Russell 2001

Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work
ISSN: 1531-3204 (Print) 1531-3212 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wecd20
Practice with Immigrants and Refugees
Mary N. Russell PhD & Bonnie White MSW
To cite this article: Mary N. Russell PhD & Bonnie White MSW (2001) Practice with Immigrants
and Refugees, Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 9:3-4, 73-92, DOI:
10.1300/J051v09n03_04
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J051v09n03_04
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Practice with Immigrants
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and Refugees:
Social Worker and Client Perspectives
Mary N. Russell
Bonnie White
ABSTRACT. Immigrant clients and their social workers can provide

useful insights regarding elements of productive practice. Thirteen so-
cial workers and 19 clients were interviewed about their experiences.
Two major themes were derived: Multifaceted Perception of Self and
Other, as revealed in multiple connection pathways, multiple levels of
cultural incorporation, and multiple communication avenues, and
Proactive Service Provision through cultural bridging, brokering for ser-
vices, and advocacy for system sensitivity. Practice implications are dis-
cussed. [Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery
Service: 1-800-342-9678. E-mail address: <getinfo@haworthpressinc.com>
Website: <http://www.HaworthPress.com> © 2001 by The Haworth Press, Inc.
All rights reserved.]
KEYWORDS. Immigrants, refugees, practice, qualitative research
INTRODUCTION
Immigrants and refugees settling in North America share the difficult expe-
riences of dislocation, disconnection and adjustment to an alien culture. While
Mary N. Russell, PhD, is Professor of School of Social Work and Family Studies at
the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C., Canada. Bonnie White, MSW, is
Associate Director of Community Programs at Family Services of Greater Vancouver,
Vancouver, B.C., Canada.
Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, Vol. 9(3/4) 2001
 2001 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved. 73
74 JOURNAL OF ETHNIC & CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN SOCIAL WORK
this process may be managed independently and successfully by many, others

require varying degrees of assistance (Berry, 1991). Social workers aiming to
provide this assistance effectively are faced with a complex undertaking re-
quiring specific knowledge about their clients’ culture as well as about the im-
pact of their own cultural background on their interactions with clients.
In working with immigrant and refugee clients, social workers have been
exhorted to learn about the specific cultures their clients represent. Given pre-
vailing patterns of immigration, North American social workers have been en-
couraged to acquire cultural information about areas such as Central America
(Arrendo, Orjuela & Moore, 1989) China (Hong, 1989), and South East Asia
(Atkinson & Lowe, 1995; Bemak, 1989; Das & Kemp, 1997; Rhee, 1996). The
range of specific cultural knowledge required to be informed about these dis-
parate areas is considerable, particularly given the depth of knowledge neces-
sary for effective interventions with intimate family issues. Acquisition of
adequate knowledge, therefore, may be viewed as a daunting task.
In addition, social workers in multicultural settings are expected to be
knowledgeable about the psychosocial processes and effects associated with
migration. Social workers are expected to know about traumatic effects of in-
voluntary or partly voluntary emigration (see e.g., Arrendo, Orjuela & Moore,
1989; Kinzie, 1989; Lee, 1988; Lee & Lu, 1988), and coping and adjustment
processes associated with immigration (Grieger & Ponterotto, 1995; Ridley,
1995). In addition to the processes themselves, social workers are further ex-
pected to understand the myriad of factors that can impact the processes result-
ing in variation across individuals and groups. The implication has been that
social workers require a broad range of information available to them so that
they can selectively apply it to particular situations. Social workers have been
expected to identify the scope of required knowledge and to acquire this
knowledge. Client involvement in this process typically has not been viewed
as requisite.
In addition to knowledge about immigration and client cultures, social
workers have been expected to be knowledgeable about their own cultural
conditioning and aware of the impact this has on their interaction with clients
(Christensen, 1988; Sowers-Hoag & Sandau-Beckler, 1996). Self-awareness,
including sensitivity to one’s own cultural heritage, valuing and respecting dif-
ferences, and appreciating the influence of one’s own culture on the helping
process have been described as essential counseling competencies in multicul-
tural contexts (Sue, Arrendo & McDavis, 1995; Sue & Sue, 1990). Achieving
this through a process of cultural self-processing (Ridley, Mendoza, Kanitz,
Angermeier & Zenk, 1994) has been deemed essential to developing a capac-
ity for cultural empathy, or the ability to connect meaningfully with clients of
different cultural backgrounds (Ridley & Lingle, 1996). Again the expectation
Mary N. Russell and Bonnie White 75
has been that social workers independently will be able to determine the areas
of cultural self-knowledge required, without reference to particular interac-
tions with clients.

It has been observed that social workers applying knowledge about client
cultures may be required to modify traditional ways and means of providing
services to be more relevant and appropriate to immigrant client needs. Service
provision can itself be considered a cultural phenomenon with culture-bound
professional value assumptions and behavioral expectations governing the in-
tervention process (Green, 1982), making it inaccessible or inappropriate for
certain immigrant clients. In contrast, a “bridging model” envisages a dialectic
process which recognizes the dynamic and changing relationship between im-
migrant groups as they move toward greater self-sufficiency, and traditional
services (Matsuoka & Sorenson, 1991; NcNicoll & Christensen, 1996). This
dialectic model stipulates client involvement in the process of modifying tradi-
tional service provision, but provides little specific information about nature of
desirable changes.
Encouragement of social workers to independently equip themselves with a
broad range of requisite cultural knowledge that would enable them to modify
traditional practice methods has been viewed as necessary to improve practice
with immigrant populations. Typically, the responsibility for acquisition of
knowledge and modification of practice has been assigned to social workers
without involvement of clients. Client views in this regard have not been can-
vassed. Furthermore, innovative methods of modifying traditional practice
methods or developing new methods by experienced social workers in the
field have not been surveyed.
It was to gain a perspective from experienced multicultural social workers
and their clients regarding their perceptions of central elements of productive
multicultural practice that this study was designed. Worker and client views in
this regard have not previously been systematically sought. The aim of this
study was to give voice to these participants, immigrant clients, and their
workers.
METHOD
This study involved workers and clients of a Family Advancement Program

(FAP) delivered by a large Canadian metropolitan family services agency. The
FAP program was designed to provide supportive and informational services
as well as family counseling to inner city school children and their families.
The majority of children in these schools belong to a visible minority group
with Chinese, Indo-Canadian, Latin American, Cambodian and Vietnamese
communities being particularly represented. Over half of the children reported

the language in their homes as being other than English. The mandate of the
FAP program, therefore, was to provide services in a flexible manner, includ-

ing outreach to immigrants and refugees. The social workers were encouraged
to be innovative in service provision, particularly in relation to populations
with limited knowledge about and access to mainstream services.
The study was conducted in two parts. In the first part, the social workers
were all individually interviewed to gain an understanding of their work with
culturally similar and different clients. In the second part, clients were inter-
viewed as part of a focus group or as individuals to ascertain their views of the
service provided. Social worker and client responses were initially analyzed
separately and then combined given the commonality in resultant themes. Par-
ticipants reviewed draft results, providing feedback and further explanations
for particular responses.
Research Participants
All 13 FAP social workers, 12 female and 1 male, were interviewed. Four
workers reported their cultural identity as “mainstream Canadian, another 4
defined themselves as bicultural (e.g., Indo-Canadian), and 5 unambiguously
identified themselves in relation to their country of origin. (e.g., Vietnamese).
In total, the group included 4 mainstream Canadian, 2 Indo-Canadian (East In-
dian and Canadian), 2 Chinese, 2 Latin American, 2 Vietnamese, and 1 Cam-
bodian social workers. All social workers had post-graduate education,
primarily in social work, and additional training in multicultural practice. The
workers represented a diversity of lived experiences ranging from refugee and
immigrant status (n = 4) to being second or third generation Canadian (n = 9).
The nineteen clients were primarily recent immigrants receiving services
from a social worker of a similar culture. Ten Cambodian women, 5 Vietnam-
ese women, 2 Latin American and 2 Eastern European immigrant women were
interviewed. Although FAP services were also provided to men and children,
the study focused on adult experiences and no men were forthcoming to be in-
terviewed.
Procedure
Social worker interviews. The interviews were conducted using a

semi-structured interview guide which was designed to probe worker percep-
tions of the impact of culture on their engagement with a specific client The
workers were first asked to describe themselves in terms of culture, ethnicity
or race. Then they were then asked to describe their intervention with a chosen
client including the manner of referral, the nature of their interaction, the ex-
tent of involvement of others, and their personal reactions to aspects of the cli-
ent’s culture. Workers were asked to describe their interventions in this way
with two clients selected from their caseload. One client selected was to be cul-
turally similar, the other different. This method, as well as the interview guide
used for the interviews, were developed in conjunction with the group of social
workers participating in the study. A 4-question open-ended interview guide
was used that asked the social workers to describe their own cultural back-
ground, a case of a different culture, a case of a similar culture, and to reflect on
the differences in the two cases that were due primarily to culture. A number of
probes were used, as required, during case descriptions including nature of re-
ferral, nature of interventions, nature of relationship, nature of communication
and involvement of others. All interviews were tape recorded and subse-
quently transcribed.
Client interviews. Two focus groups, one with 10 Cambodian women and
another with 5 Vietnamese women, as well as four individual interviews were
used to elicit information about initial engagements with social workers, types
of services received, and satisfaction with these services. Focus groups were
led by a social worker who was herself an immigrant, but not of the same cul-
tural background as the participants. The interview guide for the focus group
guide consisted of 6 open-ended questions relating to initial engagement with
worker, the types of services provided, factors promoting or inhibiting trust,
and service satisfaction. Questions were posed in English and responses were a
mix of English and participants’ native language. Translation in groups was
provided as necessary by a social worker of the same culture as the clients,
who attended the groups as an observer/translator. Focus groups were au-
dio-taped and the tapes were subsequently transcribed. The four individual in-
terviews utilized the same guide as the focus groups. Two interviews were
conducted in English and two in Spanish, with the interviewer providing a
translation of the Spanish interview. The translations and transcripts were used
in the analyses.
A by-product of having social workers select cases and volunteer clients
providing feedback was that descriptions of interventions were uniformly pos-
itive. Social workers selected cases of positive outcomes, and volunteer clients
were clearly satisfied with service. The resulting analyses of their experiences
can, therefore, be characterized as experiences associated with productive in-
terventions and positive outcomes.
Analysis. Grounded theory methodology (Straus & Corbin, 1990) was uti-
lized wherein transcripts were reviewed for key phrases and concepts, and the
constant comparative method was used to identify and label common themes.
Common themes were defined as those emerging consistently across tran-
scripts. Transcripts recorded individual social worker interviews, and a combi-

nation of individual and focus group client interviews. Since the themes
emerging from both social worker and client interviews were similar, the anal-
ysis combined results from both types of interviews. This observed similarity,
furthermore, strengthened the credibility of the resultant themes. Drafts of the
analyses were provided in written form to social workers and verbally to cli-
ents. Concurrence by participants regarding the themes as valid portrayals of
their experience was obtained.
RESULTS
Two themes were found in the present study that characterized the central
elements of productive social work interventions with immigrant populations.
The first described the nature of the relationship, the second the nature of the
work. The first major theme, Multifaceted Perception of Self and Other, de-
scribed a dyadic interactive process between workers and clients involving
myriad cultural aspects in helping relationship development. These cultural
aspects included: Multiple Connection Pathways, Multiple Levels of Cultural
Incorporation, and Multiple Communication Avenues. These themes were
identified by all participants. The second major theme, Proactive Service Pro-
vision, described the distinctive, creative and proactive nature of the work in-
volving Cultural Bridging, Brokering for Services, and Advocacy for System
Sensitivity. These themes were evident in all but two social worker and two cli-
ent transcripts that focused on intra-personal dynamics and did not address
brokering or advocacy.
Multifaceted Perception of Self and Other
In forming their working relationship, clients and social workers indicated

that culture was not viewed as unidimensional, but was perceived as multifac-
eted and multidimensional. Social workers and clients both indicated that in
connecting with one another they searched for cultural similarities or differ-
ences that were pertinent to the particular nature of their work together. The
identification of similarities or differences, however, did not always yield ob-
vious or predictable factors, nor similar ones by workers and clients. The par-
ticular factors that formed the basis of the relationship frequently emerged
from the interaction between worker and client. These factors were relevant to
the connections and communications between the worker and client, and were
influenced by the clients levels of cultural incorporation.
Multiple Connection Pathways. Social workers indicated that they rejected

unidimensional definitions of culture and instead considered any one of a num-
ber of factors such as class, education, gender, language, country of birth, coun-
try of domicile, citizenship and religion when identifying similarities with
clients. In building connections with clients, workers used these aspects of simi-
larity to forge the helping relationship:
With each of the clients I could identify areas of similarity and differ-
ence. Each of my own experiences allows me to be sympathetic or to be
able to identify with different issues or features of clients.
Trying to define cultural difference or similarity has not been easy. I tried
looking at it in terms of ethnicity, language, race and class, but all of
these can be said to be components of culture.
The similarities, as viewed by all workers, typically overshadowed differ-

ences and were the basis of the helping relationship. One worker describes her
work with a female client of a dissimilar culture as follows:
I know what our similarities are, what we have in common as women and
mothers. She’s around the same age as I am and has a similar education.
At this point I am more aware of her in that way than of (other aspects) of
her culture.
Pedersen (1990) has estimated that individuals may have over 1000 over-
lapping roles of cultures that they belong to at any given time. The social work-
ers in this study consciously utilized many types of similarity to bridge cultural
differences that existed between themselves and their clients.
Clients similarly identified similarities with their workers, but not always in
the same way as their social worker. Four of the visible minority workers noted
that immigrant clients frequently identified with them even though their cul-
tural origins were quite different. One social worker described one such inter-
action:
[The client from a different culture] kept saying we were of the same eth-
nicity even though that was not the case. He assumed the culture was
similar as far as children and families were concerned, even though we
spoke different languages.
Other visible minority workers described how they and their clients, even
those from a different culture, shared the experience of being different and
striving for a level of cultural integration with mainstream culture:
They [the clients] see themselves as belonging to a certain culture, but

are making a place for themselves in contemporary Canada. They iden-
tify themselves as Canadian even though they acknowledge their cultural
histories . . . I think it reflects my own intention to participate in main-

stream Canadian pursuits which makes me similar as opposed to differ-
ent from them.
The importance of determining client perceptions of cultural similarity and

difference is evident in client statements. Workers’ initial assessments of simi-
larity or difference frequently were at variance with that of clients, and it was
through the mutual identification of similarity that a productive helping rela-
tionship was established.
Multiple Levels of Cultural Incorporation. Multifaceted cultural identifica-
tion was also revealed as clients described what was important to them in the
worker-client relationship. In contrast to quantitative studies reporting the im-
portance of matching clients and social workers on ethnicity and language to
produce better outcomes (Atkinson & Lowe, 1995), the results of the present
study suggest that such general rules must be tempered with individual client
considerations.
Clients in this study reported varying levels of present and desired incorpo-
ration with mainstream culture. The level of desired incorporation was a sa-
lient factor in determining the characteristics viewed as favorable in a worker.
Clients in the Vietnamese and Cambodian focus groups who remained rooted
in their original cultures described how workers who had lived in those cul-
tures were able to utilize their intimate cultural understanding in creating solu-
tions to family problems. Also four social workers who had lived in their
countries of origin before immigrating to Canada echoed this finding, as exem-
plified in the following quotation:
We came to a good conclusion [in contrast to work with a mainstream so-

cial worker] . . . The father was given permission to provide an alternate
solution that satisfied the daughter and also saved the family’s reputa-
tion. I was able to help save the family from getting a bad name.
The knowledge of what was important to the family was gained through the
visible minority worker’s immersion in the clients’ culture as contrasted with
the more superficial knowledge of the mainstream worker. This demonstrated
that while it is necessary for social workers to learn about different cultures
(see for example Das & Kemp, 1997; Hong, 1989; Rhee, 1996), intellectual
understanding alone may not be sufficient for productive interventions with
such client populations. Lived knowledge may indeed be a prerequisite.
Clients who desired to increase their dominant culture integration, in con-

trast, benefitted from perceived differences between themselves and their
workers. Five social workers described how their perceived greater level of
mainstream integration was regarded positively by clients. For example, the
mainstream male social worker described how difference was an important el-
ement in his work:
I was different from men in her culture. That’s why she wanted me to
work with her son, so that he could see the difference.
And one social worker explained that even if when she was culturally
matched with clients, that similarity was sometimes irrelevant in terms of cli-
ent goals:
She was referred to me because we were from the same country, but she
preferred to disassociate herself from that part of her history and not to
identify with that part of who she is. She was more concerned with the
here and now. She was more focused on her assimilation into the larger
culture.
Assessment of client present and desired level of cultural incorporation,

thus, was necessary to determine whether perceived similarities or differences
were most salient in developing a productive relationship and basis for en-
gagement.
Multiple Communication Avenues. Promoting affective communication
was an important aspect of intervention whether the medium was the client’s
mother tongue, a struggle with English, or non-verbal communication. All im-
migrant clients interviewed indicated that the ability to communicate in-
ner-most feelings was essential in remedying their sense of social isolation.
For the Vietnamese and Cambodian clients with very limited English-speak-
ing ability, being able to communicate with a social worker in their own lan-
guage provided the means of connecting themselves socially. A client stated,
“I was always staying at home since I didn’t speak English,” and a worker, in
turn, stated, “I provided the bridge for this family to communicate with the out-
side world.”
Two Latin-American clients with limited English fluency indicated that
conveying emotional subtleties was only possible in their own language:
When I speak [my own] language I can express the feelings in my heart.
When I speak English, I think a lot in the head.
In two other instances, clients with limited English who aimed to increase their
integration with mainstream culture found that the counseling relationship pro-
vided a safe and comfortable venue to improve their English communication. A
client describes the relationship of language to her sense of integration as follows:
In the beginning I was thinking in my own language . . . but I learned to

express my feelings in English. I belong here now.
Social workers described how they made various efforts, such as using sim-
pler terms, being physically more expressive, gesturing, speaking louder, es-
chewing slang, or using art therapy to reach their clients. The process of
establishing communication was described as a joining or mutual process. One
worker, who defined the problem as one of difficulties in communication rather
than a client deficit in English, described the mutual nature of the process:
I could see her going through the same struggle where she wasn’t sure if
she was clear with me or if I understood. I just kept trying, checking out
with her that she understood, being honest with her if I didn’t understand.
We just struggled through it together.
The importance of “an affective sensitivity” between worker and client that
transcends language and can be achieved through non-verbal communication
has been noted by Ham (1989). In the present study, three workers established
this affective sensitivity through the use of art therapy. One client who de-
scribes how drawing helped her express her sadness as she found her art ther-
apy sessions to be “a safe place to cry.” This medium proved for her to be
“more than half of my strength and my healing.”
The most desirable and productive mode of communication between
worker and client varied widely. With non-English speaking clients, commu-
nication in their mother tongue was necessary. With clients who spoke some
English, worker sensitivity to client needs and goals determined the most ap-
propriate communication modality.
The common theme in establishment of a working relationship was the mul-
tiplicity of cultural facets that were utilized, and the often unpredictable inter-
active process between worker and client that determined on which facets the
relationship was based. Simple and obvious cultural matching was as likely to
be irrelevant as it was to be productive.
Proactive Service Provision
Social workers and clients both described the nature of their work as
proactive, meeting client specific and immediate needs, and utilizing social
workers’ knowledge of mainstream culture in bridging cultures, brokering for

services, and advocating for system change.
Cultural Bridging. Clients and social workers uniformly described the

monumental tasks that face immigrant clients as they endeavor to function in a
new and different context, given their limited knowledge of social systems in-
cluding the social services system itself. Negotiating unfamiliar systems of fi-
nancial support, housing, education, police, and courts presented numerous
difficulties for clients. Inasmuch as most of the social workers were attached to
schools, negotiating the school system and becoming familiar with different
expectations of parenting were important issues clients raised with their work-
ers.
Social workers viewed client acquisition of knowledge about counseling
and social services as necessary to promote access the range of available re-
sources and services. Concurrently, social workers were aware that counseling
was a Western notion, derived from mainstream culture, foreign or sometimes
even contrary to values espoused by other cultures. Five social workers de-
scribed specifically how clients’ views of counseling sometimes necessitated
an indirect and gradual engagement in a helping process. One social worker,
who herself was an immigrant, explained how this understanding influenced
her approach:
Coming to the school to talk about your lives, your family, your job–
That is something that never happens in my culture. Never! That is too
personal. So if I begin by offering counseling, they will go away.
These social workers described how they used a various means such as tele-
phoning, informal meetings in hallways, and relaying messages via other
school personnel, to communicate their readiness and willingness to be of as-
sistance. The process was frequently described as slow and seemingly casual,
but a necessary way of “building the foundation for the (social work) connec-
tion.” Such an informal and personable approach with expression of genuine
care has previously been recommended as a precursor to the establishment of a
more formal helping relationship with immigrant clients (Chambon, 1989;
Green, 1982).
These social workers described how clients were sometimes reluctant to ac-
cept help because this was associated with the shameful necessity of accepting
charity. One social worker explained that by relating her own experiences in
coming to Canada she was able to reframe the notion of accepting welfare as
an aid in cultural transition:
I say to them that I was on welfare and it is not shameful . . . many Cana-
dians are on welfare too . . . To be able to settle in a new country, it really
helps.
Three clients similarly described how their lack of familiarity with the coun-
seling process caused anxiety and expressed appreciation that their social work-
ers had provided the requisite information in a supportive and helpful manner:
We were all very nervous . . . even though she spoke our language we
were nervous about meeting her . . . but she explained to us what counsel-
ing was all about . . . and we started feeling more comfortable and re-
laxed.
Bridging cultural gaps through learning about mainstream family role ex-
pectations was a theme identified in both client focus groups as well as all four
individual interviews as a beneficial result of their social work contact. Client
responses indicated that they were eager to learn about different norms and ex-
pectations regarding child-rearing, even through they might not wholeheart-
edly endorse them. Similarly, one social workers explicitly described how she
was careful to convey to clients the necessity of adapting to prevailing main-
stream cultural norms, while maintaining their own cultural identity:
I try to explain that because we are not in [country of origin] anymore, it

is necessary to understand the Western culture. Abuse . . . is not the way
in this culture . . . we have to accept the new ways at least half and half . . .
Make a balance of the old and new cultures.
Balancing expectations of two different cultures was perceived by all the

social workers to be a complex process requiring considerable sensitivity so
that clients could chose between aspects of two cultures to increase their social
competence. This accords with previous recommendations for promotion of a
bicultural or dual perspective for immigrant clients (Berry, 1991; Rhee, 1996).
In describing their pleasure at their clients’ openness to learning, six of the
social workers also expressed concern about being perceived as an authority
whose advice was sought. As one worker explained:
The one thing I wrestled with is that she really saw me as the guy who
knows the answers . . . [while] I wanted her to see me as a just a guide
through some of the problems in her life.
Clients, in contrast, were uniformly positive about the information they re-
ceived and grateful for the expertise of their workers. They were not perturbed
about worker authority but valued it and appreciated benefits derived there-
from. Client expectation that social workers be advisors, experts and resource
people has been found to establish worker credibility and to be viewed as a

conduit to power and resources (Baines, 1997; Hong, 1989; Sue & Zane,
1987). At times, however, these views conflicted with social workers’ own ex-
pectations of a more egalitarian worker-client relationship.
In summary, clients and workers both identified the importance of cultural
bridging in their work together. Creativity and proactivity were required of
workers as they sought to engage with clients in non-traditional ways, and pro-
mote a bicultural orientation with their clients.
Brokering for Services. Social workers and clients in this study uniformly
agreed that a necessary task was the provision of information and support to
enabled client functioning in mainstream society. Providing information about
and access to English language training programs, the medical and legal sys-
tems, and basic resources such as food, clothing, furnishings and housing, was
viewed as essential. In short, social workers acted as “cultural brokers” in as-
sisting clients access resources available to them (Green, 1982; Westermeyer,
1989). Social workers explained that it was frequently because clients limited
English and/or knowledge about the system that such assistance was vitally
important:
Because they were new to the country they did not know about a lot of re-
sources. I helped her tap into different resources in the community like
Christmas hampers, Safeway coupons, daycare, English classes . . . The
family didn’t have the ability to deal with the system
A common theme in client focus groups and individual interviews was that
assistance in negotiating systems was necessary to be able to function in main-
stream society, and that their social workers provided this assistance:
She helped me to understand the mental health system and to complete

the forms at the hospital . . . She took me to court and other places.
This high value placed on brokering services for immigrant clients suggests
the need to revalue this function within the profession. Assisting clients to ne-
gotiate systems in order to meet basic needs was recognized by the clients and
workers in this study as an activity that served multiple functions including re-
ducing client anxiety, developing trust in the relationship, increasing client
competencies, and establishing a base for discussion of more personal prob-
lems.
Assisting clients to negotiate systems, although perceived as essential by

social workers, was concurrently experienced as a heavy responsibility:
I feel that I have to be on standby all the time whenever they have a diffi-
cult time in their lives.
Eight of the social workers explicitly described how they “worked harder,”
“felt tired,” and were “a lot more exhausted” when they worked with these cli-
ents. Not only was the work more physically demanding in the sense of accom-
panying clients to places, providing transportation to and from appointments,
etc., but it also left these social workers feeling highly responsible for the cli-
ents well-being:
No matter how hard I tried to define my boundaries, I felt like I was re-
sponsible for their stability. It was so heavy at times.
Work with immigrant clients has been observed to be considerably more

demanding and extensive than work with mainstream clients since the pro-
cesses of establishing rapport, clarifying and facilitating change, and promot-
ing “social rehabilitation” by necessity require more time and effort with the
former (Chau, 1991; DeMonchy, 1991; Stein, 1986;. Westermeyer and Wil-
liams, 1986). The eight social workers who described heavy demands that
were emotionally and physically taxing also indicated that these demands were
not always recognized.
Advocacy for System Sensitivity. Advocating on behalf of clients, particu-
larly with mainstream institutions lacking understanding or exhibiting dis-
criminatory attitudes or policies, was perceived by the social workers in the
present study as a necessary component of productive work with immigrant
clients.
Nine of the social workers in the present study specifically described inci-
dents wherein they were called upon to advocate for their clients. One social
worker described it as “being the voice of the family in the school.” Another
worker describes a more educational approach:
I was always dealing with other people’s stereotypes and responses to this
family . . . How differences are perceived in the school environment is one
thing that I often come up against, time after time, and have to deal with.
Social institutions including the educational systems are not always sensi-
tive to needs and challenges faced by racial/ethnic minority children and their
families (Green, 1982; Kiselica, Changizi, Cureton & Gridley, 1995). The re-
sponses in the present study accord with Chau’s (1991) observation that in
such settings, social workers frequently are required to be skilled in both direct
intervention with clients, as well as in influencing systems that perpetuate dis-
crimination and inequality.

In the present study, four social workers also reported the need to advocate
on behalf of their clients with other social workers, who lacked sufficient un-
derstanding of immigrant experiences. An example was a worker in the study
who described how she attempted to change the negative attitudes of a main-
stream social worker:
I had to explain to [the other] worker, who considered the client to be re-
sistant, that she didn’t have the energy to go to English classes because of
the recent traumatic experiences in her life.
In summary, the description of work that emerged from the client and social
worker responses was pro-active, creative, and frequently non-traditional. So-
cial workers providing the service experienced a sense of responsibility for
easing and smoothing the transition of their immigrant clients into mainstream
society through bridging, brokering and advocacy. Although the social work-
ers perceived the necessity of taking action on behalf of their clients, they nev-
ertheless expressed the desire to be perceived as egalitarian and
non-authoritarian in their client interactions.
CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS
Social workers providing services to immigrant clients can benefit from a

broad, multifaceted definition of culture, not limited by ethnicity, country of
origin, or language spoken. In this study, both social workers and clients
sought out definitions of cultural commonality or difference that enabled them
to develop a productive working relationship. Sometimes the definitions that
emerged were contrary to the more evident or visible manifestations of culture.
Ridley (1995) has noted that given the impossibility of predetermining the rel-
ative importance on various client cultural roles, sensitivity by social workers
to the range of roles is essential Cultural self-awareness by social workers,
which has been promoted to prevent imposition of mainstream cultural values
on clients (Christensen, 1988), can be further utilized to establish productive
connections with clients when it is broad and encompassing.
Understanding the various facets of immigrant client culture also necessi-
tated an appreciation of present and desired levels of mainstream cultural in-
corporation. Bemak (1989) has suggested that this can vary along a continuum
that begins with the use of original cultural skills to achieve safety and security
in the new culture, then moves to the acquisition of skills from the new culture
to achieve integration, and finally evolves to a blended type of coping and fu-
ture identity that incorporates aspects of both cultures. In the present study, so-
cial worker and client interactions engaged the breadth of this continuum,
sometimes simultaneously, as social workers actively reinforced existing
skills, provided new knowledge, and promoted the retention of facets of origi-
nal culture.
The multifaceted perception of self and other identified in this study ac-
cords with previous observations in noting the need for social work compe-
tence in assessing client levels of and attitudes toward integration; social
workers’ self awareness of their own world view and the impact of this on in-
terventions; and the recognition by clients and social workers of cultural iden-
tity as a complex, multifaceted phenomenon (Arrendo, Toporek, Brown, Jones,
Locke, Sanchez & Stadler, 1996; Grieger & Ponterotto, 1995; Gushue &
Sciarra, 1995). Ham (1989) has described the process as one of joining, or be-
coming an ecological system wherein the task of the workers is to determine
what is personally and ecologically distinct, yet shared between themselves
and the client. In this study, social workers and their clients engaged in the def-
inition of culture as a mutual process and found this to be a productive strategy.
In the matter of communication, bilingual and multilingual competence in
social work practice was deemed important by the clients and workers in this
study. Client preferences regarding worker cultural similarity were, to some
degree, determined by their own English-language proficiency. In situations
wherein communication in the client’s mother tongue was desired, worker fa-
cility with an additional language was a definite asset. Promotion of bilingual
language facility in agencies through in-service or contracted language educa-
tion programs for workers would thus be desirable. Alternately, hiring policies
can give preference to bilingually skilled workers when recruiting employees
for work with immigrant populations.
The importance of providing opportunities for clients to use the language of
preference or need and the ability of workers to communicate in more than one
language has been variously demonstrated (Arrendo, Toporek, Brown, Jones,
Locke, Sanchez & Stadler, 1996; Gushue & Sciarra, 1995; Wodarski, 1992).
Berry (1991) has described how choice is particularly important for adoles-
cents, to avoid feelings of cultural entrapment or marginalization. Client
choice, therefore, in selecting language and focus of intervention is essential.
Communication proficiency of unilingual workers could also be improved
through promoting use of non-verbal media such as art therapy. Two clients
with limited English and two social workers in the present study described the
benefits of this medium. Finally, whether communication was verbal or
non-verbal, the attitude of workers regarding the working relationship and

communication within it as a joint, mutual enterprise was essential.
Proactive service delivery, requiring multiple skills and considerable ex-
penditure of energy was another aspect of successful intervention with immi-

grant clients. Providing informational services for clients enabled them to both
make full use of social work interventions as well as to function more effec-
tively in mainstream culture. Sue and Sundberg (1996) have noted that the less
familiar clients are with counseling, the greater the need to provide informa-
tion about this process. Social workers in this study were required to be clear in
describing their own roles and functions in ways that were sensitive to differ-
ent cultural perspectives on help-seeking. Also, it was necessary for social
workers to clearly communicate information essential to functioning in main-
stream culture without necessarily making judgements about clients’ culture
of origin. Social workers in the present study were viewed positively by their
clients when they promoted a bicultural identity that incorporated elements of
both cultures.
Brokering and advocacy proved to be central elements in service provision
with immigrant clients. These functions required the workers to perceive their
roles in a somewhat more basic manner, namely providing a range of practical
services as well as “being the voice” of the clients in various settings. Social
work of this nature can be perceived as a return to the more basic, yet essential,
human service provisions. South East Asian families, for example, in develop-
ing a trusting relationship with their social worker, may want more than “just
talking” and expect specific actions to be taken on their behalf (Bemak, 1989;
Kinzie, 1989). Concrete service provision and brokering for services, there-
fore, need to be recognized for their implicit as well as their explicit value in
work with immigrant clients. Social workers would be well instructed to value
such services, to recognize their centrality in work with immigrant clients, and
to take pride in this type of service provision. This can only come about, how-
ever, if the profession generally conveys such a perspective.
Social workers in the present study, while identifying the necessity to be
proactive, were uncomfortable with being perceived as superior or authorita-
tive. The emphasis in mainstream social work on egalitarian relationships,
therefore, may require further consideration in the context of services to immi-
grants. A developmental perspective on helping relationships, moving from
greater to less inequality as information is imparted to clients and client capac-
ity is enhanced, may be more in keeping with client expectations as well as so-
cial work values.
Social workers in the present study also experienced feeling a heavy re-
sponsibility for their immigrant clients. To prevent worker burn-out, therefore,
agency accommodation in size of caseload, availability of supervision and
support, and appropriate time off need to be made. Social workers, themselves,
need to ensure that their efforts do not exceed their resources.
In conclusion, social worker receptivity to immigrant clients can be en-
hanced through a multifaceted, multidimensional understanding of culture and

the conscious engagement of clients in the determination of cultural aspects
that will forge a productive helping relationship. Further, a recognition of the
more active and extensive educational, brokering and advocacy roles in work
with immigrant clients is warranted. And finally, social practice can be en-
hanced through listening to the voices of immigrant clients and the experi-
enced social workers serving them. In short, as social work increasingly moves
out of a monolithic cultural perspective towards a multifaceted multicultural
one, exciting opportunities exist to utilize practice wisdom of experienced
workers and experiences of immigrant clients for the improvement of practice.
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Journal of Ethnic &#x26; Cultural Diversity in Social Work

ISSN: 1531-3204 (Print) 1531-3212 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wecd20

Practice with Immigrants and Refugees

Mary N. Russell PhD & Bonnie White MSW

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J051v09n03_04

Published online: 11 Oct 2008.

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ABSTRACT. Immigrant clients and their social workers can provide

KEYWORDS. Immigrants, refugees, practice, qualitative research

this process may be managed independently and successfully by many, others

tions with clients.

This study involved workers and clients of a Family Advancement Program

communities being particularly represented. Over half of the children reported

FAP program, therefore, was to provide services in a flexible manner, includ-

Social worker interviews. The interviews were conducted using a

scripts. Transcripts recorded individual social worker interviews, and a combi-

Multifaceted Perception of Self and Other

In forming their working relationship, clients and social workers indicated

Multiple Connection Pathways. Social workers indicated that they rejected

The similarities, as viewed by all workers, typically overshadowed differ-

They [the clients] see themselves as belonging to a certain culture, but

histories . . . I think it reflects my own intention to participate in main-

The importance of determining client perceptions of cultural similarity and

We came to a good conclusion [in contrast to work with a mainstream so-

Clients who desired to increase their dominant culture integration, in con-

Assessment of client present and desired level of cultural incorporation,

client describes the relationship of language to her sense of integration as follows:

In the beginning I was thinking in my own language . . . but I learned to

Proactive Service Provision

workers’ knowledge of mainstream culture in bridging cultures, brokering for

Cultural Bridging. Clients and social workers uniformly described the

I try to explain that because we are not in [country of origin] anymore, it

Balancing expectations of two different cultures was perceived by all the

people has been found to establish worker credibility and to be viewed as a

She helped me to understand the mental health system and to complete

Assisting clients to negotiate systems, although perceived as essential by

Work with immigrant clients has been observed to be considerably more

crimination and inequality.

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

Social workers providing services to immigrant clients can benefit from a

non-verbal, the attitude of workers regarding the working relationship and

penditure of energy was another aspect of successful intervention with immi-

hanced through a multifaceted, multidimensional understanding of culture and

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Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work