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Bilingual speakers who are fluent in more than one language have a deeply complex
and rich structure of language construction, and they use these languages on a routine
basis; thus, they have two representational systems. However, there is an argument
that the bilingual speaker is faced with a problem that monolingual speakers would
consider logically irrelevant. The bilinguals are faced with the dilemma of being
confined to the production of language for representing systems without interference
from other language structures. This dilemma of picking one language from the other
competing language system requires a different set of abilities. Due to having multiple
language representation abilities, bilinguals and monolinguals are fundamentally
divided because bilinguals will ultimately have more representations of language to
assist their knowledge of more than one language (Bialystok, 2007).
By definition, bilingual children are the children who grow up with two
languages, and monolingual children are the children who grow up with their own
mother language only. Obviously, language was a significant skill in conversation in
which different societies and objectives would communicate with each other through
the skills of conversation. Various psycholinguistic studies have highlighted that
bilinguals have an active system for the representation of both languages and even if
they are using only one system at a time. (Guttentag et al., 1984; Grainger, 1993; van
Heuven et al., 1998). In this case, the skills of brainstorming language have a
cognitively high requirement, that individuals need a high concentration to manage
the information received from other individuals (Chun, Golomb, & Turk-Browne,
2001) and to represent one of the structured systems of language that is either shared
of individual in their brain (Bialystok, 2007). To be accurate, the individual's listeners
must focus on the speech others pronounce in the presence of competing signals in
order to extract linguistic information as the utterance unfolds in the presence of
competing signals to extract linguistic information (Eriksen, & Yeh, 1985). According
to the actual situation of the conversation between individuals, listeners would also
need to adjust their width of attention focus to make it wider or narrower (Wachtel,
1967). As considerable evidence from relevant research demonstrate and scholarly
articles that were about bilingual and monolingual children in the past have shown
that there is a significant level of academic value and accurate resources to discuss
and analyse more about the comparison of perspective changing, attention control and
skills in monolingual and bilingual children.
Many people acquire and apply knowledge of more than one language in their
lives. Regardless of how they become bilingual either by being born into a
multilingual family, through education, employment, or emigration, knowledge of
multilingualism can have a profound effect in their mental functioning (Bialystok, E.,
1999). Focusing on the ability of bilingual children, a recent bilingual study states that
controlling attention and the ability to change the perception of bilingual children was
better than monolingual children. Researchers have shown that language construction
and understanding are not differentiated when they are in the same system that
preserves the ability to speak and understand language (Rodriguez-Fornells et al.,
2005; Marian, Spivey, & Hirsch, 2003). Bilingual people use the thinking styles of
their mother tongue to understand a second language when translating a second
language and its meaning. Therefore, studies would suggest that the language
representation is more complicated and difficult for the bilingual children, and it
could provide more skills for them as compared with the monolingual children who
did not practice it as much as bilingual children had done.
Study demonstrate based on a number of tasks that involves Stroop interference of
cross-language (Chen & Ho, 1986; Brauer, 1998), priming of cross-language (Gollan
et al., 1997), homograph recognition in cross-language (Dijkstra et al., 1999) and in
naming pictures in cross-language (Hermans et al., 1998). In these tasks, the skills of
representing in one language show considerable interference effect from the other
linguistic capabilities even if it is not logically relevant to perform the said task. Thus,
both systems of representation are active when bilingual children engage in various
activities in which they engage their language skills. As Kroll & de Groot (1997)
argues that the representations systems of these two languages are so similar that they
require alternative means of representing an underlined thought that at some point is
the same, and it creates the conflicting situation. Therefore, bilingual speakers need to
constantly shift their attention because the further encounter requires skills from
another language, and the other language representation is suppressed in this sense.
Moreover, efficient switching and rapid monitoring of both languages are required for
efficient language performance.
The continued use of bilingual control has been shown to be related to other executive
management functions. Indeed, researchers have found that bilingualism is better at
using high-level control functions. According to Bialystok (1999), bilingual children
performed significantly better than monolingual children in a dynamic card screening
operation, which required children to change color-coded conditions and this applies
to other age groups (Khare et al., 2013). These studies have shown that controlling the
attention of two languages was better than that of one language.
Therefore, as Daniels et al. (2006) note, the cognitive systems play a crucial role in
managing the problem of linguistic representation. The processes of managing the
monitoring, inhibition, attention and switching are involved in executive functioning.
Thus, the constant use of these functions by bilinguals is bound to modify the
operation and development of executive functioning. As various studies have shown
bilingual children outperform monolingual children on the basis of measuring
executive functions (see, for example, Barac and Bialystok, 2011; Adesope et al.,
2010; Hilchey and Klein, 2011). Best and Miller (2010) note that the executive
function involved in the domain-general cognitive system is necessary for regulation
and flexibility of goal direct behaviour and cognition, and Miyake et al. (2000) notes
it requires interrelated yet distinguishable components. As discussed above, bilinguals
perform various functions; therefore, they are able to develop executive functioning
capabilities because, as Costa et al. (2009) note, they constantly record the appropriate
linguistics for their interactions.
Moreover, language was not only limited to transferring messages but also contained
the inner social-cultural, such as the variation of words and the tones. Children who
grew up in different languages show different understanding of the world. For
example, different countries have different histories, and they have different methods
to educate and spread the information about the individual history, so the children
with different cultures have different logical thinking, which is the same as the
perspective changing skills of bilingual children compared to monolingual children.
In that case, bilingual children may criticise things in totally opposite ways (Baxter et
al., 2021).
Duabeitia et al. (2015) conducted a single study notable for its complete design. The
study tested the ability to prevent 252 children speaking a single Spanish language
and 252 bilingual Basque-Spanish languages using Stroop tests of numbers and words
where children were required to ignore non-essential items. Young people who speak
only one language were selected from regions where Spanish was the only language
used. Young bilingual youths were selected from the Basque countries, where Spanish
and Basque are the main languages. Children in these two categories were compared
with age, educational skills, curiosity, and intelligence. Bilingualism did not
contribute to any of the two Stroop tests in this study. Furthermore, a large
multilingual study of Welsh-English did not show support for bilingual benefits in
assessing gestive executive performance (Simon's activities, card editing), and
morphosyntactic skills (Gathercole et al., 2014). Both pieces of the study were related
to certain ages; However, downgrading data by age or distance did not change the
results. These outcomes, as Gathercole et al. (2014) argues, might not be coincidental
because these two languages, Welsh and Basque and the official languages of state
that are English and Spanish, are part of children's everyday experience, and they are
highly trained in their linguistic processing that in the performance of tasks they
required little to no cognitive processing as Lam and Dijkstra (2010), and Dijkstra
(2005) argues the fluent bilinguals such as discussed above forms strong ties between
their first and second languages that create automaticity in their knowledge of
linguistics. Therefore, continuous switching between two languages may not require
cognitive control or effort and leads to opposite results that are assumed by the
researcher. However, several other research studies that examine the effect of
bilingualism are also involved in both state's official language and minority language
demonstrates the cognitive effects of language switching such as dominant Dutch
children were outperformed by children who were fluent in Frisian-Dutch (Bosma et
al., 2017) and similarly in other research studies of Spanish-Catalan, Sardinian-Italian
and Cypriot Greek/Modern Greek outperformed the monolingual children who are
fluent in one language (Bialystok and Barac, 2012; Carlson and Meltzoff,
2008; Videsott et al., 2012; Poarch and van Hell, 2012; Weber et al., 2016). The
results demonstrate the effects of bilingual proficiency in both languages can lead to
cognitive advantages.
According to the research done before, the pronouncing of monolingual children, such
as English-speaking children, had been well noticed in voice contrasting. For
example, English has six stops, b, t, g, p, t, and k. Specifically, English-speaking
children will experience a difference of short-lag vs long-lag by three years of age.
Clearly, some languages have three-dimensional comparisons, and one example is
Thai. The VOT is pronounced uninvited, meaningless, and the desired voiceless VOT
is characterized in three different ways. The researcher summarizes that the three-
dimensional articulation element is followed by the order of the insignificant, the
voiceless desires, and the reckless sounds (Yang, 2021).
Monolingual children who speak English as their second language showed adequate
decoding ability while they still performed difficulty in reading comprehension.
However, the understanding of the relationship between early language and reading
comprehension in this group was not enough. Through the experiment, researchers
compared 80 bilingual children who learned English came from a different language
background with 80 monolingual children who had a disability in language and
literacy at the age around 4 years old and 6 years old. As a result, monolingual
children shown the stronger ability in language, weaker word reading ability and no
significant difference in reading comprehension (Bowyer-Crane, Fricke, Schaefer, et
al., 2017).
Bilingual children are better in attention control and perspective changing skills than
monolingual children. The study uses academic research and empirical research to
provide evidence for the study. According to the question statement, the main
assumption was that bilingual children are able to perform better as their attention
control and perspective skills are enhanced due to their constant monitoring of the
representation of linguistics. Bilingual students who are fluent in more than one
language outperform monolingual children in various regards. Various factors can
contribute to their performance development, such as the bilinguals are faced with a
dilemma of being confined to the production of language for representing systems
without interference from other language structures. This dilemma of picking one
language from the other competing language system requires a different set of
abilities. Bilingual speakers need to constantly shift their attention because the further
encounter requires skills from another language, and the other language representation
is suppressed in this sense.
Moreover, efficient switching and rapid monitoring of both languages are required for
efficient language performance. Executive functioning requires attention and efficient
memory. Several research studies have demonstrated that performance based on
working memory is closely related to attention and particularly to additional control,
as noted by Engle (2002) and Cowan et al. (2005). A substantial body of literature
indicates that better usage of a second language has a positive impact on attention
control. Research revealed that bilingual children had faster respondence than peer
monolingual children when it came to the circumstance requiring participants to
conquer irrelevant stimuli when they respond. With reference to various research
studies, this paper concludes that bilingualism impacted the development of attention
and demonstrated the effects of bilingualism on cognitive processes across various
sociolinguistic settings, such as acquiring a regional language. Thus, the attention of
children is better in bilingual children as compared to monolingual; however, the
sociolinguistic context significantly impacts these conclusions. However, the attention
of children is not affected in all cases due to bilingualism, and sociolinguistic context
has a significant impact on these outcomes.
Furthermore, as the essay above demonstrates, bilingual children have perspective
skills due to their abilities acquired by using two languages. Thus, they are able to
perform better in academic contexts as compared to monolingual children.
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