Different Roles of Women in Violent Extremism and

Counter-Terrorism
The involvement of women in violent extremist movements has long
existed. Nevertheless, it is often underestimated or neglected by the literature
and policy makers. This has been mainly due to the misconception that violence
is a feature attributed and carried out by men.

26 July 2017

While there are a number of combining factors attributed to violent extremism

and radicalization, such as poverty, unemployment, marginalization and frustration,
pull factors can also appeal to the individual. These include access to material
resources, protection, a sense of belonging and empowerment, as well as strong
governance[1].

Although the underlying drivers of terrorism and radicalization may not be new,
the ideology-based element of these phenomena has displayed recent fluctuations
and adaptations[2]. For instance, the involvement of women in violent extremist
movements has long existed. Nevertheless, it is often underestimated or neglected by
the literature and policy makers. This has been mainly due to the misconception that
violence is a feature attributed and carried out by men. Most recently,
however, women are increasingly been recognized as actors of violence in conflicts,
acting as perpetrators, sympathizers and combatants, either in favor or against violent
extremist groups.

Among several complex factors that have led women to join these groups, one
has been the search for socio-economic empowerment[3]. This has been due to
patriarchal structures, traditional or cultural norms that hamper women from exercising
their rights and fully participating in the public and private spheres of their
communities. Therefore, in these societies women tend to be marginalized in a
number of domains, including in resource allocation, access to labor markets as well
as education and political decision-making. It is worth noting that in most African
countries, these discriminatory policies worsened during the colonial period and
continued throughout the post-colonial era. The high level of ‘feminization’ of poverty
in some countries in Africa has thus resulted in women joining violent extremist groups
to enhance their socio-economic and political status[4].

Extremist groups such as Boko Haram in Nigeria associate pre-existing local

conflict or grievances as global causes and beyond their brutality, including numerous
acts of sexual violence, the group has been expanding their reach and placing women
at the heart of their agenda for strategic purposes[5]. In fact, it is striking to say that
among the array of players in Nigeria’s North-East conflict, the terrorist organization is
the one paying greater attention to the expansion of women’s roles in their terrorism
efforts, rhetoric and actions.
 As research shows, Boko Haram has been mobilizing women both by force and
voluntarily[6], placing them outside the domestic sphere by creating new empowering
roles for recruiting purposes. In fact, while patriarchy, poverty, early marriage and lack
of access to education have long hindered their socio-economic empowerment, some
women saw in Boko Haram the opportunity to expand their limited horizons.
The common perception attributed to women as being non-violent has also
played a big part in their recruitment as well as in the extremist group’s operational
effectiveness. Because women are considered harmless, female combatants can
easily be used as spies, messengers and circulate in public spaces without being
noticed. An example of this fact is the female suicide bombers that have left scores of
dead in Nigeria and Cameroon[7].

On the opposite side, women have also participated in the fight against Boko
Haram, joining pro-government paramilitary forces, such as Civilian Joint Task Force
(CJTF), which was formed in 2013. As time went on, female members of North East
communities started to join the group for a number of reasons, including vengeance
for the loss of their loved ones. Others started to help voluntarily, offering strategic
information on Boko Haram’s activities and its members’ whereabouts[8]. Overall,  a
dataset that examines the extent to which women are active in armed insurgent
groups across Africa finds that their participation has been about 45 percent of active
insurgencies since 1950[9].

In one way or another, the view of women as passive victims of terrorism and
acts of violence is misleading, restricted and needs substantial revision. Indeed,
violence against women in conflict is a phenomenon that requires a comprehensive
response and prevention mechanisms, but by only focusing on this dynamic, we might
run the risk of overshadowing women’s agency and empowered capabilities. In other
words, while many women have been victims of sexual abuse, displaced and
exploited, others have acted in insurgency as well as counter-terrorism efforts.

The spectrum of types of violence that occurs in conflict-settings, such as in

North East Nigeria, coincides with the link between conflict and gender. As stated
above, gender stereotypes have favored approaches to women that often stress their
roles as victims and passive actors, and do not take into account their agency,
perspectives and motivations in roles that can include preventers, participants,
perpetrators as well as survivors.

As pointed out by the OECD research [10], there are many points of

intersection between gender inequality and interstate dispute. More particularly,
gender inequality as a key manifestation of horizontal inequalities, leads to
destabilized societal relations, which makes societies less resistant to shocks of
violence [11]. It has also been found that international support for gender reforms or,
more particularly, the increase of women’s participation, will have limited impacts if
powerful societal structures and norms are left unaddressed [12].
 That said, moving from policy frameworks to implementation will require further
attention to, and investment in integrating a gender perspective and ensuring women’s
meaningful participation in efforts to address terrorism and violent extremism. It should
also recognize the importance of societal norms in shaping gender inequality, while
also bringing together gender, violence and conflict within one comprehensive
framework of response and prevention.
Inevitably, there has been a growing awareness of the role played by women in
both assisting and countering terrorism activities. For instance, the Council’s
resolution 2242 (2015) urges Member States and the United Nations system “to
ensure the participation and leadership of women and women’s organizations in
developing strategies to counter terrorism and violent extremism”[13], while also
integrating gender as a cross-cutting issue throughout their activities, country-specific
assessments and reports.

Moreover, as the Security Council resolution 2129 reaffirms, it is in the

Council’s ultimate objective to “increase its attention to women, peace and security
issues in all relevant thematic areas of work on its agenda, including in threats to
international peace and security caused by terrorist acts[14].” But to have a robust and
holistic approach to this recurring issue a stronger political will and transformative
agenda is necessary. As summer begins and the UN and its member states are
preparing a high-level task force tackling the consequences of conflict on women for
the annual General Assembly in September, there is yet another opportunity to push
for real change and trace strategies to counter-terrorism activities with a gender
perspective.

Recommendations:

·       Recognize the critical role of gender in addressing programming and

policies related to Countering Violent Extremism (CVE), placing tools that bring
together gender, development and counter-terrorism measures within a
comprehensive framework.

·       Counter-narratives on terrorism need to take on a gender dimension, on

which women’s perspectives are strongly motivated and taken into account.

·       Integrate a gender perspective in all UN resolutions on CVE. More

specifically, place gender mainstreaming in all phases of project planning, from
conceptualization to implementation, monitoring and evaluation.

·       Prioritize policies for women’s empowerment and their substantial

participation in all spheres of society.

Sources:

[1] Glazzard, A. et al. (2016), “Conflict and countering Islamist violent

extremism”, Summary paper, Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) for
the UKDepartment for International Development, London, www.gov.uk/dfid-research-
outputs/conflict-and-countering-violent-extremism-summary-paper.
[2] Dowd, C. (2015), “Cultural and religious demography and violent Islamist
groups in Africa”, Political
Geography, Vol. 45, pp. 11–21.
[3] http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/Pnadt978.pdf
[4] Ibid
[5] https://www.iapss.org/wp/2017/03/30/the-nexus-between-gender-inequality-
and-violent-extremism-in-sub-saharan-africa/
[6] https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria/nigeria-women-and-
boko-haram-insurgency
[7] Jakana Thomas and Kanisha Bond, “Women’s Participation in Violent
Political Organizations”, American Political Science Review 109 (2) (2015): 488–506.
[8] http://www.irinnews.org/analysis/2016/04/19/coerced-or-committed-boko-
haram%E2%80%99s-female-suicide-bombers
[9] Jakana Thomas and Kanisha Bond, “Women’s Participation in Violent
Political Organizations”, American Political Science Review 109 (2) (2015): 488–506.
[10] Crisis Group interview, civil society leader, Maiduguri, 22 October 2016.
[11] http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/docserver/download/4316101e.pdf?
expires=1497451913&id=id&accname=guest&checksum=2918C7B677B9437D4312B
4C36EDD58CA
[12] Ibid
[13]http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-
8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_res_2242.pdf
[14] https://www.un.org/sc/ctc/focus-areas/womens-role/
Photo credit:
CNN

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