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    Colonial Subjects

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    Horacio
    Pensamiento decolonial

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    Colonial Subjects Puerto Ricans in a Global Perspective » Ramén Grosfoguel Bereley” = Lae Angle Landon Lou} Puerto Ricans in the United States A Comparative Approach Today immigrants pet a heateningousiders knocking a the gates, ot rshing the pts, oF neaking through che ‘eit oct cher than thowe fron which the i= {ant cae, The inirtonsecving cous eb ‘hough they were no pares the proces of migration. Burin face they te arnt. Inerstionl migration nds the fteneton ofa numer of somone ad gopoieat Process tat ak the counties inva hey te at simply ‘he ostcome of vans in earch of eer opprtnites. Pat of the problem of understanding migration leo ‘seg how, why, aad when goverment, eonomi aco media, and populations tage ingly developed counties ‘ascipt fn the migration proce “The traditional sociological paradigms on immigrants in the United States—the assimilation schol (Park 19503 Gordon 1964) and the cal- ‘al pluralist school (Glazer and Moynihan 1963)—have been based on ‘thnsity approaches, Both schools wsed tam-oftheIas-centry Euzo- pean migrations as a model. According to the assimilation school, all ‘groups pat through several stages inthe process of assimilation tothe host scien. ist, hey Become acculurated co the values, norms, and ception refers to the state policies toward a specie migrant group, the ‘estion/peceptions of public opinion, andthe presence or absence ofan ‘ethnic community. This context provides the sociological framework ‘that determines the diverse abormarket incorporation. This approach represents an improvement over the timeless and unilnear deterministic ‘oncepevaiztions of the old paradigms. However, three pots need 10 be emphasized. Fist the “context of reception” approach remains statecentic. This approach conceptuaizs the contex of reception and the modes of in coeporation in terms ofthe “national” setng of che United States, ove- looking the global historcal-structaral processes that condition both (Perse ro81). Whether the state policies toward a migrant group ae positive, negative, or neutral is something thais frequently related othe {eopolitcl strategies and capital secamulaton processes on a wodld Scale Is croc to locate each eacaethne group within the broader ‘contest of he core periphery relationships between thee staeof origin and the United States. Fr instance, migrant reception is largely detes- ‘mined by whether the core-periphery relationship i colonial neocolo- rial with an active military intervention by the United States, or periph cal without geopolitical importance for the cote sate. Migrants! ‘country of origin makes for aa important difference in tems ofthe m= ‘stn clat origileducational background, US. policies reparding thie {ecepcion, and thee public perception, whic, in tr, afer their modes of incorporation othe labor market (Grosfoguel 19976). Another con- sideration isthe geographical proximity ofa peripheral tate othe core state, whch allows lower-class migeans to bypass the institutional bar tiesto migration by crossing the borders legally (for example, Mex- {co} A somewhat diferent cases presented by countries hat have “bro- ken” ehe neocoonial linkages withthe United States and are treated by “American foreign policy as enemies (for example, Cubs, Nicaragua dur ing the Sandinista epime, Viena). In hese cases the migrant re ws ally teated a refuges witha more postive context of reception than ‘many othe migra. ‘Stcond, the "context of reception” approach shares with the other ap Puerto Rican the nied States ar proaches a static and uniliear conception of immigrants. Immigrants se assumed to leave fo good thes county of origin and see in 2 new country with no circulatory complexldynamic relationships across bor- ders. In thi sense alehough this approach focuses on the tate, i over- looks the eansnational dimension of international migration processes (Gash, Schill and Seanton-Blane 1993). “Third, an important overlooked aspect chat i central othe context of reception ithe racalethnie composition ofthe migrants. The difer- ence berween “white” Europeans and nonwhite others is a crcial axis that articultes social lations in the United States. There ae groups of migrants that are socially constructed as “white” such as European mi rans, and others thae are constacted a5 “blak,” sich a cereain mi ‘ations from te Eaglsh-speaking Caribbean. There are group, such as Puerto Ricans and Mesicas-Americans, that, although they have a mixed racial composition, ae cacalized asa group. All of these varia tions in racialzaion and colonial experiences ae crucial to understand the diferent eception ofan immigeant group ina raclized society such se the United State, ‘Thus i important to look atthe totality of ee migration process ‘ofeach migrant group in it hstorial-trscturl complenty—ehat £2 ‘analyze the ime and space dimensions as well asthe racial and ethnic dy namics—to understand why some groups are more succesfllyincor- porated to the labor market than others. Wheze are eey coming from and why? When di they aviv? Wha the dominant lass origin ofthe ‘migration flow? What is the racalethnic composition? Where are they seuled? What ate the geopolitical, economic, and social dimensions of the migration processes foreach immigrant group? What are the rela- tions berween the host society andthe country of rigin? What isthe his. try and poical-economy of the region in which they setded atthe time they migrated? What ithe context of reception foreach migrant group inthe city in which they etded? How do he narratives of the nation in the host society affect the migrants’ identity andor racialization procter? After accounting for all ehese factor, we can start making Sense ofthe diverse laboc market incorporations among differen ethnic {roups and the diverse soa networks bul by thei commianiies. Not Sccounting forthe broad historcal-stractral context experienced by ‘each paniula migrant group i the process af incorporation tothe host, ‘occ common mistake, ests in stereotyping By ignoring the broad historical nd politiea-economie contest tha precedes migrant incor poration to the labor market, and by placing the emphasis only onthe : oer Riss Migration lates tis easy to conclude simpisialy that the failure or sucees of ‘ethnic group depends on how hard they work, how disciplined and mo- tivated they ace and whether the commniy’s social capil i positive ‘or negative. This kind of sedactioniam lead to praising the privileged snd blaming the victims. To aold an economist imerprettin, !eon- ‘eptlizein broader sete the nation of mode of incorporation, which ‘oloftea i sed to refer mainly tothe labor market. "Mode of incorpo- ration” here includes the global and national politcal, cultural, and so- cial dynamics ofthe procese of incorporation to the new society; Teall {his the “sociopolitical mode of incorporation” By the Inte nineteenth cenury, the United States had special economic and political eres in che Caribbean region. The Caribbean was per ‘ceived by US. politcal elites as an important region both for commer- ‘al routes to South America and as a ratepic military location for dhe ‘efease ofthe US. maialand against an European invasion (Estades-Fnt 1988). These two considerations mobilized politcal elite establish an aggresive stategy of dizecr military inerventions for the politcal ‘conomic control ofthe region. Four ofthe fie islands the Greater Aa tills were invaded between 1898 and 1916. Pesto Rico and Cuba were invaded in 1898, Hait in x915, andthe Dominican Republic in 1916. “These interventions eeperipheralized the four islands fom a dominant European control over their poical and economic process to one of US. domination (Grosfogua 19970). U.S. capital investments increased ‘dramatically in the region, reuling in the dec cone ofthe sugar Plantations and the ugae ead (Oficial shor recruitment was established in the wetitoies under US. military control Preto Rcsne after 1900 were ecruited by US sugar corporations eo work ia Hawaii, the Dominican Republic, and Cuba; alana were recruited to work st sugar estates inthe Dominican Re public and Cuba ater 1915; Jamaicans, who were under British rte in the x9008, were rescited by the thousands to work at US. saga estates in Cbs; and thousands of Bazbadians were recruited to build the Panama Canal under the US flag (Castor 2972 84 Pere dela Riva 1979! 14-395 Foner 1983: 93 Bie Everts 1986: 188-96) rom 19900 1920 the mass labor migration fom the Caribbean to the U.S. mainland and the foundation of the fs Caeibbeancommuni- Pact Rc the Unie States, ws tiesin the United States took shape. This shift was par ofa global tans- formation of migration processes. This movement of people was not 8 colonizing migration from the expanding commercial centers of the world-system to the subordinated regions; instead, it became 2 popula- ton movement from che periphery in response tothe needs ofthe new industrial centers (Portes and Walton 1981). Dring the Fist Word War the flow of immigrants coming from E- rope tothe United States decreased, thus increasing the eeeritment of CCanbbean labor. Thousands of Jamaicans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans were cried for agrarian snd menial jobs a part ofthe ongoing Wat eff. By roo, there were approximately thiey-five thousand Afto- Caribbean West ladians in New York City (Light 1972) For the next twenty-five years (1920745) the absolute numbers of Caribbean migrants declined compared to thee large numbers of che fest, ‘wo decades ofthe century (Bryce-Lapore 1983). The labor unions’ de- ‘mand to restrict immigrants, the Great Depression, and the Second ‘World War afeted the entrance of new Caribbean migrants, Ths, the “intemal minorities," especially southern blacks but alo Puerto Ricans, who after 1917 were US. citizen, became the main source of cheap Tabor forthe northeastern industrial complex. New York City became ‘one ofthe main destinations ofthese racalizedolonial grants. During the Second World War the United Stats relied on Mexican immigrants (ehrough the Bracero program) for cheap labor in south ‘western agriculture and on women in northern industeies, Puerto Rian ‘were recrited through a wareffrt federl program to work in sgricl- ‘ure and industries ia the Nowtheast ding the Second Woeld Wae(Mal- dorado 1979). Afr 1945, when the war was over and women were set bck to the “kitchens,” Caribbean migration increased to he former pre-1g20s level. This was 2 pesiod of increased segmentation is the labor matket (Portes and Bach 1985). At this ime a dual-labor market, divided between an oligopolsic sector and a competitive sector emerged. The former was characterized by stable labor elation in cpitainensve industries through internal promotion and increases in ‘wages ax productive increased, The later were low-wage, menial obs in Isborintensive indies. Caribbean migrants were massively re: cruited in the competitive sector Inthe 154 and 908 the great mar joctyof Caribbean migrants were Puerto Ricans recruited for low-wage jobs ithe postwar expansion ofthe competitive capitalist manuactar- Ing and sevice industies in New York Ci. “The Cuban cevoution ducing the 1960s and the approval of the lib- Poco Rian Migtion ral 1965 Immigration Act brought about a major transformation athe ‘thnic composition of Carbbean immigeant inthe United States. Coban political efuges became Rrstn otal numbers of Caribbean immigrants throughout the 1960s and 19708, The mor interesting development in ‘this period wa che subtiation of African-Amercans and Puerto Ricans For he “new immigranes” as dhe major source of cheap labo in the sec ‘ondary labor market of “global ces” like New York, especially afer ‘the 1975 oli (Sasten r988). Labor migration feom the Dominican Republic Jamaica, and other Caribbean islands not including Puerto Rico and Cuba) intessed to proportions never seen before. From com rising merely 7 percent of ehe total Caribbean legal immigrant popala- tion inthe 19508, these combined populations geomecsiclly increased to 46 percent inthe 19608, 60 perceot in the 1970s, and 63 percent ia the 198os (Grasmack and Grosfoguel 1997). This increase of "new im- migrants” wae also rected inthe sigiant decrease of Puerto Rican rmigrans, fom te peak of 450.413 (79 percent of the cota Caribbean Tegal migeants) inthe 19505, «9 only 57,227 (7 percent) inthe 19708 (Grasmuck and Grosfoguel 1997). Tiss significant because it reflects ‘major change—from domestic minorities tothe "new immigrants” — in the source of cheap labor in ck US. economy. Tas leads us to our next queron: Who migrates? Fom what sectors ofthe sending societies ‘ome theee migeants? ‘THE CLASS COMPOSITION OF THE POST-1960s Since these islands do not share a border with the eciving sci, the ‘majority of Caribbean nation-states send those who ean afford to get 2 ‘stand pay for dhe journey. Contrary to popular belie, those who mix frte tend tobe the most urban, educated skilled workers, those with household incomes that are higher than the sectors athe bottom ofthe sending racer (Bray 19843 Grasmck and Pestar 19913 Sepic and Pores 1986; DeWind and Kinley 1988; Foner 1979, 1985; Portes and Bach 1985; Pedeara-Baley 198s). Because of the transtational net~ _works built by the frst migration wav, the second migration wave ends to have higher representation from the poorest sectors, though they are sill aot the majority. In Table 6 we se that the class origins of migrants change over time and come 10 include more people from the lower Clases. Nevertheless, the middle sectors ofthe working clases remain the largest proportion ofthe migrant population. During the pas wo Posto Rian nthe United Ses ns decades, with the exception of the Domisican migration, in all cases there wa an increase of low-service andlor agricultural workers Cuban, Haitan, and Jamaican migration of white-collar workers decreased over time, bu, particularly when compared to population gues for these countries of origin, Buecollar workers wete aumecclly ovrtepee- ‘sented inthe migrant population. Bive-ollar workers are mide sectots ‘ofthe working lasses and are aot he people athe bottom ofthe labor marke in the country of origi. In the 9908, Hatans experienced 2 dramatic dereae in bluecollar worker migration bt significant in crease in agricultural labore migration. This exception to the pater re ‘led fom the mats migration of boat people during the r99oe. During that same period, the Dominican Republic experienced an increas in ‘white-collar worker migration and a decrease in low-service and agi cultural workers. However the Dominican Republic kep sending high numbers ofbiue tation was mare epresentative ofall social lasses on theisland and he ‘majority setled in ew communities ootide of New York City. How: te, the proportion of loweservice workers, agricultural laborers, ad tothe laborers quit high forthe Puerto Rican migration compared to the migrants from Caribbean nation-states (ee Table 7). Thee fa con stant overepresentation of agricultural workers, especially whea taking into consideration tha after 1975 ls than 5 percent ofthe labor force on he island were agricultural workers. 16 Peto Rican Migration “ye econd exception i the sosent wave of new Haitian immigrants that Landed legally om the shores of South Hoda after crossing 700 miles of open sex aboard small boats. Estimates ae that between ity and seventy thousand Haitians arsved beeween 1977 and 1981. Man- ‘ging to avoid border restrictions, the Haitian “boat people” are def- itely of lower status and havea more rural background than the Hai- ‘ian lgal immigrant cohort to the United States, arriving between 1962 and roo (Sepik and Portes 1986. The former stein South Frida, ‘while the later settled in New York City. Haitian “boat people” come From low educational and occupational Backgrounds, Results ofa sut- vey reveal a population with above-average levels of education and in- ‘come by Haitian standards (Stepck and Pores 1986). Even though ile: tl sea migration i accesible ro more Haitians tha is legal air eavel ‘vith visa only thote with an above-average income can afford to pay ‘he illegal sea migration fare. “The migration of 1255000 Cubans in z980 through the Cuban port ‘of Mariel t South Flor is anoeee exception to the Caribbean upper ‘nd middle-level labor immigration patter. Most ofthese immigrants tvere untied laborers fom the lower ata of Cuban society Pedrazar Bailey 198sa; Portes and Bach 1985). In sum, Caribbean migrants canbe characterized asa labor migration composed mainly of che most urban employed mide-sector workers in the sending countries. Only colonial migrants ach as Puerto Ricans and “boat people” such as Haiians/Cubans in South Flvia ae exceptions to ths general tend. This leads to our next question: What are the modes of incorporation of Caribbean immigrants in he United States? MODES OF INCORPORATION TO THE HosT SOCIETY Contrary t the human capital approach, which emphasize individual soributes, structurale explanations emphasize the macrostructres of ‘he capital labor process. Howevey, both approaches share an overem phasis on soccies’ economic processes, overlooking the socal and po Tiel relaionshipe mediating the relations between an ethnic group and. the abor market. Thisis where a nonteductve social lationl approach ‘rphaszing the sociopoltiel mode of corporation can offer new i= sights chat enrich the strscturalis perspective. A basi assumption ofthis approach that market relationships are embedded in social relations (Granoveter 2985; Block 1991) the marker isnot insulated fom polit ‘eal elation, sae policies and social relations. Rather than a rational Porto Ricans inthe Unie States co subj consciously calculating the most profitable choices, there are i ‘vidas or groups embedded in socal relations with other individuals for geoups, ll of which condition alternatives and choices within pecu- liar socal contests “The sociopolitical mode of incorporation approach implies the re conceptualiztion ofthe economist conception of the immigrans ‘movies of incorporation, This ix conceptualized as embedded in soil, polieal, and cultural lations i acer words a particular immigrant {roup's labor matket incorporation the oateome of the nceraction be tween the las origin ofthe immigrant group and the multiple social de {erminations composed by the sociopolideal mode of incorporation Ivthin the hor socieey Whether the host government's policy is one of {tive suppore or opposition tothe immigrant group, whether public ‘pinion isone of acceptance or discrimination, whether the country of ‘origin is peresived bythe coe state a friend or an enemy, or whether the immigrant group has access go am ethnic community that provides “Capital and socal network of solidarity tothe newly arrived or not all tmake a significant difference in erms ofthe particular mode of incr. poration ito de labor market. The notion of “sociopolitical modes of Incorporation” jcloseto Portes and Rumbaue' (1990) notion of "on- text of reception.” The main diference i that while the former empha~ tines the globol politeal-sconomic relationship berween the host and ‘ending society, the later emphasizes the national eting ofthe hosts Ciery. Conteary tPortes and Rum bau’ argament( 1990) the US. gov tmaments geopoiicl policies toward the Caribbean overdetemines public opinion sed thai commenit resources. The US. government's policy toward Caribbean migrants as been dependent on political Seategic considerations in che eyon (Grosfoguel 19970). Global sym bole strategies toga capital of prestige visi the Soviet Union duc- ing the cold war are crucial to understand US. policies roward the ‘Gaba and Puerto Rican migration, For example, Cubans in Miami be- tame a geopolitical showeate y-dvis the Cuban regime. The success Of these immigrants was an imsportane ideological weapon during the old war years a weapon that could nllaence ideologically those who stayed inthe island (Grosfoguel 1994, 1997b). Thos, they reecived mil lions of dollars in government aid to open businesses, find jobs, and improve ther educational levels (Cronin r981;Pedraza-ailey 1985b; Domingues 199; Grosfogul 1994), By contrat, Puerto Ricans on the iadand served a «geopolitical showcase of capitalism visi the So- viet model represented by Cuba, Puerto Rico's model of development, aa Puerto Rican Migaton bette known as “industralization by ievitation.” was showcased astound the world bythe United States asa way of gaining capital of prestige and honoe, or symbolic capital (Bourdiew 1977), to the US. ‘model of development in conteast to the Soviet model (Grosfoguel 1597). Thos, the migration of the lower sata was stimulated and en: couraged as a way of clearing the island of che unemployed and che ‘shantytowine(Grosfogul #997). This policy paved the way forthe ist nase iray migeaton in world history. Approsimately sic hundred thousand Poerto Ricans, mostly cara unskilled workers, migrated to the mainland inthe twenty yeas period between 195 and 1970, Since the Puerto Rican showcase was the sland rather chan the migrants the ‘United States channeled its resources tothe island. Those who migrated ended up in the urban ghettos of the metropole and had one ofthe hih- tse poverty rte in the United Stace, “Similary, US. policies toward Haan refugees have been discrimi ator for eaial at wells geopoltal reasons In this case one consid {ration was the support tothe Ducalierditatorship asa containment Strategy against communism inthe region (Grosfoguel 1997) Wf che United Sates provided support the refugeos it would have Bee ntr- preted as an indzeterigue ofa friendly anticommunist dictatorship. ‘Ths in contrast the Caan refuges, who until ver recently were rived with open arm, Haitians were detained or epored o Hat. This ference in treatments crucial to account forthe success o flue in ‘the incorporation to the labor mazket of diffrent Caribbean groups in the United Stats. ‘Caribbean offer an excellent example ofthe immigrans’ multiple forms of incorporation into the receiving society’ labor market depend- ing on thei clas origins and diverse sociopolitical modes of incorpo- ration, Diverse modes of incorporation exist within the same ethnic [toups. However, each edie group has a dominant rend. On one ex- Heme sit the Cubans who migrated daring the ros9~79 pciod and, on the other extreme st the Haitian "boat people” who arcved during the 1980s. Both arived in South Florida. The mode of incorporation forthe CCibancefagees dug the cold war years was characterized by: (x) an sctive goverment suppor ith the creation ofthe Clban Refuges Pro- tram to help Cabans resettle succesfully int the host society (Pedraza- Bailey 1985b} (2) positive public opinions and (3) an entrepreneurial cent community that offered jobs and opportunities tothe newy ar Fed, insulating them fom discrimination in she open marke (Portes tind Bach 1985) In contrast o this migration, the Haan "boat people” Puerto Ria inthe Usted tates a9 {in South Florida encountered opposition to entry fom the host govern= ‘ment, ieriminaory publi opinion, and no ethnic community to stv fs buffer spaiost discrimination. Terween these two extremes there are a variety of other modes of i= corporation, The 19808 "Mariel" Cubans experienced discriminatory public opinion, had no active government suppor, and had an enre~ Drencural ethnic community that incorporated them at least more sue- _Eaflly han the Haitian in South Flori (Portes and Seepck 1985)- ‘The next two cases age the skiled/vitecollar immigrants fom Jamaica and Haiti ia New York City who arsived between 1965 and. “odo. New York’ lange black community anda multicultural enviton- ‘ment served asa curtain for both ethnie goups to pass unnoticed. Thus, bh have experienced passive acceptance from the government and rel ‘tively positive public opinion concerning thei particular ety. In ‘Epos cl rights era the Euro-American elites and policymakers wed the West Indian presence in the ity to “showcase” them vis Avis [Nbican- Americans. West Indians were portrayed as “hard-working people” in comparison to the “lazy” domestic minorities such as ‘Kiriean-Amercans. Tis isnot only white American construction, ‘West indians themselves developed a strategy of ethnic dstintion vs- {ovis African-American after the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Inthe Haitian ‘ase thee was no public hysteria against their sedement in New York before 1980 as there was in South Florida during the r98os. Since both Fiatans and Jamaicans ae primary of Afo-Carbbean descent and feted near Affcan-Amercans, they avoided the racism directed ‘psins the Affican-Ameriean community in New York City by empha fining ethnic over racial identity. However, one major diference be- tween the Afican Americans and he immigrants from Haiti and Ja- tmaica isthe higher edaationa levels ofthe latter (Grasmack and (Grosfoguel 1997). Meaawhil, the main differences between Haitians sd Jamaicans in che United States ae: (1) the hos society’ stronger prsjuices against Haitian culate; (3) the existence ofa large white- Colle community in the Jamaican case versus a more diversified ‘Working-las community inthe Haitian ease; and (3) the Jamsicans' Fat language i English, whereas Haitians speake Creole. Thus, despite the fact that both groups share high educational levels Jamaicans ae ‘economically more successful than Haitians ‘Pert Ricans have some ofthe wort socioeconomic conditions inthe ‘United States, The fist lange wave of Puerto Rican migrans were Slilledurban laborers between 1900 and 1945- During this period, He Pott Rican Migzaton ecto Ricans were actively tecrsted during and afer the Fast World “War as cheap labor forthe manfacturing industries in New York ity “The second large wave of Puerco Rican migrants were mos un Skilledrural laborers ding the 19508 and r960s. Most of them found “support neeworks inthe Puerto Rican working clas communisesin New ‘York City They encountered passive accepcance by the U.S. govern- rent, negative accepance by the public, and an infiientoureawera~ {sed Migration Division Office, the ofce of Puerto Rico's Department (of Labor organized to eacourege mass labor migration. The Migration Division enabled offices in New York and Chicago co assist the mic trans to find jobs and follow up any complain concerning their civil lahts (Lapp 1999). However, the Migration Division had litle power lind wilt intervene on Beal ofthe workers. Despite tis minima in ‘Suconal support, Poerto Rican migrans were subjected textrenely negative dcriminitory public opinion. Paesto Rican migrants’ socal Conditions inthe communities also grea deeriorated. The new mi: rant suffered from overcrowded and dilapidated hoosing, a lack of {tuttutional support for education, and poot medial series. In New ‘Yor’ racialethnc division of labor Puerto Ricans occupied the eco nomic hiche of low-wage manufacturing jobs. By 1966, more than 50 percent of Puerto Ricans in New York were incorporated as low-wage Fiori this sector During the 196, Pureo Ricans were actively oF fznized in labor unions and through the civil sights sages stared {Tniming equal ight, Many labor rights tha were violated in he past by the employes cough repestive mechanisms and misinformation svete now claimed by Puerto Ricans as pat oftheir cizenship righ, Poeseo Rican successful stragls for labor rights made them "00 e pensive” forthe inceasingy formalized manufacturing sector (Gras- fuck and Grosfogse! 1997). Simaltancousy che deindusrialization of the Nowheas, the region where most f the Puerto Ricans sted, ed 10 the los of thousands of manufacturing jobs. Most ofthe manufactaring indaseies moved to peripheral regions around the world; chose cht ttayed in locaton lke New York, Philadelphia, o Hartford informal feed thet activites. The manufacturing iadusey, in constant need of ‘heap labor, relied heavily on new Latino immigsant, legal oes Soho had even fewer rights than internal colonial subjects such as Puerto [Rissa (Grasmack and Grosoguel 1997)-Currenth, ony x perent of Puerto Ricans are in manufactoring, and more han so perent are either ttnemployed or out ofthe labor force (Geasmuck and Grosfoguel 1997), “Tay approximately go percent ofthe Puerto Rican labor force is con Poet Rian in th Une Ses ut centated in cea ade and in services such as health, administrative Support, and edoctionl aecuptions (US, Dept. of Commerce 1993. table 4). Tis, Puerto Rican migrants? unskilled working-assbacksrounds combined with negative sociopoltial mode of incorporation produced ‘Tomasi incorporation tothe secondary labor market and lates, with ‘eindustaiation, a massive maryialzation from the labor market ‘Today they have one of the wort socoeconomic profs ofall ethnic roups inthe United States, Puerto Ricans have one of the highest un Erploymnent rates, lowest labor fore patcipation rates and highest Dorerey rates among Caribbean groups inthe United States ‘What sratepies have railed subjects pursued in the toga against chm inthe United States? An imporent strategy has been the con= ‘Heuction of identies that subvert the exclusion from the dominant Mnagined community called the ation. Dilfeent ethnic groups in the United Sates have used hyphenated identities in oder to deonstract he Attempt by the dominant groups to exclude them fom cizenship rights sn the bac of ace andor ethnic, Today we seth black community (hing the term African-American a a strategy of incorporation to the Thaitzam of American secey. Asmar strategy has been puesed bY ‘her groupe such as Mexican-American, Cuban-American, Haitian- “Rmersann, Koreaw-Amerians, and even Dominican-Americans. The ‘nly aiid group to have resized this hyphenated tents ae the ‘Puerto Ricans les very eae to nda Puerto Rican wing this hyphenated form of idem. Even those born and eased inthe United States keep tong the nonkyphenated Puerto Rican density Tiss pay elated 0 ‘Rabe aint being fully alte ina society that marginaizs and ‘aeilives Puerto Riats. Discrimination enforces eling of belonging tov aidan idealization of, the imagined place of origin. Moreove, this Fein iamore pronounced with the constant cirnlation of Puero Ricans tiven the open border between the island and che mainiand. Many cond thir and even fourth-generaton Puerto Ricans i the United ‘Sate ean afc of belonging coche Puerto Rican “imagined com unity even if they have never vite de island. This sense of Belong: Tigis fd ehrough fan and vocal nerworks between te island andthe Tretropalitan communis Poet Rica identity persis despite there jection and discrimination sufited when eecond: and thi-greraion ue Pout Rissn Mieston Puerto Ricans visite island. Similac to the erm “negropoltan” in the “Martinican experience, econd-generaton Puerto Ricans who return ae frequen stereotyped with names soch ax “nayorican” The culeural hy brit of Puerto Rieaos in the United States is not tlerated not only by nationalist intellects onthe island bur also by Pueto Rican mide classes, The “nuyorians” question some of the racist and elitist repe ‘setations of Puerto Rican identity onthe island. Te cleralhyeiity othe Puerto Rican inthe Unite Sates representa form ofidenty that includes clement of African-American culture that threatens island eis flor ta conceal thee Area heritage while peivileging the Spanish cule tre: For example, the Afo-Caribbean msc snd eligiows paces that ‘many "nuyorcans” are proud to vindicate are seen by island elites as threat tothe Spaniard-centricconstrtion af the “nation” Moreoves it shows tha there ae heterogeneous ways of being Puerto Rican not te Acie ro a question ofa common language, ora common anything for that matter, Puerzo Rican a form of ulentity means diferent things for Puerto Rieans bor ad raised either on the island or inthe United States. ‘Many middle-clae Spanish-speaking Puerto Rican on the island are ‘more assimilated to American “white” middle-class caleralpratces tvth ther suburban houses, cable TV, eaist representations of Pacrto Rican ientgy and maseconsamption in faney shopping centers than ‘many non-Spasish-speaking Puerto Riansin the United Stats ving eg- ‘gated in urban ghettos. Ths, there is an importancdiference in the Content and claims of Puerto Rian entity inthe sland and the mais land. To entity a Puerto Rican with no byphenaton imple challenge tothe racism ofthe US. utban racalethne hierarchies However, there fea com aeached ro ths challenge in the United States that doesnot exit fon the island, where Pero Rican identity has become ehe colonial ad ‘iniseration’s “national density” vindicated by all political forces (Geos- foguel etal 1997) “Some people have used the metaphor of “commuter nation” to eefer tothe Puero Rican “guaua area" (aebus) berween the island and the ‘mainland (Rodriguez Vecchi 1994). Although the noahyphenated Puerto Rican identity ia the Unite States might seem close 2 notion ofa decerstorilized nacion, i would be esentalist to think of Puerto Rican identi in the United Seats as a simple extension ofthe Puesto Rican national identi produced onthe islnd, The implication ofthis ‘would bea static, ontslational notion of identity, aif che migration ex ‘evience dd no ransform the identity of the migeantinto anew hybrid foern of ideotity Both inthe metropole as well son che island. Puerco Past Rica the Unie Sates us Rat sigan emerging forme of idensies do no reproduce exact e- ther the national identity ofthe county of origin o the identities ofthe Inetopolion society. They ix, redefng,resignfy and reapproncte tmuliplcty of pracices from ilferent cultures, redeploying cukural races ofthe couary of odgin in new and transformed Ways “The identification procesees of Puerto Ricans transcends the concepts of nation and ethnic, Poerto Ricans ariuate thee identity in the CTansnatonal space Between the metropoe and the island through eth ‘ie and national claims simuleaneously. When socal and cv rihts are ate, Puerto Ricans make claims as an ethnic group within the met opoltan sate, that iy as 4 minority that belongs to a broader unit. ‘When cultural and political right ae at sake due to certain nconven- [Rat metzpoliten policies, Puerto Ricans mobilize a national discourse {Gaining autonomy, In this sense, notions of “ation” of *ehniiy” ted separately come up short wien atempeing to understand the iden- ti peovctcs of Poerto Ricans. Puerto Ricanness has diverse meanings diferent contexts. Thus, te notions of ransnation (Appaduri 1996) ‘tansnatonalism (Basch, Stille, and Seanton-Bane 1994) and “ethoo~ tution” (Grosfoguel et 1.1997) are beter notions if we mean by that emerging form of brid identity chat transcends the eategories of et icky and nation by assuming and surpassing both Forms simultane ‘vil The wapsnatiogal dente of Puerto Ricans are new forms ofhy~ ‘rid, postational idem that eapeare and mobilize, accocing othe ociopoliieal context, divers forms of denies such as ethnie, national, erimmoriy simultaneously, *Ethno-nation”eefers more to process ‘ithe than toa coacept ora Gixed cealty with emphasis onboth sides of ‘he hyphen depending on context (Grosfoguel al. 1997) Each indi- ila) eve those with extreme atinalst postions, reproues the am bites of tansnaconalsm which emerge from the ambiguous status of colonial people like Puerto Ricans. Sharing citizenship and a nom Independent status with the metropoes produces an ambiguous situa tion othe extent that on some istues people mobilize discourses on na- tional tent while on others they atculate themselves as en ethnic troup within the metropole, Puerto Ricans use their metropolitan ct seeekp to claim acess to US. government programs, or deploy di ‘Courses on national idetiyt0 defend cultural nights o¢ 10 avoid wn ‘waned metropolitan laws both on th island and in the metrople [entities ned o be undergood as constructions that emerge ou of o> tical statgies within spec power lationships. It isin posmationa Sense that Puerto Rian identity formation is transnational comarreR 5 Migration and Geopolitics in the Greater Antilles rom the Cold War tothe Post-Cold War (nash srg foc the podtion and mposton of thee ‘mae vison of he il wor, he older of zen ai authony neve eb a abulie monop, even tne hey ad he suo fence hee reser uo, a government economists dol thee ate a ‘ray cfc betwen yale power thats a own the ion of epimate von... Symbolic owe, Int vena owe of "word making”. Sable over hat tse onthe possesion of yb apt “Tae power to itmpowe upon othe mind io, odor nem, fetal dsion depends pon the authority sequen revo srogges Sb apa a cri ithe power [ranted thor who have obtained sft cognition 0 ie poston to impose ogni. Caribbean. migration has been conceptualized in recent historial> stracturl theories aa labor migrtion that esponds ro the needs of cap ital accumulation in the core ofthe worlé-economy. The spatial unit ‘within hich migration occurs isthe wor-ystem, characterized by its {sil nernational division of labor berween core, peripheral and semi Derpheral areas that cut across ations and regions. Labor mobility ia fysemic fate, expecially in those peripheral regions where coe capi {al penetation ha produced important tansformations in the ta ‘onal form of acl proditon, Hiseoreal-stactaral approaches have Conrectlyexpresied that che migration process oecues within a singe 03 x4 uxt Rican Migation vecarching cpitalst wrld-sconomy wherein wor-systemic processes beyond dhe ctr contol conten the sgeation process Portes 1978; Petras 1981; Pores and Walton 1982). The limitation ofthis approach Tiesinitsoeremphosison the economic aspects of the core-perihery Fe lationship. Although this conceplization is superior to push-pull mix ‘ration theories and to the human capital approach, which concepval- foes migration atthe navon tate and iniviual lve, i ail misses an iimporeant structore ofthe workd-syster: the peopoialstratgies of the imersate ster (oe Wallerstein 1984)-Caribbean migsation and thee Inigrtions suchas the Southeast Aslan migration (for example Viet- fnanse, Cambodian) have been determined not any by eaptal sear ‘mulation but abo by geopoitial celatioships atte wor-system ve Recent developments inthe policy of de United States toward che ‘Caribbean exemplify the intsfacing of migration and geopolitics. The reversal of the cold war polices toward Cuban refugees and the US in- Terveaion in Haiti ase crucially Baked tothe emergence of post-cold war security strategies. Haweres, to understand these new events one nus ndestand the historical relationship between migration and {ropalits inthe Caribbean. Geopoics bas been one of che main foe toes that has historically fostered Caribbean mass migration tothe me- teopoles. The interstate system i one ofthe erucial determinants of ‘Canhbean migration it contains U.S gopolialstatepes and migra tion procescs in Jamas, Hii, Cabs, Puerto Rico, and the Domina Republi “The recent literature on Inbor migration has moved away fom the clas sical equilib theory, which tated that migration ours between to ‘partelautonomous societies where workerr motivations emigrate From he “backward” counter are built ona rational calculation ofthe “conomnic advantages of migrating © the most “advanced” coun, “Tis image, based om the free-market rptzphor of rational alulation among individuals coneadicted bythe fac thatthe poorest counties fa the world are at neseasaily the ones that export most of thee labor ‘As Portes and Walon si Swxtne bor migration ogi the penta ofthe ola and eo- SeEinntuwon of tedominest nstnason sao ein te ‘Raine pe This peataton cess stances bree er ‘Exitos of the sedate un ich ed eventual to abr dle Migration a Greater Aries wes re nhl ind mi ude, bt re nn e ‘oxi of be re ct Thee akan oy alae “Sern wn tw ne cle eins ha wee ‘Sind pecs sb segs. nels tpn ‘Scsan deny mrs bbuie mean ree ibe fgotounduphemena wht eee nnceed omer of oe feof omen 93 Pore and Walon lutte ths ial with camps of plied 2d economic indent abr migtion, Cae pertain of “phe areas reste mbar ta nace labor migra, Tanne onl corporations nd tat pcs suchas aio canines abr migration ithe psp. Hower, an import wechanisof shcement of sor mga ove Pres ad Walon (8) forest toplist Pehl ens with sea mis try imperforate uch athe Cass forte ‘nied Sates expensed many tas of ior miaton ced rly ot pla erventon nthe tral slo pepe sate The pron of hve ates ctr an pial ‘yor milteryscty ort un symboltdeolel ep To un Stetund displ, important o recone the concep of seoplice ‘Geoplis ioe concept at ter an istument of exited scrumaliton os arc oe. Te forme tens oer feopial namin she tenet yt to the capa ccmaton itt minal cpr, eerie ste popliteal seategietooly mary tres, By conse he problem wih eosome rediconi ht ara ool sete bes espod dey economic intrest: Gopal sap an ten or hide cpa investments depending one heal Stctatl cones ofthe wordy. Afoughscumulaton end feopalica ene inectice winch ates (hay te epol {states ae constrained by economic retour snd capo ‘olaton rates need pti miliary oabiy) ste propolis tressaresemintonomou fom ona lato ads cama fly edad oh loge of spl acelin, By conta mary ‘educonsn in oncpalston of gop undersmae tery bewen capital scl snd mltarygopolics yi lagi opel penoli stage ose faye Thre it wend comport ose gopalial eaten fen red Dy try redacted logeaaynbobe stage Thee 106 Pont Risa Migration ‘deologcalymbolic geopolitical strategies atempt to gain symbolic Capital visc-vis competing states. Symbolic capital (Bourdieu 1977) is ‘rte for accumlating a capital of prestige and honor inte intestate Syetem, Usually core sates develop symbolic eaptal strategies by show Casing a peripheral country or an ethnic group as opposed co chal Tenging peripheral country or etic group. These strategies are eco nomiclly expensive becatse they ena the investment of capital in ‘ferent forms such a gifts, credit, ad and asistance progsams. Nev trthless, symibolic profits can translate fo economic profits in the long fun. As Bourdieu sid, “When one know that symbelicapital is credit, but in the broadest sense, a ind of advance, «credence, chat only the group's belief can grant those who gveit the best symbolic and material {arantes, it can be seen thatthe exhibition of symbolic capital (which [s always very expensive in material tes) is one ofthe mechanisms which (no doube universally) make capital go 0 capital” (1990: 120) ‘Some ofthe recent "new economie sociology” literature reduces s0- al cations to micronetwotks erasing the global politcal and ideoloy teal determinant ofthe nigeants labor marke incorporation. It sepro- ‘docs the promises ofthe “eulture of perry dheory, but wit a fancier terminology. For example, Ports and Sesenbrenze (1993) reduce the lunderstanding of the "moces” of the Cubans in comparison to the Puerto Ricans inthe U.S, bor market to the former's “postive soil capital” andthe laters “negative social capital” “Aran important strategic location for U.S miltarysecurity interests the Greater Anclles were dccly sere by a diversity of geopolitical ‘topes dating the cold wa Puerto Rico was transformed into a pos itive symbole showcase of the US. development model fr the Third ‘World; Cuba stfered a teade embargo as par ofa strategy to transform ‘tint «negative symbolic showcase ofthe Sviee model of development in the region; the Dominican Republic was milan invaded by the ‘Uied Seats, which feared another Cuba inthe Wester Hemisphere fad Haitis Dualier dictatorship received consinued support from the United Seats because it was considered an anticommunist state that ‘Buaranteed US. security interestsin the region. These geopolitics strate fies were predominantly symbolic deolgial inthe cas of Cuba/Pueto Rico, miltary/ecuriy inthe car ofthe Dominican Republica, and «combination ofboth daring the United States destabilization policies toward Jamaica's Manley regime inthe 19708. These diverse geopolit ‘al strategies developed bythe United States the hegemonic power du Ing the cold wae resulted in diferent migration poceses and pois for Migstion in Grn Aes wor ‘each peigheal stare, "Policy" is understood herein the broad sense used by Asse Zolbere (1978), which includes the absence of specif legis lation through permissive indifference as well as administative practices lated to incentives and sanctions, This fs not an argument for geopo- Ukcaldeteraniam, but ater for eatiching the istoricastructaral ap roach which has traltionally emphasized economic relations when 3t- tempting ro understand Caribbean migration. Ins, three global logis articulate che world system dynamics the capital accumulation logi, the miliar/securty geopolitical logic, and the ideologialeymbolic geopolitical logic (Grosfoguel 1994). These logis in realty operate as oe single process, bu i i important toes tablish these disinctions for analytical purposes. The dominance af one logic over another i contingent om the historical context ofthe wor systemic dynamic. nthe postwar Caribbean, depending on the partic: ‘lr bistorsl an polteal eonitions of ee peripheral sate under di cusion, one ofthese logis dominated the cote periphery relationship, “This chapter discusses in detail woof these labs logic the symbolic copolitial logic andthe military geopolitical logio—as they have af {ected postwar Caribbean migration processes? Puerto Rican Migration Immediately afer the Second World War newly independent counties temerged in the periphery of che worleconomy. Nasional Hberstion| ‘movements defeated the centuries-old Earopean colonial administea- ‘ions. The nerstate system was divided inewo spheres of influence: the Unite Stats and the Soviet Union. The major preoccupation ofthe = perpowers toward the periphery was how to contol the elites ofthe newly independent countries ifthe ld colonial means of domination had ‘een destroyed. The Truman administration’ response to this challenge (ola lps a ston ve bo img Tour ti ape pps ‘Eten syle omit np and mili pe Sa fed rin psn rr wt ‘Spr se Gg sg 18 Posto Raa Migration ‘was to develop the most ambitious foreign aid and techicl-training programs to ialogicaly co-opt Tad World elites. "The purpote of thee prograsa wa to increase the symbolic capital of the U.S. model of evelopment viri-vs that ofthe Soviet model. One ofthese as the Point Four Program ran by the US. State Department. The Point Fou program was established to give Third Woad elites technical sls Dede to purportedly help them beekethe chai of underdevelopment. Needless to say the undedying agenda ofthe curriculum was props senda voring the American way of le ‘Ae pure of ong negotiation process berween the Truman adminis tratonand Muir's colonial goverment in Prt Rico daring the late "54 the inte national ainnger ound forthe Pint Four Program was located in San Jaan (Grosfogoe! 2992). Te idea was co transform Poetto Rico into a symbole showease ofthe American eapcalist mode! of development forthe Third World. But in order use San Juan with- ‘out causing major embarrassment othe US. government, it was nees- ‘ary toelimizate San Jua’s huge shanty towns 30 percent ofthe how ing in 1950), improve the econonic conditions of the islanders (most ‘people lived under condone of exteme poverty, a conceal Puerto [Rico's colonial status, Tho, as part ofthe ate 19405 Truman-Muiior ne totations, they agreed to 1. Conceal the colonial status of he island by erating more sable Foran of colonial relationship called che Commonwealth 2 Include Puerto Rico in US. federal programs for health, educa tions housing, and other infaseractaral programs withowt ts pay ing federal exes, Support Operation Bootsrap, which consisted of attracting US. labor-intensive industries by oferiag tx-exemptions anda cheap wage labor ore Redhce the cost of air fares between the sland and the mainland to foster mass migeation. (Grosoguel 1993) Ina short visit to Puerto Rico while these negotiations were taking place, President Truman side Uehee very zany ino il tore Goreme woe sipncane tp ead he inereasng metre ‘lace government in Poco Rio wish we ralleommied This ipavetonup whichis mutually bene Tis the democrat way of Mision Gente Ailes 169 callebraion bree enly popes. tepresns what he Ameria op are tying wencouragein thw odd serge. Your progam ef ell at april del mant (so your progam of a. nd placemen for young men nd smn wh hf go fo the mand Tea nghy sutra aad pin to e continental Unt Sates otal tietworl an example of Amrcendemocacy working elle o met nd wolves roles Wiha thi fame th peoples of Pro ‘sound th rsnlandkavesunguedemorstrato forthe worl Die ing language and fering ature Backgrounde sre not an bale to ‘dmocene ny (1964154 emphasis ed) Puerta Rico became part ofthe corestate’s geopolitical symbolic strategy gain symbolic expt vis vis he Soviet Union. For he next faventyyease more than thir thowsand members of the Taied World Cites wisited the land and stayed from sx months to two years as part ofthe Foie Four Program. The visitors were shown the industrilization program, the housing projets, dhe health system, and other construction work The parpore wa tha the Third Woeld elites would return to thee ‘ouatties end sell the Puerto Rican mode o thee fellow citizens, Im portant here thatthe condition of posit for his geopolitical ym- boi strategy of showcasing Perro Rico wast encourage the migration ofthe poocest sectors of Puerto Rican society to dhe urban areas ofthe United States, Puerto Ricans formed the great majority ofthe Caribbean imigsant tothe United States during the 39408 and r950s Tis ue that alter the Second World War there wa a lange demand for cheap labor for manufscraring industries in urban centers such as New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia, However co understand why Puerto Ricans ‘rather than Jamaicans of Cubans filed these postions a tha ime is important to understand the geopolitical strategies ofthe United States land Poerto Rico's concomitant role. The emigration of the lower stata ‘ofthe island made pone the showcasing of Pert Rico othe extent that allowed th upwaed mobily of those who stayed. The Tuman ‘dmininration provided one ofthe most important institutional mechs ‘sms forthe "highly rexourefl™ placement of young men and women “who witht go tothe mainland” the reduction of airfares between the {sland andthe mainland. This wos done through pressures onthe Fed tral Aviation Administration to se low ates frais ansportation be- ‘eran the island and dhe United States aswell sto foster as much com Detition a posible co destroy the vctual monopoly of Pan American ‘ver this air rote (Pala 1987; U.S. Dep. ofthe Interior 1949) The ie Posto Rican Migation Migration Division of Puerto Rico's Deparment of Labor organized the ‘higeation of thoussnds of Puerto Rican workers. This office received federal funding for the massive rerutment of Puerto Rican workers {Lapp 1990). The model worked daring the 1950-70 period crating the Fest mass aieway migration in world history. Approximately seven hur deed thousand Poero Ricans, mostly ral unsiled workers (Fsedlan- fdr 1965; Levine 1987; Gray 1966; Senior and Watkins 1966; Lapp “gyah migrated to the mainiand in those tweaty year, Since the Poe [ies showease wa directed at landers and not migrants, US. tater sources wote channeled to the former, nore ltr. Those who migrated {id ot eceive the proper state eppoetin bilingual programms, education, health, housing suid, and jo training. They ended up i the me fropolesueban ghetto as unskilled low-wage workers with one ofthe highest povery rte inthe United Sates “The Cuban Refugees ‘heemergenc of the Cubsn revolution led toa major rasformation in the ethnic composition of Caribbean migration tothe Usivd States. CCaban pola refuges represented the highest number of Caribbean migrate dcingthe 19605 and 19708. “The Cuban reroltion changed the relation of forces in che Caribbean. “The macrazation ofthe United Sates governments worst fears cone Inge cld war was now only go mile sway fromitsshores. This created ‘Teow geoplial stuation where the primary objciveofthe United States ‘ras todestoy the Caban goverment throughrlitary mest. nthe, ‘eink interesrinstimulatingthe migration of Cobanreigers wasthee~ {eld fist to organiee ality fore composed of Caban exiles for what tame to be kngwn asthe Bay of Pgs intervention; econ to stimulate the tnigasion ofthe profesional and manages as as 2 way of desabiia- Efjthe Caan economy: and hid o embarrass the Cuban govern "The military defeat atthe Bay of Pigs and the eect United States Soviet agreements during the 1962 mise criss marked a sbife in US. feopolieal strategies toward Cuba from military 10 ideological [Shmbolic cones? The United States now wanted 10 transform Cuba so excange fr he Sov wolf nil om Cte Une Sec agrtad ot aly mack Cube Seth delsied eters of Octet 27-3, 196) SRLS YT Rekha Choe and Kerth 99519798 Migation in Greater Ailes me ‘nto negative showeate by imposing tade embargo that wold init dts ead with the Western Hemisphere. As George W. Ball unerscte: tary ofthe Seate Department, declared in 19642, (Sle ma actly pre messare pint Guba In thi flr we ate Sing op yt ea un an pr {gan eae primarily avasoppeent to subtaeie pole {ead peent taf acon, we mt ey ator major nent, on aapreat progam ofc dri “Tis the oly poley—shor ofthe we of foce—u es roi of avings iin inpacon Cats and coninuanee a4 Commune ein he Wenern Hieber In ducunngtheelletenes ofthis rogram, lett make one point, que cea We bave ever erence rs program of oomoms Saal ‘hor ofa act of war sich mtary Hockade that would et of Boos wells eel tade—is kel by elo bing down be resent Coban "The objects which his program can secomplih ae mor init ‘Thay foe pes " entand mos impornt—to demonstrate tothe people of the Ae sp Rep Cana a anh Wane eee sind, o make Pino peop of Cul ado eres power suc oft repme ta he prove repme catot ere te nea "Td ode wl and sbi ofthe prone Cab gine oe port mbreson an lence tothe other Amerian ste Pour oaeae the cot to te Soviet Union of miei Com ‘mania outpon abe Wenn Hemnbere "Taw afte objets wch week fo ace bya progam of eo os denial pint Cbs 1, Dep of State 196) “This shift affected the role of Cuban refuges in che United States ‘Rather than continuing co see Cuban refugees a a temporary migration for military purposes, the US. government began wo set Cuban refages 38 potential symbole showease that could sdeolopcally infuence the CGabans who remained in Cabs as well as other Canbbesn and Latin American peoples. Cuban refuges became an example of the superiority ‘of capitalism over socials (Peto 1984; Pedraza-Balley 1983h; Gros- fogul 1994). The succes of Cubans in the Unite Sats was crucial or the United States to gun symbolic capital vis-a-vis the Sovee model, ‘Thus, massive state cesources were channeled to the refugees. Cuban sefagees received welfte payments, job esining,blingssl-langoage programs, educational suppor, subsidized colege loan, healthcare fersces help in jobsearch efor nd money fr resetting out of Mian through the Coban Refugee Program under the Health, Education and an orto Rican Migration Welfare Department (MEW of the United States, As President Kennedy stated regatdng bill onthe reorganization and venactment of refugee Si legilaions he proposed bilo inde yen abort fre Une Sines pes ay th pops fr mtn the Cahn eae nd Sina protons cages cep ada peop wham he Pred nay dees tone sel heed nie meet fie Une tars Eth nh ay of hit ts ad has (Coie rte pit oe re etree sn sg efor ong hana ion ifn we eared flo maoin ceal, sotto rom ec ity ia ts orcoer deal the Poel ote ofthe Unease the we tnt and conte fo encour presigeand ldo i tery he Cog ote eee ah ‘ead peeing progres he Dept Ste wl con pn rovers els eo Ssinane oo forte Ca ef nsbe Unt tes i em SEEEITEE poy ofthe Dopten of Hs aeons ‘leony ses 9697 cpus ae) “The series Cuban recived were operoc to what was aie for ber mmigrans thee op for ha ates izes or ede of the Unted Snes (Domingue 19a: pe They were the oly ethnic troup in United Sates tht retved elle “Earopennste™ This Ihasvesstne nese af 96 wien Pest oon ested ek Fore tn ncued te Depart Set, Labo Agricul nec, ad Hoi Urn Deroy he Oe of Bae Some Opportunity, and the Sal Business Admsitraon wo ord ‘ae federal assance to avoid placing a burden 0 the Dade County {Stam commanity whee thes fies were concent 8 Wella om othe communities where they wee recede Johnson 1966, Mat News 1966 Ths loa uae was chanel othe Cabas For xampl; te Sal Bases Adnan in Mam gave Cans Ge percn’ ofits al lean beeen 1968 ae 1979 compared 0 mee S pecet of loa pve Alcan Amercane dag that sae peed {Grnogul appa 339 oly iteen pars eewen 196t a {Spas Cubans frbeing approximate seven hunsed thousand by 157 Bovwll and Caso cone approximately 8.3 bilo ia stele abtace which ws low fo al of he otal sous of US. Tore ait Ban (acouncy of tore than oe hundred milion peop bere toa nd i thiyeght year) (US, Buea ofthe Mision Grester Asiler ny Census 1984: 810). Thu, contrary tothe mcroreductionist approaches (Portes and Sesenbreaner 1995; Ports and Stepick 1995) tht attempt roexplain the "Cuban success tor interme of the micronetworks that fostered "postive socal eapital Cubans improved thi labor matket incorporation and increased thir number of entrepreneurs through the diet assistance welfare “Earopean syle") of the US. government This privileged treatment canbe accounted for by the geopolitical symbolic strategies ofthe cold war. As Pedraza Bailey sats [While the Cuba tae th xed o extemal tet, on out shores te qustion roa: Why shoul he United Sse 0 ee t= ‘ve thes Becase sn Areca ding the Cold Wa sy he po ical mieations—the Hungarian Koreans Beier, sad Cabsae~ ‘ered syebol ction, When Wen and Eat coved the ape ‘tthe plcaland economic ayzem, the pola! le who tuceded the fight wo feadom beam oacing syle round which o weave the Ieuncy needed for oegn ple 0383 14 In sum, the privileged mode of incorporation forthe Cuban refugees the est of US. efforts to aceue a exptal of prestige and honor in the world system is-2-vs the Soviet. ‘The Geopolitics ofthe Dominican and Haitian Migration Daring the Trjillo dicaorship Dominican migration tothe United States was limited (Geasmack and Pest 1991). Only after the 196 USchacked military coup against Trujillo di emigracion tke off The jutamigration proces was politically induced bythe lites of the United Sates and the Dominican Republic given thee perception of emigration 484 safey valve against social unrest and polincal instability. Several Studies on Dominican migration have mentioned this geopolitical sat ay designed to perpetuate a stable pro-US. goverment (Bray 1984: 231; Bier vere and D'Oleo Ramieez 1986: 195 Castro 1985; Mitchell 993: 89-123; Grasmuck and Pesar 1991: 31-93) Ie is importan 19 ‘emember chat these were the years ofthe Cuban revolution and that US. feign policy toward the Caribbean concentrated om avoiding an- ther Casto-style cepime (Grasmuack and Pessar 1991 32-33), John Bactiow Martin, the U.S. ambassador tothe Dominican Republic the time, provides the clearest evidence ro suppoe this argument. na fsc- ating politcal autobiography abou the 1963-65 events inthe Do- rinican Republi, Matin sid ma ‘eto Rian Migration ‘heros mounted, Casio the Coo the Coun of Ste] begs 10 Aeprt ators under he inngncy Law The CatratCommunts de ‘ounce tin tna em, So i he ola ate eling es of deporte eaves And we bese invlved—we ao se US: vans for people thar the Commejo dered othe United Sates So the ChsceCommunins denouned os 0 Some Ain ne he mitary leer] wood singly end « smart pnspor wo our Conte ora is 1d them hey st geo Tonight hous soe 0 we could check. term, Look personal bare ‘fal sth vn regu.» The Cone forbde anes an easton foe emigre leay asked spose departure con trols on people deported ote United Serta keep em here (tp 93-t00) "Rv Boman hd known tht the Usted Stes ad cooperates the Conor eau, ffi to permite deportes 0 eve he United Seaes Wehud impontédpararecoasos to help matin st by so ection oul beheld. 196 347-48) [Nevertheless the out migration consisted noe just of activists but of| thousands of Dominican from middle scrors of the working clas (Bray 1984 Grasmuck and Pest 1991), which were the social bases ofthe politcal opposition, The politcal stwtin was increasingly unstable, "This is how Marin describes it ‘Our Consulate wat fo the Ey in the ceser ofthe ci: Desi Rept urandswce tl yinga get US he Tr allen they sree Recto po. as The Cana has bekog of hounds fap Tons for vn wg period of outs Every morning by £0 4 9- cats formed in ose othe sida around the comer Fin he bing ad ape the fc, amning he sway, ending Int fetid at preset tpethe Plc col no kee onde ocy timex arb roped hi te Cora, forthe onl wa on elie atthe od Spa quarter tat the water op the Palae on tel Rr fond ready ects among bund a [ud people sing olin, So yar dy bos rnc it al edges an Ameran ta he Consult, and on some ay tai ‘Scmed we at eyo vie cons pen reine hing 8 ‘orth windows than tung vin ese sd lephoned te [Sel De purine openly yng move he Conclate ad et moe ee on ise 956598) [Aca 1962 meeting with State Department Secretary Dean Rosk in Washington, they took several important measues to achive political stability inthe Domini Republic. Ove of these measures was to a6 “elevate the procesing of wns, which would increas the Bow of ou tmigration forthe next wo decades. As Ambassador Mactn remember, Migasion ia Gree Ailes ny 1 described the visa mess—inredibly, Thad to ask the Seretary himself to revolve it He war wholly sympathetic, and suid we should send a planeloadof young visa offices tothe Republic immediately.» We got fwhat we needed-—a new Consulate building ou atthe Pirgrounds, fs from downtown Santo Domingo, thee exea vie consuls and a new consul. By the fll he vse upeoat had ended” (1966: 120), "Ava sult ofthis increateof vice consuls and removal of the consulate from downtown Santo Domingo to place where visa lines wer st i ible visas sued bythe US, Coneslat almost tepled between 1963 and 1963 (Mitchell x992: 93). Te loaner of visas increased from 2,789 1962 10.9857 in 2963 (Michell 1992: 93), ‘Ae part ofthe watery to contain the emergence of anocher Cuba in ‘the Caribbean, US. lary forces iavaded the Dominican Republic to ‘efeat the Consiationais forces in 1965, Plival stabil and mili= ‘ary security became high pelority fr US. foreign policy toward the Dominican Republi. Te amount of oxc-eigration multiplied ater the US, military intervention. Dominians legally admired to the United State jumped feom 9,504 in 1965 t0 16,503 in 1966, From r96x t0 1965. 35372 Dominicans were legally admited to the United States. Daring the 196-70 pos-nvasion period the number of legally admit ted Dominicans increased t §8:744 (Grasmck and Pessar 199%: 20) “This coincided with the new Immigration Act of 1965, which faiitated {migration tothe United States, However, compare! to other counties, inthe Western Hemiephere, he Dominican Republi (with a tral pop ‘lation of less than five milion people) has one ofthe highest ates of Tegal immigration tothe United Sates, "Ths cotrlaton beoween polices awailty and migration has also been dosemented inthe Haitian migration (Stepick 19924 Loescher and Scalan 1984; DeWind 990). During the eatly years ofthe Dovalir ‘exime the politcal dsidents and persecuted mulatto upper lasses com brsed most ofthe 954-63 Haan inmigation to dhe Unied Stats, [Black middle clase began to Jeave a ares of te dictatorship’ pos req eepesson (Stepick r992: 12 Loescher and Seanlan 1984: 319) (Coid war considerations underpinned U.S. polis. As Alex Stepick Dest these of he Hain communi in New Yok City andthe fact Sars substancl ember pyar oben he cone egal hs [gon wat nee dened rs pola problem and fas eee lite pb Fenton a Hai US. oneal oferty approed wena pan Ha va and ial of esas reed egal it 6 Pawo Rian Migaton| seas Many subsequent overayed ths vs but the US. igs ‘Son and Natualzaon Sere INS) id or parse the een coma {fo ler plc omasd Hatant who atively bats south ltd 2 Few were deporte, “The US tack welcoming of Hakan immigration was a leapt

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