fo ( Wedivrt/ arom Cemig! Bhowt oe ine SecKared , Meruage wkd Collie Marriage in Traditional Chinese Society «The dowry of the brides carted 8 procession throwgl the streets ith as “els parade aed show asthe amount ofthe urmitare wil possibly admit. Not infrequent when the parties are near neighbors, the procession of porters of bearers, instead of taking the shortest route from the residence “of the bride to the residence ofthe groom, takes circuitous route throug forthe purpose of exkabiing the furitue. Inthe case of the rich, often a large amount of superior household furniture, as wardrobes, tables, chars, tuk, covelets or quilts, the exterior of which ‘silk or satin, and various less showy yet expensive articles, is thus car- tied in procession through the trets. The utr of persons employed in sransporting these things sometimes amounts 1 or even more. Those who can afford the expense have some ofthe articles bound around or fastened to.the carying-poles with pieces of red silt, or red cotton cloth. This ix considered great day forthe families aiost especially concerned, and every thing connected withthe procession is designed for displ. “This oust is procured, in most cases to a great extent, by means ofthe ‘money obic hasbeen furnished the family ofthe ride by the family ofthe _groont for that purpose. In the case of wealthy families, litle dependence is, setualy placed on 38 f= MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SociETY expense over and above the amount of money received fram the family of their future sonra, ‘ Reverend Justus Doolittle South China, 1865¢ In great contas to the understated marrage ceremony among the !Kung San and Other hunter are he bl grand play of mariage ood and other pomp and circumstance of weddings imaarlan-sate societies. Of all the contemporary and historical agratian states, trdditional Chinese society provides some of the richest as well as one of the more dramatie contrasts with Kang Sen mariage? The Weddingeataheelive an hspope preven anothec ot of canara: . ‘The Reverend Justus Doolittle, a long-time observer sind chroniéler'ot Chinese — ~ sociallifeand customs, described marriage ritual among the wealthy in the province cuianin Soh Chita ding she fren emary a srt heacconnt uot at the opening ofthis chaps rest exchanges pamper mere cles being Trandate in weddings among the upper cartes he fgmnter a puapazayberweet ‘the families of bride and groom included casirin one direction and a parade of house: bold gooce tribe otee Embedded in Dooiev account f the uma caround ing yeddings of the elec isthe obcrration i : TAhoUgh che mariage ceremoniediferel frm theft eboos wast inscalea it in basic {orn ot meaning Throughout Chih, ‘everyone eae aire ‘best marriage for a son, as reflected both in the lav- ishness of the event and in the social station of the bride, Even for the poor, wed- dings werea major family expense; and families willingly put themselves in debt in onde o emulate tmarsieget of ele ‘A large part of the eiffel context for understanding marriage in traditional Chinese society relates 0 she scies politcal and econéeic standing as one ofthe world’s great agrarian-state societies. Chinese: society was clearly not egalitarian ESSEantgh woman by te inne ofc eal aaa va oe oo “ hearchy of ease, ‘ch characterized by difee Q mye Tresor. stated by ofc and pretded wer Up he eogerr and is ne, ters effcely led en empire of diese people oe of whens Wer etieall Chinese (an) while many others were members Of ciffeent tc proupe whose Jands had been taken by the Chinese. An elaborate jisdicial system, backed ultimately by the aed fore ofthe sexe enfored a wren gel code supplemented yimpe- Baldi, Tete In radiona Chine socio four malas Giane—composed se social rach. At the apex was the ete ce made np of ‘hove a a chlo io wee eet acolo celengeta e formier ranking higher in pestige and hi : exncg. Both scholaroficials and scholar-gentry were landed, lesured, and literate. ‘They hid vase ageicultarat notigs, land that they themse ‘wat depend ing instead onthe hired labor of poor peasants. Because chy and thei flies were 39 1 blr int”| -MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY ‘wealthy, they were freed from domestic labors, employing great numbers of staff to clean, cook, and see to the smooth running of their households, embers ofthe elite class dressed in ith panels of ‘lite males had the luxury to pussue the prestigious path Because the state ba ents On Success in several ners of state civil service examinations, degree aspirants noeded decades of cigorous schooling in the Chinese classics to attain the stigious and luc empite. " a “The lifestyle of floor peasants stood in stark contrast. In Chinese society as in other agrarian-state societies, the peasant class comprised approximately. 82 pet-—. ‘cent of the population. The Chinese considered farming d'fespecrable occupation ‘nd held the peasaas class in higher esteem than the artisan and merchant classes, Which they ranked ideologically below it. The label peasant covers a broad range of rural inhabitants who owned and farmed their own or other's land to varying degrees. Some people owned land and could afford to hire others to farm all of it for them. Others owned some land and although they could afford to hire seasonal Jabor, sill needed to work some ofthe land themselves, Some families cultivated all the land they owned but needed to send some sons out into other occupations because their sparse holdings could not support all family members. The poorest peasants owned no land at all and lived only by hieing chemselves out as itinerant laborers, working the fields owned by others. “The lifestyle of a poor peasant who owned even a litle land was sil dificult. He pechaps owned a small plot atone end of the village and another smaller piece in a hilly spot, farther from the river that was the source of irigation waters. Daly {qe WETTED DUO EleCPP ve romncneletsPOtsng a crop of ce from the rivee parcel and ‘beans fcom the ather, enough to eat and sil sll other ancarian-state societies = “Marriage practice also reflected this hierarchy. Weddings were not characrer- chang ized by 2 modes, barely percept ‘of residence, and social ears cributng vo these ofthe ate wih its erarhy of ses was a subse: tence adaptation very different from thet of the !Kung San. The Chinese and all other agrasian-state societies were founded on a specie mode of geculire Based “ati loan the subsistence base Tar Chinese plow wgeieuture; just 35,— inna diferent way, was for Kung San hunting and gathering. Among foragers, » 40 f= MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY people used land asa resource base across which chey moved in small-scale bands, Farvestng the animal and plant resources with the seasons, With plow agrcuare, hhoweven people invested resources inthe and iselimproving beth land sn cop productivity with intensive irgntion and ferilizaion* Therefore, land ownesship becomes significane. With this system of agricaere (which contrast with he Sim pio stent honculucepeaticed by te rogues disosed in chapter 4) high {op yells could support mich lage popslations, sed ar permanent sites, than ould either foraging or horticultural egies, The high-aloie grains, such a ce and millet, which were the preferred crop of plow agriculturists, could be readily Stored and enabled the sse of gest cities and sates, dependent on lege pope tions engege in fzming. OF HUSBANDS AND PLOWS Agrarian societies as a Pe TESST that shaped the practice and ‘meaning of marriage. The inttoducton in these societies of the plow 25 the instra- ‘ment of cultivation in place of the hoes and digging sticks that comprise the tech- ‘ological inventory in horticultural societies) nflucced the lationship of husband and wife aswell. One ofthe more notable characteristics shared by all agrarian soci dominsie carried over into Kinship, mariage, aad FENCE practices, as well as in the processes shaping family and household. These hierarchical relationships replaced the more equitable relationships thar were posible within horticultural societies. ross agrarian cultures of various historical agi al ‘Men behind the plows cultivated the fields on which these societies ‘wore based. Anthropologists have advanced various theories to explain tis shift from a varied division of labor between husbands and wives in horticultural soci eties, Some put forward the strength theory, which attributes men’s monopol flog sh anaserge ss pest) seen fi SE OPCS “Aezording to this theory the physical advantage TaVOR males Yor the heavy’ labor of plowing the field, which often required the simultaneous management of large drafe animals, such asthe water buffalo used in South China. Other anthropolo gst favor the expendabilty theory, based on the growing need 0 physically defend agricultural land from outsiders. Land brought under cultivation, and into which ‘much lbor and many resources were iavested, was highly prized. Perhaps defense cof land by fathers and husbands engaged in farming fis outside seriements best enhanced the possibly that future generations would survive back at home, in the ‘protected homesteads occupied by wives and children” "Accompanying the inteoduction ofthe plow wat new varieties of ‘ctops, the most important in China being hee an and oe contrast t0 _many of the crops grown by horticultunsts—such as r00t erops-—srains provide a wy aFigure 3.1. Chinese farmers behind the plow without benef of ex of water buffalo, cca 1300, be stored forestended smore-concent cof calories is task has been assumed crosscultuaiy primar Whether the new dominance assumed by fathers and husbands in agriculture was due mo: to defense and survival needs o to che greater predisposition of males for plowing and females for grain processing may never be definitively determined, as the hi torical evidence may be elusive ‘Met's ising dominance in agriculture created father implictions for marriage and the relationship of husbands and wives. Anthropologists have discovered that women’s overall participation in farming and their contribution to subsistence lishing the inequality of spouses in macriage. On entering a family home of any social class in traditional China, a visitor would frst encounter the family’s domes- tic ancestor altar, situated in a prominent place of honor in the main entry hall. On 6 48= MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY © dreeed i the life beyond: Ths ace of paying expect othe ancestor ak 40 heaton of he lung toe decd who fey beled tl had power work ether af thet desceadao what called In the Wet “ws nonin in particular, male ancestor worship. a eer Ithough ancestor tablets could also be erected to representa deceased mother arson oil eapeially if recaslydeceased—the Gezened male members ofthe flay provided te (got and contautet ale decent ine was the backbone ‘of every Chinese family, and mariage and fostmarital residence practices ened 10 continua éelebrate this lie. The Chinese ciieived of it as an unbroken line of descent that could be traced back to deceased men ofthe fant, long since departed, tnd forward into the furare—in what they hoped would be e continuous chain of male descendant, spanning the generations.” ‘One addition ro the lst of changes astocated with the rise of agratian soci- eties~adding to what some se as almost a watershed or paradigm shift in human tultaralhistory—is the sito family systems that favor male offspring, the grow- ing prominence of male lies of descent, and martiages uit to suppor all ofthese hings. Men, afer ll, were fabers, sons, and husbands behind the plow. 1 Paste sraltional Chinese society was a poweral influence on smafinige practice and was one ofthe key factors shaping the meaning of mariage for sband hi wives and fame, Some anbropolgiss and other soars line, All agrarian societies were essentially patrilineal in orientation. Nonetheless, the supporting practice of male ancestor worship in the Chinese case gave the dom inance of the male line addtional force. Although iti impostant in all patrilineal your grandfather and father-—your line—eontinued unlbroken through the gener- ations. Th gave marriage in Chinese society its primer seks tt nantes in vray every aspect Gof mariage and residence practice, as well asin the relations of husband and wife to one another and to other members ofthe husband’ family, the meaning of mar- rage was cleaty tied to the demands of the male descent line. The cultural norm and ideal fo riage throughout most of Chinese society was what has been called rn of marriage. It was the occasion for th bed by the R Doolittle. the adh ‘of the family. In the Chinese case, major marriag —— - c oe patrilocal residence), n\n ee 1 MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY igure 3.2. Interior view of 9 Chinese ancestor hall South Chins, Tablets honoring deceased male ancestors of the lineage are ranged onthe alta. marriages were thus by de ian states, the control over the selection of spouse and the arrangement of marriage served fo support the continuation of proper hierar chy within the family. Cross-culrorally, marriages based on attraction berween bride and groom—love matches-jeopardized the control exerted by senior members of the family over juniors. Where 2 postmarital residence practice ereates an extended family situation by adding the newly married couple to an already-established fam- ily and household, a marriage based on love threatens the authority of parents over on, the betrothed ware rangers fo one another so tha he married Not only ere mar- founded on lve, bt paras dour iscouraged any ound agar — sor ks wife or nHPTeirns A compete and lov ing relationship might grow out ofan asconged cnasiage, but de public display of affection between husband and wife was not viewed by his parents as being in the bes interests of the family. 451 MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY ‘TO ARRANGE A MARRIAGE ‘To arrange a matsage, parents engaged the services of a matey, whose basi ness it was to know the sons and daughters available for number of villages stated ma Ina major rmarriage-—which was che norm, as well a the cultural ideal in most parts of China—botk spouses were married as young adult, she bride usually several years younger and sometines still in he early tens, For the matchmaker, one basic con. ‘eration in surveying the population of unmatried young Salts was to exablish ‘who was eligible so marry whom, based on the greater kinship identities of bride and groom. y Tn raditional Chinese soci, the male descent line around which a family was buile could be traced back across the generations to one distant male ancestor If that ancestor had several sons, then his own dzet line of descent would diverge Jno the several lines of his sons. If each fled ther filial obligation to produce sons to continue the direct line of eheir own common father, those sons produced descendants that then divided the dgect line of ceir father into several branches, and o on. Over many generations all males who shared descent from the orginal ‘or *focal” ancestor became a vast pool of descendants, some deceased snd some living, who shared.a genealogy and surname and a common lineage or clan iden sy, I the living male descendants organized themselves into what was in essence 4 corporation based on their descent ine, then they comprised a what is called a ine cage. (The lineage incorporated onthe bass of land put in trust by its members and held asa group investment, Ifthe descendants were dispersed with no common ol- lective interests, they claimed only the same clan identity. In ether case the basic marker of same lineage or same clan membership was a shared surname.* 1 Chinese society, marriage berween a man and woman sharing the Sieur -nae=the outward sign of kinship identity—was forbidden in law and in custom and considered incestuous, A bride inherited her father’s surname and thus bis line cage and clan identity, although she did nor ofcaly belong ro either Therefore, a matchmaker had to suvey the field Tor candidates fdferent kinship denis. Her task was made more challenging when working ina market district in which entire villages were inhabited by men of one lineage. nthe cae ofthe large lineage villages characteristic of South China for example, the two or three thousand men living in ‘one village might all belong to the same lineage. ln this situation, none ofthe daagh- ters of any ofthese men were eligible to marry any of ther sons. Thus, the business ‘of matchmaking entailed sorting information gathered from a number of focal vik lages to propose an appropriate marriage tothe parents ofthe young people. Insuggesting possible matches, a matchmaker put forward the natues of young ‘people from families with good standing inthe community. The personal reputar tions ofthe individual candidates for marrage were also carefully scrutinized, but of = Se Rimes gar ak react “« "= MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY m Chinese famiies, daughter tainted by scandal could only tam for livelihood to rosin in one ofthe lager tows ‘A ng major marsage was to rough marriage, both families soughe vo promote tei %g to create a marriage that would bring the > oF As the ld of prospective matige candidates narrowed, a funher hurl othe advancing negations loomed. Te personal hones of bide and groom had to he matched ina proces underaken to cee oa en would be no obuacle tothe marrage. After that began the hard sepctasens ee the amount and content of the wealth tobe exchanged by the fomilee of ee hetcothed. The busines of reaching agreement on bridewealth and dovey, essentials dhe succes contusion of macage discussione, was adelcaeacgevaton rveving oconly frre but socal faa” aswell Bidewesth and daw ware fonconert features ofthe major form of marriage. Through the exchange of propre eel ‘ionship was established beyond the marow conjugal one hemmcen biceced eecrn = ‘embedded in pri ins inthe cass hierarchy . the fathers in oth faites worked hard to Fach agreement the wealh that each was co exchange, creating the moat advantgeoue fy ce peso. The groom fay pid nrge sum ocash, th bridovcalth oh des ‘As Dooltecorieay observed the bride's family rypcally sete eideweak, to offi th expense of assembling te dowey.n some cares, the donty mechs the bridewelth, especially if the bide faniy wished to publicly ete seh social sation. Dowty consisted of the many household ellecs that a new cone ‘would need 0 furnish their in he husbands family’s home. Ae me. age the bride tok with her othe grooms home al the ems greed spon dae ing the long savage negations, ncn atone qui ee be everything inthe lity Fe the sr brides home tothe gso0ms, jounced along, the oF naiseaetcpere ” che etheing- at her wedding with a dowry deficient in irems agreed upon, she would-besseverély The bride arziyed a the gropz’s family home on the wedding day transported ina cursined red sedan igloo The bride and groom saw cach oter forthe Sst tne WEA TE lied the red vel conctng her ne Sn Jimportant occasion in the lfe and furuze ofa family was celebrated with the extent the husband's family could afford, and even bey the grooms family, iMARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY Figure 3.3, Bride in traditional headdress, Sout Cina snerenth century. John Sart Themson}) BRIDES AND LINES ‘The goal of major marsiage, reflected in the marriage rites, was clearly o continue the groom's male descent line. From the groom's family’s point of view, the expense aod ong months of lansing wer apmusmenithat would evenly ld he desired grandchild, the family’s male her. From the perspective of the bride's par- cents, their daughter had married as well as they could afford and now had left them to live with her new husband and his family in pattilocal residence. Alchough it was good to know she was married—she could not have stayed unmarried and contin ted to live at home—Chinese families considered che expense of the dowry to be @ burden, even shough the bride-wealth payment may have exceeded what was in the erul paid out for se goods newsed fos les doway. Her family’s ealelation cha chee daughter was fondamentally goods on which one loses was based on factoring in ‘he expense of raising het. Afterall, from the moment of birth, her parents knew ey 1 MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY Figure 34. Groom, South Chia, nineteenth centuy. (Job Seuare Thomson} that their daughter must inevitably leave them at marriage. Conventional wisdom ‘The meaning Of martiage for a daughter w: icably linked to her position vis male descent lines, Unlike sons, daughters were born. outside their father’s s sees ‘Best, daughters ould be deseibed-as having’ feniporay atlachment or afiation to thei father’ Tine, being in effect temporary members of thei father’s family and household, and everybody sav them as more like elatve, not fatily members. They were born outsiders who therefor stood unable to continue thei father’ line by providing i ‘with sons. It was a condition of being female that daughters must matty and move 10 join the family of her husband. Ts Sonth Chins, «noteworthy aberration existed in the rich ilk producing di sricts around Canton (Guangzhou). Ther, inthe early tweiitl-century, teenage girls began to enjoy the opportunity of lucrative employment in the local silk fac~ ” \k8 MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY sores. These jos benefited ther own natal fais, and daugwers working in ik factories were highly ned ax home, When heir macinges were eventually arranged, they were nthe singular pein for married women throughout all of Cineesociery to negtine a delay in patocal esidence, i order to come ‘working, as described in chapter L# sing 7 their explanations as to ‘why they didn’t choose to continue to stay at home and work in the silk factories rather then marry, whatcan be called a ive” on the meaning of a Without marrage and the ate sband’ lin that it brought, a women was trou ble for hec natal family; women could not remain unmazried to their own family. Because a daughter was, not a member of her own father’s descent ine, she was norallowed ro die in his house. Without an attachment or aff iacion to his lin, which defined the family, her spirit would become at death a Jhungry, menacing ghost, capable of causing havoc to her own family, inckoding sick- 1st, deat, inferaity and cven erp false: An bamasieddaughtee was such 2 ‘ice OPTME rare ce evn ithe became oer she svasemored fom her fathers house ad taken oan outside shed, as» preci Zesinst dying and haunting her fathers howe Tra danger did di before mariage, and therfore before an afation 08 husbands descent ine had been eablohed, she woul nox receive a proper ances tor tablet as would a deceased son. His would be made of wood aod installed 8 the aly domestic aka alongside the tables of other deceased ales of he fathers linc, A deceased onmartied daughter received on!7, en, ater her spit eached appropeae age a mange ce Fealies constitute a meaning ence ofa woman born in Chinese patrilineal soci : ‘for the sake of her very soul. Although « woman gained a Husbanid and children who could provide eeondmic Security and emotional fulfillmentyelderly women I interviewed stated that, even if marriage (and fate) brought a girl a blind or lame or dsfigredbusband she sil neded marriage forthe spiritual securiy—the "host" in the afterlife that it provided.!® Why was spiritual security of such concern? The reason lies inthe very nacae of sg which was believed ‘to extend beyond this life into the next, ro include both the male ancestors as well as future sons of unborn generations. Descent was traced through males during life as well as in the next life, Everyone needed to-belong to line i botlives. For females, marriage, not birth, provided this affiliation, 50 AS — © MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY a Figure 3.5, Sedan char and beaters convey bride to er hushane' village and home. ‘The requirement that daughters at mactiage move with patrilocl residence was «8 powerful cultural force shaping the experience of nese society. Residence was key in shaping the experience of males as well, marked ist by the joyful reception given to newborn son, reflecting bis posi tion in the family and line ch 2 ‘THE WIFE IN THE HOUSE THAT MARRIAGE BUILT Following the marriage rites, festivities, and a brief visit home thre€ Ways after mar- sng, a new wife would sere uncomforabl ino the fly Ie ad howe of hatbond“utioratc brush heiecd or tool ease oes all ee others of is family with whom she would remain forthe ce of he ie ‘Abhogh er hasand had alto mated ewan bc was at hanc ches orc, ateady established in he fami The bide was aloe wth no fay snd band support he hough the transion to wie and datgherioe decd beide tainly marin a foal Hvng in oo than hers Her contact with her own family wae frm tee tpethaps com siting of an infeguent vst or biel reunion aa wed ot fame st Ih‘© MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY “The new wie had to lear her sole and responses on the lowest rg of the family biesehy She joined» houthold composed of her fathersnla and Inoterin lay ter arid sons an dagheersnlav unmarced sons and dah tem and praméciren, wa fay and housek TRREPaeite Al eyes were on the new wl, who as Dt, petaps conc darn expectations spoed and indulged by her status 2 ecet brie She was expected to accomplish her puspoe aa vil to produce ale ei fer Herb, _ band. Her lo asthe newest member ofthe family meant sat, uni then, she would be the cho supervised her in her chores ni athe established hi ftehy of fatily members and traditionally assigned the new daughteri-law mock bf ehe household drudge work, The new wife's position in the household and domes- tic hierarchy improved only with the birth of her frst son. “The relationship between the motherin-law and her perhaps several daughters in-law has twaditionally been characterized bythe Chinese asfull ofc: Indeed, opinion traditionally held tharwomen were the troublemakers in the family, even roghter-n-law fought among themselves, oo, causing the hesbads (who hich was notin the bese interests of family harmony. This dificult rclasonship among the wornen of the family, who shared common covigins as “stranger” wives and yet seemed to find ltl bass fr cooperation within their husbands’ family can best be understood as a consequence ofthe family struc- ture. The eastomary patilocal residence practice shaped to a great extent dynam- jes within the fa “The Chinese cae provides pechape one of the clearest examples ofthe power of residence in reinforcing the postion of one spouse over the other, empowering the permanent cesdent (the husband, inthis cast) an isolating the neweomer (the swift) a house focused on an “Through the regular prac- Bice cross the generatioas,a family sent daughters of io mar- Sage tothe villages and houscholds of ther new husbands—in effect dispersing the family females while retaining the males. Not only were daughters dispersed; they ‘became members of households in which tie interests were pited against those of the s"generation by " on strategies she typically employed were to create a elosexelae™ ho could defend her interes and suppor her in the family —and to prodoce the family’s desired grandson. With the birth of children, each wife—in esponse to her position as always somewhat of stranger in the fam ily—sox “The structure ofthe household, with all daughters-in-law under the auchorty cof their mother in-law and sharing in one houschold budget, created competition ach sought 0 protect the best interests of © eloing, or food. In seek ‘own childzen’s interest, a wife typically set nan Ht Hiaed span hirotio Each wile hough ht Re ow 2 w © MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY = Figure 3.6. Line drawing ofa South Ching vilage. family—what anthropologist Margery Wolf calls the uterine family, composed of a ‘women’s children—would fare better ifthe household were to divide” With éivi- sion and separation, her husband and his brothers isherted equelly from the fam ily estat, giving her own children a more secure future, she believed. A wife qui- «tly pressed for an early division of the family and estat, before the death of her fatherin-law, the typical occasion for division. Each wifes primary objective was to carve o ‘This goal conilicred with che plan of ker mother- in-law, who sought to preserve the unity of her own adult sons—who were her own, uterine family. Wives as outsiders marrying nto families srucrared in this way could only be perceived asa source'of conflict in the family. POLYGYNY: MORE AS BETTER Further complicating the dynamics of the relationship of a wife in her husband's family ond household occurred when her husband mastied an additional wife, cre: ating bur men ofthe clit cass could affor ‘omy, multiple marciages bec cu0s co __Abbusband's additional wives ware raked in the order in which they marsied ino the family, thus perpetuating proper family hierarchy, Each received het own separate quarters. The position of junior wife could, howeves, be enhanced in the event she produced the only mae children. Her status in this case would advance 3 {6= MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY =v astern = ern lea my as van E ae iB tl [wry t dca manos finial suey get BS. aco“ pg for plane _typcal A twee, ‘typical uo hse, Figie 3,7. Teaditional and contemporary house dsiga, ouch China. Nowe the alear for ‘he frais ancestor tables in the main siting room ofthe tendons house Figure 3.3 "8 MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY their son and grandson. (james P, Wail) ss1 MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY atthe expense ofthe firs wife’, inevitably creating rivalry and jealousy. There was thus very little basis for cooperation among cowives in Chinese society, as each strove 10 carve out her ow uterine family. If people believed one wife caused prob: Jems inthe fail the. re cerainly confirmed this. Although wives fre ranked, they were all techni- cally “wives,” whose children were recognized as their father’s. All sons born of ‘wives, primary and secondary. inherited equally from ther father’s estate, alshough bolder sons enjoyed a slightly higher starus by virtue of their age. There is cs / among scholats over the status of additional wives in traditional Chinese society.” Calling them simply concubines ot prostitutes may serve only to confuse matte although men of the elit class could keep the former and visit the latter, they were rot wives. However, it was also permitted to have additional wives who married into the family with patrilocal residence, bowing before cheir new husband’s male family ancestors “These secondary wives did not marry in exactly the same fashion as the pri= _mary wife for these marriages were not major macriages. A man chose his addi- tional wives himself, employing the services of a go-between to arrange the trans- fer Most significant, a secondary wife generally came from a family of lower economic and social tanding than the first wife, and one that could not protest their daughters lesser postion in the husband's family. Tn South China, the source of many secondary wives was the vast pool of domes- tieservants. As young gil, they were sold by their impoverished parents into domes tie service in elite families, who used them as maidservants. The lifestyle of every wwellro-do family required the services ofa fll hierarchy of domestic staff. When a maidservant reached the age of about 16, her employer was expected to marry. her off. If ateractive, she might be chosen to marry into a wealthy family asa man’s secondary wife. In this cas, instead of the transfer of bridewealth from husband's amily to wife's family and the return of dowry from the bride's to the husband’, only was made, The husband, through a matchmaker, made a ‘payment co the employer, who technically owned the maidservant. This one-way transaction in effec represented an outright purchase of young ‘woman from her employes. With no family to support her with dowry, by necessity she made a lese-prestigious marriage into her husband's family than had the primary ‘wife, Hee secondary position inthe family added complexity to the established hier- archy of wives alzeady in place, The case of a secondary marriage makes clear the significance of dowry in primary, sband Ina secondary mazriage, « wife suffered reduced status in her ‘husband's home because she strived without the dowry thet materially and sym- = Inthe case of histor riage created a much more modest hier- archy betwen husbands and wives than in traditional Chinese sociery. In. an ay lent mirror image of the Chinese 56 18 MARRIAGE IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETY sclated through the female line of descent. Such differences give vise roa varity of ‘questions: How did this contrasting system of relationships affect the practice of _marriage and its differing meanings for husbands and wives? What was the rela- tionship between marriage and the practice of horticulture among the Iroquois? ‘What was the connection berween farming and postmarial residence practice in this society, and how did this connection inluence the relationship of spouses? 37