, who are also known as the Taiwanese Austronesians (Ma 2013, 13–14). The official
recognition of the rights of Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan have been the result of an array of
Indigenous movements from the 1970s to the present day, most of which have revolved
around protestations against the governmental land regulatory policies and Sinicization
processes since the establishment of Kuomingtang regime in 1949. In particular, three rounds
of “Return Our Lands” (c. 還我土地運動) movements took place in 1988, 1989, and 1993,
which began the history of systematically organized Indigenous rights movements across the
island. The movements targeted the reclamation of Indigenous Peoples’ sovereignty over their
ancestral lands, which had been put under the surveillance of the “Aboriginal Reservation
Land System” inherited by the Kuomingtang government from the Japanese rule (Chen 1998,
12–13). The environmental consciousness foregrounded in the land justice movements was
sustained and expanded through Indigenous populations’ continuous fights for the rights to be
involved in resource and environmental management and their struggles against the
22
In Taiwan, the most widely adopted designation for Indigenous Peoples today is “原住民族.”
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Indigenous lands for massive infrastructure building projects and national parks.23 Overall,
the maintenance of ethnic spaces, traditional terrains (c. 傳統領域),24 and ecocultural
autonomy25 have been the major impetus behind the rise of Indigenous identity politics in
The above review lays the sociohistorical contexts for a situated understanding of
indigeneity in Greater China. While the notion of indigeneity can be traced along with the
histories of Indigenous rights movements in Taiwan, the concept may apply to the status of
ethnic minorities and other marginalized rural populations in Mainland China who are not
officially included in the fifty-five ethnic minority groups. In both regions, Indigenes may
refer to those whose ecocultural autonomy has been continuously eroded by Han Chinese
lifestyles and modernization processes. This understanding is echoed by what Andrew Gray
populations in Asia as those who “have been oppressed by other ethnic groups over history”
23
For example, in 1973, Truku people began to protest against Asia Cement Corporation’s mining project in Xincheng
Mountain near their reservation land; in the early 1980s, Rukai people initiated protests against the government’s plan for the
construction of the Majia Reservoir in Dawu Mountain, which would have flooded their tribe if built; since 1987, Tao
(Dawu) people have been fighting against the State’s usage of their habitat Lanyu (Orchid Island) as the major nuclear waste
storage in Taiwan; for decades Bunun Truku, Atayal, and other Indigenous Peoples have been fighting against the
establishment of National Parks in their lands.
24
Traditional territory refers to an expansive area in the mountain forest inhabited by Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan. It
usually includes the tribal settlement, farmlands, hunting ground, ritualist sites, relics of ancient tribal settlements where the
ancestral spirits dwell, and the habitats of multiple natural Gods as well as mythical beings (Yao and Chen 2012).
25
Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan generally hold a “cultural vision of mountain forest” (c. 山林文化觀), which see Indigenous
cultures as inseparable from the space of traditional terrains.
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indigeneity previously staged, the current research understands indigeneity as the defining
qualities of those whose lifeways are embedded in certain modalities of ecoculture that exist
in confrontation with the modernist “national time and space” (Beckett 2015) of dominant
3. Methodology
This research adopts the collective case study approach to explore the transactions between
the practices of contemporary art, political ecology, and Indigeneity in Sinophone contexts.
The primary subjects of study are works and practices of art as well as their activities in
multiple spheres within the contemporary Art World and media culture. These analytical units
will be grouped by case study chapters. The groupings in different chapters may follow
different logics, which echoes with the previously discussed heterogeneous condition of
contemporary art. For example, when a prolific artist has established highly personal
chapter will center on his or her practices; when it is observed that the works of multiples
artists show affinities in thematic and theoretical interests regarding certain ecological issues
in the same area, these works – ideally conducted as short-term projects – will be grouped in
one chapter; when an array of works is produced through a long-term collaborative program,
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both the works and the program as a whole will be examined in a chapter. Meanwhile, each
case study chapter will include several analytical sectors including descriptive exegeses,
Multiple data collection methods (see section 4.2) are implemented throughout the
research process to build an empirical basis for case sampling. Regarding the criteria for case
selection, the studied cases should first correspond to the theoretical framing of the current
research. As previously discussed, the potential of the case in illuminating new theoretical
demonstrate methodological stability and complexity; the artist’s engagement with ecological
and Indigenous issues should be critical, authentic, and context-specific. Meanwhile, the
Lastly, a set of interdisciplinary analytical discourse will be adopted for the case studies
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During the fieldworks, I will interview the artists and their collaborators. The interview
questions will revolve around the backgrounds, methods, rationale, and processes of artistic
The fieldwork also aims at collecting materials from and generating a corporeal
understanding of the socioecological and Indigenous environments where the artists work. To
do so, I will visit the artists’ studios, collaborating institutions, and significant project sites.
Informed by the methodology of relational ethnography, I consider these spaces and places as
fields of relations and processes where the artistic practices are gradually established through
contacts between different actants involved, the artists, and their surrounding environments.
These fields of relations as sites of meaning production thus become the subjects of my
quasi-ethnographic inquires (Desmond 2014, 547–48). During the fieldwork, I will make
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• Points of contact between various actants in the field, with an emphasis on the artists’
role(s);
• How these contacts propel the formation of relational mechanisms that shape the mode,
With these observations, I intend to explore how meanings and values of art are contained in
“a linked constellation of narratives, concepts, and practices” (Desmond 2014) rather than the
Aspects of analyses
Problems regarding the validity of singular onto-epistemological reading of art arise when
Indigenous visual materials, ritualistic practices, and ways of TEK production are brought
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contemporary art, theorist Cynthia Freeland points out that neither the “art as communal
ritual” nor the art as the transcendent subject of aesthetic and moral judgement offers
satisfactory explanations for such art.27 On one hand, the ritualist reading – in the literal but
not metaphorical sense – fails when the shared worldviews and communal consensus needed
for art to perform ritualist efficacies are eliminated in the contexts of contemporary art. On
the other hand, the latter approach provides little insights into the form-materiality, contents,
and cultural-specific aesthetics of such works, often dismissing them as exotic or even
art as agential objects with socio-communal functions (Gell 1992) and a semiotic, linguistic,
and formal reading of art that does not defy the cross-cultural aesthetic conditions in which
modern and contemporary art is produced and displayed. The same concern lies at the center
of my analytical framework intended here. To make such non-binary analyses possible, I rely
The first considers contemporary art’s capacity of foregrounding and drawing attention
to the animacy, politicalness, and subjectivities of visual and material components in the post-
26
Here, the ritualist contents Freeland is referring to can originate from both Indigenous cultures and the European ritualist
lineages in “the Judaeo-Christian and the Greco-Roman” (Freeland 2003).
27
The former explanatory model considers art by its functions in communal activities and symbolic values produced through
“the use of ceremonies, gestures, and artefacts”; the latter one, according to Freeland’s historiographical analysis of
aesthetics theories, stems from David Hume’s contemplation on “taste” as well as the Kantian transcendental aesthetics and
is continued in the formalist approaches taken by major commentators of European-North-American modern art including
Clive Bell, Edward Bullough, and Greenberg (Freeland 2003).
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together these analytical discourses, I draw attention to how the materiality of things and
efficacies of visual forms, irreducible to being indexes of human agencies (Gell 1998, 4–5),
are sustained or transformed when travelling from the essential animist Indigenous worlds to
narrative, and quatidian practices in Indigenous cultures into the analytical discourses of art.
In the current research contexts, these would include anthropological and archaeological
studies as well as literary representations of the practices of “diffuse religions” (C. Yang
contextualize these sources in the current research, I will emphasize the ecological promises
demonstrated through the monist worldviews undergirding them. A list of key texts,
of this proposal. Formal discussions of this body of knowledge will be briefly presented in
The third complicates and politicizes Indigenous status in the contexts of post-socialist
28
For example, moving images’ capacity of re-enchanting the world or giving voice and visibility to the muted and the
concealed.
29
This set of cross-disciplinary analytical paradigms is designated as “new materialism” as it rises at a realization of the
inadequacy of post-structural, text-based analyses, which had once eclipsed the modernist material approach, in providing
explanation and solution for contemporary development of bio-technology, material life, and various ecological and ethical
crises (Coole and Frost 2010, 2–7). Here, it should be noted that new materialisms are hardly new is we take into
consideration that Indigenous metaphysics have always been attributing liveness and personhood to myriad things (Horton
and Berlo 2013, 18). Meanwhile, though some underlying convictions have been laid for the field, an orthodoxy has not yet
been established for new materialisms.
30
Reference may include Harman Graham’s object-based ontology and Bruno Latour’s theorization of the agency of things
in Actor-Network Theory, “parliament of things” addressed in We Have Never Been Modern (1991), and An Inquiry Into
Modes of Existence (2013), Timothy Morton’s “hyperobject.”
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China and postcolonial Taiwan. It looks at the nuances of Indigeneity in the Sionphone
major theses of political ecology, critical Indigenous studies, Indigenous ecology, theories of
marginalization,31 some of which have been touched upon in the literature review. I expect to,
with recourse to these analyses, observe whether and how the politics of art and that of
between ethnicities, “nature” and “culture,” primitive arts and fine arts, as well as pre-modern
and modern.
The above analytical tools will be applied to different subjects of analysis including
those contained in the works of art and the processes by and the context in which they are
created. Also, the analyses will be conducted in a continuous process that spans from
relational-ethnographic investigations to textual and visual studies. Overall, they are adopted
to explain how Indigenous and ecological contents are incorporated into various forms and
mediums of contemporary art at critical points of artistic rendition and, in turn, how
contemporary art offers spaces for liberating Indigenous and other-than-human actants from
3.4 Limitation
31
References may include: Robbins, Paul, Political Ecology: A Critical Introduction, Second Edition (Hoboken: Wiley-
Blackwell., 2012); Hokowhitu, Brendan, Aileen Moreton-Robinson, Linda Tuhiwai-Smith, Chris Andersen, and Steve
Larkin, eds., Routledge Handbook of Critical Indigenous Studies (Oxon: Routledge, 2021); Grim, John A., ed., Indigenous
Traditions and Ecology: The Interbeing of Cosmology and Community (Cambridge, Mass.: Distributed by Harvard
University Press for the Center for the Study of World Religions, Harvard Divinity School, 2001); Morris, Rosalind. C, ed.
2010, Can the Subaltern Speak? Reflections on the History of an Idea (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010);
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As the above analytical strategy is fragmented due to its interdisciplinary bases, my level of
engagement with each theoretical thread will be limited. Accordingly, the research does not
claim to generate major theoretical advancements in a particular field. The main research goal
focus. However, I will place more wright on exploring the bearing of Chinese Indigenous
sources on the conception of ecologically concern art and, more broadly, art-critical methods.
Meanwhile, a more rounded approach to contemporary art studies may emerge in the research
process.
4. Chapter breakdown
Chapter 1 Introduction
1.1 The nascent practices and scholarship of ecologically concerned art in Greater
China and other East Asian regions
1.2 Theoretical framing: political ecology and Indigeneity as emerging theoretical
paradigms in ecologically concerned art histories and criticism
1.3 Research scope and methodologies
Chapter 2 Continuous modernization in Greater China and its bearings on the ecology
2.1 Continuous modernization and its line of progression
2.2 Spiritual alienation: the consolidation of the nature-cultural division, the
secularization of popular beliefs, and the loss of traditional Chinese eco-vision
2.3 Human-environmental separation through socio-economic developmental
processes
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Chapter 6 Restoring homelands – the emerging politics of Indigenous ecology and the
recent evolution of contemporary Indigenous art in Taiwan
6.1 Typhoon Morakot and the disruption of Indigenous spaces
6.2 Etan Pavavaljung: viciking the mountains winds
6.3 Aluaiy Kaumakan: lemikaliking the Indigeous bodies
6.4 Eleng Luluan: mourning for the lost homes
Chapter 7 Conclusion/Epilogue
Chapter 1 Introduction
This section begins with a delineation of the rise of ecologically concerned art and relevant
scholarship in Mainland China and Taiwan and its recent expansion with emerging artistic
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methods. Based on this, I will delimit my research territory to the emerging ecological art
perspectives, and analytical instruments for the study of ecologically concerned art offered by
the canonical and expanded European and North American scholarships. Based on this, I will
evaluate the relevance of existing methods for the current research and highlight political
ecology and Indigenous traditions as two critical vantage points which I intend to take in this
research. The last section of the chapter states the research scope and methodologies.
This chapter situates the recent emergence of ecological consciousness and Indigenous
project that prioritizes developmentalism, this chapter begins with a discussion of how the
Europe and North America – fuels the demarcation of “the developed” and “the
underdeveloped” between countries and regions, between ethnic groups on the domestic
level, and between different regions within the dominant ethnicity group (Wang 2009). This
demarcation entails that “the underdeveloped” envisions the past and present of “the
developed” as its future and follows the latter’s modernist path, thus perpetuating the
progression of modernity along lines drawn from the “centers” to the “peripheries,” both of
which are continuously generated. Using an arrow to symbolize this process of continuous
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hegemonic modernization, I map its direction of progression with the below expression:
(dynamics between populations with different regional identities within Han ethnic areas:
Indigenous Peoples, ethnic minorities, and other marginalized populations across different
regions in Greater China today within the same narrative framework and observe where they
stand in the process of modernization. Under this framework, this chapter proceeds to discuss
modernity’s bearings on ecology and how they affect the ecologies on the “margins”
The first is spiritual alienation. In the history of modern China, this process is
worldview that differentiates nature from human society. From the late 19th century to the
early 20th century, as Darwinian “nature” and social sciences were introduced to China by
imperial and Nationalist intellectuals, “nature” – with its Chinese translation as “ziran” – was
existence, as opposed to ‘spirit’ and ‘history’” (Weller 2006, 43). Meanwhile, the Chinese
studies of religions led to their degradation of Chinese traditional religions to the status of
superstition (C. Yang 1991). “Attachment to natural objects, animals or the dead” and
reverence to “nature” that are omnipresent in traditional religions are almost effaced from the
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modern belief systems in China (Miller, Yu, and van der Veer 2014). A similar process of the
purification of “nature” and “natural science” is also seen in Taiwan during Japanese and
Kuomintang rule in the presentation of “nature” across various media as a subject of use and
governance, independent from culture and politics (Weller 2006). These historical processes
China today.
array of socioeconomic projects and cultural-political campaigns from the 19th century to the
current day. Among these, two periods, namely the Maoist collectivism and the post-Mao era
of state capitalism that began with the economic reform and opening up in the late 1970s are
deemed by political ecologists to have caused the most severe environmental degradation of
lasting consequences (Yeh 2015). Meanwhile, nation-wide, rapid urbanization has also
WWII.
In chapter two, I will further this discussion of the two processes through which
in Greater China by examining their specific historical manifestations related to the case
studies. Meanwhile, I will also discuss how spiritual and environmental alienation, having
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previously affected major urban populations, are now increasingly being experienced by the
understanding the rise of ecologically concerned art and justifications for the theoretical
perspectives – political ecology and Indigenous traditions – proposed for the research
framework.
Chapter 3: Indigeneity through mythological writing: Nuò/Nuó’s lifeworld and the re-
In 2003, artist and film maker Mao Chenyu made the feature film Soul Mountain during his
Hubei Province. The piece marked the starting point of Mao’s ongoing film and moving
image series “Paddy Film” and set ethnographic-fictional writing as an undergirding method
After returning from Shennongjia, Mao began to reconstruct the mythological histories
of the profane and divine life of his clan in Yueyang City, Hunan province, through
filmmaking. During this process, he was self-identified by the ethnicity of Nuò (c.糯, a
species of rice paddy of which the name became the signifier of the self-identification of the
agricultural population who first found and grew it) despite his Han ethnicity recognized by
religious ritual established in rural societies of China since the classic periods), who has been
posthumously deified as a major local God of the paddy-growing regions around the
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Dongting Lake nearby the artist’s hometown, Mao expands the conception of indigeneity by
exploring the entangled lifeways of various ancestral, spiritual, multi-species, and geological
presences in his surrounding rural eco-cosmos through the mediation of local ritualist
traditions.
This chapter centers on Mao Chenyu’s practices in three aspects: “Paddy Film” that
consists of more than a dozen works, his local socio-ecological practices at the Paddy Film
Farm since 2012, and his multimedia installation works presented at some major
像》 (2008-2009), experimental films I Have What? Chinese Peasant War: The Rhetoric to
in his film practices such as the re-enchantment of the native monistic universe through
degradation and spiritual loss in today’s rural China through the production of visual-textual
essays, and the incorporation of cross-genre filmic languages into moving image works of
contemporary art.
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and educational practices at the Paddy Film Farm as the communal and eco-infrastructural
Building upon these, the chapter will provide interpretations of Mao’s multimedia
installations at his major exhibitory projects in which conflations of artist’s films, indigenous
Lastly, this chapter discusses some key methodological concepts proposed by the artist
bring Mao’s practices into dialogues with critical indigeneity and ecologically informed
critical theories.
In 2019, Mongolian artist Chyanga, who is known by his Han name Qin Ga, exhibited in his
solo show in Tang Contemporary Art three installations works Where Are You Going《去往何
(2019), in which he ruminates on the erosion of traditional lifeways of the herders in Inner
socialist China. The exhibition signifies a thematic and methodological shift in the artist’s
practice towards nomadism after two decades of engagement in the histories of avant-garde
in Chinese contemporary art as well as a return to his Mongolian root in Alxa League.
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The alienation from grassland and indigenous spirituality in earlier life, and the
attempts to reconstitute one’s relation to the pastoral ecoculture through artistic experiments,
is not peculiar to Chyanga. A dozen artists who have been working on the issue in recent
years are involved in the online program “Go Nomadic Together” (c. 一起遊牧), which
Chyanga initiated in June 2020 amid the global outbreak of COVID-19. The program is as
much a survey of nomadic legacies in contemporary art, taking Inner Mongolia as an anchor
point while stretching across ethnicities, regional and national borders, as well as individual
works by the participants of “Go Nomadic Together” and other artists with nomadic lineages
in Northern China while having extensively life experience overseas such as NINI Dongnier
(b. 1988), who incorporates the Mongolian ecocultural, cosmological, and artistic legacies in
her choreographic and theatrical practices, Nashun Nashunbatu (b. 1969), whose surrealist
painting explores the human’s relationship to the landscapes and species in the pastoral
regions, and Timur Si-qin (b. 1984), who in his technologically rendered sculptures search for
spiritual resources from Mongolian and Amerindian traditions as remedies for Anthropocene
catastrophes. Through these examinations, the chapter reflects on the bearing of the embodied
the irrevocable dying out of nomadic life, and its abstraction as well as theorization as a
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More broadly, the chapter explores how nomadism theoretically and strategically
other words, how an indigenous experience shared across various borders is enabled by the
indigenous potentially offers a line of flight from the neoliberalist or state-governed logic of
possessiveness over land as properties, which global indigenous land movements today often
Chapter five begins with an overview of the development of Indigenous art in Taiwan from
the early 1990s to the late 2000s, highlighting an antinomy that occurs in the artists’ “search
for artistic modernity” (Lu 2007). On the one hand is the preservation of aboriginal artistic
traditions and the communal functions of art; on the other hand is the pursuit of personal
voices and contemporary artistic languages. In illuminating major theoretical issues that have
emerged in these debates, this sections also sets the background for examining Sakuliu
Pavavaljung’s works focused in the current chapter – only after the early 2010s have works
by contemporary Indigenous artist in Taiwan gained wider attention in the mainstream Art
World and Sakuliu has been a key figure in advancing this field of practice.
Sakuliu Pavavaljiung (b.1960) was born in the Davaland Village in Sandimen Township
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of Pingtung County, where the Paridrayan (also known as Tjavadran, Dashe or Ravar) clan of
Paiwan people live. Grew up in a family of Pulima (in Paiwan language, Pulima, literally
translated as “the person with many hands,” is the designation for those who excel in various
artisanship including sculpture, embroidery, and dancing), Sakuliu has been dedicated since
the mid-1980s to the revitalization of the lost ancient Paiwan visual and material cultures
initiatives developed over the following thirty years, through his holistic socially engaged
practices including from the earlier sculptures, potteries, pedagogies, and public art as well as
architectural projects to the more recent illustration books and installations in contemporary
art museums. Through these practices, the artist has generated a system of visual-textual-
material language-techne that speaks to two entangles worlds. On one side is the Paiwan
societies where Indigenous lifeways that have been previously passed on through only the
waning traditions of oral history and artefacts are now looking for sustainment and rebirth by
seeking publicness in the contemporary art and culture spheres; on the other side is the
mainstream Art World of Taiwan that, though only recently beginning to learn the language of
the Pulima, sees its political and aesthetic efficacies in addressing regional and global
Focusing on the critical moments in which the two worlds are brought into dialogue by
Sakuliu since 2009, this chapter examines two types of works of the artist, the illustrative-
narrative and the spatial. In series of drawings collected in publications such as The Dwelling
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Museum of Fine Arts (hereafter KMFA), Sakuliu systematically constructs the narrative
illustrations and texts about plants, artisanship and artefacts, as well as mythologies around
what he calls the “philosophy and ecology knowledge” of Paiwan people. In particular, I will
explore the spatial-temporal structures in his storytelling and how he preserves Paiwan spoken
language’s connections to cosmological beings through careful translations of its key terms
into modern Chinese. Meanwhile, I will also study Sakuliu’s architectural installations at his
three exhibitory projects in “The Dwelling of Ancestors: Ancient Pottery of The Paiwan Tribe
in Taiwan” (National Museum of Natural Science, 2009), “The Great Journey – In Pursuit of
the Ancestral Realm” (KMFA, 2009), “Boundary Narratives” (KMFA, 2015) with an emphasis
on how the artist merges the boundaries between the timeless Indigenous spaces and the
Chapter 6: Indigeneity through the politics of ecology: the restoration of homelands and
When Sakuliu invited people from his clan to help with the installation at KMFA in 2009, the
construction team moved directly from a temporal post-disaster settlement site to the
exhibition hall. At the time, the Tjavadran tribe, like many other mountainous Indigenous
tribes in Taiwan, had just lost their homeland to landslides and flooding caused by Typhoon
Morakot. As the governmental surveys conducted in the following years across Taiwan
suggest that most of the original tribal areas in the mountains would remain susceptible to
climate change events, many Indigenous populations were forced to relocate permanently in
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plain areas (Liu 2014). Typhoon Morakot was thus a critical moment after which the
secularization and erosion of the socio-spatial orders, landscape aesthetics, and traditional
lifeways of the Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan have been drastically accelerated. It is not a
coincidence that the disaster is deemed by some Indigenous artists, who have recently begin
to gain attention from the regional and global contemporary art scenes, as the turning point
for their practice. This chapter begins with an investigation of how Typhoon Morakot has
disrupted the Indigenous geospatial orders in Taiwan, with emphasis on the clans of the artists
in focus. Against this background, it explores through the representative works of three artists
how discourses of home lost and return, the rupture and restoration of human-environment
emerged from and shaped recent contemporary Indigenous art in Taiwan, thus bringing it to a
wider audience.
After losing their homeland to Typhoon Morakot, one elderly member of the Tjavadran
tribe said to Etan Pavavaljung (b. 1963) that “Salulum a vali igaed” (the mountain winds are
fragrant). Inspired by this saying, Etan, another Pulima from the Pavavaljung family, began to
experimentations with the method of “venecik.” While the noun “venik” in the Paiwan
language denotes patterns seeable in both natural formations and artefacts, the verb “venecik”
chapter explores how the implement of venecik as a practical method and conceptual
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Aluaiy Kaumakan (b.1971), who comes from an aristocratic family in the Tjavadran
tribe, had years of experience in combining Paiwan artisanship with fashion and jewelry
design before turning to visual arts in the recent ten years. After Typhoon Morakot, she began
to explore “lemikalik” (to entwine) as a technique and a concept in making soft sculptures of
organic forms. This chapter studies her recent works presented in the solo exhibition
“Lemikalik” (Pingtung Majia Taiwan Aboriginal Culture Park, 2020), Taipei Biennial 2020,
and the Yokohama Triennale 2020 to explore the practice of lemikalik as a way of reshaping
the fragmented bodies of Indigenous lands, plants, tribal communities, and women.
“Consciousness Tribe” (c. 意識部落), once active in the Jinzun Beach and Dulan of Eastern
Taiwan, Eleng Luluan (b. 1968) was known for her site-specific, abstract sculptures made of
driftwood during the 2000s. The moment at which her home tribe of Rukai (Drekay in
of Pingtung County, was destroyed by Typhoon Morakot, marked a watershed in her practice.
Since then, the artist has picked up metals and fabric to make freestanding, symbolic forms
resembling human bodies, plants, and geological formations. Meanwhile, after years of
distancing herself from the Rukai hierarchical social order and rigid artisanship traditions, she
began to renegotiate with her Rukai roots in works such as Between Dreams (2012),
Trauma and The Light and Time of the Kucapungane Community's Ridgeline” series (2019),
through which she explores themes of trauma, loss, mourning, homecoming, nomadic
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chapter will study Eleng’s works after 2010 to unpack these complex conceptual layers.
Chapter 7: Conclusion/Epilogue
The final chapter reflects on what answers to the proposed research questions can be
generated from within-case and cross-case level. Meanwhile, it will summarize new
theoretical concepts, art-critical discourses, and anticipations for the current and future
development in the practicing and theoretical field that emerged during the research process.
5. Selective bibliography32
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