A RESEARCH ON THE KHALEEJI = GULF – REGIONAL IDENTITY

Introduction
According to Redazione@ispionline.it (2019), the term Khaleeji (Arabic for "of the Gulf") refers
to a sociopolitical regional identity shared by citizens of the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)
states. Khaleeji identity is the next step in the Gulf's evolution of political identity, which began
with tribal identities and progressed to include national.
Similarly, Al-Misned (2016) specified that a person from a member state of the Gulf
Cooperation Council (GCC), sometimes known as a "Gulfie" in slang English, is known as a
Khaleeji (male) or Khaleejiyah (female).
However , the importance of using the term Khaleeji, instead of the term Gulf, was initially based on the
constant switch between the terms ‘Arabian Gulf’ and ‘Persian Gulf’ (Al Balushi, 2022).

The Khaleeji identity has the potential to explain contemporary Gulf politics and international
relations. However, it is far from a well-known concept; you'd be hard pressed to find even a
passing mention of it in the literature on Gulf politics. identities with the arrival of nation-states
in the region in the mid-twentieth century (redazione@ispionline.it, 2019).

Evolution/factors
Furthermore Abdullah, G (2016), explained that the development of the the Khaleeji identity
began after creation of The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) which was formed on May 25, 1981,
in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, by an agreement signed by Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia,
and the UAE in recognition of their special relations, geographic proximity, similar political
systems based on Islamic beliefs, common destiny, and common objectives. The creation of
khaleeji-capital demonstrates the development of a class increasingly aligned with imperialism's
interests, and it has significant implications for understanding the region's political economy.
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is the most visible manifestation of regional identity, and
this international organization has "contributed decisively to the creation of a khaleeji persona
in international relations (Hanieh, 2010). The identity of the Khaleejis is still evolving in a way
that minimizes and rejects their traditional background (Al-Misned, 2016).
Despite its importance and potential, khaleeji identity has remained a poorly understood
concept. This is primarily due to the overwhelming influence of oil on the conceptualization of
Gulf politics. Many existing theories of the Gulf's sociopolitical structures have been developed
with oil as a central unit of analysis. Because these conceptions reflect the strategic, political,
and economic security concerns of great powers (primarily the United States) in the region, it is
only natural that oil has played such a defining role in shaping Gulf political theories and
perceptions. Since the Gulf's elite and ruling social classes are the most important to oil
production and policy, they are the most notable classes to account for in the oil-centric model
(Abdulla, 2016).
The main goals of creating this organization were to advance regional political stability and
security, strengthen relationships between people, and encourage economic, financial, and
cultural cooperation. The charter also facilitated a cohesive entity among the Gulf states and its
residents in terms of social identity. It allowed individuals in all Gulf states to advance (Nkhleh
& Emilie, 2022).

Effects
Firstly, (Karolak & Allam, 2020) illustrated that the the khaleeji identity affects the GCC region
which has made it undergone a massive transformation in recent years, thanks to its vast oil
resources. Once sleepy outposts, the Gulf states have now become world-renowned centers of
banking, tourism, trade, and shopping. Behind the Oriental mask, however, lies a vibrant
society that is young, cosmopolitan, and dynamic. The Gulf has become a magnet for a large
workforce, from unskilled workers to highly-skilled professionals, and millions of tourists,
businessmen, and movie stars from Hollywood and Bollywood flock to the region every year.
Also Gulf citizens have always been proud of their identity and culture, but in recent years this
pride has taken on a new meaning. As the Gulf states have become more prosperous and
influential, their citizens have become more conscious of their role in the world. They are no
longer content to be seen as oil-rich sheikhs or rich tourists, but want to be recognized as a
modern, cosmopolitan people with a rich culture and heritage.
Secondly, this new pride in khaleeji identity is having a profound effect on the region. The Gulf
states are investing heavily in cultural and artistic initiatives, and are becoming known for their
innovative architecture and design. They are also working to promote their language and
culture on the global economy (Hanieh, 2010).
Thirdly, Abdulla (2016) opined that given the strategic importance of the region, khaleeji states
tend to act realistically. But among other hazy state-society interactions, institutional
policymaking is frequently hampered by self-interest. Therefore, taking a step back and revising
one's theories might result in a better comprehension of policy development and state conduct
in the Gulf. However, with an eye toward something greater than worldly concerns.
Lastly, the political will of each government of the member states shapes thus the outcomes of
the cooperation depending on the circumstances. While the Arab Spring encouraged unity and
the joint GCC military intervention in the Kingdom of Bahrain is a notable example of a military
undertaking by the Peninsula Shield Force, the subsequent announcements by Saudi Arabia of
GCC turning into a union in the aftermath of the uprising did not materialize. On the contrary,
GCC states, with the exception of Bahrain, are even more conscious about preserving their
sovereignty fearing domination of Saudi Arabia in the alliance. The recent spat with Qatar
related to foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has had even
deeper ramification with three member-states, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and UAE cutting all ties
with Qatar; and two remaining members, Oman and Kuwait continuing cooperation as usual.
Gulf citizenship has thus been weakened with Qataris no longer being allowed to travel to and
remain in the three countries in question. The perception of a common Gulf identity is
determined thus by an understanding of individual benefit by each of the member-states rather
than by the need for unity. Given these profound disagreements, countries involved may stress
their unique characteristics, aiming to set themselves apart from the rivals. The dispute over
foreign affairs has led the societies of countries affected to highlighting their differences with
Qataris and vice-versa. Anecdotal evidence reports even changes to the collars of thobes (a
traditional garment worn by men), to make a difference between the Qatari and Emirati styles.
Yet, no one disputes their khaleeji identity (Karolak & Allam, 2020).
Concludingly, Identity in the Khaleeji community is a fluid concept. Literally meaning "of the
Gulf," its development over time is the result of the shared concept's interpretation by the
citizens of Gulf countries, the leadership of the Gulf states' efforts to define their national
identities, and the results of relations within the GCC (Al-Misned, 2016).

References

Abdulla, G. (2016). Khaleeji Identity in Contemporary Gulf Politics.

https://daphnis.wbnusystem.net/~wbplus/websites/AD2902892/files/analysis_abdulla.pdf

Al Balushi, N. S. (2022, April 13). Khaleeji Museology - Identity and Practice by Noora S. Al

Balushi. Engage101. https://101.art/blogs/research/khaleeji-museology

Al-Misned, L. (2016). Understanding the Evolution of the Khaleeji Identity.

https://daphnis.wbnusystem.net/~wbplus/websites/AD2902892/files/commentary_al-

misned.pdf

Hanieh, A. (2010). Khaleeji-Capital: Class-Formation and Regional Integration in the Middle-

East Gulf. Historical Materialism, 18(2), 35–76.

https://doi.org/10.1163/156920610x512435
Karolak, M., & Allam, N. (2020). Gulf Cooperation Council Culture and Identities in the New

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