The Isa Handbook in Contemporary Sociology n10

The ISA Handbook in Contemporary
Sociology: Conflict, Competition, Cooperation

Sociological Theories of Professions: Conflict,
Competition and Cooperation
Contributors: Julia Evetts, Charles Gadea, Mariano Sánchez & Juan Sáez
Edited by: Ann Denis & Devorah Kalekin-Fishman
Book Title: The ISA Handbook in Contemporary Sociology: Conflict, Competition, Cooperation
Chapter Title: "Sociological Theories of Professions: Conflict, Competition and Cooperation"
Pub. Date: 2009
Access Date: March 17, 2020
Publishing Company: SAGE Publications Ltd
City: London
Print ISBN: 9781412934633
Online ISBN: 9781446214626
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781446214626.n10
Print pages: 140-154
© 2009 SAGE Publications Ltd All Rights Reserved.
This PDF has been generated from SAGE Knowledge. Please note that the pagination of the online
version will vary from the pagination of the print book.
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© Ann Denis and Devorah Kalekin-Fishman 2009
Sociological Theories of Professions: Conflict, Competition and Cooperation

JuliaEvetts, CharlesGadea, MarianoSánchez and JuanSáez
The sociological study of knowledge-based work, occupations and professions is a longstanding field of aca-
demic research which has been boosted significantly over the past decade and is set to expand further as
societies and economies become even more dependent on service sector work, both nationally and interna-
tionally. There have been important historical reasons for different concepts, theories and analyses of profes-
sions in Continental European societies (particularly Germany and Scandinavian countries) in contrast to An-
glo-American societies. The Continental functional proximity between state government bureaucracies, public
state universities and professions created a minority of free professions, (‘freie Berufen ’ and ‘professions
libérales’), and favoured sociology of class and organization to the disadvantage of sociology of professions
(Burrage, 1990). The Anglo-American less centralized state governments, private or at least relatively inde-
pendent universities and free professions, on the other hand, created a majority of market-related professions
and an elaborated sociology of professions, which has had strong impact worldwide. By means of so-called
Anglo-American neo-right ideologies and Continental neo-liberalism, an extensive convergence has, how-
ever, taken place. Work on new public management, managerialism, entrepreneurialism, marketization, and
more explicit and integrated professional work organizations has made Anglo-American sociology of profes-
sions even more applicable in Continental societies as well (Svensson and Evetts, 2003).
For several important reasons, the need for comparative studies of different professional occupations is be-
coming increasingly important. Firstly, considerable convergence has taken place between Continental Eu-
ropean and Anglo-American societies. Secondly, control by the management in professional work organiza-
tions, the self-control exercised by professionals, and the control by customers have changed and become
more intertwined; and as a consequence the organizational context strongly determines the relations and the
conditions for professional work. Thirdly, the prevailing ideology and quest for professionalism demands more
comparative studies of occupations in general and in the context of the division of labour as a whole. These
reasons are further developed and examined in the ‘Introduction’ to Svensson and Evetts (2003).
This type of work and workers forms the structural and institutional arrangements for dealing with uncertain-
ties in modern risk societies. Knowledge-based work, occupations and professions are extensively engaged
in managing risk. In this sense, risk assessment and the use of expert knowledge enables customers and
clients to deal with uncertainty. Knowledge-based occupations control the conceptualization of problems and
issues in their areas relating to risk, as well as access to, and definitions of, possible solutions. Examples of
such groups range from the old established professions of law, engineering, religion and medicine to those in-
volved in service sector employment in education, health and social care – as well as the newer categories of
knowledge workers in areas such as information technology, management, security, leisure, the arts and en-
tertainment. Professionals and knowledge workers are also emblematic examples of contemporary changes
in public policy, in corporate management and the organization of work. Thus, social workers are coping with
the crises of welfare in social services, engineers and lawyers have to manage the ‘new spirit of capitalism’
(Boltanski and Chiapello, 1999), and most European professions are trying to find new methods of regulation
in order to be able to deal with the effects of globalization and European Union expansion.
The sociological study of knowledge-based work, occupations and professions is one in which international
comparison and collaboration has been particularly fruitful. One example of this is the productive contrast be-
tween concepts, models, interpretations and theories developed and used by English-speaking sociologists
and the orientations developed by French and by Spanish-speaking researchers. The field has its own history
and has developed in different ways in these linguistic sociological communities. This chapter will review and
assess the theoretical differences and similarities, focusing particularly on aspects of conflict, competition and
cooperation in the interpretations.
Anglo-American Sociological Interpretations: From Occupational Cooperation

The ISA Handbook in Contemporary Sociology: Conflict, Competition,
Page 2 of 15 Cooperation
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and Conflict to Occupational Control

In Anglo-American sociological interpretations and theories, the concepts of profession, professionalism and
professionalization have received considerable (sometimes critical) attention. Four phases can be identified
and each phase focussed on a different key concept which resulted in different theories and explanations.
The balances of conflict, competition and cooperation in interpretations is different in each phase with coop-
eration predominant in the first two phases, conflict and competition in the third phase and a focus more on
aspects of control in the latest phase.
Professionalism as Occupational Value

In early British sociological analysis, the key concept was ‘professionalism’ and the emphasis was on the im-
portance of professionalism for the stability and civility of social systems (e.g., Carr-Saunders and Wilson,
1933; Marshall, 1950; Tawney, 1921). In these interpretations professionalism was regarded as an important
and highly desirable occupational value and professional relations were characterized as collegial, coopera-
tive and mutually supportive. Similarly, relations of trust characterized practitioner/client and practitioner/man-
agement interactions since competencies were assumed to be guaranteed by education, training and some-
times by licensing.
The early American sociological theorists of professions also developed similar interpretations and again the
key concept was the occupational value of professionalism based on trust, competence, a strong occupation-
al identity and cooperation. The best known, though perhaps most frequently mis-quoted, attempt to clarify
the special characteristics of professionalism, its central values and its contribution to social order and sta-
bility, was that of Parsons (1951). Parsons recognized and was one of the first theorists to show how the
capitalist economy, the rational-legal social order (of Weber) and the modern professions were all interrelated
and mutually balancing in the maintenance and stability of a fragile normative social order. He demonstrated
how the authority of the professions and of bureaucratic hierarchical organizations both rested on the same
principles (for example of functional specificity, restriction of the power domain, application of universalistic,
impersonal standards). The professions, however, by means of their collegial organization and shared identi-
ty demonstrated an alternative approach (compared with the managerial hierarchy of bureaucratic organiza-
tions) towards the shared normative end.
The work of Parsons has subsequently been subject to heavy criticism mainly because of its links with func-
tionalism (Dingwall and Lewis, 1983). The differences between professionalism and rational-legal, bureau-
cratic ways of organizing work have been returned to, however, in Freidson's (2001) recent analysis. Freidson
examines the logics of three different ways of organizing work in contemporary societies (the market, orga-
nization and profession) and illustrates the respective advantages and disadvantages of each for clients and
practitioners. In this analysis he demonstrates the continuing importance of maintaining professionalism (with
some changes) as the main organizing principle for service work.
Professions as Institutions: The ‘Trait’ Approach

In the 1950s and 1960s, Anglo-American researchers shifted the focus of analysis on to the concept of pro-
fession as a particular kind of occupation, or an institution with special characteristics. The difficulties of defin-
ing these special characteristics, and clarifying the differences between professions and occupations, have
long troubled analysts and researchers. For a period the ‘trait’ approach occupied sociologists who struggled
to define the special characteristics of professional (compared with other occupational) work. For example,
Greenwood (1957) and Wilensky (1964) argued that professional work required long and expensive educa-
tion and training in order for practitioners to acquire the necessary knowledge and expertise; professionals
were autonomous and performed a public service; they were guided in their decision-making by a profes-

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sional ethic or code of conduct; they were in special relations of trust with clients as well as with employers/
managers; and they were altruistic and motivated by universalistic values. In the absence of such character-
istics, the label ‘occupation’ was deemed more appropriate and for occupations having some but not all of the
characteristics, the term ‘semi-profession’ was suggested (Etzioni, 1969).
The ‘trait’ approach also emphasized cooperation as well as the special importance of professional work. It
is now largely assessed as being a time-wasting diversion in that it did nothing to assist understanding of the
power of particular occupations (such as law and medicine) historically, or of the appeal of ‘being a profes-
sional’ in all occupational groups.
Professionalization and Market Closure

Following this institutional diversion, sociologists became sceptical about the whole idea of professionalism.
The emphasis on occupational cooperation shifted to aspects of occupational competition and conflict. The
1970s and 1980s produced a highly critical set of literature on professions where the key concept was the
processes of professionalization, particularly in dominant and powerful occupational groups such as medi-
cine and law. During this period professionalism came to be dismissed as a successful ideology (Johnson,
1972) and professionalization was interpreted as a process of market closure and monopoly control of work
(Larson, 1977) and occupational dominance (Larkin, 1983). Professionalization was intended to promote pro-
fessionals' own occupational self interests in terms of their salary, status and power as well as the monopoly
protection of an occupational jurisdiction (Abbott, 1988).
A further development of this theorizing was the linking of gender and occupational closure. Witz (1992) ex-
amined how both men and women engaged in professional projects but, because they had differential access
to resources, gender necessarily influenced both the form and the outcome of the closure projects.
Since the mid-1980s, the flaws in the more extreme versions of this view of professionalization as market
closure and occupational power, dominance and competition have become apparent (e.g., Annandale, 1998).
In particular, radical governments have successfully challenged the professions and introduced regulatory
regimes which include target setting, performance review, managerialist regimes and accountability mea-
sures.
One line of development has been the view that the demand-led theory of professionalization needs to be
complemented by an understanding of the supply side (Dingwall, 1996). Thus, instead of the question – how
do professions capture states? – it is suggested that the central question should be – why do states create
professions, or at least permit professions to flourish? This has resulted in a renewed interest in the histor-
ical evidence about the parallel processes of the creation of modern nation-states in the second half of the
nineteenth century and of modern professions in the same period (Perkin, 1988). It also resulted in renewed
interest in comparative analysis as well as in consideration of professional occupations in Europe where, for
the most part, the concept of profession (if it existed at all) was used and interpreted by sociologists in rather
different ways.
Return to Professionalism: New Directions

In the 1990s researchers began to reassess the significance of professionalism and its positive (as well as
negative) contributions both for customers and clients, as well as for social systems. Freidson (1994, 2001),
for example, has argued that professionalism is a unique form of occupational control of work which has dis-
tinct advantages over market or organizational and bureaucratic forms of control. As already indicated, to an
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extent this indicates a return to the concept of professionalism as a normative value which was developed by
Parsons (1951).
In addition there are new directions in the analysis (Evetts, 2003). This interpretation involves the examination
of professionalism as a discourse of occupational change and control in occupational groups and work or-
ganizations where the discourse is increasingly applied and utilized by managers. Fournier (1999) considers
the appeal to ‘professionalism’ as a disciplinary mechanism in new occupational contexts. She suggests how
the use of the discourse of professionalism in a large privatized service company of managerial labour serves
to inculcate ‘appropriate’ work identities, conducts and practices. She considers this as ‘a disciplinary logic
which inscribes “autonomous” professional practice within a network of accountability and governs profes-
sional conduct at a distance’ (1999: 280).
At the level of individual actors, the appeal to professionalism can be seen as a powerful motivating force of
control ‘at a distance’ (Burchell et al., 1991; Miller and Rose, 1990). This professionalization will be achieved
through increased occupational training and the certification of the workers/employees – a process labelled
as credentialism by Collins (1979, 1981). In these cases the appeal to professionalism is a powerful mech-
anism for promoting occupational change and social control. The appeal to the discourse by managers in
work organizations is to a myth or an ideology of professionalism which includes aspects such as exclusive
ownership of an area of expertise, autonomy and discretion in work practices and the occupational control of
the work. The reality of the professionalism that is envisaged is very different. The appeal to the discourse of
professionalism by managers most often includes the substitution of organizational for professional values;
bureaucratic, hierarchical and managerial controls rather than collegial relations; managerial and organiza-
tional objectives rather than client trust based on competencies; budgetary restrictions and financial rational-
izations; the standardization of work practices rather than discretion; and performance targets, accountability
and sometimes increased political controls.
The use of the discourse of professionalism is not confined to managers in work organizations, however. As
a discourse of self-control it can also be interpreted as an ideology which enables self-control and sometimes
even self-exploitation. Born (1995) illustrates this very well in her account of the world of French contempo-
rary music practice. It is also clearly expressed in the work culture of artists, actors and musicians in general.
One is self-defined as a professional, imposing time or other limits on one's efforts is rendered illegitimate.
The expectations by self and others from the professional have no limits. For the professional, the needs and
demands of audiences, patients, clients and students become paramount. Professionals are expected and
expect themselves to be committed to, even to be morally involved in, the work.
In sum, it seems that in Anglo-American interpretations of profession, professionalism and professionaliza-

tion, the early analyses based on occupational value emphasized cooperation, collegial support and man-
agerial and client trust. Later interpretations based on market closure resulted in a theoretical and conceptual
emphasis on occupational conflict, competition and domination. In some recent interpretations, processes of
occupational (self) control and social order are receiving increased attention, thereby enabling other organi-
zational occupations (including journalists, social workers and the military) as well as artists and musicians to
be considered as occupations controlled by the discourse of professionalism.
French Interpretations: A Long History and a Late Development

In French sociology, as elsewhere in continental Europe, professions are defined more broadly and the re-
search focus is on questions of occupation more generally, including occupational identity, career trajectories,
training and expertise, and employment in public sector organizations. It is also the case that the continental
ideal-type emphasizes ‘elite administrators possessing their offices by virtue of academic credentials’ (Collins,
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1990: 15) and the political struggles for control within an elite bureaucratic hierarchy (1990: 17). The sociolo-
gy of professional groups in France has also utilized conflict, competition and cooperation in interpretations,
though the historical development has been different in this country.
The sociology of professional groups has old roots in French sociology. At the beginning of the twentieth cen-
tury, Durkheim (1992) called for the revival of professional organizations which had been destroyed by the
French Revolution. He assessed professionalism as a form of moral community based on occupational mem-
bership. Such a moral occupational community would require a more locally based and individually operated
form of professional control of work which is dependent on strong processes of occupational socialization,
identity formation and reinforcement. In his view, these professional associations could provide an antidote to
the dangers of anomie produced by capitalism and the risks posed by the collapse of ethics in the world of
work and production.
Clearly there are difficulties with the Durkheimian vision and Freidson (2001) has indicated some of these
problems. Firstly, it is necessary to emphasize that when Durkheim used the concept of ‘profession’ he was
following French usage and meant occupations in general, and not the particular set of prestigious and privi-
leged occupations referred to in English usage. Secondly, Durkheim did not have in mind occupational associ-
ations like the medieval guilds or contemporary professional associations such as the Law Society, the British
Medical Association and the French medical syndicates, composed of worker/practitioners only. He wanted
explicitly to include both workers and employers (practitioners and managers) in the same ‘self-governing’
units. Thirdly, and more importantly for his vision, Durkheim was extremely vague about what he meant by
an occupation and an occupational group. It is also the case that there is no evidence in his work of any,
even potentially, viable occupational associations. Indeed the only example he gave was of what he terms a
pathological form of specialization. He claimed that in science, for example, specialization had created frag-
mentation and isolation rather than the organic solidarity Durkheim had anticipated.
Despite these difficulties, the Durkheimian model had a big impact on early Anglo-American interpretations
of professionalism (such as Carr-Saunders and Wilson, 1933; Marshall, 1950; Tawney, 1921; and even Par-
sons, 1951). The theoretical interpretation was functionalist and the emphasis was societal stability through
occupational relations of collegiality and cooperation. Durkheim's hopes seemed to be fulfilled a few years
after his death in 1917 in the tense economic conditions of the 1930s. In this period in France the demand for
legal protection and advantages was very strong, several professions acquired legal status, such as journal-
ists in 1935 (Delporte, 1999), and a licence or professional title, such as engineers in 1934 (Grelon, 1986).
Occupational competition was beginning, however, in that this social and political movement which has been
called the ‘professional fact’ by some historians (Ruhlmann, 2001), was involved in the unstable social space
of the middle classes and in the troubles produced by the economic crisis.
Then the dramatic changes produced by World War II intervened. The corporatism that had been strongly pro-
moted by the Vichy Regime became linked to collaboration with fascism and Nazi power. As a consequence,
after the war, corporatism – together with the defence of professional interests (other than workers' interests)
– became taboo and was not an accepted subject for many French sociologists.
The first decades after the war have been recognized as the ‘second birth’ of French sociology. Partly under
the influence of American methods and theories, French sociology became more empirical and tried to ana-
lyze the developments in a society involved in accelerated modernization. The social category of the ‘cadres’
(corporate executives), created before the war, became more and more visible and some sociologists tried
to introduce notions inspired by the sociology of the professions into their analysis of this special kind of em-
ployee. For example, the categorization of ‘cosmopolitan’ versus ‘local’ (which is classic in Anglo-American
analysis of the role and value conflict between identification with the ‘profession’ and identification with the
‘organization’) was adopted in some French papers (e.g., Durand, 1972).
During a thirty year period, the sociology of professional groups in France remained fairly stationary – despite

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the intellectual developments taking place among English-speaking sociologists in this field. The sociology
of professional groups had been a major theoretical perspective in the sociology of the cadres, but it was a
marginal field in the discipline of sociology more generally and it could not be compared with the powerful
sociology of work. The sociology of work tended to focus on the situation of workers (usually male workers,
in big industrial enterprises) and this trend increased in importance after 1968, when the class paradigm be-
came dominant in French sociology. No sooner had the sociology of professional groups begun to be known
in France than it was in decline.
Some research on the professions was done at the beginning of the 1980s, for instance on the medical pro-
fession (Baszanger, 1981), but the amount increased progressively. Some important research was published
in the middle of the decade: Segrestin (1984) dares to return to the ‘phenomenon of corporatism’; Paradeise
(1984) presents professions as ‘closed labour markets’. In some ways, these studies complement the criti-
cal literature on professional groups that was also prominent in English language analyses during this period
where the interpretations were of occupational conflict, competition and dominance. Interactionists' approach-
es to work and occupations increased in importance (Desmarez, 1986). Some historians also contributed and
were able to attract the interest of young researchers to the study of engineers and technical occupations
(Grelon, 1986; Shinn, 1980; Thépot, 1985).
In the 1990s French society faced a crisis in employment, and the integration of young people into the labour
market became more and more difficult, even though they had a higher education level than previous gener-
ations. Professional integration and the construction of professional identity by young people become a major
political and social concern. These factors, combined with the collapse of East European communist states
and the decline of Marxist theories, but also with other internal changes in the discipline (Dubar, 2004; Gadea,
2003), help to explain the return to the development of the sociology of professional groups in France in the
1990s. The interactionist approach and micro-level analysis of worker integration, identity and socialization
became dominant in France and the sociology of professional groups began again to attract research interest.
Dubar's theory of social and professional identity (1991), inspired by Mead, Hughes, Becker and Goffman, is
one of the most quoted works of the decade. It can be seen also in the collective book from the first inter-
im conference of the ISA working group ‘sociology of professional groups’ (created in 1990 in Madrid), held
in Paris in 1992 (Dubar and Lucas, 1994) that the range of occupations studied by French sociologists be-
came larger and many young PhD students chose a professional/occupational group for the subject of their
research. The interactionist theoretical paradigm tends to focus on the occupational labour market and so-
cial integration, although the conditions or contexts for such integration can be conditions of conflict, com-
petition and cooperation. There are also additional complicating factors including race and ethnic tensions,
gender and class inequalities. These changes were also linked to the arrival of new generations of empiri-
cal, research-orientated young sociologists and to a major shift in the relationship between social scientists,
managers and public policy makers. During this period the French socialist government encouraged social re-
search on work, technologies and employment in large enterprises and public services. Thus managers and
corporate officials became more interested in the sociological interpretations of the dynamics of professional
groups both inside organizations and within the labour market. The question of professional identity had im-
portant policy and political dimensions. Currently in France the sociology of professional groups is seen to be
an attractive and successful research field, but some questions persist which could be important for the future
of this field.
It is important to emphasize that the continuing dominance of the interactionist paradigm is uncertain. In the
sociology of professional groups additional and stronger links need to be established with other theoretical
perspectives. If these links are not made, then, at the next ‘scientific revolution’, the sociology of the profes-
sions could decline again along with the outdated paradigm. It is surprising to see how this almost monop-
olistic position of interactionism masks or hides other possible approaches. For instance, the neo-Weberian
authors, who have been the most popular in the sociology of professions internationally, are hardly ever cit-
ed in France. Moreover, this current interactionist orthodoxy seems to want to deny some important French
schools such as Bourdieu's work or Foucault's theories of knowledge and power which are prominent in inter-
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national theorizing. It would be regrettable if the rediscovery of the stimulating American interactionist school
of the 1950s tended to isolate French sociology both from more recent Anglo-American and international ap-
proaches as well as from other French sources. In addition, a sociological field also needs to be present in
sociological curricula and this teaching has to be helped by textbooks and manuals. There is little available
about sociology of the professions in teaching materials, and only one textbook has been published in France
(Dubar and Tripier, 1998).
The recent development of this field needs to be reinforced and we can find in the diversity and creativity of
young researchers many reasons to think that this development will continue. As proof of this vitality, the net-
work on the sociology of the professions, recently created in the national Association Française de Sociologie
(AFS), has grown rapidly, so that now it is one of the very biggest networks, and many of its participants are
young researchers and doctoral students. There are examples of excellent theses recently published on sub-
jects as diverse as auctioneers (Quemin, 1997), nursing auxiliaries (Arborio, 2002) and chartered accountants
in a globalized context (Ramirez, 2005). At the same time, the specific professional category of the ‘cadres’
has been studied by researchers who link it with new themes such as unemployment (Pochic, 1999), or with
the increasing influence of managerial rationality in such fields as social work (Chéronnet, 2005).
In sum, conflict was the dominant perspective in the scientific field. It was, however, implicit, in a latent state,
between the paradigms of the class-focused sociology of work and the interactionist paradigms of the sociol-
ogy of the professions. The weakening of the first seems to have left more space for the development of the
second. The sociology of the professions is sometimes seen as challenging the well-established sociology of
work, but it is more important to see these two fields as complementary and as creating and facilitating addi-
tional links with other domains, such as the sociologies of organizations, education, health, law, culture, arts
and sport, at national and international levels.
Sociology of the Professions in Spain

Similar theoretical shifts, changes in key concepts and chronological developments have been apparent also
in Spanish sociological research on professional groups. An early focus on theoretical functionalism result-
ed in the production of mainly descriptive studies of the occupational work of particular occupational groups.
Here the emphasis tended to be on the contribution of particular groups of workers and the importance of
their work. A key text, Martin-Moreno and de Miguel which constituted a milestone in the development of the
field in Spain, was published in 1982. This book made a number of interesting observations and significant
contributions although a clear emphasis on analysis and interpretation came later. The more recent period is
characterized by marked improvements in both data collection and international influences. In this section we
review these periods with particular emphasis on the concepts of conflict, competition and cooperation.
Sociology of the Professions in Spain Before 1982: The Liberal Professions

During this period Spanish analyses of the professions centred mostly on the study of particular occupational
groups (usually important professional groups) and there was little or no comparison between them. Exam-
ples of these early studies are those by Marañón (1952) on medicine, Alvarez-Sierra (1955) on medical assis-
tants and midwives, and Gómez Barnussell (1972) focusing on teaching as a profession. The approach was
essentially descriptive with a functionalist interpretation. The kinds of information offered in such research
considered questions such as the place of the profession in the social context, its potential for employment,
its social role and status and the motives of practitioners for becoming professionals and doing that work.
Martin-Moreno and Miguel (1982) identified two main features of research during this early period. Firstly,
it was professional practitioners themselves (rather than scholars and researchers) who analyzed their own
work practices and procedures. As a consequence, the findings are mostly descriptive as well as subjective
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in that they underline and amplify the positive aspects and contributions of professional work. However, there
were some interesting exceptions; analyses such as that by Marcos Alonso (1974) around engineers in Cat-
alonia, and those by Estruch and Güell (1976) on so-called social assistants (the future social workers) by
Martín Barroso (1978) about the potentialities of nursing as a profession in the welfare state, and by Todolí
(1975) reflecting on ethical commitments of professionals, represent descriptive but independent approaches
(by outsiders) to professional practices.
These essentially functionalist interpretations emphasized contributions and cooperation and the research is
mostly idealistic and rhetorical. Secondly, the data sources most often used in these accounts were the work
of professional associations, newsletters, journals and codes, and again subjectivity and partiality are pre-
dominant. Thirdly, assessments tend to be self-laudatory, almost uniquely centred on the virtues and posi-
tive aspects of professionals such as doctors (Marañón, 1962), lawyers (Belda Calatayud, 1957), or teachers
(Manjón, 1945).
In general then this was a period of slow but sustained development. There were debates about the need to
improve the quality of previous studies and to operate with more adequate concepts, research methods and
processes. There were the beginnings of a critique of the liberal model which, although still weak, indicated
the start of a search for alternative interpretations. It is also the case that functionalist theories were predom-
inant in the first part of the period. The main traits and features of professions (Lacalle, 1976; Laguna, 1975)
had strong links with the ‘trait’ approach to professions as institutions in Anglo-American interpretations. In
addition, other researchers were beginning to show an interest in processes of conflict and competition which
included how older professions evolve and new professions come about in a context of other important social
changes (Busquets, 1971; De Miguel, 1979; Iice, 1975; Lacalle, 1976; Martín-Moreno and De Miguel, 1976;
Subirats, 1981). Spain was becoming more and more a services society (the role of tourism in Spanish eco-
nomic renewal from the early sixties was outstanding), but still one within a non-democratic regime. In this
context, professions (and the welfare state) developed unevenly: higher professional status and privileges
remained in the hands of the dominant social classes. Martín Serrano (1982), from a Marxist perspective,
criticized this form of dominance linked to professions. The relationship between professions and gender also
gained research prominence since some professional groups seemed to be more feminized than others (Ál-
varez Sierra, 1955; De Borja, 1981; De Miguel, 1979). However, this issue would not be tackled in depth until
later (for example García and García, 2000; Gómez Bueno, 1996; Jar Couselo, 1992; Sánchez-Apellaniz,
2001). Conflict theories and interpretations (including Marxism) became increasingly important in the second
part of this period as Spanish sociologists tried to understand the apparent power and influence of some
particular occupational groups. However, positivist and interactionist approaches (e.g., De Miguel, 1979; De
Miguel and Salcedo, 1987, which exemplify the latter) were also predominant in this period.
Martín-Moreno and de Miguel (1982): A Milestone Text?

This was the first book in Spanish on the sociology of professions. Its title, Sociología de las profesiones,
clearly acknowledged the existence of such an intellectual field in Spain and it included a review of earlier
Spanish work in this area. Despite its significant contribution towards a more scientific and independent (non-
self-laudatory) analysis of the professions, in retrospect it seems to have had only a limited influence on sub-
sequent theoretical developments.
In general the book lacked historical background. Also, its reflections are disconnected from developments in
the field abroad. The authors refer to the liberal model of professions and its principles and drawbacks; to the
ideology of professionalism; and to the meritocracy and elitism of professional groups which result from their
corporate motivations and strategic power locations. However, this liberal model is criticized by reference to
Spanish sources which do not draw their conclusions from either sound research or firm theoretical interpreta-
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tions. Therefore, the analysis by Martín-Moreno and de Miguel lacks not only an appropriate use of adequate-
ly constructed models, but an effort to compare and confront the liberal model of professions with alternative
interpretations. In addition, concepts such as career, prestige, professional body and class, salaried workers
and bureaucrats are introduced. However, these concepts are not related to any body of theory which helps
to understand the meanings they are conveying. Instead, these concepts are used as issues/topics around
which some statistics about professions are presented. It is also the case that the only empirical research in
the book is the literature review its authors produced.
Sociology of the Professions Since 1982: Professionalization and Jurisdic-

tional Competition
Studies of and publications about professions, and the number and kinds of professions considered, have
certainly increased during this later period. Indeed almost any occupation was considered to be a profession:
those in, for example, public transportation (González Carbajal, 1998), agriculture (Gago, 1996) and many
others. While the quality of these publications was very heterogeneous, there were some common features.
In particular, the concept of profession was neither discussed nor compared with similar concepts to find out
differences; it seemed that occupation and profession were just equivalent terms. In this respect, Spanish
studies tended to be similar to those in France and elsewhere in Europe where the distinctiveness of profes-
sional (in contrast to occupational) work was seldom emphasized. It is, then, only in more recent interpreta-
tions that the category of knowledge work – and its increased significance in modern and global economies –
is gaining in importance.
For a time, the proliferation of so-called professions, trades and occupations challenged the sociology of pro-
fessions. These occupations were colonized by lay knowledge and common sense which seemed to threaten
the prospect of concept building in the field. In effect, two different sectors of research emerged: one devot-
ed to publicizing and popularizing professions and attracting clients as well as practitioners, and another one
more concerned with developing a scientific field within the terms of reference of the social sciences.
Contributions of the first type (Colegio de Abogados de Barcelona, 1983; Pérez Pulido and Herrera Morillas,
2003; Tejada and Rodríguez, 2003) were mostly descriptive, with no reference to international literature and
based predominantly on the analysis of survey data (although some qualitative research techniques such as
interviews were also included) about a specific occupational or professional group.
In the second type of research literature, the influence of international concepts and theories became im-
portant and significant. In particular, professionalization became the key concept around which researching
efforts were organized and interpreted (Fernández Pérez, 1995; González Moll, 1996; Guillén, 1992; Llovet
and Usieto, 1990; Riera, 1998; Sáez, 1996, 1998a-c, 2003). This concept came to occupy a core place in
discussions and replaced the term profession as the central organizing concept or focus in the field. As a
consequence, and in line with developments in Anglo-American interpretations, the concepts of occupational
closure and jurisdictional competition became prominent in interpretations.
The international work which has had a strong influence on Spanish sociologists in the field has been that
of Abbott (1988). However, during this period, an effort to review the sociological literature connected to the
analysis of professions was carried out by Múgica (1998, 1999), who makes an interesting link between clas-
sical sociological theory (Weber, Durkheim and Simmel) and both traditional and emergent professions. In
addition, there has been a shift away from the liberal concept of profession towards a more democratic one,
in line with developments by Swedish colleagues (e.g., Bertilsson, 1990) where professions located within a
democratic society may become agents for the equitable distribution of goods and resources. Connected with
this, we are also witnessing efforts to revise professional codes of ethics (ASEDIE, 1999a, b; Gómez Pantoja,
SAGE SAGE Reference
2001; Wanjiru, 1995), analysis of issues of autonomy and competition within professional markets, and how
the control of professionals from government agencies can arise. In addition, in a context in which the citi-
zen-client-consumer is mainly bound to market-driven processes, attention to both information management
(documentalists, librarians, archivists and journalists) and economic professions has increased (Alonso and
Vázquez, 2000; Canel et al., 2000; De la Sierra et al., 1981; Guillén, 1989; Moreiro et al., 1995).
The key concepts in Spanish theories and interpretations of professional groups continue to be professional-
ization together with deprofessionalization and proletarianism (Fernández Enguita, 1993; Fernández Pérez,
1995; Rodríguez and Guillén, 1992). As a consequence, interpretations tend to focus on processes of occu-
pational closure and competition. Occupational conflicts, particularly in respect of the power and dominance
of some occupational groups, continue to be emphasized. In addition, the clashes of managers and profes-
sionals in service work organizations have been analyzed – sometimes as a form of deprofessionalization.
The study of professionalism as a discourse of occupational change and social control has not yet been ad-
dressed directly. Also, the renewed attention to the advantages of professionalism as a third logic (Freidson,
2001) for both clients and practitioners has not made an impact, though the influence of Bertilsson (1990)
could anticipate and lay the foundations for such an effect. Thus, in the Spanish sociology of professional
groups, interpretations based on occupational competition have mostly replaced both the emphasis on con-
flict and an earlier focus on contribution and cooperation. Issues to do with occupational change and control
are yet to be systematically included.
Concluding Remarks
From this brief review of the theoretical developments in the intellectual field of the sociology of professional
groups in Anglo-American, French and Spanish research literature, the concepts of conflict, competition and
cooperation have all been utilized and emphasized at different times. Early functionalist analyses of profes-
sionalism emphasized occupational cooperation as well as collegial support and managerial and client trust.
Later interpretations of professionalization as a process of market closure were accompanied by a change in
conceptual emphasis to occupational conflict, competition and domination. More recent interpretations have
returned to the concept of professionalism whereby the occupational values of cooperation, collegiality, dis-
cretion and trust have been perceived to have distinct advantages for clients as well as practitioners com-
pared with the logics of the organization and the market. In addition, however, recent interpretations have also
included the analysis of professionalism as a discourse of occupational change and social control. In these
respects, sociologists of professional groups have refocused attention on some of the questions of classi-
cal sociology about mechanisms of social order and social control. In this framework, the important research
question becomes how and in what ways the discourse of professionalism is being used (by states, by em-
ployers and managers, and by some relatively powerful occupational groups themselves) as an instrument
of occupational change (including resistance to change) and social control. Thus sociologists of professional
groups would want to add (occupational) control to the identified key concepts of conflict, competition and
cooperation in sociological theory.
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• professionalism
• occupational professionalism
• professional groups
• occupational groups
• professionalization
• professions
• sociology
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The ISA Handbook in Contemporary

Sociology: Conflict, Competition, Cooperation

Sociological Theories of Professions: Conflict, Competition and Cooperation

Anglo-American Sociological Interpretations: From Occupational Cooperation

and Conflict to Occupational Control

Professionalism as Occupational Value

Professions as Institutions: The ‘Trait’ Approach

The ISA Handbook in Contemporary Sociology: Conflict, Competition,

Professionalization and Market Closure

Return to Professionalism: New Directions

In sum, it seems that in Anglo-American interpretations of profession, professionalism and professionaliza-

French Interpretations: A Long History and a Late Development

The ISA Handbook in Contemporary Sociology: Conflict, Competition,

Sociology of the Professions in Spain

Sociology of the Professions in Spain Before 1982: The Liberal Professions

Martín-Moreno and de Miguel (1982): A Milestone Text?

Sociology of the Professions Since 1982: Professionalization and Jurisdic-

The ISA Handbook in Contemporary Sociology: Conflict, Competition,

The ISA Handbook in Contemporary Sociology: Conflict, Competition,

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