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Tonal Organization in the Music of Two Venda Initiation Schools

Author(s): John Blacking


Source: Ethnomusicology , Jan., 1970, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Jan., 1970), pp. 1-56
Published by: University of Illinois Press on behalf of Society for Ethnomusicology

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/850292

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TONAL ORGANIZATION
IN THE MUSIC OF TWO VENDA INITIATION SCHOOLS

John Blacking

AIMS AND METHODS OF ANALYSIS

his paper sets out to be more than a description and classification


music of two Venda girls' initiation schools. An attempt is made to di
some of the rules of Venda rhythmic and tonal organization, althou
Venda themselves are unable to express these rules except by performan
the music.
As a working hypothesis, it has been assumed that Venda music is
systematic and logically organized, but not necessarily like any other musical
system. Some sound patterns may superficially resemble those of other music
and could therefore be compared with them; but if similar sounds are found
to be the product of different processes, comparison is invalid and misleading.
It is for this reason that I have argued elsewhere that interval counts,
"weighted" scales, and other analytical tools of ethnomusicology are not as
objective as they seem (Blacking 1967:192-94, and 1970). They implicitly
assign to sounds an absolute meaning and assume that the same musical
patterns are the same in all contexts: as if see and sea were identical in
English and even meant the same in other languages. Maximum objectivity can
be achieved only if the tones of a melody are understood in the contexts of
first that particular melody; secondly, the class of melodies to which it is said
to belong by its composer and/or performers; and thirdly, the musical tradi-
tion to which it belongs. For instance, in some contexts what sounds like a
rising fourth may really be a falling fifth, transformed because of limitations
of vocal or instrumental range. Venda music will probably be misunderstood if
it is compared with other styles of music before it is analyzed as a symbolic
expression of aspects of Venda culture.
I am concerned, therefore, not so much with classification and compari-
son as with generalizations about the processes which the Venda use to pro-
duce musical sound. It is at this level of analysis, which linguists call the
"deep structure," that one may expect to find the Venda using techniques
that are employed in other cultures and perhaps even in all music-making.
When in 1965 I showed how certain Venda children's songs are trans-
formations of the music of the Venda national dance (Blacking 1967), I had

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2 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

not looked at the writings of Chomsky and other modern lingu


though I have now studied their fascinating and important work
relevance to the study of musical structures, I shall not try
techniques to musical situations but continue in the direction
Venda Children's Songs (1967). I do this because I am not yet con
language processes are necessarily more fundamental than any ot
cultural activity.
I hold the view that although varieties of natural, social,
environment can stimulate the creation of an infinite variety of
processes by which these forms are produced are limited by the
the human organism. In other words, all possible processes ar
the physiology of the body and the central nervous system
thought and action must always be an extension and adapta
processes, an unfolding of inner feelings, actions, and thoughts
variety of cultural environments which in themselves are produ
processes. Thus instead of seeing the processes of language a
other cultural processes, we may say that they have developed co
with them, but in the field of human communication. Furtherm
may show that not all languages and musical styles are derived f
that can be called linguistic or musical: the processes which in on
applied to language or music may in another be applied to kinshi
ic organization. It is for this reason that I consider it premat
theories of music on the assumption that language and music are
ly interrelated by virtue of being forms of communication (Seeg
could argue equally well that everything which human beings do
communication, and that there are basically two forms of co
interaction and transaction, which are extensions of the experien
and having.
Although I do not attempt to use the techniques of linguistic analysis, I
sometimes use its terminology. For example, what I described as "principles"
in Venda Children's Songs I now call "rules." This does not imply that the
terms have the same meaning as in linguistic analysis. On the other hand, it is
not necessary to use a new word for musical transformations: they may not
work in exactly the same way as linguistic transformations, but they are
transformations.
Although I call this kind of analysis a Cultural Analysis (Blacking
1967:191-98), it is no less a formal analysis of music sound. Similarities of
tonal and rhythmic patterns within the body of songs discussed are essential
data in discovering rules that are applicable to Venda music; but their similari-
ty is always considered in the context of Venda culture and not as sound per
se. Thus the Venda may regard the same interval or pattern as different on
different occasions, and conversely they may regard different intervals and

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 3

patterns as the same. I am primarily interested in the logical pro


underlies these apparent contradictions and in sets of rules by
contradictions can be eliminated. It is important to know why
people chose to produce particular patterns of sound, but it is e
portant to know why and when they are the results of processes wh
little or nothing to do with their sound.
For these reasons I rely not on data such as the frequencies of r
patterns used, and on interval counts, in which intervals are ta
context, but on different uses of similar rhythms, and on the inter
groups of tones, especially in relation to tone centers.
Thus, after transcribing the songs, I worked first on those wit
rhythms (such as variations on the "standard pattern") and/or t
number of tones (seven), and especially on those whose melodies are
From previous analyses of Venda music I knew that the Venda de
rows from heptatonic and pentatonic, and possibly hexatonic scales,
prepared to find different types of tonal interaction, each pecu
different scale sets. I also took account of the cultural factors t
influence the composition or performance of the music, and in part
relationship between sequences of dance movement and patterns of
The cultural background of the songs, translations and explanat
their words, and descriptions and photographs of the accompany
ments are given in my "Songs, Dances, Mimes and Symbolism of Ven
Initiation Schools, Part 1: Vhusha" (1969b). I have found that I am
nately, not competent to transcribe in detail the movements which
with an 8 mm. cine camera.
For ease of reference the songs are numbered as in the ethnographic
description. Ten additional songs are more closely associated with the tshi-
kanda initiation school. Translations and explanations of nine of these have
been given in Blacking 1969a, and the relationship between the nine unnum-
bered song texts in that paper and the numbered transcriptions in this is as
follows:

T1 Thovhela u a bva
T2 Ngosha ya Rambuda
T3 Ndi Maluwe
T4 Mbembe dzi a wela
T5 U a lila murengedela
T6 Wele-wele phosho
T7 Hwela gomba-lume
T8 Khomba dzanu
T9 Tshihule matshokotike

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4 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

The translation of T10 is given here, as it was not included in


1969a.

T10 Tshibobobo tsho nkhwela mubva:


The cotton snuff-pad climbed on me when I was lazy:

Tshibobobo, tshizwa tsha Vho-Mutangwa:


The cotton snuff-pad, the gift of Mr. Mutangwa.

Tshibobobo is a cotton pad used in snuff boxes to prevent extravagance.


By association of ideas it can refer to a woman, but in this case it is said to
be a euphemistic substitute for tshigogonono (clitoris). The first line therefore
refers to a recognized, but not recommended position of sexual intercourse.
Tshizwa is the hindleg of a beast, which is always reserved as an important
gift when an animal is slaughtered. Following the first line, it refers to the
bride given in marriage. However, interpretations of the words of songs often
differ from one area to another: tshibobobo can refer to the phallus, so that
the precise meaning of the song, though not its general content, is reversed.
My analysis is based on recordings made while girls were undergoing
initiation and on my experiences of learning to sing and play the music
during practice sessions. In addition, I asked for repeat performances of songs
which I had missed when my tape recorder broke down during one initiation,
and I collected further performances from two musically talented girls who
had recently completed their cycle of initiation.
The transcriptions are performing scores, derived from detailed transcrip-
tions of recordings. In order to illustrate certain principles of performance I
have written out one drum pattern in detail and have included examples of u
bvumela, the technique by which singers add parts to the basic melody. I have
also given examples of the way in which a melody can be transformed because
of variations in words and their patterns of speech-tone. Since this paper is an
analysis of certain principles of Venda music, I consider it unnecessary to give
more than the basic patterns which are repeated in performance. During
twenty-two months' intimate contact with Venda music, I learnt to distinguish
what is musically significant: I have therefore omitted the notation of coughs,
sneezes, shouts, wrong notes and faulty entries, which some musicologists
seem to regard as the hallmark of good transcription. I prefer to transcribe the
structure of music rather than the noise of tape recordings.
The meaning of the notation used is generally self-evident, and in most
respects it follows that used by J. H. Kwabena Nketia in his Folk Songs of
Ghana. Thus, for example, "although the pitch values do not correspond
exactly to those of equal temperament, they are near enough to just intona-
tion to make the use of the staff adequate for practical purposes" (Nketia
1963:3). So that their modes may be more easily compared, songs have been

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 5

written in the "key" of C. Bar lines are used to mark both regular p
time and melodic accents, and double bar lines indicate the sections
that are repeated. Most Venda music is made up of groupings of an u
"pulse" whose basic unit has been written as a quaver in the tr
tions. The choice of crotchet, dotted crotchet, or minim for ind
tempo, shows the predominant grouping of the basic "pulse." Th
sections generally sung by the chorus are underlined: in ritual songs
ferentiation between solo call and chorus response is usually followe
ndayo songs (Nos. 15-61), members of the chorus may divide in
sing both call and response, and sometimes the call may be omi
gether.
Four conditions were fulfilled, which help to make the analysis authen-
tic:

1. Many recordings were made in their proper social contexts, and in all
recordings performers were either fully competent or supervised by acknowl-
edged experts who could check their mistakes. Thus, even if performances
were not always perfect they were at least considered adequate by the Venda.

2. Some songs were recorded, and many were heard, more than once,
either in different parts of Vendaland or at different initiations in the same
district. The similarity between performances suggests that most of the songs
would be heard as transcribed wherever they are known in Vendaland, and
that the important ritual songs are the same everywhere.
This is not altogether surprising, because even though most initiation
ritual is not public, the mobility of women ensures that no district can be-
come musically isolated. For example, a girl may grow up hearing the music
of one area, but must attend her own first initiation (vhusha) in another area
where she was born; she may then participate in the music of initiation in a
third area, where she goes to live after marriage. Musical interaction through-
out Vendaland is further assured by the fact that girls' initiations are held in
the homes of rulers, and women who are born or married into ruling families
are generally compelled to marry outside their own districts in order to main-
tain the links between rulers in different parts of Vendaland. I have described
this political situation in a paper on Venda musical expeditions (Blacking
1962).

3. Because my recordings consist of sequences of songs, spontaneously


chosen by the performers or required by patterns of ritual, they provide
information about Venda tonal organization. For example, the pitch of the
second song of a series was most often taken from the tone-row of the first,
the third from the second, and so on. If consecutive tone-rows are the same,
we then have evidence of different uses of the same scale. If they are differ-

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6 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

ent, they furnish evidence of the interrelationship both of dif


and of their expected melodic functions, and perhaps also of
centers. It may even be possible to discern cycles of tone-cent
apparently random series of songs can be shown to have a log
parable to that of keys in a classical symphony. The conte
song is sung in relation to other songs of its type may be as
general context in which all are sung.

4. If interval counts and "weighted" scales are to be aband


of functional analyses of whole melodies in relation to give
patterns of speech-tone, other criteria of quantitative reliabil
Thus, I have selected for analysis a specific area of Venda m
Venda themselves distinguish from other styles of Venda musi
to be expected that these songs will exhibit certain unique tra
same time showing an affinity with other styles which Venda
"Venda music" (nyimbo dza Vhavenda). To analyze them as a se
as I have done, is to acknowledge the logic of Venda music
purpose of the analysis is to discover this system, rather than
songs to any other system, the basis of selection is claimed to
cally sound. Moreover, since the sample includes all the ritual
of the other music performed at the initiations I attended (or
areas where I made enquiries), it is considered to be quantit

FROM SPEECH TO SONG-TEMPO, METER AND RHYTHM

For the Venda, the crucial difference between speech and song is that
the words of a song are recited or sung to a regular metrical pattern (Blacking
1967:16,155). The rhythm of a song must therefore differ considerably from
the spoken rhythm of its words if it is to qualify as a song. Thus ndingac vhe
thvhleWla (No. 25) is sung ndi ngc vha tevhelela.
Ndayo songs are designed to accompany the repetition of symbolic
movements or "dance" steps, and consequently there is often little or no
relationship between the spoken rhythm of the words and the meter of the
songs. This is especially true of songs in which the response contains only
vocables such as E, ahee, ee-ya (e.g., Nos. 36, 37, 44, 47). The meter of some
ritual songs (1-14) is, however, more closely related to their speech rhythm.
For example, the speech-rhythms of the responses of Numbers 1 and 2 are
respectively: A ri mui vhni, / / t6dani ..... and Ndo hulelai? / / Ndo hula
nd& ngJ mu7senzhe.
I can find no consistent relationship between the number of quaver
"pulses" or crotchets and dotted crotchets in a meter and the number of the
syllables of basic word-phrases. The meters of some songs are indeed almost

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 7

exact replicas of the rhythm and syllabic length of their word-ph


and 20), but other songs with the same meter grow from very
word-phrases (e.g., 5A, 12, 13). There is greater consistency b
length of metrical phrases within which the word-phrases are conta
Thus the general conclusion is that the length of word-phrase
relevant factor in the choice of meter. A pattern of words may
appropriate meter, but more important factors in the composition o
the creation of total metrical patterns and the balance of metrical
phrases within them.
Venda melodies are created by building up rhythmic structure
the larger tonal and harmonic framework which is common to mo
Venda music. Styles are distinguished not only by the different so
who perform them, and by the variety of accompanying instrumen
1965), but also by the predominant rhythmic pattern which almos
ately identifies them. Many ndayo are really exercises in musical a
tic coordination, and the response sections, whose meter usual
with the patterns of movement, are consequently more important
than the calls. This is a logical consequence of the fact that they ar
for group training at girls' initiation schools, and it distinguishes
other styles of Venda music where brevity of response, uniformity
and/or variety in the solo call are required.
The tempo of the ritual songs (1-14 and T2, T3, T4) is generally
than that of most of the ndayo exercises. There are, in fact, only
different tempi on which all the songs are based, and in each case
lying quaver "pulse" remains the same whatever metrical pattern i
there is a basic grouping of twelve quavers, which is also used for
national dance (tshikona) and the most important initiation sch
this may be divided into 4 dotted crotchets or 6 crotchets, and eit
may be used in performance, or both together, two against three.
In Figure 1 it will be seen that most songs are based on multip
pattern of 4 dotted crotchets and/or 6 crotchet beats, or on comb
divisions of these units. Thus, what has been described by A. M
others as the "Standard Pattern" (No. 58) appears in a variety of gu
11, 16, 18, 25, 32, 35, 37, 46, 47, 48, 49, T2 and T3), and for th
is based on a sequence of 3 crotchets followed by 2 subdivide
crotchets.
Patterns of 24, 12, and 18 quavers are the most common, and are
characteristic of Venda music. Songs T4 and T8 have the same slow rhythm as
the ritual songs of vhusha and domba (Blacking 1969d: musical transcription)
and are probably very old.
In performance the meter is not always established until the song is
under way. If singers are using handclaps as an accompaniment, they usually

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8 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

J1- 88-108 J. -116 -132


21,3,45;Ti,T^) J J J J. J J J 17, ?_7,2,57,1.
1 (446,10):3,4(,43):
dJ eJ eJ j aJ efiJ ,(fi ; J J J dJl J J i (53, T5, T9)
tr ~r p r G
(15) J J J I J J J J. i
2(T7) J J i4 J 'J II
J J J |IJ J I| J'J 4'J J. J'J (39)

PATTERN" g2Tr2) 2(47)


2(35) IIJ 2 J 4 J J. 11

1(58)
1(58) J Jr
J4r
J J.
.j
J4 4J .t'J Jti 2(46)

IJ J (38)
2(T8) J J. J J.
"STA= 138-160 J J 25) 12(32) J 11 (7) 168-184
(44) ATTEJ J J J. 4J.
4 JiJ J 4 iJ J J J (40,TIO)
(22T) J 4 4J 4 J3 J t4 J J 4 1
4 4 (4) J J. J'4 J (26)
2(34) 4 4J 4. |
(56) J J J J IJ 4 4 (55) 2(51)

2(34HA 4JJJ
2(T48)J
2(T4) J j4
J, J
. <J
(22) J J. J J.

4 US .Hi 4 14
MUULU IJ J J J || x4

Figure 1. Diagram to show the interrelationship of the metric


songs. The numbers of the songs are given in brackets, and the nu
brackets indicate how many times the basic pattern of 12 quaver
pattern, is repeated.

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 9

begin at the first entry of the response. When drums are played
(thungwa) is responsible for the basic meter, which coincides wi
priate dance steps or exercises. The alto drums (mirumba) play ei
with the tenor or in 2/3 cross-rhythms; or they maintain a
"pulse" or simply reinforce the tenor beat. Sometimes performa
begin with the drum rhythms, and the novices sing only the cho
The entries of voice parts may coincide with the basic meter
the tenor drum, or they may be in canon with it, following
When cross-rhythms occur in a melody they generally coinc
steps: see, for example, the melody of the words ndi mudzimu w
Some singers slur words and so produce variations of melodic rh
cially at the beginning of phrases. For example, in the same Song

ndo endela khomba may be sung J!- Jh J J instead o


I have listed elsewhere some of the rules which apply to tem
and rhythm in Venda music (Blacking 1969d). I give here th
relevant to the songs of vhusha and tshikanda, using the origin
and adding new numbers.

2. Meter and rhythm vary considerably within different catego


but tempo remains more constant. There is a tempo char
Venda music which is common to several categories.

2.0.1. The general aim of performance is to establish and mainta


metronomic tempo.

2.0.2. The basic tempo is expressed implicitly by accented pe


explicitly by a time-setter, such as the tenor drum.

2.0.4. A "pulse" group equivalent to 12 quavers is a fundamental


songs.

2.0.5. The minimum repeated patterns of many songs are metric


multiples of the "pulse" group of 12 quavers, and less com
quavers.

2.0.7. In the songs of vhusha and tshikanda, two basic tempi


and 300, and 304 and 396 quavers per minute are crystallize
of dotted crotchets, crotchets, or combinations of all three

2.0.8. In the songs of vhusha and tshikanda, preferred multiples o


12 quavers are 1, 2, 3/2. Multiples of groups of 8 quavers ar
(Note: groups of 24 quavers are usually 8 x 3 and rarely 3 x

2.1.0. Meter consists of the repetition of total patterns of move


beat is part of a total movement of the body).

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10 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

2.1.1. The elaboration of patterns is the result of the addition of


(e.g., the combination of a tenor and alto drummer, ea
self-contained pattern, can produce a more elaborate pattern

2.1.2. If the social elements are different, the patterns mu


polyrhythmically (thus, two alto drummers may play in u
alto and a tenor drummer may not).

2.1.3. If, however, a polyrhythmic pattern has been established,


elements may combine musically, each following different
total pattern (thus the feet of the dancers follow the tenor
their voices follow the alto).

2.1.4. When vocal parts are added, the entry of both call and
coincide with the basic meter.

2.1.5. The entry of both call and response may coincide with a counter-rhythm
of the basic meter.

2.1.6. The entry of the response may coincide with the main beat, whilst that of
the call coincides with a counter-rhythm.

2.2.0. New metrical patterns may be created by combining existing patterns in


canon.

2.3.0. New metrical patterns may be created by combinin


existing patterns in the ratio of 2:3. Variations in the rhy
are included in this rule.

2.4.0. New metrical patterns may be created by combining or subdividing


existing patterns both in canon and in the ratio of 2:3.

2.5.0. Drums are assigned different musical roles according to the number used
and the nature of the social event they accompany.

2.5.1. In all but "foreign" music the tenor and bass drums are played with a
stick, and the alto with the hands.

2.5.2. The tenor drum is the "time-keeper," announcing the basic meter of the
song.

2.5.4. One alto drum may reinforce the time-keeping of the tenor, either by
playing with it or between its beats.

2.5.7. One or more alto drums may improvise a rhythm which stresses in groups
of two or three quavers the underlying quaver pulse.

2.6.0. The entry of voices may create further rhythmic counterpoint.

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 11

2.6.1. The entry of both call and response may be in strict canon with th
beat.

2.6.2. The entry of the call may be in canon with the main beat, b
response coincides with it.

FROM MASS TO LINE-TONALITY, HARMONY AND MELODY

Composing is essentially a problem of capturing force with form. Al-


though a composer ostensibly "puts together" patterns of sound, like an archi-
tect who builds up the design of a cathedral, he is also like a carver who chips
away at an existing mass in order to give it new, culturally significant form.
Beethoven is one of many musicians for whom we have evidence of a com-
posing process in which precise, but amorphous, ideas and lumps of sound are
eventually crystallized into patterns of melody. The processes by which a
musician puts together or chips away, as well as the materials which he as-
sembles or "carves," are all influenced by the patterns of both his culture and
the behavioral processes which he has learnt as an individual member of it.
Underlying all these learnt and often conscious processes are the deeper proc-
esses by which composers and performers share with others the original ex-
periences or ideas which inspired their work. A fine example of this reverse
process, by which listeners are taken back to where the composer began, is to
be found in the glorious opening of Bach's St John Passion: short rhythmic
patterns merge into lines of melody, blocks of harmony, and finally huge
tonal masses as the captured listener responds with his body, his heart, and his
head, until he is enveloped in the experience of being from which Bach's
musical ideas must surely have been crystallized.
Although the circumstances of creation are different, chiefly because of
different patterns in the division of labor, much Venda music is composed by
the processes which I have just described, and its main purpose is to induce in
performers and audience an expansion of feeling and greater experiences of
being. It is true that cultural situations suggest word-phrases whose rhythms
and speech-tone patterns generate and influence patterns of melody. But the
influence of words on Venda musical composition is not as great as has been
suggested for other African musical traditions, and it is only in certain types of
Venda music, and in certain parts of their melodies, that words are important.
It is for this reason that the Venda do not object to "distorting" the speech-
tone patterns of words when they sing new music in the modern style, and
any attempt to create church music that is heavily word-orientated would be
contrary to the spirit of Venda music. The Venda concern with musical sound
is well illustrated by their practice of converting a word-based response into a
melody accompanied by vocables such as hee, ahee (Blacking 1969c:199.

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12 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

Compare also Songs 16 and 48). It is surely no coincidence that son


Numbers 36, 37 and 47 were the most popular at the initiation schools
I attended and that they were sometimes performed without any wor
Venda musical composition can be described as a process by wh
particular experiences of culture are united with universal human exp
by the mediation of humanly created patterns of sound which cap
versal force with cultural form. To mix the metaphors which I have a
used, we could say that it is by building up patterns of tempo, me
rhythm that the Venda chip away at blocks of tonality and harm
produce melody.
In Venda Children's Songs I showed that the Venda may describe s
different melodies as the same (Blacking 1967:177-79), and that th
words may be sung to two different melodies, which are regarded as t
because they are "harmonically" equivalent (Blacking 1967:109, 16
where, I described how a controlled test revealed preferences for certa
monic" progressions in the performance of Venda ocarina duets (B
1959). My purpose here is to show how the melodies of the songs
initiation are shaped according to preferred tonal and "harmonic"
sions.

In order to avoid constant use of inverted commas during my disc


I shall use certain musical terms in a special way, to suit the context o
music. Thus, tone-row = the tones used in a particular song; mode = a
of tones from which tone-rows appear to be derived; scale = a set
whose relationship is fixed and from which modes may be derived; int
the difference in pitch between two tones that are sounded consec
chord = the simultaneous sounding of two or more different tones (tw
an octave apart are therefore called a "chord"); harmony, harmoni
chordal aspect of the combination of voices, referring to chords as des
above; tonic = the tone-center of a tone-row, deduced from its musica
tion; final = the first tone of a mode; keynote = the chief tone of
scale of reed-pipes, and so forth, as recognized by the Venda them
leading note = the tone above the keynote which "lifts" the melod
onto the tonic.
The Venda have no words for scale or mode. They have the word
mutavha, which is used for a complete set of divining dice, of metal amulets,
or of reed-pipes, and also for a row of keys on a xylophone or hand-piano.
Thus a mutavha may include more than one octave of a heptatonic or a
pentatonic scale. The Venda state that heptatonic and pentatonic sets sound
different, but they do not express the difference in terms of the division of an
octave into seven or five intervals. The -names of reed-pipes and xylophone
keys express their recognition of the octave: the tones an octave above
thakhula and phala are called thakulana and phalana, which mean "little
thakhula" and "little phala."

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 13

The Venda national dance, tshikona, is for them their most im


music (Blacking 1965:37, 52): it expresses the values of the lar
group to which a tribal Venda belongs, its performance involve
number of people, and its music incorporates the largest number o
many as 300 men may play at once, but even if they use only
twenty-four pipes and three drums, the music still covers a wi
tone and timbre than any other Venda music.
I have already shown how tshikona may be taken as a model to
the characteristic melodic patterns of some children's songs (Blacki
In using it again as a model to elucidate Venda rules of tonality and
I must emphasize that I do not assume that other items of mus
sarily derived from tshikona. I suggest that tshikona and these oth
music are modeled on the same set of rules; but since tshikona dem
their application most dramatically it may serve as a powerful anal
In particular, since the reed-pipes are named (Kirby 19
1934:155-62), their musical function in tshikona may provide impo
to the identification of modes and their tonality. Given a fixed
tavha) of twenty-four tones, one can obviously select from it seve
modes as a basis of creating melodies. If a person trained, say, in t
sian or Gregorian systems of plainsong comes to listen to these me
will be inclined to interpret them in terms of a known set of rule
identify the modes by their dominant and final tones. Such eva
indeed be made of Venda melodies, but they would be irrelevan
rect in the context of Venda music.
By common consent, the two most important tones in the Venda reed-
pipe scale are phala, the keynote, and thakhula, "the lifter" which lies one
whole tone above the keynote and "lifts" a melody back onto it. It has a
similar function to that of the leading note in a European major or minor
scale but in the opposite direction: it leads down a whole tone instead of up a
semitone. Figure 2 is a transposed transcription of part of the music of
tshikona, and A is the keynote (phala) and B the leading note (thakhula).
Tshikona therefore begins on the tonic and moves away from it, to be
brought back by its leading note at the end of each repeated phrase. Thus, in
many melodies where there is a sequence of seven descending tones (as in
Songs 39 and 46) we may be fairly confident that the first is not only the
tonic of that particular row but also the final of the mode of which the whole

TSHIKONA

Figure 2. The upper tones of the music of tshikona, transposed down a sem
A is the keynote (phala).

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14 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

melody is constructed. However, without knowing the harmonic prog


of the melody we cannot be sure, because the use of a descending hep
tone-row in a melody does not necessarily mean that it is also the
the melody. For example, the tonic of such a tone-row could in fa
leading note of the mode, and the six following tones merely passing
during tshikona someone chose to sing the tone-row (a) in Figure 3, it
be perfectly clear that he was not singing either of the prominent mo
as (b) and (c).
The mode given in Figure 3(b) is the chief mode of tshikona,
final, a', coincides with the keynote (phala) of the reed-pipe scale. Its
ated mode is pitched a fifth below, following the Venda rule of h
equivalence in which every tone has a companion tone (Blacking
1967:168-69). If the tshikona pattern follows a general rule of Venda music,
it can be said that in chords of the fourth or fifth the lower tone is the root
of the fourth and the upper tone the root of the fifth-which is the reverse of
the situation in European diatonic music.
The importance of the harmonic progression can be seen when tshikona
is compared with khulo, from the great song of the domba initiation school
(Blacking 1969d: musical transcriptions). Khulo is an adaptation of tshikona
for girls' voices; but it is a transformation and not a transposition, as the
changing position of the tritone in Figure 4 reveals. The differences between
the modes combined in tshikona and khulo are eliminated at the level of the
common harmonic progression which they share. In khulo this is emphasized
by the addition of extra voice parts, called u bvumela.
In khulo the secondary companion mode of tshikona (the G-mode, B in
Figure 4) has been selected as the primary mode, possibly because of its
greater suitability for voices. When, according to the rule of harmonic equiv-

Af a '-r
b^L.J' .LJT rJ

Figure 3. (a): Tone-row which could be picked out and sung during the
a performance of tshikona.
(b) and (c): The two prominent modes of tshikona, as they are often pick
and sung by Venda.

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 15

a) TH I KONA b) KHUIJO

c) d)

4 ^a J^i"^ 4' 11 . I
e)
_A 2 1 2 2 2 I 2 2 1 2 2 22 2 2C 1 2 2 2 2 2
Modes
'"" _ * ' I _
f)

Harmonic
Harmonic Progression
Progression

Figure 4. Illustration of the transformation pr


tshikona, and summary of modes and basic chord s
a) The upper tones of the basic repeated patter
semitone.
b) The basic pattern of khulo for girls' voices.
c) Transposition of tshikona to the same pitch as khulo. Note the f natural and
the position of the tritone.
d) Transformation of tshikona, rewriting d' as phala instead of a'. Note how the
position of the tritone differs from tshikona in Figure 3c, but agrees with khulo in 3b.
e) The three modes used in tshikona and khulo, rewritten without accidentals.
f) The harmonic basis of khulo. The sequence of chords also fits the tshikona
pattern, regardless of the different modes used.
Note: the figures indicate the number of semitones in the intervals of the modes.

alence, it is accompanied by its own companion mode, it follows that the


tritone will occur at a different point in the sequence of chords. Since tritone
chords are generally avoided in vocal music, the second chord of khulo is an
octave. If khulo were a transposition and not a transformation of tshikona, its
chords and the position of its tritone would be as in Figure 4c.
In the tshikona pattern every tone has two companions, the tones a
fifth below and a fifth above. The chords in which a tone is "on top" are
those in which it is in its strongest position tonally. Thus the chord (A/D)
with the keynote (A) at the beginning of the tshikona pattern is stronger than
the chord (E/A) in which it is accompanied by its secondary partner. Con-
versely, the first chord with the leading note (F/B) is weaker than the final
chord (B/E) of the pattern, in which the leading note is given full strength to
"lift" the melody back onto the keynote.
In the chords of the harmonic progression common to both tshikona
and khulo, the process may be summarized as follows: the overall tonic is D,

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16 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

but tonality shifts regularly between D and its leading note E. Du


two such tonal shifts there is one harmonic progression from a str
a strong leading note. Thus tonally and harmonically the strongest
pattern are the first and last chords, in which the tonic and the
respectively play their tonal roles. This is illustrated in Figure 5.
The music of domba illustrates the working of another
applies to several Venda melodies. The master of initiation begins
on the E of the last chord of khulo and descends a fifth to the A of the
fourth chord. The khulo pattern continues and is repeated, and the mas
begins the next solo call on the final chord. The rule is that the tonality
the call is centered around the leading note, whilst the chorus establishes th
tonic or final of the mode. This is perfectly logical when one considers tha
very often only the chorus responses of the songs are sung, particularly w
novices are practicing ndayo movements. Thus the chorus must establish th
tonality of the mode, for otherwise a performance could have no establishe
tone-center.

It may be argued that in using tshikona and domba as models for


understanding the songs of girls' initiation I am imposing on the music a
preconceived system which will distort its meaning as much as would the use
of European musical theory. To this I can only say that after trying to
understand the melodies from many points of view I found that the use of
these models was able to reduce numerous inconsistencies; and secondly, as I
have already mentioned, it is not the structures of tshikona and domba as
much as the rules that underlie those structures which I expect to find present
in the music of the girls' schools.

,1

II
Harmonic Progression

Figure 5. The harmonic and tonal progressions of tshikona and khulo, showing the
shift of maximum tonal power from tonic (D) to leading note (E), and back to tonic.
The rectangles symbolize shifts of tonality, and the changing thickness of the "wedges"
illustrates the decrease and increase of the tonal power of the tonic and leading note,
which is achieved by the harmonic progression of the chords.

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 17

One example will illustrate the kind of difficulty that arises in trying
analyze Venda melodies on the basis of their surface structure and show w
the deeper harmonic progressions are more important to the Venda than t
precise composition of the tone-rows used. As a result of changes in speec
tone, following changes in words, or of limitations in the range of a voice
apparently pentatonic melody may be converted into a hexatonic melody.
example, in Song 44

*I JFr Pir r ii
may become

To describe the melody as basically hexatonic would be misleading

To describe the melody as basically hexatonic would be mis


to describe its tonality as pentatonic would be wrong, becau
from which the extra tone is derived is inconceivable within the limits of a
pentatonic scale. The B's should really be regarded as passing notes, and we

could say that the basic mode is o but the tone-

row used is - o .In other words, the apparent


simplicity of a melody may conceal the greater complexity of t
ture on which it must be based. I have illustrated this in connection with Venda
children's songs (Blacking 1967) where I showed that the patterns of some
four-tone melodies presuppose the existence of the idea of two heptatonic
modes moving together at the interval of a fifth (i.e., as in tshikona).
At this point it will be helpful to summarize some of the rules of
harmony and tonality, using the numerical system set out in another publica-
tion (Blacking 1969d).

4.0.0. The Venda have no word for "scale," but the word mutavha refers to a
set of twenty-four heptatonic reed-pipes, twelve pentatonic reed-pipes, or
a row of keys on the xylophone or hand-piano.

4.0.1. The tones of each mutavha are named.

4.0.2. In the mutavha of heptatonic reed-pipes used for the national dance,
tshikona, the keynote is called phala, and the tone above it, which acts as
leading note, is called thakhula, "the lifter."

4.0.3. In tshikona the keynote begins each pattern and the leading note ends it.
Thus, tonality moves from tonic to leading note and then directly back to
tonic at the beginning of the new pattern.

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18 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

4.1.0. There is a relationship between the scales of reed-pipes an


which Venda melodies are based.

4.2.0. There is a relationship between the tonal and harmonic systems of music
played with the fixed scales of reed-pipes and that sung by voices.

4.2.1. Certain chords are accepted in instrumental music but avoided in


part-singing (e.g., the tritone: see Figure 4).

4.3.0. Melodies may be called bitonal, in the sense that they shift from the
influence of one implicit or explicit tone-center to another.

4.3.1. In antiphonal music, or music modeled on the antiphonal situation of


solo and chorus, tonality shifts regularly between solo and chorus
sections.

4.3.2. Since the chorus is constant, its tonality is more fundamental than that of
the solo (i.e., in terms of tshikona it has phala tonality, the tonality of
the keynote).

4.4.0. Every tone may be conceptualized as having a companion tone in


harmony with it.

4.4.1. Any melodic line may consequently be conceptualized as a stream of


chords.

4.4.2. Melodies may therefore be as much selections of tones from "hidden"


patterns of chords as the generators of patterns of chords.

4.4.3. Two melodies which are harmonically equivalent are regarded as the same
even though their melodies may sound different.

4.5.0. Tshikona serves as a model for tonal and harmonic prinicples in


heptatonic music; or at least tshikona and other heptatonic music follow
the same, unstated model.

4.5.1. Chorus sections of melodies should begin on the tonic or its related tone.

4.5.2. In a sequence of seven descending tones the first may be taken as the
tonic of that tone-row. It may also be the final of the mode of the whole
melody.

4.5.3. The closest companion to any tone is the tone an octave above or below
it. This relationship is often expressed in terms that resemble the
grouping of people by age. For example, the tone an octave above phala
is called phalana (little phala).

4.5.4. The second, and perhaps more intimate companion of any tone is that
which is one fifth below it, or its octave a fourth above.

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 19

4.5.5. The third related tone is that one fifth above it, or its octave a
below.

4.7.0. Harmonic variation and shifting tonality are achieved both by melodic
movement and by changing the companions of tones (see Figure 5).

4.7.1. Harmonic cohesion and "direction" may be reinforced by repeating


tones, but with different and related chords. Thus, in Figure 5, the tonic
is heard firstly with its own primary companion, but secondly with its
secondary companion, which in turn is the primary companion of the
leading note of the tonic.

Before proceeding with the analysis of the girls' initiation songs it must be
appreciated that several melodic phrases which sound different may be
considered functionally alike. Figure 6 shows some examples of these melodic
parallels.
As the examples in Figure 6 suggest, many melodic phrases are alternatives
for streams of descending tones, which are a common feature of the songs, as
they are of tshikona, and which therefore follow the same pattern of tonality.
For instance, as Figure 7 shows, Song 46 uses the G-mode of tshikona (B in
Figure 4); and Songs 16 and 41 (G-mode), and 22 (D-mode) follow the same
pattern.

1a) b)

c) d) No.34

0oO ? 03 ' ' o 1 0 || o ?" ?" 0

e) No.48 f)No.T6

, 0 ? o 0 O 11 || a .. 0 "

Figure 6. Examples of differe


a) - c): Phrases which may be
d) - f): Alternative, but funct

Figure 7. Pattern of Song 46


note A to final G correspondin
notes of the call are blacked in
by a circle.

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20 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

But although the sequence of tones follows exactly that of t


the fourth chord to the end and then right through from begin
rising minor third at the beginning and the chords of the fourth s
a transformation in which the functions of the D- and G-modes are retained but
their positions reversed. I have reported a similar transformation for the
domba song (Blacking 1969d).
In Song 25 the G-mode appears to be used, but consideration of the shape
of the melody and a comparison with the transposition of tshikona in Figure 4c
shows that it is an exact replica of tshikona, so that D must be the tonic (see
Figure 8). Moreover, the scale from G does not descend as far as the leading
note, and the tonality of the chorus is centered on the leading note rather than
the tonic.

Figure 8. Pattern of Song 25, which should be compared with tshikona in Fig-
ure 4c.

Figure 9. Outline of Song 34.


Figure 9. Outline of Song 34.

In Song 34 the G-mode is announced by the solo call, and the chorus
response again dwells on the tonality of the leading note (see Figure 9). One is
tempted to say that the tonality of Songs 25 and 34 and some others is a
transformation of the rule that the final of the mode must be established in the
chorus response, in which, by a process of inversion, the leading note falls a
whole tone below the tonic, and chord strengths are likewise inverted so that the
roots lie a fourth, and not a fifth, above their companions. This seems an
unnecessarily complex explanation of a situation that could be better
understood by modifying the rule that the final of the mode must appear in the
chorus and substituting a rule that is both musically and sociologically more
satisfying.
I propose, therefore, the more powerful rule that the moving tonality of
call and response may be based on either vocal or instrumental models, on
domba-type or tshikona-type patterns. Thus in the vocal model, as in domba and
Songs 16, 22, 41 and 46 (see Figure 7), the call centers around or begins on the
leading note, and the response centers around the tonic or final. The
instrumental model presupposes the presence of a complete instrument (set of
reed-flutes, xylophone, hand-piano, etc.) on which all the music can be
performed, or nothing; whereas the vocal model presupposes a variety of social

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 21

situations in which good soloists may be present or absent, but par


music can be performed to satisfaction even if a complete perform
possible. Thus in the instrumental model, as in tshikona and Songs
the call centers around or begins on the tonic/final/keynote, and t
centers around and/or ends on the leading note.
Songs 12, 33 and TI provide further evidence of the use of an
instrumental model in the composition of vocal music. The three songs are
tonally and harmonically identical and have accordingly been placed together in
the musical transcriptions. The minor variations in the melodies of the solo calls
are accounted for by differences in the words. A comparison with the
transposition of tshikona in Figure 3c shows that they follow exactly two
repeats of the tshikona pattern even to the extent that the response melody
omits the tones of the chord in which the tritone occurs and repeats the first
phrase at a fourth, and not a fifth, below. The first word of Song 33, khofhe
(sleep), may have been suggested by the opening of tshikona, which the Venda
often describe with the syllables "fhe fhe," referring to the sound of the pipes.
Figure 10 shows the relationship of Songs 12, 33 and TI to tshikona.

j i o J I i I O *

Figure 10. The use of an instrume


pattern of tshikona (transposed), w
Solo call sections are marked with tails. Note the omission of tones on the tritone chords
and the termination of the sections of the response on the leading note and its com-
panion tone, emphasizing the tonic/keynote D.

Song 42 (D-mode) follows exactly the tshikona pattern (see Figure 10).
Contrasting tonality is achieved by moving towards the final (D) from its
secondary and primary companions (A and G) respectively. The basic tonal
pattern is elaborated by passing notes: thus A G F E D / G F E D. It is
interesting that both this song and Number 25 (Figure 8), which coincide
exactly with the tshikona pattern, are accompanied by speech interludes, which
the novices declaim in stilted fashion (Blacking 1969b:22 and 26). By adding
one extra tone as harmony (see transcription), some singers perform Number 42
in the A-mode.
Other songs with markedly descending melodies which follow the
instrumental model are Numbers 39 (D-mode), 35 and 55 (G-mode), and 61
(E-mode). The descent of the response from F to G in Song 39 might suggest
that the F-mode is being used; but call and response overlap, and the final (D) is
emphasized by an emphatic Aa! in both call and response sections. In Song 55
the descending mode is divided between call and response in the proportion 3:4,
exactly as in the tshikona pattern, and in Songs 36 and 61 the response begins

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22 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

again on the tonic (also as in tshikona), but descends more rapi


leading note. Although only five tones are used in Song 61, it i
pentatonic mode: the tones B and G are omitted to accomm
speech-tones of dumbula and at the same time satisfy ton
requirements. If the melody had been based on a Venda pentato
tone G would have been used instead of F.
It should now be apparent, as I have said at the beginning of this paper,
that the most objective analysis of the tonal organization of a melody may be
achieved only by thorough immersion in its musical system and its cultural
antecedents. A most dramatic example of this is provided by Song 53 (see Figure
11), which at first seems to be in the C-mode and to follow the rule of
progression from final (C) to leading note (D). However, two difficulties arise:
the full C-mode is rare in Venda music because of the tritone chord implicit in
its second descending degree, and the pause on E requires explanation. If we
compare the melody with tshikona in Figure 10, it fits the pattern note for note,
from the third chord of the first bar to the fourth of the second. If we apply to
the melody the principle of tshikona tonality, E becomes the leading note and D
the tonic/final, and the melody is in the D- and not the C-mode. This is,
therefore, a transformation, a retrograde version of the process whereby call and
response move away from the leading note and final: in this case both call and
response begin with passing notes and move towards the leading note and final
respectively. Furthermore, the transformation extends also to the form of the
piece: the call is long and the response is short. As if to emphasize further the
fact that C is a passing note and D is the tonic, the clap or drumbeat on D is
accented and those on C are often omitted.
Song 31 follows exactly the same pattern as 53. The explanation of its
failure to descend to the leading note (E), as does Song 53 in Figure 11, is to be
found in its different speech-tone pattern: the low-high progression from -mba
to la- should at that point be registered in the melody (Blacking 1967:169). The
A is the harmonic equivalent of the leading note (E), and although it is sung by
the chorus it belongs musically to the call section. The fact that it is usually sung
to ahee reinforces this explanation, and a similar practice is found in other
songs: for example, in Song 18 (G-mode) the A on which the response begins
coincides with the beginning of the metrical pattern, but it is tonally part of the

Figure 11. Pattern of Song 53. Although comparison with other melodies suggests
that it should be in the C-mode (see, for example, Figures 7-10), it is in fact in the
D-mode. It is a transformation in which the positions of the leading note and final and
the respective lengths of call and response are reversed.

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 23

response, which begins with the words r yo vhona. Thus Song 18 follow
vocal model, with call on leading note and response on final.
Song T3, on the other hand, is in the C-mode, but it omits the B on
the tritone chord would occur (see Figure 3b, d and e). Based on two ide
phrases (A G F and E D C), it moves down towards its final. The stress
Maluwe and a preliminary "call" on the chord C-F emphasize the C-m
could, of course, be written out in the G-mode; but then there wou
explanation for the absence of the second tone, F, as there is for the abs
B when it is written in C).
Other songs in which the first tone of the response is the final of
mode, sung to hee, and the words begin one tone below and descend to th
are Number 13 (E-mode), and Numbers 20 and T6, which are really two v
of the same song in the G- and E-modes respectively (see musical transcr
in which the two songs are placed next to each other). In all three songs
moves to the final, not from the leading note but from the secondary co
of the leading note (C) in Number 13, and from the primary companion
final in Numbers 20 and T6. The use of G sharp in Song T6 is ornamental
passing note, and not an integral part of the mode. The two versions of
wele phosho," heard in different parts of Vendaland, illustrate further
variations in mode are subordinate to uniformity of tonal and ha
processes. The same applies to the two versions of Song 8 (A- and F-
which follow the vocal model of tonality.
As a song with a prominent descending tone-row, Number 49 is uniq
has neither a clearly defined tonality nor a predominant mode. It is
endlessly descending scale, and its most striking feature, and that which
unity, is the repetition of the same sequence at pitches alternately o
above and below each other (see Figure 12).

r 11
Figure 12. Condensed outlin
based.

Several songs follow the same rules as those with prominent descending
modes, but the regulated descent is hidden and we hear only a pattern derived
from both it and its harmonic equivalents or one which emphasizes the key
points in its harmonic progression. This is particularly common when vocables
such as ahee are substituted for words, and it follows the development principle
(see Blacking 1969c:199) by which responses are modified from a word-tied
melodic line to a wordless sequence of tones emphasizing a harmonic
progression. The pattern of Song 37 (G-mode) is a good example of this, and the

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24 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

stressing of certain tones both by duration and meter emphas


harmonic progression from final to leading note. The stressed E
the secondary companion of the leading note. Song 24 (G-
similar pattern, but the secondary companion (D) of the final
patterns of the two melodies are compared in Figure 13. These
usually performed entirely by the chorus, divided into two se
indicated in the figure by open and blacked in notes.
No. 37

( _ -- X _' O1 ?

No. 24

19 v -- _

-1 - * )
Figure 13. A
descent from
emphasize phr

Identical to
the closely r

R ,, ^ I g I - I e '5

Figure 14. Pattern of Song 36


Figure 13.

In Songs 37, 24, and 36, unity of form and diversity of tonality are
achieved by a device found in many other Venda songs: the repetition of
similar melodic patterns, usually within the compass of a fifth or a fourth.
This is well illustrated by the outline of Song 47 (E-mode) in Figure 15.

B o , -
Figure 15. Outline of Song 47
which its harmonic progression

The same process of repea


and T9. It is particularly s
intervals create harmonic pr
heptatonic modes (see Blac
pattern of two pentatonic s

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 25

No.52 Noo.T I

Figure 16. Tonal variety and mel


phrases on different steps of pentat
the direction of tonal change.

Similar effects are achieved


Song 10 sometimes has a hexa
and often sung as such. The thr
based on the same rules; and a
tones, their underlying harmon
a heptatonic version of Song
that this was her own idiosyn
mental model) as if it were p
pentatonic scale, but the call ha
patternof its words.
The hexatonic Songs 38, 40
which are like those more com
Song 48 is also hexatonic, but it
ing heptatonic melody of Song
Outlines of the tonal and harmo
in Figure 17.

No.38 No.40

2S <y <o~ - ^ _ 110ICIt o 0s _


ii"?""' II"II -

QNo.44 No.48

Figure 17.
Figure 17. Outlines of the Outlines of the
tonal and harmonic progressions tonal
of four songs. In the and h
case of Song 40 both the melodic and the underlying chordal sequences are given. Arrows
indicate changes of tonality in the three with a strongly harmonic structure.

The remaining ndayo songs follow rules that have already been illus-
trated. There are, however, two in which a very short response is repeated
twice: in Number T8 the same response punctuates two balanced phrases, one
rising and the other falling; in Number T7 two phrases fall and rise respective-
ly and are punctuated by responses which mark the contrasting tonalities of
the final (G) and its companion tone (C). As indicated in the transcription,
some sing the interval of a tritone (C - F#), which to a European-trained ear

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26 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

reinforces the tonality even more. Particularly interesting was


those who did this were always old ladies who had no moder
little or no exposure to the sound of European music.
I have written out a fuller version of Song 19, because
known, and the way in which it is developed antiphonally is un
formances of ndayo. It illustrates how the vocables of the resp
uwee, etc.) may be converted into word phrases, just as w
verted into vocables.
Song 21 is like the first of the ritual songs (nyimbo) in style, with a
word-based melody that rises and falls in a gentle curve. I have already de-
scribed the circumstances in which Song 1 is sung (Blacking 1969b: 10), when
a novice is taken from her home. The firm upward movement of ri toda mutei
(we seek a novice) expresses determination, which is followed by a slight
uncertainty that suggests a search. Even if the melody is not a conscious,
metaphorical expression of the social situation, at least it is influenced by the
patterns of speech-tone. I have suggested (Blacking 1969b: 11) that the melody
of Song 2 expresses in a "minor" mode the plaintive sadness of the words
"Why should I group up?" (Ndo hulela'ni?), and that the following song
sounds like a "major" mode in which the novice is reassured by the "optimis-
tic" rising fourth which accompanies the words "It's lucky that your breast is
budding (so that we can take you to vhusha)" (Ndi mudzimu wau ...). I am
attracted by the idea that melody is a metaphorical expression of the feeling
of words and perhaps even a fairly precise portrayal of their surface meaning;
and the four songs (Nos. 14) which accompany a novice's journey from her
home to the headman's council hut seem to confirm this. However, I must
admit that a purely formal analysis would explain them equally as well in
terms of the rules which apply to other Venda melodies.
Thus Songs 1-4 follow vocal models and are in the A-mode (Song 2
being strongly pentatonic). If it were not for the low speech-tone on the first
syllable, the response of Song 3 would almost certainly begin on G and the
"optimistic" fourth would never have been conceived! Similarly, the descend-
ing phrase (A G F E) of Ha athu u lila (She has not wept yet) in Song 6 could
be described as plaintive and appropriate to the sentiment of the words. But
this phrase is common in Venda music and is found in many ndayo, as well as
in tshikona itself; furthermore, a similar descending phrase (A G F E D) in
Song 4 accompanies the words Thi lali nnda ndi ndothe (I do not sleep
outside alone), which could hardly be described as plaintive.
The use of vocal models and the influence of the speech-tone patterns
of words is more pronounced in the ritual songs than in the ndayo, where the
emphasis is on physical movement, and hence on meter and harmony-based
melody. But a comparison of melodies with speech-tone patterns shows that
they are never mere embellishments of speech-which is what one would

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 27

expect in view of the Venda distinction between speech and song


dies of girls' initiation are noticeably less closely related to pa
speech-tone than are those of children's songs (Blacking 1967:16
one could not even say that the words of their opening phrases
much influence over the pattern of their melodies, which is one of
followed in the children's songs (Blacking 1967:170-71). The contrast
the observance of speech-tone patterns in the children's songs and t
of initiation may be explained by the fact that the former use simp
rows, and the frequent use of heptatonic modes in the latter mak
processes the deciding factor in the creation of melodies. In general,
tone changes indicate when a melody should move rather than in wh
tion it should move, or by how many tonal steps. If the music
requires that a melody descend at a certain point, it will do so re
the pattern of speech-tones. This rule is followed especially towards
of word-phrases, which are treated as constant, like a response
1967:167-68 and 199-203). In the "call" section of word-phrases,
melody are made chiefly when low tones occur during the first two
or when a low-high pattern replaces a high-high or high-low pat
follows the rule that descents in speech-tone and melody need not coi
a rise in speech-tone is generally accompanied by a rise in melod
1967:169), or at least some recognizable change.
Finally, I cannot yet answer the question of why the Vend
particular modes for certain songs except to say that the G- and
which are prominent in tshikona, are the most common, and th
presented evidence (e.g., Songs 20 and T6, and the two versions of So
show that the final choice of mode is not as important as the way i
is adjusted to certain rules of tonal and harmonic progression.
explain the logic of tonal cohesion in the choice of consecutive n
except to say that if two consecutive songs have a different mo
soloist begins the second with a prominent tone of the first, the
tonal confusion until the new mode has been established.
From the evidence presented here it should be clear that the melodies of
vhusha and tshikanda cannot be analyzed as "pure melody," unrelated to a
harmonic framework or to scales in the sense of a "fixed store of notes" on
which melodies are based (Blacking 1967:176). If they are classified on the
basis of "objective" melodic criteria, they may be wrongly classified: the only
justification for saying that a Venda melody is in such and such a mode is
that it follows a vocal or instrumental model and patterns of tonality and
harmony which establish certain tones as its tonic, its leading note, and the
primary and secondary harmonic companions of these tones. Thus one cannot
say that the ritual song of vhusha must be sung in any particular mode, since
I have heard different modes used in different parts of Vendaland just as I

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28 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

have heard two modes used for the domba song and differently tune
reed-pipes playing tshikona. But one can say that the ritual song of v
usually in the D- or G-modes and that, like domba, it follows a vocal
it must always have the same distinctive rhythm and the same tonal
ship between call and response; the response always begins as two
phrases, within the compass of a fourth and a fifth, which estab
moving tonality, and it develops into a khulo style similar to that of
and related to the structure of tshikona. These are the important str
landmarks in a performance of the ritual vhusha song, and the precise
tion of the melody is of secondary importance.
It must not be thought that the Venda consider melodic lin
musically unimportant; on the contrary, repeated patterns of melody
essential device for balancing the unity of the mass against the diver
line. But the line of melodies is best understood as a detailed expr
broader tonal structures, which in turn are symbols of the social and
life of the Venda. It is immaterial whether or not most of the music of the
initiation schools consists of variations on the themes of the national dance
(tshikona) and the domba song, which are the most serious items of com-
munal music. What is important is that tshikona, domba, and the music of
initiation are all variations arising from the same deep processes of tonal
organization.

University of Witwatersrand
Johannesburg, South Africa

I am very grateful to the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research


for a generous grant which made possible the preparation of this and other papers on
Venda initiation.
I have expressed elsewhere (Blacking 1967:3-4) my gratitude to the various organi-
zations and individuals who sponsored, encouraged, and financed my fieldwork, and
especially to the many Venda who helped me to learn their language and understand
their culture and music. In particular I was fortunate to have the help of my friend
Victor Nkhumeleni Ralushai, who is a trained linguist and was therefore able to mark in
the speech-tone patterns of the words of the songs.

REFERENCES CITED

Blacking, John
1959 "Problems of pitch, pattern, and harmony in the ocarina music of the V
African Music 2(2):15-23.
1962 "Musical expeditions of the Venda," ibid. 3(1):54-78.
1965 "The role of music in the culture of the Venda of the Northern Transvaal
M. Kolsinki, ed., Studies in Ethnomusicology (New York: Oak Publicati
No. 2:20-53.
1967 Venda children's songs: A study of ethnomusicological analysis.
Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press.

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 29

1969a "Initiation and the balance of power-the tshikanda girls' initiat


Venda of the Northern Transvaal," in Ethnological and Linguistic Stu
Honour of N. J. van Warmelo (Pretoria: Government Ethnological
Publications, No. 52), pp. 21-38.
1969 "Songs, dances, mimes and symbolism of Venda girls' initiation schools,"
African Studies 28(1,3,4):
bPart 1: "Vhusha," pp. 1-35.
c Part 3: "Domba," pp. 149-99.
d Part 4: "The great domba song," pp. 215-66.
1970 "Music and the historical process in Vendaland." In press.
Kirby, Percival
1933 "The reed-flute ensembles of South Africa," Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute 63:318-88.
1934 The musical instruments of the native races of South Africa. New York and
London: Oxford University Press. Second edition, Johannesburg:
Witwatersrand University Press, 1965.

Nketia, J. H. Kwabena
1963 Folk songs of Ghana. London: Oxford University Press for the University of
Ghana.

Seeger, Charles
1969 "On the formational apparatus of the music compositional process,"
ETHNOMUSICOLOGY 13(2):230-47.

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30 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

THE SONGS
1
J. 88-92, Tempo ruboto

f4 r?-^< _' -J. y


Xa - xa- ee! out

Tenor Drum (thungwa) acce/.

;1 LU L1U UL
f
LJ_
LLJ p
W LLJ
J
U L 1

Eee! Xa - - ee!

,. rit. accel.

1- L.jt.t L.

Ou! Eee!

7cce/.

1
f Af
1 ' L
Tempo giusto

R~ I?0 ,d mu-te -i.- , ri mu vho - ni, to-da-ni ndi ma-khu'u-wau-dzo-lu-ma.


R to -da mu-si - n-da.

s1-' wt' ' f' I r f r- '


2
J. = 92

Nd hu - la. Ndo hu - e -la - ni? Ndo hu -a'. nda nga mu- se-nzhe.

Note .1 Speech-tone markings are given as follows: a=high tone; a=low tone.
Note 2: The use of left and right hands (which may be reversed) in the drum parts is shown
by the direction of the tails of the notes.

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 31

3
J. 92

W.1 LTUTr rU T M
Nd e-nd6-la kh&mbob,ndc e-nde - la.

Ndo e- nde-Ila. Nd' mu-dzi-mu wa-u wo n - tu-nga la-mu,


(Tenor Drum reinforces dotted crotchet beat)

4
J. 92- 96

Ndi a dOa- vho nge - o, kho-mba, Thi Ia - i nn - da. ndi ndo - the.

"' ~ I r r rT r n / I - Thi la - i nn - da ndi ndo - the.


A A

!i. r.-- " ~ T r'J,


ea- hee Ir
Hee a - hee A- hee A -
(Tenor Drum reinforces dotted crot

5A

A - hee! Ro sha-ngu - lo.


( Tenor Drum plays dotted crotchets.)

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32 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

6
- J-.196
,.3s

I
F J -J I_ - I 71 J f J 1!__
w - - w W-
Vh- si - dza - no vha i - mbe-lwa. H a - thu u ii - a.
(Tenor Lrump/ays doffed crotchets)

7B
l J . 176- 184

I , I r Im LJ , W p J
Tho - ro. A i no mu - do - be - i wa - yo.

Tenor Drum

u -" r f I r = f I

8a
J =126- 132

..~.. .... L-:l m -- J


in F-mode

A - - wa -do -do' L a ta - na- - la ngo mu - ta-n, do-do wee!

8b

' In A-mode + t

'-^,-r f..-t__F,!
Do - do wee_ i ta ,OQ
umu-It-na,
- na- -Ia nga-
r. L'r- r >
do-do wee!
Tenor Drum

T rr pr r r r.. r r -..r .pr. "


10
-- J.138 ,
Lu-ny,a ndi ma- vhu-la - -se. Ndi ma - vhu-la - -se.

Ni tshi se-ma m- me, M-me vho ni be-ba.

Clap

i >r--- r r r r f r r r-
iz~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~r ? iii

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 33

11
J= 160
A

i~,"'r-gr r 4<- Lr L.Et -


A A-hee, tha-vhoa i ya y. Nyo-ma-ri-vhu-la

A - hee,- tha-vha i ya ya.

tha-.vh'a, yo ya yaQ - -

Clcap or Drum

l 'pr ri r :tf'r gpr r " r 'r r Yl


12
. i. 96-100

'^rrr - ' rFi- * -


Vhu- lo-nd ho swO. Ya a hee Vhu-lo-ndo ho

~' + Ho
- PT-f.-t-Pl
s .L i- iga) n
Ho swan-ni nw-nw -g ? _ Ho Ho

Cf apI
(,'r '- - K r-'^ 1--
13
.L 92

Hee mo-bw -na-noa A - si-yo m na-na!

f^ r r r rr Hee u wee a a bvamwa-vho-ru.

zClap I I II II j j L
a~, r- r- - =

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34 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

15
- . = 160-168

,, i r ~ - - r L r -
Ma-ngwe-le wee!- Ma-ngwe-le kwo ru- mbu-w
M5ngbi thu
le' kw' rI--mb'j*
mbu, ' < mbu,

A - hee! pu-vha Il n - gwe-la.

Clap

I", r - r r r r r r' r' r


Variations in words of solo:

Kwo ru-mbu nga lu - la lu - la -I ni. 4.Nd ni vh -dzq mu - r th w - nga.


6 .Ma-tshe-lo vha o6 ni Jhu-vhu - 1a.

1 J- 52

- a I .r 'r
b Ee, de-- de - ru, Ndi se-rr-lwa-n ngarnio w" n- e-kw. Ee

Hee, ee - ya - - hee Ee - oa Hee

Alto and Tenor Drums

'Ur'p :r' - p r r 'r r,ur ,'-----L I'


-- c t r ! I r% I -
2. Ndi - hu- Iw - ne thi dzu - Ii ndi tshi se - mwa.

\- L r rf L r rj r r
5. Ndi t"ha- nga - na ya - nu mu'- Il - vha ndo ni vhu - dza.

17
J.- 132

Jt j. .-. rrr . "J ?


Ui a pha-rL- (ma.) Mu-te - ndi ba- - pa - ra.

Drum

I f' rr r

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 35

18
J = 152

a Ft t nHrnu 'T ha -v
Tshi- su-dzungw-ne tsho rw mu-ku-mb tha-vha.
A-he'e hee, ri yo vho-n -vho

' II I V I I' I I I r I

19 Ee yo - wee
r184 p4P Lt-

A-hee, he - le g - za. Na vho-m-mmevho ri l - t? -he'e, h -

Tenor Drum

Ir 6Pr F F , P F -
Ee - yo-wee - le.

J- f..l .t J ..
-r ~ -' - -ti
- le g. - z6. Na vho-r-mie vhori la - ta? t-hee h, e -

fi r
, r r *r
, r pr r
I r r FI
r r
Ee - yo-wee - le.

- al g - - - ee. A -hee, he

etc. s/i

r. r 'rI . ^
(continue

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36 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

Ee - yo- wee - le.


19 (continued)
O I _ . _ .: I _
,]:r ~' iL~rr-- i- r -
- Ie g - z. Ri-pe ri , tsh , tsi n. A- hee, he -
No vh6-khb-tsi vho ri 16 - ta.
A Ee - - yo-we-le h -

- ee ao Do-mba Ii do i-ma I - ni?

-
1 A^
Ie
,^ Ri - ne ra tshi-na tshi-ka - nda.
ga - 2z. _

0-b K hi i 4 ,
^^-r i- J ^-lr Lr n
V R - ne ra t nts hi-k - nda. A-hee, he-
Go - zo-ga-za-ne ma-nyu - nyu.

T^- P . _ - mn i
- le go - zi. Ga - z-go-za-ne ma-nyu - nyu.

20 J. 68
in -mode

We-Ie, we-I ph6-sh6,vh i dza - ndz

lfI61a- ' ^ C' ULt j-rmLJu - hee, Hu no li-nnyo I rm-pha vhu-y& - a.


Clap

J I I? II g J J J J 1
11 ' r' r - r -' r' r'
T6 J 16s
in E-mode

a,..j: -j J j - - t. _
A-hee, we-I w-le-le-o p ndi ya 'ni? Ee

WY F + vr _r u ,lo A-he, Hu no 4[i-nnyo la m1Q hwa M6-a - vha.

..1 pr' j-f r-r fr r


A - - ee - y - ya ee ey - y a - i yo -we.

Clap

II J. . J J I J IJ J .
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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 37

21

J. 112
, , , . a, II - rI -

Mvu - vh we? _ / , / ' d r , A I


Mvu - vh u wee! I La-vhe-le- la
Mvu - vhu-vhu-li- vhe!
Alto Drum

+ Ij ? . I hl . j 1. J N" 1i N I I
Ten rumrrr

22

J -160

Alto Drum > >

M u- i -dz-n, tsh
Tenor Drum
Iv-IZb
! ui -
i J I r
wee !

23
Mai vho - a tshi-se-setsh -lkhntshi a vh i-
J 184

Mu- si-dza - nc, tshi - na-nya - no'! Mu- Si- ddza- na, tshi -

!IY - - 777
Do -vhu - Io, mu - 5si -dzQ - no!

Alto Drum

if I;
I I I I I
Tenor Drum

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38 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

24

J 120
J4~~~~~r

Ao_ Ee yo- we-le- e

A - - - hee Thi vho-i- s. - li

Alto Drum

Tenor Drum

25

= 144

Tshi-go - lo - ti -(ni)! Yo - wee, Tshi-go - io- ti - (ni)!

Ndi ngo vha te- vhe-le - la.

Clap

T ;-'" i' p'--i' f r i

' r *' r r
Ha- y. - ni vha kho tshi- Ii - lo.
etc. $srn.

Nd ng vho te-vhe- le - Ia. Ndi nga vha te-vhe-le - la.

,p r-p-Wr

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 39

26
J = 168 -176
h

|ir fr#--- r z
_ _

Tsi-mba i no bva ma- na-nga, tsi-mba. Tsi -mba

tsi-mba A vha vho- ni tsi-mbo.

Drum*

I1by r fr r fT - .f
The phrase is repeated twice
with beat marked * , then twice without, and so on alternate/y.

An alternative solo phrase is:


n . * + l

A vho. i vho - ni yo bva ma - na - ngo.

Alternotive Drum rhythms:


Alto Drum

Al6to Dru

Alto Drum

Alto Drum .
il 16 P f f
Ir
Tenor Drum
I iI I

27

J.= 120-132

NwG-no u y

Clap

n r f' f' r

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40 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

28

J. =126-132

A nj vho- ni? A ni vho - ni?

4^^- ' QT T r' G M L -- -


Phe-le y6 hwa-l1 mu - ku-mbo. Phi-le yo

Clap

iLt iZ' r' " T'

29
J -184

Mu - le - nzhe m- be - re U

U n - nga - b -i y6 sha - ng. U

Drums

O9 T f f I r -

ft I 1,1 I ,-
no- ngo m - bi - di ya sh - ngo, mu - l

' f f r I -f

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 41

31
A
- J 152

'~. L.. U F Li I r
L6-vhe-l6-la kh6-mb&,la-vhe-le - la!

LI-vh-le- Ila. Tshi she-nia ndA qa- na- mar.

A - hee - - a - hee! Tsi she-nga nd ga -na-ma.

Clap

'r r r r r r r r r r r r 1
32
- J . 152-160

(I7 G ^r 'r r^Ff- LG i


I
Da - da - mu-lI-nzhe! R ya ha- ya - ni. Da - d&- mu- Ie-rnze Hi -

Drum

t' rr^TT p-r r r ' ,r r ( I

| ; rGa nj^j^pr p'rrzr r-


ya ndo si - a 'ni? ia - da-mu-le-nzle! Ri ya h&-ya - n. Dao- da-mu-le-nz

' r T p1 T r p r rI r V' T r '


33
33. - 92-96

Kho - fhg ?-a& u vho-ne mna-e-mbe!

] - ,rrm ^- *- Dzi na mu-the-tshe - lo. Dzi na mu-the-tshe - oI.

Clap

Y J . r J 1 I 'i . .
I I I

(continued on next pa

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42 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

33 (continued)
Variations in words of solo:

2 I r r r r tL -L r
2.Nd t fto hu s&,- le, vha-vt-yo! 4.Nga m- bi - lu am, -di-n& -nQ.
3.Ndi ti mnga md-ga nd - ti - bq, 6. vhu a - ndi, mu - m-n-t-hu.

y5. Vhu-ha-dz' titt ' h - Aj rlu-di

5. Vhur-ha-dri a vh, a - n --,

34
J -160

Tshi n& mu-l - ndu tshi-g - me. Tshi

w^" ^ "-' r f- , A - yee - - yo- wee

Alto Drum

=k-df hm e J S J J r J
Tenor Drum

na' mu-lad - ndc tshi-go - me. Tshi

aa tshi-go- me. A - yee - - yo - wee -

if ^-J. r f r f P r Jr
35
- J152 - 160

, Pt--G r ,,r rrr,r r ,: r r sm


Ku - ru-nde- nde! Ndi Vh-Li-ngo-no-ni vho a-ngOa-4 - dza mu-sa-dzi wa nwa-no.

Clap

^ta ,^ rr f' Tr Vr r f

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 43

36
- 4 184
. A L

FO-
F8 - 1-_l
thi mt-da
da - hi - m, Hae- hee, ee F -e
Alto Doum

Zll. . r ". z.r' ..'' ,I -a' --


Tenor Drum'

Alto D um variations > ,

,.rr4'? r~2J~p > v


37
J = 184

1 rT-jr r f T r
Phe-tha tshi-ge - - le. Phe-tha tshi-ge -

A- hee - - a - yee - - e - .

A to Drum

" " IvlVt


r j? :-t..t
Tenor Drum
v~ r 'r rj rI v!
I P,L I Ir
Vt^ T
Alto Drum variaLtions

. 7P. ~r: *rP1


. , h h-, ,h .h . , h h h,
VIr ? r 'p p r
38
J = 176

Ndisa nga - ni kho-mba? tshi-nga - me-lu wo mu- li - lo.

kho-mba? Ndi swa nga mu*tshi-nga - me-la wa mu-i -l lo.

Tenor Drum

jLr 4 pr r r r - r r F

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44 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

39
J= 168

r L r
Hee! No- wri -ne a ri li-mi; ee yat Hee! Na -

Hu na vhomko-ma ro ngo te 'vhu - t

Alto and Tenor Dru

ri-a-r r r Ipr p r 'pr pr T- FT ' r lrrr i


II -~ll.. ! 1 - I -- 4
~f...f_j' r ~r: a i F a.k
I - a-ni vho-nc mar- -C-mbel Ri tsht-lu-kwau li-ma. n - di - la.
A ri ye-ni ri ye ha - ya-ni!

40
- J 176-184

:,r r F -r rr - F
Hee - - a - - - hee! Hee - - a -

Mu- ri a ae e
Mu-ri wo ha Ma - da-la. Vho Ia mu-ru-ngu- d-ne, ee
Alto Drum

"**, * n I m I m
Tenor Drum r
Alto Drum J J J .

41 J- 152-160

_.- ..., .4 I.F


Mai-nye- la - pa-z - la, Vh6 ne-la ndi-

1 lf~,r- r " ..r... ,


Hee M-nye-l - pl-zi -Ia.

Clap

U r r r r 'rrrrrr r r r

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I1
__

r *
=V

-I a2 Z
1-
_1 3-
*- 5-
91

5=i L-

zq Ii
s^ P% It
0 0 1-
-I
3 0a I C
"

o
3 3
5 3

3
4 L- .,
_, ) 3

I
I
o _. .
I
L.
-np P%
I.
I

.p
oL
lb
E.,,' ,.
-N
!t

n
i' I I

,-I!
0

-3
r 0
I
'1
o '
_ ,

0 n

n1 7 0

It
I

aI

.~ 1 I

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46 BLACK 'ING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VEN

46
_ J.-116-120

1r.i , tFr F r ,ip vr


Vho re'-nga nwe-nda ma-nyl - ni- nyi-(n.

NQ ndfvho-naVho-Ma-vu-s - - pe-nyo vh6 re-nga nwe - nda.

Aa - - - - - yo -wee
1~ t,12 F i _

F , -Fr 'r- r f -r'


A - -hee. - hee.

Alto Drum

Tenor Drum > -

47
= 184

. A-vhe-a-nT ri ya h-ya - ni. Hoe -vh'e- a-ni r

A -yo - wee - - - ee - hee!

I?, F f-r^^J ? rr ' A - hee! A - ee!_

Alto Drum

Tenor Drum -r -" :' r ' "

48
4 -144

Ndi Mu-vhe-lwa - ne.


H - e - - a, A-we-le, Ee - ya- , Ma-vhe-lw- (ne).
Alto cand Tenor Drums

IF1i1W r r " L'r I I ' I r

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 47

49 J -l68
, A

Yo - wee_ A - - - yo - wee_ Bg ndi tsh-ke-o.

Tenor Drum

12F
- -I. I. II
. 'r . r' V
I / r .r
I IvVrl ~) ,
Vp1'r r
I I

51r
- = 144

LU F f- v TJ Lt
Vha- mu - sa-nd vh 6 vhui - y, Vhd a vhu-ya na vhu-ro-tho.

3 2 r _.- . rf A - he D - nga! A - hee

C p

1 f- r r r r r r r r
* _ L- c_r . r
Vha mu.- s- nda ndo vha se- ma.

Ee, hu - wee - d - ngo! A - hee

Cloap

" r r r r r r 'r rI r Ir-


52
.J , 184

Alt ko- nga- n? VDrhk6-t ngua- m?


Alto Drum

jL-Dj rI. . . . . . J
Tenor Drum
... r ;J f I r J f f ~ r- f f'
I I I I I

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48 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

53
J 138

Ndo do -b di- nde lI - ngod mu-tst- 16 - mbe.

di-nde id - nga mu -tsh6-lo - mbe, Kw- i - ti, tu - m

Clap

H" r s B r r f

54
- 144 - 152

A - i - wo! vho- na Ii na m - to.

Ro i vh6 - n6 Ii n& m' - to.

Clap

," r r r r r r
Interlude, repeated 2 or 3 times:

Ge - relie
ke - - h
- re I I j-t^
na h .- A-i-wa!
te. i vho- -R
na!

55

,~~",. -F~ ~ ~ -1-' A *


ShClp- -

Clap

j1G r r r

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 49

56
J 116

^'^ t"-r y-s^j-p-r r7


Hee - - e - ya! A u sh-n Be-pe. Hee - - e - ya!
N-ni r na kh-fhe,

Ee - ha - ya! Ee - ho - yo! Ee - -yo!

Clap

, "' -r r r r r r r r r r
57
. 132

I Ptu - m - b. e - v - e - la ng9 tshi - hu - le.

Clap

r r-r-' r' t r
58
- . 152

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50 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

60
J 160

Ha Ma - khu- ngu - ru Tshi- sa - dzt M - ne- nzhe.

Clap

lr7 r r r r r
61
J. -104 - 108

Tsi - li - ngwa - ne i a vhu - yd nga du - mbu-hi.


Nd6 nyd - ga u f6 Tsha - kh6-ma.
ClOa

TI
J. - 96 - 100

Tho-vh*-Ie u ky)a bva Ee Tho - vhe-lq u

0 a-mbo-rmar-nga- a, 0 a-mba-ra ma-nga - la.

Clap

1^ 'J i JrJ f' i^ i J' i Ll


T2
- 4.6o

(continued on next page)

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 51

T2 (continued)
Eee si - la - mu-le -(le).
,,P3i rq r I 11

?f - r . -. ' I-j . J ', J l .I - . I

I V
Ngo-sho ya Ra - m - bu - ", si - la - mu-le - (le). Ngo- sha ya Ra-m -

rr
I I r
r If) r
rI

T3
T3 J= 160
, _ - _A

Nd r P M ru' we A r-
Ndi Ma - lu we Aa - Ndi Ma - lu - we.

Wa m- phwo ma- sha-ngo.

Clap

1 r r pt r r r I r t
T4
= -63

f ^ 'pr -sr : r
A-hee, mbe-mbe dzi a we - la. Hee mbe

4^ F g sFF F
Clap
A - hee, ee- ee - - dzi a we - a.

.1 r r r r r r r

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52 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

T5

- 152

|'t' " 7 H J n pr T J
Mu- re- nge - de lo, nga i li - le ngo- ma!

41i *ur FJ
A- hee, u

Clap

r r f f r r 1 r

*O

ngo - ma nga i

ya Ii - la mu-re - nge - de - lo.

,u r - r r f
* Solo often Ft

T6 see p. 36)

T7 144-152

Hwe - la, hwe -la, hwe-la, a- hee Go-mba-lu -me,hwe- la to-mbo Aa-

| t1ze iJ J r(j
e- Hwe - lo H lal

Clap

ju iy)r= r f r r r r r ' Fr

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 53

T8
= 132 - 138

IZ f-^rJ j ' J EFI


Kho- mba dza - nu a dzi n - ndo - shl Tu - ndu-rma. Dzi - n -

Clap

?L11 l 1 :r I r-
_r r

I' - Ip J J
ndo - sha ndo hwe- la to - mbo. Tu- ndu-mo. Kho -

s r r F' r'

T9
152 - 160

^.Hj?r : : ri J ;n : .."l -
Tshi-hu - le ma- tsho - ko - i - ke u hwe-Ie d - nda

A -hee u hwe- le

Clap

l - r r r r - r r r-r

1 F~'r rr il. -
ee rm - tsho - ko - ti- ke u hwe- le da - nda

, r 3 W ..

d-nd ma tsho-ko- . A he u hi -
da - ndo mo - tsho- ko - ti - ke. A- hee u hwe - le

~ - r r r r i f r

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54 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

T10
J - 168- 176
, A k h I I . K h --1

Tshi - bo - - b - bo ee tsho n-khwe-la mu - bva:


Tshi - bo - bo - bo ee _ tshi-zwa - ndi tsh Vho - Mu - ta - ngwa.
Clap

; p r r r r

fI '`r /r! , r T'


Eee - - ye, ya- hee yo - wee._ Tshi -

nU7 rr ' r r r f

MUULU

(Rhythm produced by flapping the lips)

-J=132

L - r -r r rr- I-
Ee - u-wee - u -wee, u-wee.

I
I f-,Trr
1S ' iHr rp[ 'r- rpr Ee - u-wee u - wee, u-wee.

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BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC 55

VHUSHA

J-60

,,.ihf LI r-/da
p pu- Lvho-
"^. ne u vhe-tshi-wa 0

A - hee Ee

~
Ma-dzhi-gi-li o di-be-be - lo
r rm

A - hee Ee_

Alto Drums

! " - - v yP
J l

Tenor Drum J J T

A-hee! Ndi a vho-na-vho

A - hee Ee

y r ,r LJ r CL r r F Lir
* J j ^TT] - J J J

J , muffled beat
?-= clear beat on edge of skin on center
A

This vocal pattern is repeated for as much as a minute or more, and then the chorus changes
to the style of singing known as khulo. As soon as this is established the B flat is usually
abandoned. Notes sung to ou or oo are falsetto, in yodel style (see following page).

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56 BLACKING: TONAL ORGANIZATION IN VENDA MUSIC

VHUSHA (continued)

he hee - ee

J 4. t j.- ?j r rI
ee - ou - oo ee - ou - oo

ee a - ee

J +' I" L ~r 1 1 : E J-
0 0 00 - 00

?|o
Hee! ou - oo Heel Hee!

Var. t Var. 2
Alto Drum ?.

Tenorrum J

J 5 muffled beat on center of skin J =


& m

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