June 10, 1961

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

Book Review

The Jajmani System

M S A Rao
Thomas O Beidelman : A Comparative Analysis of the Jajmani System. Monographs of the Associa-
tion for Asian Studies, V I I I , 1959, pp 86. Price not mentioned.
MR Beidelman's p r o b l e m is to over land enables h i m to coerce the of the jajman enables h i m to get
determine the locus of power kamin a n d to o b t a i n f o r himself p r e f e r e n t i a l payments, e n j o y pres-
w i t h i n the j a j m a n i system in order services and payments f a r beyond tige, a n d other benefits and enables
that i t m a y t h r o w l i g h t o n the those r e q u i r e d of the kamin. Hence h i m to f i x caste roles in such a
controversial question of whether jajmani system is an exploitative manner as to stabilise h i s p o s i t i o n
or not the jajmani system is ex- system although it does provide despite the tensions w i t h i n j a j m a n -
ploitative, (p 1 ) . Beidelman re- social security. kamin relationships.
vises Wiser's definition of the The role of kamin lies in p r o - Beidelman uses the t e r m jajmani
jajmani system as "a feudalistic v i d i n g necessary services — secular system to cover the w h o l e of r u r a l
system of prescribed, hereditary a n d r i t u a l — f o r the jajman w h i c h social structure. B u t it should be
obligations of payment a n d of oc- the jajman cannot o b t a i n elsewhere noted that the t e r m cannot be in-
cupational and ceremonial duties a n d w h i c h h e cannot s u p p l y h i m - terpreted to cover a l l social rela-
between two or more specific f a m i - self due to lack of s k i l l or of suffi- tions. Firstly, jajman-kamin rela-
lies of d i f f e r e n t castes in the same cient n u m b e r s or due to caste tionships are d y a d i c , a n d t e n d to be
locality" (p 6 ) . T h e t w o bases o f restrictions. T h e s o l i d a r i t y of the l i m i t e d to the sphere of service
this system are caste duties and kamin is also m a i n t a i n e d by caste relationships, whether economic or
l a n d . B u t l a n d tenure is the power- panchayat ( t r a d e u n i o n ) a n d k i n - r i t u a l . Secondly, jajman-kamin re-
determinant within the jajmani ship. But k i n s h i p also disrupts lations may develop i n t o p a t r o n -
system, kamin solidarity. S i m i l a r l y , factio- client relationship when the b o n d
n a l i s m of the u p p e r castes affects becomes m o r e personal, intimate
Beidelman first examines the i n -
the kamins as economic dependence and m u l t i - f a c e d . F o r instance, a
fluence of caste on the respective
cuts across caste ties. carpenter w h o is a kamin to a cul-
roles of jajman a n d kamin. ' U p p e r '
t i v a t o r m a y also be a debtor or a
castes tend to be jajmans w h i l e Land and Social Status
tenant e n j o y i n g the patronage o f
Mower' castes tend to be kamins. There are conflicts w i t h i n the
his j a j m a n . In such a case jajman-
W h e r e B r a h m i n s possess economic- jajmani system. T h e y are caused
kamin relationship acquires the na-
numerical-political p o w e r , custom, by the d i v i s i o n of jajmani r i g h t s
t u r e of patron-client relationship.
dogma, superiority in numbers, as a result of increase of popula-
p o l i t i c a l connection and control of tion and the g r o w t h of the m a r k e t T h i s , however, does not always
land m a y be used to t u r n the jaj- economy w i t h increased monetiza- happen. Frequently, the relation
man-kamin relationship in favour tion. E x t e r n a l p o l i t i c a l influences between a c u l t i v a t o r jajman. a n d a
of the B r a h m i n . B u t instances are have shifted p o w e r to lower a n d carpenter kamin stops at the level
quoted where other castes are m o r e n u m e r i c a l l y stronger castes in some of service relationships. When a
powerful, economically, numerical- areas. A m o n g other causes of such jajman is dissatisfied w i t h the ser-
ly and p o l i t i c a l l y than the a s h i f t in p o w e r are : land r e f o r m vices of a smith, he m a y engage
Brahmins. laws, e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s ir- another. S i m i l a r l y one s m i t h m a y
How Jajmani Is Exploitative respective of caste, changes in caste compete w i t h another to get a r i c h
values, education and the break- jajman.
T h e author shows how the con-
d o w n of the isolation of the caste
cept of p u r i t y and p o l l u t i o n opera- Not the Whole Feudal System
system.
tes in determining hierarchical Further, jajmani system should
o r d e r i n g of occupations such as The author further discusses be d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m the stratifica-
h a i r - c u t t i n g , w a s h i n g , leather w o r k , some cases of jajman kamin dis- t i o n based on l a n d t e n u r i a l status
scavenging, etc. Ceremonial duties putes and points out that k a m i n ' s i n t o landlords, n o n - c u l t i v a t i n g ten-
r e i n f o r c e caste roles. Etiquette per- 'trade u n i o n i s m ' i s becoming m o r e ants, c u l t i v a t i n g tenants and attach-
vades relations. The a u t h o r , there- a n d m o r e meaningless, because of ed and free a g r i c u l t u r a l labourers.
f o r e , argues that jajman-kamin re- a d i s r e g a r d of t r a d i t i o n a l restric- In K e r a l a , however, a tenant or an
lations shape more than mere w o r k tions o n p e r f o r m i n g certain a c t i v i - a g r i c u l t u r a l labourer p u r e l y i n this
relations. " T h e y stress values in ties previously assigned to the capacity is not a desavakazhi (a
r i t u a l a n d social l i f e , each comple- kamin. A jajman under an emer- person h a v i n g h e r e d i t a r y r i g h t s o f
m e n t i n g the other and f o r m i n g a gency undertakes to do a h i t h e r t o service in a v i l l a g e ) . It is, there-
complex m a t r i x i n w h i c h the eco- f o r b i d d e n task. fore, i m p e r a t i v e to restrict the
n o m i c relations a r e set" ( p 3 0 ) . T h e a u t h o r therefore concludes jajmani system to the economic
Discussing the determinants of that the p o w e r d e t e r m i n a n t i n the and ritual service relationships.
the role of jajman, the a u t h o r sin- jajmani system is l a n d . T h e con- Other relationships such as, caste,
gles out numerical or political centration of p o w e r in a l a n d e d k i n s h i p , patron-client, t e n u r i a l do
s u p e r i o r i t y a n d l a n d t e n u r e as the g r o u p and the o r d e r i n g o f roles i n overlap. B u t all these should not
t w o f a c t o r s w h i c h m a k e a jajman r e l a t i o n to l a n d seems essentially be subsumed under the jajmani
effective. He shows how control feudalistic. T h e superior p o s i t i o n system. To do this is u n r e a l a n d

877
 June 10, 1961
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

h i g h l y misleading. Jajmani system r a n k i n g of castes in a scale of sub- caste system ( p 2 1 ) ; b u t h e does

is not by itself the whole of the ordination and super-ordination is not see the p r o b l e m in this perspec-
feudalistic system as the author itself 'exploitative' and sets the pat- tive. It should be said to the credit
thinks but is only a part of feudal t e r n of subservience. The over- of the author that he also recognizes
and semi-feudal system. l a p p i n g of the secular sources of a situation where ritual s u p e r i o r i t y
T h e use of the jajman and Kamin power, land and p o l i t i c a l control, of B r a h m i n s is accompanied by secu-
as blanket terms is an over-simpli- reinforce the h i e r a r c h y . lar dependence. B u t he explains it
fication, as it ignores vast comple- The crucial question is what hap- away by m a k i n g an absurd c o m p a r i -
xities a n d r i c h regional variations. pens when there is a discrepancy son of this situation w i t h the posi-
The relationships between a Jat between the r i t u a l and other ele- t i o n of a priest in western society
cultivator and his B r a h m i n priest, ments of dominance? When a who though n o m i n a l l y ranked h i g h
carpenter, potter, barber, washer- r i t u a l l y higher caste comes i n t o the in society is yet treated as a f u n -
m a n , chamar and bhangi have inter- category of kamin, the nature of ex- ctionary at a w e d d i n g and is only
nal variations. A l l of them are not p l o i t a t i o n is m o d i f i e d . The logic of casually i n v i t e d to the w e d d i n g re-
addressed as kamins. T h e B r a h m i n economic e x p l o i t a t i o n does not r u n ception, ( p 19) T h e position o f
priest a l t h o u g h he serves a r i t u a l l y its f u l l course. E x p l o i t a t i o n is there- B r a h m i n s is entirely different.
lower c u l t i v a t i n g caste, is given due f o r e a general aspect of the I n d i a n
Jajmani system is undergoing
respect. He is never included in the caste structure w h i c h is sharpened
changes. The intensity and f o r m o f
list of kamin castes. The smiths by the distance between the jajman
these changes are not the same hut
occupy a h i g h e r status than chamars and kamin castes in the social
vary w i t h respective jajmans and
and bhangis. T h e y are addressed as structure. It is b l u r r e d when there
kamins because they are d y a d i c rela-
mislry. It is chamars and bhangis is a discrepancy between different
tionships. The changing situation
w h o are sometimes addressed as elements of dominance and when
admits of vast variations and i m -
kamins. Therefore, in accordance the gap between jajman a n d kamin
mense complexities. Sound gene-
w i t h the r i t u a l status and the dis- castes in the caste h i e r a r c h y is not
ralizations can o n l y be b u i l t u p o n
tance between the service castes and wide.
a careful comparative study of and
jajman castes in the social struc-
The author seems to have recog- intensive research into jajmani sys-
ture, the latter exercise p o l i t i c a l arid tems over different regions, Bei-
nized the p o i n t that the jajmani re-
economic control over the former. delman's is a significant effort in
lationships tend to reinforce the
S i m i l a r l y , as in the case of the cate- this d i r e c t i o n .
values of inequality inherent in the
g o r y of kamins, there is great i n -
ternal v a r i a t i o n w i t h i n the category
of jajmans. L a n d is owned by many
castes and w i t h i n each caste by many
families in different proportions.
Even landless households are jaj
mans. A shop-keeper or trader or
a temple priest who receives g r a i n
payment may not possess any l a n d .
Still they command the services of
kamin castes. In such a case, asso-
ciation of jajman w i t h l a n d is not
w h o l l y inevitable. T h e r e f o r e , the
terms jajman and kamin should be
taken to represent categories w i t h i n
w h i c h differences should be expect-
ed. It is a distortion of reality to
i d e n t i f y them as 'classes.'
A t h i r d p o i n t to w h i c h I w o u l d l i k e
to d r a w the attention is that the pro-
blem posed by Beidelman, viz whe-
ther or not the jajmani system is an
exploitative system, has a misplaced
emphasis. T h e author accuses w r i t -
ers such as M N Srinivas and K
Cough f o r not l o o k i n g at it f r o m the
p o i n t of view of s u b j e c t i o n , asym-
m e t r y and conflict, and instead look-
i n g f o r interdependence and t r a n -
quility. B u t the question whether
jajmani system is exploitative or
not loses m u c h of its significance
when this system is seen in the light
of the general p r i n c i p l e s of I n d i a n
social structure w h i c h i m p i n g e u p o n
it, T h e d i f f e r e n t i a l basis of r i t u a l