UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

Santa Barbara

COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION, MILITARISM, AND ETHNOGENESIS IN THE

LATE PREHISTORIC NORTHERN HIGHLANDS OF PERU

A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the

requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

in Anthropology

by

Jason L. Toohey

Committee in charge:

Professor Katharina Schreiber, Chairperson

Professor Stuart T. Smith

Professor Gregory D. Wilson

Professor Jerry D. Moore

December 2009
 The dissertation of Jason L. Toohey is approved.

____________________________________________
Jerry D. Moore

____________________________________________
Gregory D. Wilson

____________________________________________
Stuart T. Smith

____________________________________________
Katharina Schreiber, Committee Chairperson

December 2009
Community Organization, Militarism, and Ethnogenesis in the

Late Prehistoric Northern Highlands of Peru

Copyright © 2009

by

Jason L. Toohey

iii
This dissertation is entirely dedicated to my mother Barbara, who has patiently

supported and encouraged me in this endeavor from the beginning.

I love you mom.

iv
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I have many individuals and institutions to thank for scholarly, financial, and

emotional support during the process of this research project. The world of Andean

archaeology was introduced to me by Drs. Mark Aldenderfer, Carol Mackey, Jerry

Moore, and Katharina Schreiber, four scholars I have had the pleasure to work with

over the years.

I am most indebted to the members of my dissertation committee. Dr.

Katharina Schreiber has offered me her support and guidance through both my

undergraduate and graduate studies at the University of California Santa Barbara.

Although our work takes us to very different regions of Peru, she continues to be a

great source of critical inspiration for me. I came to the program at UCSB with a

research plan in place and connections already developed in Cajamarca. Kathy was

good enough to support these plans to work in a region very far from her own and has

continued to support and encourage this independent and autonomous research

project. Dr. Stuart Smith has been a great source of information on the nature of

ethnicity in the archaeological record. I thank Dr. Greg Wilson for his assistance in

dealing with the archaeology of middle range societies. Although he was a late comer

to my committee, I appreciate very much his input and suggestions in the drafting and

editing phases of the project. Finally, I have a great deal of gratitude for Dr. Jerry

Moore. Jerry has been an advisor and friend throughout my graduate studies both at

California State University Northridge and at UCSB on projects ranging from lithic

acquisition among the hunting and gathering populations of Baja California Sur to the

v
study of community organization in the northern Andes. I would like to thank each of

my committee members for their thoughtful comments and suggestions on several

drafts of this document.

The fieldwork could not have been completed without the daily collaboration

of my project co-director Jimmy Bouroncle. I also thank the staff of the Instituto

Nacional de Cultura (INC) both at the INC museum in Cajamarca and in Lima who

permitted the investigation under the credential number C/138-2003/DREPH. Wilder

León of the Cajamarca INC provided invaluable advice and supervision on several

occasions in the field. I would also like to acknowledge the very helpful and

encouraging staff of the Fulbright office in Lima and the cultural affairs office of the

American Embassy there.

This research benefitted greatly from the active participation of many

archaeology students attending several universities in Peru. Students from both the

National University at Trujillo and the National University of San Marcos in Lima

took part in this fieldwork. I am indebted to Dr. Miguel Cornejo in the Anthropology

Department of the National University of Trujillo for his assistance in coordinating

students to work with the project. Finally, I must acknowledge the extended

assistance of my friend Mariano Esquivel who took a lasting interest in this project

from the day he arrived. Thank you so much Mariano.

This research was funded through a number of sources both intra and

extramural. I must acknowledge the assistance of the Department of Anthropology

and the Graduate Division at UCSB for site visit travel funding during the project

vi
development phase. Field and laboratory work phases were generously supported by a

Fulbright Hays Dissertation Improvement Grant. Laboratory analyses were also

supported. Carbon dating analysis was funded through a generous grant from

GeoChron Laboratories while Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis was

undertaken at the Missouri University Research Reactor with the assistance of a

National Science Foundation fee offset grant.

At UCSB, I have enjoyed many afternoons of spirited archaeological

discussion, laughs, and pints with friends Elizabeth Klarich, Sarah Abraham, Valarie

Andrushko, Jackie Eng, Ian Lindsay, Hendrick Van Gijseghem, Justin Jennings,

Brent Leftwich, Matt Edwards, and Elizabeth Sutton. I thank Melissa Murphy for her

encouragement and belief in my ability to succeed. This work also would not have

happened without the ongoing support in every way from my mother Barbara

Toohey.

Finally, I must acknowledge and thank the individuals and families of the

community of Tamiacocha, located in the valley just below the site of Yanaorco.

Everyone in the community had a hand in this project whether working as field

assistants or supporting the project by bringing mid-day meals to the site for the crew.

This project could not have happened without the ongoing support of this community.

vii
 CURRICULUM VITAE

Jason Leigh Toohey

Department of Anthropology
University of California, Santa Barbara
(805) 252-6994
jtoohey@umail.ucsb.edu
jason.toohey@gmail.com

Education
2000 M.A. Anthropology, California State University Northridge, CA
1995 B.A. Anthropology, University of California Santa Barbara, CA

Teaching Experience
1/2009-6/2009 Adjunct Professor
Winter 2005 Teaching Associate
Department of Anthropology
California State University Channel Islands
Anthro 310 "Civilizations of an Ancient
Landscape: World Archaeology""
Department of Anthropology
Anthro 164 “Origins of Complex Society”

Teaching Assistant Experience

Spring 2007 Teaching Assistant
Fall 2004 Head T. A.
Spring 2003 Teaching Assistant
Winter 2003 Head T. A.
Fall 2002 Teaching Assistant
Spring 2002 Teaching Assistant
Winter 2002 Head T. A.
Fall 2001 Teaching Assistant
Department of Anthropology (Dr. N. Craig)
Anthro 181 "Methods and Techniques of Field
Archaeology"
Department of Anthropology (Dr. A. F.
Robertson)
Anthro 2 “Introduction to Cultural
Anthropology”
Department of Anthropology (Dr. D. Crawford)
Anthro 110 “Technology and Culture”
Department of Anthropology (Dr. S. T. Smith)
Anthro 3 "Introduction to Archaeology"
Department of Anthropology (Dr. D. Crawford)
Anthro 2 “Introduction to Cultural
Anthropology"
Department of Anthropology (Dr. A. F.
Robertson)
Anthro 2 "Introduction to Cultural
Anthropology"
Department of Anthropology (Dr. B. Fagan)
Anthro 3 "Introduction to Archaeology"
Department of Anthropology (Dr. D. Symons)

viii
 Anthro 5 "Introduction to Physical
Anthropology"
Spring 2001 Teaching Assistant Department of Anthropology (Dr. E. Hagen)
Anthro 115 "Law and Warfare in Non-Western
Society"
Winter 2001 Teaching Assistant Department of Black Studies (Dr. K. Hadjor)
BS 3 "Introduction for African Studies"
Fall 2000 Teaching Assistant Department of Black Studies (Dr. K. Hadjor)
BS 100 "U.S.-African Foreign Policy"
Papers and Publications
Publications:
Toohey, J. L.
2007 Taller de San José: A Prehistoric Quarry Near San José del Cabo, Baja
California Sur, Mexico. Pacific Coast Archaeological Society
Quarterly, 39 (2&3): 37-52.
Toohey, J. L.
2000 Lithic Acquisition in Hunter-Gatherer Societies: a Case Study from
Baja California Sur, Mexico. Unpublished MA Thesis. Department of
Anthropology: California State University Northridge.

Papers Presented:
Toohey, J. L.
2008 Life on a Terrace: Situating Daily Activity in the Late Intermediate
Period Northern Peruvian Highlands. Paper presented at the 73rd
Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Vancouver,
British Columbia.
2006 Militarism and Competition over Strategic Locations at the Late
Cajamarca Community of Yanaorco. Paper presented at the 71st
Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, San Juan,
Puerto Rico.
2005 Community Organization and Imperial Conflict: Ongoing
Archaeological Research at the Prehispanic Village of Yanaorco in
the Northern Peruvian Highlands. Paper presented to the Santa
Barbara Archaeological Society. Santa Barbara Museum of Natural
History.
2002 Regional Interaction, Socio-Economic Inequality, and the Utilization
of Strategic Landscape: Proposed Research at the Site of Yanaorco,
Northern Highlands of Peru. Brown Bag Presentation, Department of
Anthropology, UCSB.
2002 Field Work Opportunities in Archaeology. Presented to the
undergraduate Anthropology Student Union, UCSB.
2000 Lithic Acquisition and Residential Mobility at Land’s End: A Mass
Analysis of Surface Debitage from a Quarry in the Southern Cape
Region of Baja California Sur, Mexico. Paper presented at the 65th

ix
 Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology,
Philadelphia, PA.
Toohey, J. L., and Jimmy Bouroncle
2004a Community Organization in the Northern Highlands of Peru: Ongoing
Research at the LIP/LH Cajamarca Community of Yanaorco,
Cajamarca, Perú. Paper presented at the 69th Annual Meeting of the
Society for American Archaeology, Montreal, Canada.
2004b Proyecto Yanaorco: Informe de Excavaciones Temporales – 2003.
Paper presented at the Instituto Nacional de Cultura – Cajamarca, Perú
on May 13, 2003
Bouroncle, Jimmy, and J. L. Toohey
2006 Planned Domestic Space and Social Separation at the Late Cajamarca
Community of Yanaorco. Paper presented at the 71st Annual Meeting
of the Society for American Archaeology, San Juan, Puerto Rico.

Grants, Fellowships, and Awards

Extramural
2006 Missouri University Research Reactor (MURR). Reduced analytical
charges through National Science Foundation # SBR-9503035
supported program.
2005 Graduate Research Grant Geochron Laboratories
2003/2004 Fulbright Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Grant
2002 Scholarship Santa Barbara Scholarship
Foundation
Intramural
2006 Graduate Student Travel Grant Graduate Division, UCSB
Winter 2005 / Fall 2004 Fee Fellowship Department of Anthropology,
UCSB
2004/2005 Spaulding/Service Award Department of Anthropology,
UCSB
2003/2004 Spaulding/Service Award Department of Anthropology,
UCSB
Summer, 2003 Research Grant College of Humanities and Social
Sciences, UCSB
Summer, 2002 Pre-dissertation Site Visit Grant Department of Anthropology,
UCSB
Spring, 1999 Research Stipend Office of Graduate Studies,
CSUN
Spring, 1999 Research Stipend Department of Anthropology,
CSUN
Spring, 1999 Research Funding College of Social and Behavioral
Sciences, CSUN
Spring, 1998 Research Stipend Office of Graduate Studies,
CSUN

x
Field Research Experience
2003/2004 Project Director (14 months): Yanaorco Archaeological Project:
Excavation of fortified, LIP/LH village in Cajamarca, Perú. (Project
co-director: Jimmy Bouroncle, Arequipa, Perú)
2001 Field Archaeologist (4 weeks): Proyecto Archaeologico La Puntilla:
excavation of Formative Period domestic contexts at the site of La
Puntilla, Nasca, Perú.
Primary Investigator: Hendrik Van Gijseghem (UCSB)
2000 Field Supervisor (8 weeks): Proyecto Arqueologico Farfan, Perú;
Excavation of complex architecture and mortuary contexts.
Primary Investigator: Dr. Carol J. Mackey (CSUN)
1999 Project Director (7/99 - 8/99 - 6 weeks): Proyecto Arqueologico Taller
de San José. Mapping and surface sampling of a large lithic quarry in
the southern Cape Region of Baja California Sur, Mexico.
1998 Field archaeologist (7/98 - 4 weeks): Analysis of ceramic assemblage
collected over previous 3 seasons at sites of San Jose de Moro on the
North Coast of Perú.
Primary Investigator: Dr. Carol Mackey, CSUN.
1997 Field archaeologist (8 weeks): Excavation of complex architectural
features and multiple burials at San Jose de Moro on the north coast of
Perú.
Primary Investigator: Dr. Carol Mackey, CSUN.
1995 Field archaeologist: Six weeks field crew (survey [4 weeks] and test
excavation [2 weeks] for Late Mesolithic sites) in Southwest Germany.
Primary Investigator: Dr. Michael Jochim, UCSB.
1994 Field Archaeologist: Two months field crew (excavation [5 weeks]
and survey [3 weeks] for buried sites) in Southern Peruvian Highlands.
Archaic Period research.
Primary Investigator: Dr. Mark Aldenderfer, UCSB

Collections Experience
6/06-3/08 UCSB Repository for Archaeological and Ethnographic Collections
Assistant Curator: Collections management and updating;
Organization and supervision of undergraduate interns; Organization
and presentation of public lectures/tours; Upgrade of NAGPRA
documentation; Coordination and management of loans.
1/95-6/95 Archaeology and Ethnographic Repository, UCSB
Laboratory Assistant: Archaeological lab work for Caltrans Project;
upgrade of curated collections and data entry.
10/94-1/95 Department of Anthropology, UCSB
Research Assistant: Databasing and analysis of rock art from
Quelcatani shelter in Southern Peruvian Highlands.
Primary Investigator: Dr. Mark Aldenderfer, UCSB.

xi
Related Experience
9/08-9/09 Lead Researcher: "Out of Egypt" Comparative archaeology
and anthropology TV series produced for the Discovery
Channel by Digital Ranch Productions.

Related Positions
2002-2005 Secretary and Treasurer, Anthropology Graduate Student Association,
UCSB
2001/2002 Graduate Representative to the Colloquium Series, Department of
Anthropology, UCSB
1997/1998 President, Anthropology Student Association, Department of
Anthropology, CSU Northridge

Outreach Projects
May 24, 2001 Career Day Presentation La Colina Jr. High School, Santa
Barbara CA

References
Dr. Katharina Schreiber
Department of Anthropology
University of California
Santa Barbara, CA 93106
kschreiber@anth.ucsb.edu
Dr Stuart T. Smith
Department of Anthropology
University Of California
Santa Barbara, CA 93106
stsmith@anth.ucsb.edu

Dr. Gregory Wilson Dr. Jerry D. Moore

Department of Anthropology Department of Anthropology
University Of California California State University
Santa Barbara, CA 93106 Dominguez Hills, CA
gdwilson@anth.ucsb.edu jmoore@csudh.edu

Professional Affiliations
Society for American Archaeology
Peruvian Register of Archaeologists: CT-0247

xii
 ABSTRACT

COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION, MILITARISM, AND ETHNOGENESIS IN THE

LATE PREHISTORIC NORTHERN HIGHLANDS OF PERU

by

Jason L. Toohey

This research investigates social and community reorganization and

development during post-collapse periods. Organizational strife, militarism, and

power vacuums often characterize once occupied regions after the fall of imperial

occupation and influence. To this end, I take an explicitly community or village-based

approach to the study of this redevelopment. This research saw the excavation of the

fortified Cajamarca community of Yanaorco located in the northern highlands of

Peru.

The highland Cajamarca community of Yanaorco was established not long

after the collapse of the occupying Wari Empire and was occupied continuously

through the mid 15th century. A broad community and household level approach to

the archaeological record is taken in the study of community organizational change

during this period in terms of the built environment subsistence and craft economies

and leadership strategy. In the lack of strong indicators of social hierarchy, social and

economic differentiation can be seen in variability in household foodways and the

differential consumption patterns of decorated ceramics and high value items like

metal objects between elite household areas and commoner areas.

xiii
 The current work also seeks to address militarism and inter-community

competition and conflict during these post-collapse periods and in particular, the early

part of the Late Intermediate Period (AD1000 - AD1476). The strategically located

community of Yanaorco, overlooking the Gavilán Pass, occupied an important

location on the social and political landscape in Cajamarca. Its inhabitants would

have played a key role within the context of dynamic exchange and social

reorganization in the Cajamarca region during this contentious period. Yanaorco is

one of many fortified communities that developed at this time in Cajamarca.

Finally, evidence from the inter-community exchange of decorated ceramics

and from foodways within the community itself are brought to bear on questions of

Cajamarca identity and ethnogenesis during the LIP. In investigating the range of day

to day activities and interactions that occurred within this village, this work seeks to

reconstruct a picture of daily life within the community. This community-level

approach is critical to gaining an understanding of village organization within a

broader regional context.

xiv
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

COPYRIGHT NOTICE iii

DEDICATION iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v
CURRICULUM VITAE viii
ABSTRACT xiii
TABLE OF CONTENTS xv
LIST OF FIGURES xix
LIST OF TABLES xxiii

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1
1.1 Community Organization and Social Re-Organization during
Intermediate Periods 1
1.2 The project region and the site of Yanaorco 8
1.3 Previous Research in the Region 13
1.4 Organization of the Following Chapters 16

CHAPTER 2 SOCIAL AND PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHIES OF THE

NORTHERN HIGHLANDS OF PERU 19
2.1 Ecological Zonation 22
2.2 The Páramo Zone 31
2.3 Geographic Situation of the Northern Highlands of Peru and of
Cajamarca in Particular 33
2.4 Geology and Landforms of Cajamarca 37
2.5 The Setting of Yanaorco 38
2.6 Sociopolitical Geography of the Andes and Cajamarca in Particular 45
2.6.1 The General Context of Andean prehistory 45
2.7 The “Cajamarca Tradition” and its Distinguishing Features 58
2.7.1 History of Archaeological Research in the Northern Highlands
and in Cajamarca 58
2.7.2 The Cajamarca Tradition - General trends in the Northern
Highlands and Cajamarca 65
2.7.3 Correlations Between Local Sequences Developed for Cajamarca
and Broader Andean Sequence 69
2.8 The Cajamarca Culture Sequence 71
2.8.1 Archaic and Preceramic Periods (~8500 BC - ~1600 BC) 71
2.8.2 Initial Period and Early Horizon (1500 BC - 50 BC) 73
2.8.3 Initial Cajamarca Period / ~Cajamarca 1 (~100 BC - AD 100) 82
2.8.4 Early Cajamarca Period / ~Cajamarca 2 (AD 100 - AD 600) 83
2.8.5 Middle Cajamarca Period / ~Cajamarca 3 (AD 600 - AD 850) 87
2.8.6 Late Cajamarca Period (AD 850 - AD 1200) 93
2.8.7 Final Cajamarca Period (AD 1200 - AD 1532) 101

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2.9 The Inka Conquest of Cajamarca 104
2.10 The Inka Occupation of the Northern Highlands 105
2.11 Spanish Contact Period 107
2.12 The Early Historic Period in Cajamarca 114

CHAPTER 3 THEORY I: IMPERIAL COLLAPSE, MIDDLE RANGE

SOCIETY, AND COMMUNITY REGENERATION DURING
INTERMEDIATE PERIODS 116
3.1 Culture Contact, Empire, Frontier Issues, and Ethnogenesis 119
3.1.1 Culture Contact and Frontier Issues 119
3.1.2 Empires 123
3.1.3 Ethnicity and Ethnogenesis 126
3.1.4 Identity and Resistance 130
3.1.5 Ethnicity, Ethnogenesis, and Resistance in the Andes 132
3.2 Andean Empires and Occupation 135
3.3 Collapse of Empire 139
3.4 Social Reorganization and Leadership during Post-Collapse
Intermediate Periods 142
3.5 Leadership and Community in Middle Range Societies 145
3.5.1 Simple and Complex 152
3.5.2 Finance 153
3.5.3 Structure and Orientation 154
3.5.4 Routes to Power for Aspiring Elites 157
3.5.5 Cycling and Middle Range Societies 160
3.6 Leadership and Status in the Archaeological Record 160
3.6.1 Community and Household Levels of Analysis 162

CHAPTER 4 THEORY II: COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION AND

DEVELOPMENT IN THE CAJAMARCA REGION - PROJECT
HYPOTHESES, ARCHAEOLOGICAL CORRELATES, AND TEST
IMPLICATIONS 171
4.1 Wari Occupation and its Northern Frontier 173
4.1.1 The Wari Empire 173
4.1.2 Sequence of Expansion 174
4.1.3 Wari Administration and the Provinces 176
4.1.4 Wari Occupation in the Northern Highlands 185
4.2 Community Organization and the "Memory" of Wari Occupation 194
4.2.1 Discussion of LIP Dynamics 194
4.3 Intergroup Interaction and Militarism in Middle Range Societies
and in the Cajamarca Highlands 215
4.4 The Inka Expansion and Occupation 220
4.4.1 Dynamics of Inka Occupation - Administration 220
4.4.2 Inka Expansion and Activities in the Hinterlands 221
4.4.3 Inka Conquest in Cajamarca 225

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 4.4.4 Inka Cajamarca and Local Consequences 227
4.4.5 Imperial Investment at Cajamarca 234

CHAPTER 5 SITE ARCHITECTURE AND EXCAVATION PROGRAM 237

5.1 Yanaorco in its Environment 237
5.2 The Built Environment and Analysis 243
5.3 Sampling, Excavation, and Laboratory Methodologies 248
5.4 The Excavation Blocks 253
Architectural Unit 10C 253
Architectural Unit 11B 256
Architectural Unit 18A1 257
Architectural Unit 18A2 259
Architectural Unit 18D 260
Architectural Unit 18F 264
Architectural Unit 14 269
Architectural Unit 20I 271
Architectural Unit 22AAA 276
Architectural Unit 22X 281
Architectural Unit 24 C/D 285
5.5 Use of Space within the Community 289
5.5.1 Status and Space 289
5.5.2 Public and Private, Collective and Exclusive Action 295
5.5.3 Mortuary Practice and Architecture 300
5.5.4 Making a Living in Space 303
5.6 Community Defense and Fortification 305
5.7 Presentation of Carbon Dates 316

CHAPTER 6 CERAMIC ARTIFACTS AND ANALYSIS 320

6.1 Surface Collections 322
6.2 Cajamarca Ceramic Styles 323
6.3 Stylistic and Chronological Analysis of Excavated Ceramics 377
6.4 Form and Functional Analysis of Diagnostics Recovered at Yanaorco:
Activity Variability and Intra-Site Analysis 392
6.5 Exotic Wares and Contact with Foreign Groups 402
6.6 Ceramic Production at Yanaorco 403
6.7 Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis and
Intercommunity Exchange 406

CHAPTER 7 NON-CERAMIC ARTIFACTS: FOODWAYS

AND PRODUCTION 412
7.1 Faunal Analysis and Food Ways 412
7.1.1 Shaped Bone Artifacts 427
7.1.2 Other Bone Artifacts 430
7.2 Plant Remains 431

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7.3 Lithic Analysis 432
7.4 Spindle Whorls and Evidence for Textile Production 440
7.5  Special Collections  449 

CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSIONS: COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION,

IDENTITY, AND CONFLICT AT YANAORCO 458
8.1 Wari Occupation and Interaction 458
8.2 Community Organization in the Late Intermediate Period 460
8.3 Militarism in the Northern Highlands 475
8.4 Inka Interaction and Effects on Local Population 478
8.5 Future Work 479

REFERENCES CITED 481

APPENDIX A Radiocarbon Dating 523
APPENDIX B INAA Analysis 527

xviii
 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1 Map of Northern Andes iIndicating Cajamarca Area 9

Figure 1.2 Map of Yanaorco and Gavilan Pass 11
Figure 1.3 Plan of Yanaorco with 5-meter Topographic Lines 12
Figure 2.1 Map of Ecological Zonation in Cajamarca Highlands 24
Figure 2.2 Map of Jequetepeque River w/ selected sites 34
Figure 2.3 Photo of Gavilán Pass from Yanaorco 40
Figure 2.4 Photo of Yanaorco from summit of Cerro Negro to East 41
Figure 2.5 Photo of Yanaorco from the Gavilán Pass 43
Figure 2.6 Map of Major sites of Formative Period 74
Figure 2.7 Map of Jequetepeque valley with Formative Sites 80
Figure 2.8 Map of Early Intermediate Period Settlement 85
Figure 2.9 Map of Middle Horizon Settlement 88
Figure 2.10 Map of Jequetepeque Valley with Late Cajamarca
Period Sites 95
Figure 2.11 Map of Cajamarca Basin with Late Cajamarca Period
Sites Indicated 100
Figure 2.12 Final Cajamarca Period Settlement Pattern 103
Figure 4.1 Map of Wari Locations and Road in Cajamarca 186
Figure 4.2 Map of EIP/Early Cajamarca Settlement Patterns 190
Figure 4.3 Map of Middle Cajamarca / Early Middle Horizon
Settlement Pattern 191
Figure 5.1 Location of Yanaorco and the Gavilán Pass 239
Figure 5.2 Plan of Yanaorco with 5-meter Topographic Lines 241
Figure 5.3 Plan of Yanaorco indicating Architectural Sectors 242
Figure 5.4 Architectural Sector I and Excavation Blocks 244
Figure 5.5 Architectural Sector II and Excavation Blocks 246
Figure 5.6 Architectural Sector III and Excavation Blocks 247
Figure 5.7 Architectural Sector IV 248
Figure 5.8 Photo of North Profile of Block 10C 255
Figure 5.9 Drawing of North Profile of Block 10C 255
Figure 5.10 Drawing of North Profile of Block 11B 257
Figure 5.11 Drawing of East Profile of Block 18A1 259
Figure 5.12 Drawing of Plan View and South Profile of Block 18A2 260
Figure 5.13 Drawing of Plan and East Profile of Block 18D 262
Figure 5.14 Photo Burnt Ichu Grass Offering 263
Figure 5.15 Photo of Wall Niches in Room 18F 265
Figure 5.16 Photo of Wall Tenon in Room 18F 266
Figure 5.17 Plan of Block 18F 268
Figure 5.18 North Profile of Block 18F 269
Figure 5.19 Photo of Stone Bead/Whorl recovered from Block 18F 269
Figure 5.20 Drawing of Plan and North Profile of Block 14 270
Figure 5.21 Photo of South Profile of Block 14 271

xix
Figure 5.22 Drawing of West Profile of Block 20I 274
Figure 5.23 Drawing of Plan View of Block 20I 275
Figure 5.24 Photo of Block 20I Indicating Hearth at Center 276
Figure 5.25 Drawing of Plan of Block 22AAA 279
Figure 5.26 Drawing of West Profile of Block 22AAA 279
Figure 5.27 Photo of Probable Sub-floor Jar Burial in Block 22AAA 280
Figure 5.28 Photo of Jar Burial located in Cajamarca INC Museum 280
Figure 5.29 Drawing of Plan of Block 22X 283
Figure 5.30 Drawing of West Profile of Block 22X 283
Figure 5.31 Photo of Horizontal Sherds on Activity Floor 284
Figure 5.32 Photo of Crew Excavating Block 24C/D 286
Figure 5.33 Drawing of Plan of Block 24C/D 287
Figure 5.34 Drawing of North Profile of Block 24C/D 288
Figure 5.35 Photo of Small Chulpa with Door Intact 303
Figure 5.36 Photo of Gate B from exterior 307
Figure 5.37 Photo of Fortification Walls in Sector I 309
Figure 5.38 Photo of Large Niche in Defensive Wall 2 311
Figure 5.39 Comparison of Sections/Construction of Earlier and Later
Fortification Walls (Wall 2 at top and Wall 5 at bottom) 314
Figure 5.40 Photo of Patterning in Fortification Wall 5 315
Figure 5.41 Photo of Fortification Wall 1 Construction 315
Figure 5.42 Radiocarbon Curves 319
Figure 6.1 Cajamarca Fine Black 1 - Incised and Carinated Bowls 326
Figure 6.2 Cajamarca Fine Black 2 - Bowl and Jar Rims 327
Figure 6.3 Cajamarca Fine Black 3 - Incurving Bowls 328
Figure 6.4 Cajamarca Fine Black 4 - Everted Rim Bowls 329
Figure 6.5 Cajamarca Fine Red - Rim Profiles 331
Figure 6.6 Cajamarca Semi-Cursive - Example showing white slip
over red paste 332
Figure 6.7 Cajamarca Semi-Cursive - Decorated Bowls 1 335
Figure 6.8 Cajamarca Semi-Cursive - Decorated Bowls 2 336
Figure 6.9 Cajamarca Semi-Cursive - Jar Rims 337
Figure 6.10 Cajamarca Semi-Cursive - Decorated Sherds and
Tripod Legs 338
Figure 6.11 Cajamarca Black and Orange - Shicuana Variety 341
Figure 6.12 Cajamarca Black and Orange - Chanchiconga Variety 343
Figure 6.13 Cajamarca Black and Orange - Chanchiconga Variety 1 344
Figure 6.14 Cajamarca Black and Orange - Chanchiconga Variety 2 345
Figure 6.15 Cajamarca White Slipped 1 348
Figure 6.16 Cajamarca White Slipped 2 349
Figure 6.17 Amoshulca Black Geometric - Carambayoc Variety 1 352
Figure 6.18 Amoshulca Black Geometric - Carambayoc Variety 2 353
Figure 6.19 Amoshulca Black Geometric - San Isidro Variety 355
Figure 6.20 Amoshulca Black Geometric - Variety Indeterminate 356

xx
Figure 6.21 Cajamarca Coarse Red - Applique Octopus 359
Figure 6.22 Cajamarca Coarse Red - Feline Head Appliqué 360
Figure 6.23 Cajamarca Coarse Red - Bowls 361
Figure 6.24 Cajamarca Coarse Red - Jars 1 362
Figure 6.25 Cajamarca Coarse Red - Jars 2 363
Figure 6.26 Cajamarca Coarse Red - Colanders 364
Figure 6.27 Cajamarca Coarse Black - "Showerhead" Appliqués 367
Figure 6.28 Cajamarca Coarse Black - Rim Profiles 368
Figure 6.29 Cajamarca Black & White - Rim Profiles 370
Figure 6.30 Cajamarca Black & White - Rim Photos 371
Figure 6.31 Utility Type A 372
Figure 6.32 Utility Type B 374
Figure 6.33 Utility Type C 376
Figure 6.34 Cajamarca Plain White Slipped - Rim Profiles 377
Figure 6.35 Frequencies of Fine Wares 382
Figure 6.36 Frequencies of Utilitarian Types from Yanaorco 383
Figure 6.37 Distribution of Colander Rim Diameters 384
Figure 6.38 Plots of the three Colander Subtypes 385
Figure 6.39 Base types 393
Figure 6.40 Exotic gray-ware sherd 403
Figure 6.41 Examples of Pottery Productions Tools 405
Figure 7.1 Fish Vertebra 415
Figure 7.2 Donax sp. Valves 417
Figure 7.3 Camelid Dung Pellets in Contact with Activity
Surface in AU20X 419
Figure 7.4 Shaped Bone Tools 428
Figure 7.5 Incised Bone Artifact 430
Figure 7.6 Metate and Green Stone Pestle 434
Figure 7.7 Shaped Stone Pestle 435
Figure 7.8 Stone Bead 436
Figure 7.9 Sandstone Spindle Whorl 436
Figure 7.10 Red/Green Bead or Whorl 437
Figure 7.11 Sling Stone 438
Figure 7.12 Ceramic Smoothing/Polishing Stones 440
Figure 7.13 Scatter Plot of Whorl Diameters 443
Figure 7.14 Distribution of Spindle Whorl Thickness 446
Figure 7.15 Spindle Whorls and Discs 447
Figure 7.16 Distribution of Whorl Diameter 448
Figure 7.17 Distribution of Whorl Central Whole Diameter 448
Figure 7.18 Distribution of Estimated Total Weight for Whorls 449
Figure 7.19 Ceramic Musical Pipes 450
Figure 7.20 Copper Tweezers 452
Figure 7.21 Copper Pin 452
Figure 7.22 Copper Sheet Fragment 453

xxi
Figure 7.23 Copper Artifact 453
Figure 7.24 Marine Shells 454
Figure 7.25 Fossil Bivalve 455
Figure 7.26 Quartz Crystals 456

xxii
 LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1 Andean Chronology 14

Table 2.1 Andean Chronology 70
Table 3.1 Andean Chronology 118
Table 4.1 Chronology of Wari Imperial Expansion 176
Table 4.2 Alternative Forms of Wari Administration in Cajamarca 193
Table 4.3 Alternative Hypotheses of Scale of Socio-economic
Inequality at Yanaorco 213
Table 4.4 Alternative Hypotheses of Leadership Orientation and
Organization at Yanaorco 214
Table 4.5 Table - Alternative Orientations of Militarism and
Conflict in the LIP Northern Andes 220
Table 5.1 Table presenting Data on Carbon Samples and
Date Information 317
Table 6.1 Frequencies of Fine Wares 380
Table 6.2 Frequencies of Fine Ware Sub-types 381
Table 6.3 Fine Ware ceramics by Excavation Unit 390
Table 6.4 Utility Ware Ceramics by Excavation Unit 391
Table 6.5 Vessel Form Frequencies (1 of 2) 400
Table 6.6 Vessel Form Frequencies (2 of 2) 401
Table 7.1 Faunal Data (1) 425
Table 7.2 Faunal Data (2) 426
Table 7.3 Shaped Bone Tool Data 429
Table 7.4 Spindle Whorl Descriptive Statistics 443
Table 7.5 Spindle Whorl Data 445
Table 7.6 Metal Artifact Data 451

xxiii
 CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Community Organization and Social Re-Organization during

Intermediate Periods

This investigation seeks to address questions of community organization,

ethnic change, militarism, and imperial interaction with local communities in the

Cajamarca highlands of Peru during the late Prehispanic period. The Late

Intermediate Period (LIP) (AD 1000 - AD 1476) in Peruvian prehistory was a time

after the collapse of the vast Wari Empire at ~AD 1000, but before the advance of the

Inka Empire at approximately AD 1460. This intermediate period was characterized

in many regions of the Andes by the re-development of local societies generally

organized politically as middle range societies (Conlee 2006; Conlee and Schreiber

2006). This period of local political vacuum was a time of community development

and competition among local communities and polities.

In this research, I will address four principle research questions. First, what

can we learn about the nature of Wari imperial occupation from community

organization during the subsequent LIP? Second, what was the nature of community

organization in the Cajamarca highlands during the Late Intermediate Period? How

did settlements organize subsistence and craft production and consumption? To what

degree was social and economic stratification and inequality present within

communities? What sources of power may have been available to aspiring leaders

1
within communities? Was leadership oriented more toward an emphasis on

community integration, or more on the individual networking of elites interested in

engaging in prestige economies? What was the nature of interregional contact and

exchange in Cajamarca? Finally, what can we say about ethnic identity and

ethnogenesis in local communities in this post-collapse period? The third major

research question seeks to elucidate the nature of conflict and militarism in the

northern highlands. Was this militarism and competition focused between local

communities, or was there a perceived threat from foreign forces? My fourth research

question has to do with the nature of the Inka conquest and occupation of Cajamarca.

What effects did Inka occupation have on local populations in terms of economic

change and settlement patterns? In order to address these questions, I have conducted

survey and excavation at the site of Yanaorco, a large fortified Cajamarca community

that was occupied through the LIP. I draw further data from published regional survey

data from cajamarca, from ethnohistoric documents, and from comparative

investigations of LIP communities in other regions of Peru.

The fall of Wari imperial influence in the northern Peruvian highlands and

perhaps elsewhere in the Andes created a power vacuum within local regions at the

end of the Middle Horizon. In some areas of the Andean highlands, systems of

competitive middle range societies arose, or re-emerged, as the case may be, during

the post Wari collapse Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000 – AD 1476). Alternatively,

these may have been more closely akin to Renfrew's heterogeneous systems of peer

polity interaction (Renfrew 1996). Local emergent elites may have exercised

2
increasingly autonomous control over strategic locations and spaces in order to

further control human labor and other resources, both local and exotic. This may have

involved increases in levels of competition and conflict at both intra-community and

intercommunity scales.

During the Late Intermediate Period (LIP) (AD 1000 - AD 1476) of Peruvian

prehistory, the Cajamarca region witnessed an increase in sociopolitical interaction

and possibly conflict at two scales; (1) at the regional level -- with increased

militarism and competition over resources and strategic locations on the landscape;

and (2) at the intra-community level -- with renewed social and political autonomy as

well as opportunities on the part of local leaders and subordinated groups. At this

level, there may have been increasing strife, social segregation, and ethnogenesis

within communities and regions. This dissertation focuses primarily on gaining an

understanding of these two levels of interaction and conflict within the Cajamarca

region. In a wider sense, this work serves as a case study in the analysis of post

imperial contact dynamics with implications for other parts of the world. Evidence

will be drawn principally from excavated household and public area contexts at the

site of Yanaorco and secondarily from previously published settlement survey and

excavation material from the Cajamarca region.

In addressing these broad research interests in Andean prehistory, this

dissertation takes two principle theoretical directions that will inform one another.

The first of these is that of the organization of communities in the past. I take an

explicitly community-centered approach (Bawden 1982; Yaeger and Canuto 2000).

3
The second of these major theoretical directions is an explicit interest in the dynamics

that occur within local regions in post collapse situations. By this I mean to address

social, political, and economic responses within once occupied regions and

communities during those intermediate periods following the collapse of once

occupying states or empires.

Archaeological research in the Cajamarca region has until recently focused on

either the regional level through judgmental and systematic settlement survey (Julien

1988; Ravines S. 1985; Reichlen 1970; Reichlen and Reichlen 1949), or on the

intensive excavation of large, ceremonial mound complexes dating primarily to the

early phases of the local chronology, the Formative Period (~2000 BC - ~100 BC)

(Fung Pineda 1975; Kaulicke 1978; Terada and Onuki 1985). This dissertation

research will begin to fill both chronological and thematic gaps by focusing explicitly

on the analysis of Prehispanic Cajamarca society at the level of the Community

dating to the otherwise generally overlooked Late Intermediate Period. This focus on

community organization during the LIP will not only illustrate the dynamics of life at

the village of Yanaorco, but will tell us much about how communities across the

northern highlands of Peru were organized and related to one another during this

period. Because much of the data I will bring to bear on the problem of communities

comes from the detailed excavation of households within that village, the rich

literature on domestic and household archaeology, both cross-cultural and Andean,

will also be used in their analysis and interpretation. I will deal with not only the

physical organization of private and public spaces and the interconnections between

4
them, but with organization of economic and social production, consumption, and

reproduction within these spaces. The comparative analysis of these data sets between

elite and commoner domestic spaces and between public and private areas will aid in

the interpretation of the nature of social and economic stratification within the

community as well as the place of leadership and authority in these villages during

the LIP. Was leadership collective in nature or more individually based (Blanton et al.

1996)? Analysis of household access to particular artifact classes and of the nature of

public space, ritual, and monumental construction will shed light on these areas. The

analysis of organization at the community level and how that organization shifts

throughout the approximately 400 years of the LIP will function as the basis for the

second broad direction taken in this dissertation.

The study of imperial characteristics and their strategies of expansion and

consolidation has been taken up by many archaeologists and historians (Alcock et al

2001; Schreiber 1992, 2001; Sinopoli 1994). These generally economy-based

analyses have in the past borrowed heavily from World Systems Theory (Wallerstein

1974), often revolved around systems of socially, politically, and economically

dominant cores, or centers and the assumption of static, non-dynamic societies on

their peripheries or frontiers. Attention has traditionally been placed on understanding

the 'center', often an imperial state, and its influence over peripheral polities. More

recent work has begun to look at polities and communities either occupied by or

otherwise subject to 'centers' or, those located on their frontiers and under some

influence (Schreiber 2005). These studies have begun to look at issues of local agency

5
and decision making in realms such as resistance to imperial will (Stein 1999).

Archaeologists are also beginning to look into not only the dynamics involved in the

collapse of large occupying or otherwise influencing empires (Tainter 1988; Yoffee

and Cowgill 1988) but, more important to the current work, into what happens in

peripheral, local regions in the intermediate periods 1 after the fall of empires

(Schwartz and Nichols 2006). This dissertation contributes an important case study

within this recent interest in not only the nature of community organization but the

dynamic actions and reactions enacted within local areas during periods characterized

in some cases by political power vacuums.

The process and sequence of societal re-emergence or redevelopment will be

compared with what we know, based on archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence, of

the reactions of local populations during intermediate periods in other regions of the

Andes. Because the dynamics and potentials of societal rebound situations depend in

large part on the forms taken by the previous imperial-local relationships, I will also

examine the shape and intensity of frontier and culture contact interactions between

Wari, Inka, Spanish, and cross-cultural empires.

In order to address the research questions introduced above, I have conducted

excavations at the site of Yanaorco, a heavily fortified prehispanic community in the

northern highlands of Peru that was occupied during the Late Intermediate Period

(LIP) and the initial stages of the Late Horizon (LH; AD 1476 - AD 1532). Settlement

1
By "Intermediate Period", I mean a span of time following the fall of influence or occupation by a
state or empire. These periods are often characterized by increased local political autonomy. I use the
term intermediate because in many cases, after a span of time, a region once again comes under the
sway of a major state or empire.

6
surveys in Cajamarca and in other regions in Peru have indicated increased evidence

of conflict and competition on the local regional scale during the LIP (Julien 1988).

In addition to the archaeological research, ethnohistoric data indicate that by the time

of the Inka expansion into the northern highlands, this period of competition and

aggrandizement may have culminated into the presence of a paramount chiefdom in

the Cajamarca highlands. In this case, an individual named Guzmango or Cuismanco

is believed to have integrated several related complex middle range societies

encompassing much of the Cajamarca region and ruled from a geographic base at the

site of Guzmango Viejo on the cis-andean western slope, although recent work by

Shinya Watanabe throws this traditional view into some question (Watanabe 2002).

The patterns of post collapse reemergence of indigenous societies may

correspond in many ways to the form that previous imperial contact took.

Archaeological evidence from the northern highlands regarding the form of Wari

Imperial contact is not well understood and there is very little agreement among

scholars on the point (Mackey 1982; Shady Solas 1988; Shady Solas and Rosas 1977;

Topic 1991; Watanabe 2001). There is more agreement regarding the intensity of the

subsequent Inka Imperial presence in the valley (although much of the Inka evidence

is now overlaid by the modern city of Cajamarca). This dissertation will present

evidence from a range of sources for both the Wari and later Inca occupations of the

northern highlands in an attempt to frame and shed light on the regional and local

dynamics in place during the Late Intermediate Period between these two major

imperial occupations.

7
1.2 The Project Region and the Site of Yanaorco

The current project focuses on the Cajamarca Culture or Tradition, which was

located roughly within the Cajamarca region of the northern highlands of Peru. This

highland region occupies the geographic space between the western slopes and

foothills of the Andes and the humid, eastern slopes of the high Amazon, the

technical eastern edge of the Cajamarca highlands being the north-south trending

Marañon River (Figure 1.1). The Cajamarca region extends from the line of the

Crisnejas River in the south (delineating the Cajamarca highlands from the

Huamachuco highlands), northward to northern Peruvian highlands just south of the

frontier with modern Ecuador. The northern extent of the material expression of the

archaeological Cajamarca Culture has not been well established or documented but

will be considered to extend to roughly the level of the modern frontier with Ecuador.

The Cajamarca culture is believed to have been generally centered within the

agriculturally rich intermontane Cajamarca Basin near the headwaters of the

westward flowing Jequetepeque River, although important archaeological sites of the

tradition are present into northern Cajamarca and particularly westward into the lower

and middle Cis-andean slopes of the Andes (Figure 1.1).

8
 Figure 1.1: Approximate Extent of the Cajamarca Area

The archaeological site of Yanaorco is located on the continental divide at an

elevation of 3550 meters above sea level near the headwaters of the Jequetepeque

River (Figure 1.2). The village is linear in plan and runs along a narrow southeast -

9
northwest trending finger-ridge descending from Cerro Negro. This 13 hectare

community occupied a strategic location overlooking the Gavilán Pass just to its north

which forms the primary pass connecting the Jequetepeque transportation and

communication corridor to the west, with the broad intermontane Cajamarca basin

directly to the north. The site is a complex organization of fortification works,

domestic terraces, manmade platform mounds, public plazas and other spaces. The

community is fortified and otherwise very defensible in nature. Defensive walls and

adjacent ditches were constructed along its up-sloping southeast edge, while the other

three sides are naturally defensible, characterized by 400 - 500 meter cliff faces

(Figure 1.3). Agricultural fields currently occupy areas of the northern and western

slopes of the ridge just outside the walls and presumably were there in the past. In

addition to close access to agricultural fields, a walled-in spring has also been

recorded approximately 50 meters from the northern entrance to the community. This

access to water would have made the village of Yanaorco habitable year-round.

10
Figure 1.2: Location of Yanaorco with the Gavilan Pass at Center

11
Figure 1.3: Community of Yanaorco (topo lines at 5 meter intervals)

12
1.3 Previous Research in the Region

While archaeological research in the Cajamarca highlands has been ongoing

to some extent since the 1940's, much of this research has focused on large, very

visible platform mound sites dating to the Formative Period or the Huacaloma and

Layzón phases in the local chronology (Tello 2004; Terada and Onuki 1985) as well

as the canal system of Cumbemayo, also dated to the Formative Period (Table 1.1).

Sites of later time periods are generally smaller in extent and less visible either due to

locations far from roads or to destruction through modern agricultural practices.

Therefore only relatively recently have archaeologists begun to investigate time

periods later that the local Formative Period (Seki and Tejada 2003; Toohey and

Bouroncle Castro 2003).

This project has been the first in the region to investigate community-level

organization and dynamics. Previous archaeological research in Cajamarca has

focused on either regional site survey and small-scale test excavation (Julien 1988;

Wester et al. 2000) or large-scale excavation of early ritual centers (Terada and

Matsumoto 1985; Terada and Onuki 1982, 1985) often with an interest in local

chronology and culture history.

13
 Cajamarca
Andean Cajamarca (Terada &
Year Regional
Chronology (Reichlen’s 1949) Matsumoto
1985)
Late
Horizon Cajamarca 5 Inka
1500
(1476-1532) Final
Late
Intermediate
Period Chimú
Cajamarca 4

Cajamarca Tradition
(1000-1476) Late
1000 850-1200
Middle
Lambayeque
Horizon Wari
/ Sicán
(750-1000) Middle Empire
Cajamarca 3
A,B
500 Early Moche
Early Cajamarca 2 A,B,C
Intermediate (AD 100-
Period 600)
A.D. (1-750)
0 Initial
Cajamarca 1
B.C.
Layzón
Early
Horizon
500
(800 BC -
Late
AD 1)
Huacaloma

1000 Torrecitas/Chavin
Initial
Period
Early
(1800 BC -
Huacaloma
800 BC)
1500

(Adapted from Julien, D. 1988)

Table 1.1: Andean Chronology

14
 The site of Yanaorco has been known to archaeologists and historians in

Cajamarca for several decades but has not been excavated (Ravines S. 1968, nd;

Sachun 1986). Early archaeologists observed its large fortification walls and believed

the community to have been occupied during the 'megalithic period' or the formative

period. Others believed that the fortifications indicated a Middle Horizon date for the

site. Recently a licenciatura student at the University of Trujillo conducted a limited

surface survey and collection of the pottery at the site producing a relative date for the

major occupation of the site to the Late Cajamarca Period (~AD 1000 - AD 1476)

(Martell Castillo 2002).

The current project represents the first excavations at the community and

finds, through examination of both pottery types and radiocarbon samples, that the

community was occupied during the Late Intermediate Period and the initial stages of

the local Late Horizon. Examination of household contexts, public and elite spaces,

and fortification patterns at the site form the primary data sets upon which this

dissertation's conclusions will be based.

In opposition to traditional lines of research that have sought to explain

peripheral and local community dynamics through reference to distant 'core' polities,

or top-down approaches, the current work explicitly seeks to approach local level

community organization and dynamics from the local, bottom-up vantage. To this

end, this research will approach these issues through the synthesis of household and

community levels of investigation.

15
1.4 Organization of the Following Chapters

Chapter 2 presents the physical and cultural geographies of northern Peru. I

characterize the physical and natural environment of the northern highlands during

this period at both a general regional scale and in a much more specific sense,

discussing the environment within which the community of Yanaorco existed during

its Prehispanic occupation and at present. In the second section of this chapter, I

discuss in a general sense the natures of human occupation of the northern Andes

over approximately the past 10,000 years. I briefly discuss the nature of this

occupation over time with particular emphasis on the last 2 millennia. In the northern

Peruvian highlands, this is the period of time characterized by what has been called

the 'Cajamarca Culture' (~ 100 BC – AD 1532).

Chapters 3 and 4 situate the present study within contemporary archaeological

theory on one hand, and, on the other, within broader regional cultural dynamics

underway in the late prehistoric Andes. Chapter 3 presents the theoretical grounds

upon which this study will stand. These include the nature of identity and

ethnogenesis, community organization, and leadership in middle range societies. I

also discuss theories of Empire as well as for post-occupation dynamics. Finally, I

discuss the importance of household and community levels of archaeological analysis

so important to this research.

Building on the broad theoretical base introduced in Chapter 3 in Chapter 4, I

also develop and present the broad research questions to be addressed in this

dissertation. I also include a series of hypotheses and archaeological correlates. I also

16
include comparative data for the interactions between empire and local communities

for both the Middle Horizon Wari and Late Horizon Inka Empires - as these speak to

the dynamics that may have been in place in the Cajamarca region. In a section

dealing with questions of community organization during the LIP, I review our

current archaeological understanding of LIP dynamics in other regions of Peru.

Chapter 5 presents Yanaorco as a community and an archaeological site. I

describe data collection methods utilized at the site. I present findings of both the

surface survey and the excavations. The architecture of the site is presented as well as

a rational for placing the excavation blocks. I also propose a sequence of community

construction and growth over time. Chapter 5 also presents data and descriptions for

all excavation blocks and levels. Finally, I present the results of six radiocarbon dates

processed from excavated samples at the site.

The arguments as to the occupation of the site, the organization of production

and consumption, and the dating of the site in this dissertation are grounded

principally in the analysis of a sample of over 34,000 ceramic sherds from both

systematic surface collections and from excavated contexts. Chapter 6 is dedicated to

the analysis of ceramic form, function, and style at the site.

Chapter 7 presents data on all non-ceramic artifact classes at the site. These

will include analyses of faunal remains from excavated contexts, both flaked stone

and ground stone lithic remains, carbonized botanical remains, weaving implements

such as spindle whorls, and metal artifacts. These analyses will be returned to in the

17
following chapter 8 where they will be integrated into an analysis of community

organization at the site.

In Chapter 8, I present the conclusions of this investigation. Here I return to,

and address the major research questions introduced at the beginning of this chapter. I

discuss the characteristics and nature of community organization and development at

Yanaorco and in the northern highlands in general. Militarism in Cajamarca is also

addressed as a case of conflict and competition among middle range societies. I also

return to the topic of local ethnic identity and social change in the Late Intermediate

Period. Finally, I discuss the nature of both Wari and Inka imperial contact and

engagement with dynamic local populations in Cajamarca.

18
 CHAPTER 2

SOCIAL AND PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHIES OF THE NORTHERN

HIGHLANDS OF PERU

Due to the unique and distinctive geographic variables present in the Andes,

human behavior and history have been closely tied to the natural and physical

environment there. This chapter accomplishes two things. First, I briefly introduce the

complex nature of the physical geography and environment of the Andes and, in

particular the northern, Cajamarca highlands. Second, I review Andean prehistory as

archaeologists and historians currently understand it after approximately one century

of inquiry.

A growing number of investigators from a range of scientific fields (from

geology and ecology to anthropology and archaeology) are conducting research

focused on both the physical characteristics of high elevation mountain environments,

and on the lifeways of both contemporary and prehistoric societies living in these

regions (Aldenderfer 1998; Allen 1986; Billings 1979). By high altitude regions, I

mean environments above approximately 8,200 feet or 2500 meters2 above sea level

(masl). While populations and individuals in these high elevation societies may

periodically travel to lower elevations for economic or social purposes, their lives are

generally spent in rugged mountain regions and high country basins (for example, the

high Andes, the Andean altiplano, and the Tibetan plateau). Populations spending

time in these environments are presented with a range of stresses brought on by

2
Biologists use the 2500 meter mark to delineate a high altitude environment because it is above this
elevation that most humans begin to feel the effects of hypoxia.

19
environmental factors including marked environmental heterogeneity, extremeness of

temperature and precipitation, low environmental predictability (both from day to day

and annually), a generally low level of primary productivity, and ultimately high

frequencies of instability and “fragility” (Aldenderfer 1998:2). Nevertheless,

communities and societies have developed and flourished in these areas.

High altitude regions of the world present unique situations of specially

adapted (though at the same time quite flexible) biological and cultural systems. Due

to the nature of mountain environments, they are often characterized by a number of

bio-geographic zones arranged along a vertical axis, each exhibiting a distinct suite of

economic plant and animal resources. More importantly, these (often) attitudinally

delineated zones may be quite close to one another, often within several hours

walking distance. Because of this geographic situation, populations are on one hand

limited locally to a set suite of resources, and on the other, are afforded a range of

additional and complimentary plant and animal resources in adjacent environmental

zones (Brush 1977:10).

This situation has, in some vertical environments of the world, encouraged the

development of highly adaptive subsistence economies involving either the physical

movement or periodic migration of local populations into adjacent economic zones,

or close, flexible social ties between local families, households, and communities and

their counterparts in other ecological zones for the purposes of exchange and gaining

access to resources not locally available. Several alternative forms of this 'Verticality'

adaptation are practiced. Murra (1972), proposed, on the basis of colonial documents,

20
the practice of community exploitation of ecological zones and fields that were

widely separated, the use of a discontinuous ecological landscape by communities.

Murra's "archipelago' model of verticality envisioned the periodic migration of

members of a community to discontinuous ecological zones in order to take

advantage of differentially available resources. In some cases, communities might

send out satellite communities or households to these zones. This Archipelago Type

of verticality is one of three vertical zonation forms that may have been taken in

varied regions of the Andes (Brush 1977:10). The others included an Extended Type

that may have involved markets, and the Compressed Type in very steep

environments. In this type, all growing zones would have been accessible from local

villages negating the need for communities to travel long distances to access varied

fields.

The geography of the Peruvian Andes is varied, extreme, and quite active. It

can be divided generally into three elevationally distinct zones that will be broken

down further in the following section. First is a relatively narrow strip of low

elevation landscape forming the Pacific coastal zone to the west of the Andean chain.

This strip of land is very arid but is crossed by a number of seasonal and permanent

river courses rising in the Andes. Many of these rivers create agriculturally rich oasis

corridors through the arid desert. The second of these general zones is the highland

Andes mountain chain. This steep Andean zone is one of the most active ranges in the

world and raises to peaks of nearly 7000 masl. Although high, alpine peaks do exist,

much of the range is characterized by habitable river valleys, basins, and high

21
plateaus that were home to a number of prehispanic societies. The third general zone

in the Peruvian Andes is the eastern slope of the Andes, the upper Amazon that

sweeps east from the highlands and forms the western Amazon basin.

This section will review the most widely utilized system characterizing the

elevational and geographic zones in the Andes. This will be followed by a description

of the physical environment characteristic of the northern Peruvian Andes, that region

most pertinent to this study.

2.1 Ecological Zonation

Geographers and biologists in the Andes have developed a series of

geographic zonation schemes based on precipitation and temperature regimes. These

are often distinguished by horizontal bands or zones marked by differing elevations

and have been presented and reviewed in various sources (Brack Egg 1986a;

Peñaherrera del Águila 1986; Pulgar Vidal 1981; Tosi 1960). The most widely

recognized and used system is of eight geographic zones within the Andean region

(Pulgar 1981). The characteristics of these zones are determined in large part by their

elevations creating a system of horizontally stacked resource zones beginning with

the Coastal Zone or Chala on the west side of the mountainous cordilleras, and the

Omagua or Selva Baja or Amazon zones to the east side of the mountains. This set of

zones is altitudinally arranged with its zenith in the alpine Janca zone in the high

Andes between approximately 4500 and 5200 meters. The characteristics of each of

Pulgar Vidal's (1981) general Andean resources zones are presented and discussed

below. A second widely used system was devised by the National Office of Natural

22
Resource Evaluation (ONERN) in Lima and is based more closely on humidity and

precipitation levels (Holdridge 1967 cited in ONERN 1975:47-57). Figure 2.1

indicates the distribution of ecological zones in the Cajamarca highlands.

23
Figure 2.1: Envorinmental Zonation and Cajamarca Basin

24
2.1.1 The Coastal Zone (Chala Zone) (0 - ~500 masl)

This zone characterizes the narrow desert plain along the west coast of South

America from the beaches inland and including the lower reaches of the Andean

foothills. It includes the inter-valley desert plains as well as the well-watered but very

circumscribed and limited valley bottoms. It also includes the low elevation coastal

mountains that form the foothills of the Andes.

2.1.2 The Yunga Zone (~500 to ~2,300 masl)

The Yunga zone is divided between two major geographically separated sub-

zones. These are the Yunga Marítima (Maritime Yunga) on the Pacific side of the

Andes extending from ~500 to 2,300 meters, and on the eastern side of the

cordilleras, the Yunga Fluvial (the River Yunga). The zone on the Amazon side of the

Andes ranges from ~1000 meters up to ~2,300 meters.

The Yunga Marítima (along with the lower Quechua Zone) equates roughly

with a region to be discussed as the Cis-Andean Zone; generally defined as the often

steep and highly rugose western slope of the northern Andes.

This zone is characterized by a temperature regime between the hot

temperatures of the coast and the more temperate temperatures of higher elevation

areas. This range results in a broad agricultural potential in the Yunga. Today rice,

yucca, citrus fruits, bananas, sugar cane, and coca are grown in the lower and middle

Yunga valley zones while higher up, grain and tuber crops are cultivated.

25
2.1.3 The Quechua Zone 3 (Kechwa) 4 (~2,300 to ~3,500 masl)

The Quechua zone is present on both sides of the high cordilleras between the

elevations of approximately 2,300 and ~3,500 meters and is characterized by a wide

range of geographic and geologic situations (Pulgar Vidal 1981:82; Montoya and

Figueroa 1990:17). These can range from very steep, rugged slopes characterizing the

many river valleys on the east and west slopes; to more rolling highland hill country

and plains or pampas (for example the high valleys of the northern highlands

including the region around Cajamarca).

The Quechua zone is arguably the most economically important zone to both

contemporary and Prehispanic Andean populations. This is due primarily to the

relatively temperate and mild nature of the environment when compared to the dry

coastal desert to the west and the increasingly cold and frost ridden Suni/Jalca zone at

higher altitude. Although the Quechua is generally temperate with regard to rainfall

and temperature regime, throughout most of the annual cycle, there are considerable

shifts in temperature between day and night (and between sunny and cloudy days).

Mean annual temperature in the zone fluctuates between 11 and 16 deg. Celsius (with

maximums from 22-29 deg. and minimums from 7 to -4 deg during the winter [May -

August]) (Pulgar Vidal 1981:83). These regimes often lead to the occurrence of

3
This has become the name used to describe descendants of the Inca Empire -- an ethnic group (Pulgar
Vidal 1981:79). Pulgar Vidal says this is an error though -- the term is actually a descriptive term for
the environmental zone -- and in antiquity, peoples of different regions didn’t refer to themselves by
their location names -- but by the environmental zone they lived in. The Spanish, therefore, would
have heard a very similar term used across Peru.
4
Also spelled as Quechua; Keswa; Quichua; Queshua; Kichwa; Quechúa (Pulgar Vidal 1981:79);
Kechwa (Montoya and Figueroa 1990:17).

26
substantial mists and rains during the summer months (due to water evaporation from

the Pacific coast (ibid:83). These light rains are a predictable seasonal feature of both

the lower Quechua and the Yungas Maritimas zones.

The nature of this zone has, as noted above, made it a focus of population not

only today but in the distant past. Its generally abundant water resources and good

soils make it agriculturally rich. The agricultural productivity of this zone has led to

major labor investments on the part of human populations in the past. These take the

form of elaborate terraces, retaining walls of stone designed to create bands of

agricultural land on sometimes very steep valley walls. This feature is much more

common in the central and southern Andes than it is in the northern highlands.

More recently this zone has been the location of a major reforestation effort in

some areas of highland Peru. This has involved, since 1970, the importation and use

of the Eucalyptus tree, now ubiquitous to some regions including the hills around the

Cajamarca Basin (Pulgar Vidal 1981:97).

Agricultural resources available and thriving within this zone include several

of the species known to have been staples of the diet of many prehispanic populations

in the Andes including maize (Zea maiz). Today, the Quechua zone is a major

production region for wheat, a staple grain crop that was not present in the

Prehispanic period. This broad zone allows the production of crops ranging from

fruits to tuber crops, wheat, peas, lentils, gourds, quinua, and coyo or amaranthus

(Pulgar Vidal 1981; Silva Santisteban 2000:24).

27
2.1.4 The Suni 5 (~3,500 to ~4,000 masl)

Just up-slope from the Quechua zone in much of the Andes region is a zone

called the Suni Zone (although this zone is also called variously Páramo or Puna --

discussed below). In the northern Peruvian Andes, this area is called the Suni while in

the region of the Altiplano in south central Peru and Bolivia, it is sometimes called by

the same name as the surrounding, higher elevation, Puna Zone (Pulgar Vidal

1981:101). Additionally, from the area of approximately the northern Huanuco

Province in Peru, this altitudinal zone can also be called the Páramo, an environment

that continues in relatively similar form and altitude north into parts of highland

Central America (Cuatrecasas 1968).

The Suni is a cold and humid high altitude zone with a very characteristic

biological suite. Because the Páramo suite of characteristics is slightly different due

to the increasingly tropical and humid nature of the mountains as one moves into

northern Peru and farther north, I will discuss the Suni Zone separately from the

Páramo (see below).

The Suni zone is varied in its landforms from rolling high altitude plains

(pampas) and hills, to very steep escarpments. This region generally contains the

headwaters of the many west-flowing rivers that empty into the Pacific (Pulgar Vidal

1981:102). This zone is more limited in area than the lower elevation Quechua zone

and due to its harsher environment has much less human population (Montoya and

Figueroa 1990:19).

5
An alternative term is the Jalca Zone. This has been described as an ecological zone transitional
between Puna and Páramo (Ferreyra, Ramón 1986:93). This Jalca has also been called Páramo.

28
 Rainfall and temperature regimes in this zone are similar to those in the

Quechua but colder. Annual temperatures fluctuate from 7 to 10 degrees c. with

maximums near 20 deg. in the summer and winter (May - August) minimums from -1

to -16. As in the lower Quechua zone, the most marked fluctuations are between day

and night and not seasonal. Precipitation in this zone is generally at approximately

800mm per year (Pulgar Vidal 1981:103). This is the zone in Cajamarca that sees the

highest amount of rainfall (most days per year -- ex. 171-191 per year) (Montoya and

Figueroa 1990:20). It is also well known for its cold winds, frequent rain showers,

hail and frosts (ibid:19).

Plant cover in the Suni is primarily made up of small localized forests of

xerofila as well as spiny plants (often along stream beds). Whereas vegetation in the

central Andes is limited to these occasional concentrations that in the northern Andes

and on the eastern, humid side of the cordilleras, is much denser with some areas of

true forest (Pulgar Vidal 1981:104). Important dietary plant resources within this zone

include potato, barley, sauco, quinua, oca, olluco and lupines (Montoya and Figueroa

1990:20; Pulgar Vidal 1981). The most economically important fauna in this zone is

the cuy, or guinea pig; kept domestically by occupants of this and other

environmental zones. During the Prehispanic period, the Suni was probably the most

important zone for use as pasturage for camelid flocks. These animals are not present

in the region. Camelids are much less common in the central Andes of the Callejón de

Huaylas and farther north than in the southern Andes today except in very small

numbers kept by a few individual families.

29
2.1.5 The Puna Zone (~4,000 to ~4,800 masl)

This is a very high elevation environmental zone located throughout much of

the high Peruvian and Bolivian Andes south of approximately the

Cajamarca/Huamachuco area. The zone is characterized in large part by broad river

valleys and plains (pampas) that often form the headwaters for major Peruvian rivers.

It is above the elevation of reliable agricultural production for all but the

heartiest of species. Naturally occurring plant resources include: Ichu grass, Totora

reed grasses (in well-watered areas), and various cacti species. Economic plant

resources on the Puna include potatoes (papas) of a wide variety of types, barley

(cebada), and maca root. Indigenous fauna include all species of camelid (llama,

alpaca, vicuña, and guanaco), vizcacha, the taruca or ciervo andina (Hippocamelus

antisiensis) as well as various bird species (Brack Egg, Antonio 1986:135-163).

Depending on the source, this elevational zone in the Cajamarca region is

called either the Puna (Montoya and Figueroa 1990:20) or the Páramo. The

Cajamarca region is situated within a transition zone from the colder, Puna highlands

environment to the slightly warmer, tropically based Páramo environment

characteristic of areas farther to the north.

2.1.6 The Janca Zone (~4,500 to ~5,200 masl)

The Janca zone is a discontinuous zone reaching from the upper limits of the

Puna (or the Páramo in the north) at approximately 4500-4800 masl up to the lower

limits of permanent snow coverage at approximately 5200 masl. These elevational

ranges vary depending on regional variation and micro-environmental conditions. The

30
vegetation on the Janca is made up of only the heartiest of herbs and lichens (Pulgar

Vidal 1981:154). Its conditions are extreme and only a very limited range of animal

life will live there for extended periods. Camelids as well as vizcacha and chinchilla

are known to live in the lower reaches of the Janca. Also known from this zone is the

Andean condor (ibid:156).

2.2 The Páramo Zone

Cuatrecasas describes the Páramo zone as the highest open region in the

northern Andes where "special physical, climatic and meteorological conditions of

the tropical character prevail" (Cuatrecasas 1968:163). These conditions are the

"deciding factor" in the suite of species that occupies the zone, particularly floral

species. Some have also referred to this as the Jalca Zone in northern Peru

(Weberbauer 1945; in Cuatrecasas 1968:182).

The Páramo occupies an elevational range from approximately 3,800 masl up

to the perennial snow line at ~4,500 - 4,700 masl although in some places it dips as

low as ~3,200 masl. Its geographic range is from the highlands of Costa Rica (at 11

degrees north latitude) south to just south of the Cajamarca highlands of Peru at ~8

degrees south latitude.

Although the Páramo is permanently cold and wet, the tropical environmental

regime creates a set of conditions that are generally uniform throughout the year. As

is the case with lower zones in the highland tropics, the major variation is not

seasonal or year-to-year but diurnal, or that temperature difference between day and

night. The only factor that occasionally shows substantial variation from one year to

31
the next is rainfall. Nevertheless, the Páramo is permanently wet due to the generally

high level of seasonal rainfall, and, more importantly, the presence in this zone of

relatively constant fog or clouds - creating a generally humid condition (Cuatrecasas

1968:163). Mean rainfall in the Páramo is difficult to calculate due to its geographic

extent, but a general range is from approximately 1000 mm up to ~2000 mm with less

seasonality in rainfall here than in the lower elevation Quechua and Suni/Jalca zones.

Wind regimes in the Páramo frequently affect the cold and dryness on plant resources

guiding the makeup of the floral suite.

This Páramo floral suite is complex and quite diverse. It includes "bushes,

dwarf trees (isolated or in thickets), grasses in bunches, and herbs forming mats,

plant-cushions, plant carpets, meadows, and turf" (Cuatrecasas 1968:165). The flora

of the zone originated as neo-tropical species occupying lower elevations but over the

period of Andean uplift, has generally evolved into lower, heartier species. The fauna

of the Páramo is quite distinct from that of the Puna to the south, its origins being

species of the Amazon and not of other high elevation zones (Brack Egg, Antonio

1986:166). Mammals include the spectacled bear (Tremartus ornatus) which visits

the Páramo from the lower mountain forests, several cat species, and various deer

species (ibid. 166). Many bird species are also present including the giant humming

bird (Patagona gigas).

The Páramo Zone has been divided into three sub zones. These include the

Sub-Páramo, genuine Páramo grassland (the zone of Espeletia), and the Super-

32
Páramo (the Tierra gelida of Pittier 1936:22). This highest zone is above

approximately 4,600 masl and sees nightly snowfall during the wet season.

2.3 Geographic Situation of the Northern Highlands of Peru and of

Cajamarca in Particular.

Geographically, the Cajamarca region of northern Peru includes the relatively

well known broad intermontane Cajamarca basin, roughly east of the west-flowing

Jequetepeque watershed (Figure 2.2), the rugged montane valleys extending

northward to the modern border with Ecuador, the steep slopes to the east down to the

north-flowing Marañon, and the steep western cis-Andean slopes. During the Late

Intermediate Period and Late Horizon of Andean prehistory, the Cajamarca Tradition

covered a generally well delimited area with a geographic extent fairly close to the

modern boundaries of the political Department of Cajamarca in the early 21st

century. In later prehistory, the Cajamarca region was delimited to the west

approximately halfway down the western slope of the Andes (an area described in the

literature as the cis-Andean area), and on the east by the major north-flowing

Marañon River. To the north, the culture spanned approximately to the parallel of the

Lambayeque River. Although Cajamarca is believed to have been closely related

with the culture of the Huamachuco area to its south, the Cajamarca region was

limited in the south to the level of the eastward flowing Crisnejas River - about the

level of the Chicama River in the west (Julien 1993:250).

33
Figure 2.2: Jequetepeque Valley and Cajamarca Basin

34
 The modern Department of Cajamarca is slightly larger than that area in

which the Prehispanic Cajamarca Tradition probably held sway. The Department of

Cajamarca was formed on February 11, 1855 (Cabrejo 1957) and encompasses an

area that covers the far northern highlands of Peru, much of the cis-Andean western

slope in the northern valleys and the high Amazon to the east. The department is

bordered on the north by the present international border with Ecuador; on the east

with the Marañon River that separates modern Cajamarca (as well as the Prehispanic

culture) from the Department of Amazonas. To the south, southwest and southeast,

Cajamarca borders the Department of La Libertad at approximately the level of the

Chicama River, the frontier lays in the highlands between Cajabamba and

Huamachuco. To the west, Cajamarca borders the Departments of Piura,

Lambayeque, and La Libertad (from north to south), extending to the mid-valleys of

the important west-flowing rivers (discussed below) (Malaga Santolalla 1906:6).

Much of the region of Cajamarca is quite rugged. These areas are

characterized by deep and rugged valleys on both the western and eastern slopes as

well as gentle intermontane basins. Rugged regions include the provinces of Cutervo,

Celendín, Chota, Hualgayoc, Santa Cruz, and Contumazá. Other areas of Cajamarca

are characterized by a more gentle topography including rolling hills and broad

intermontane valleys or basins (for example, the broad northwest-southeast trending

Cajamarca Basin). These less rugose areas include the provinces of Jaén, Cajamarca,

and Cajabamba from north to south.

35
 Through the more rugged valleys to the west run several important rivers that

form the Pacific watershed. From north to south, these include the La Leche River,

the Chancay River, the Zaña River, the Jequetepeque River, and the Chicama River.

The river most important to the present study is the Jequetepeque that has its

headwaters just south east of the modern city of Cajamarca6. The largest river in the

study area is the north flowing Marañon River that forms the eastern and southeastern

borders of the Department of Cajamarca. This large river flows north ultimately

joining with the Amazon and spilling into the Atlantic. Several rivers in the

Department of Cajamarca form the eastern watershed flowing into the Marañon.

These include, from north to south, the Chinchipe, the Shumba, the Jaén, the

Chamaya, the Lluacán, the Chumuch, the Zendamal, the Utcu, the Cajamarca, and the

Crisnejas (originally the Pumarunco [Silva Santisteban 2000:24]; in the southern

Province of Cajabamba) (Malaga Santolalla 1906:14-20).

The core of the area is focused on the intermontane Cajamarca Basin, just east

of the continental divide. Because of its location east of the divide, the basin and its

surroundings enjoy relatively predictable seasonal rainfall and a generally moderate

climate, in comparison to many high elevation regions. Although the low areas of the

basin are plagued by poor drainage, the slopes and foothills of the surrounding Andes

provide for substantial agricultural output. Also very important to the region's current

and prehistoric economies are gold and silver ores that are mined in the region. The

cis-Andean region consists of the west-facing slopes of the Andes (Malaga Santolalla

6
The headwaters of the Jequetepeque River lie in the late 19th century haciendas of Huacraruco and
Sunchubamba (Malaga Santolalla 1906:15)

36
1906:23). In prehistory, groups occupying these areas were in a strong position to

interact economically and socially with the expansive polities that developed along

the north coast of Peru (i.e., the Moche, and Chimú)

2.4 Geology and Landforms of Cajamarca

The geology and landforms of the Cajamarca region are varied and complex.

Although there is a great deal of variation in landform, environment, and geology in

the northern half of the modern Department of Cajamarca, it will be described only

briefly here as the southern regions of Cajamarca are more directly pertinent to this

study. Following the general trend of the Peruvian Andes, elevation diminishes in the

north of Cajamarca, with most of the tallest peaks in southern and central Cajamarca

(Malaga Santolalla 1906:9 7). With lower elevations as one approaches northern

Cajamarca and the frontier with Ecuador, there is also a substantial increase in

humidity and precipitation; and an associated increase in tree cover.

Much of southern and central Cajamarca is characterized primarily by raised

sedimentary deposits which have led to the presence of a wide variety of marine

fossils (of the cretaceous period) eroding out of local deposits. No sedimentary rocks

present in the region are metamorphic or igneous (intrusive and extrusive) in origin.

These minerals date from the Paleozoic through to the more recent quaternary

(ONERN 1975:5, 72).

7
There are no peaks in Cajamarca rising above 4,200 meters. Some of the tallest include Cerro
Hualgayoc (Prov. of Hualgayoc) at 4,080 m; Cerro Agopiti (Prov. of Cajamarca) at 4,056 m; and Cerro
Algamarca (Prov. of Cajabamba) at 4,076 m) (Malaga Santolalla 1906:9).

37
 Of most importance to the archaeology of the region is the presence of large

deposits of kaolin clay in Cajamarca. This light colored clay originated with the

decomposition of porphyries and diorites in the hills of Cajamarca and outcrops are

widespread in the region (Malaga Santolalla 1906:68). These were mined in the

Prehispanic period in order to use the distinctive white clay in ceramic production and

today sources continue to be utilized. Although kaolin does exist in other regions of

Peru, its deposits and use are best known from the northern highland Cajamarca

region. Its outcrops exist from the Chilete area of the middle Jequetepeque, up and

into the region surrounding the Cajamarca Basin.

Cajamarca is also very rich in mineral/ore deposits. Common ores include

gold, silver, copper, lead, and zinc and the regions of Hualgayoc, Celendín,

Cajamarca, Cajabamba, and Jaén are known to contain deposits (Silva Santisteban

2000:24). Ores have been mined by various agents on increasingly large scales since

the Prehispanic period but since the colonial period, utilization has been at an

industrial scale, and mines are today exploited on a massive scale (Cabrejo 1957:12;

Perlez and Johnson 2005; Perlez and Bergman 2005).

2.5 The Setting of Yanaorco

The site upon which this thesis is based is a 13-hectare village located at 3550

masl, approximately 500 meters above and overlooking the Gavilán Pass (Figure 2.3).

38
This is the principal pass connecting the upper Jequetepeque River Valley 8 to the

inter-montane Cajamarca Basin. The site runs generally in a northwest/southeast

direction and occupies a location along a narrow ridgeline sloping to the northwest

from the side of Cerro Yanaorco ('Black Hill'), the mountain giving the site its name.

The site of Yanaorco (Figure 2.4) itself is located at 7° 15' 49" south latitude, 78° 28'

8" west longitude at an altitude of 3550 meters (17M 0779485 north; 9196270 east).

It overlooks the modern (and presumably prehispanic) highway connecting the

highland Cajamarca Basin to the coast and is approximately 28 km south east of the

modern city of Cajamarca, the capital of the modern Department of Cajamarca,

established February 11, 1855.

8
The Jequetepeque measures approximately 160 km in length with headwaters in the slopes of Cerro
Quilupay (4204 m). The Jequetepeque flows to the coast near the city of Pacasmayo feeding an
important coastal agricultural system (Peñaherrera del Águila 1986:104)

39
Figure 2.3: View to the north of the Gavilán Pass from the site of Yanaorco (Caj-32). Note fortification

wall to lower left; and kaolin outcrop at left side of image.

40
 Figure 2.4: View of Yanaorco from the east. The site spans from the parking area at the left of the

image to the ridge summit at center-right. Note the access road on the northern slope.

Today the site sits alongside an unpaved access road that runs between the

Gavilán pass and the small village of Tamiacocha, a community of approximately 15

families in the canyon just to the south side of Yanaorco. This road was built by the

local municipality and is the only wheeled vehicle access to the community (see

figure 2.4). Eight of the member families of Tamiacocha claim rights to various

parcels of land on the archaeological site of Yanaorco, and most are actively farming

this land. As a result, areas of the site have been negatively affected by shallow

plowing activity. It must be assumed that at least some architecture at the site has

been dismantled in order to create larger agricultural plots. Nevertheless, excavation

41
in various areas of the site has shown that subsurface destruction in plowed rooms,

patios, and terraces is limited a "plow zone" approximately 20 centimeters deep.

The site of Yanaorco, at ~2,550 meters in elevation, is located geographically

at the join of two major environmental resource zones or levels. It rests between the

Quechua Zone (below ~2,500 m) and the Suni/Jalca Zone (above ~2,500 m). This

location also falls within the Tropical Montane Wet Forest zone (ONERN 1975). This

location would avail the occupants of the community access to the resources offered

in both zones; maize and tuber crops available at lower elevations and the hearty

tuber crops and pasturage available in the Suni zone. Today, the occupants of

Tamiacocha utilize the same agricultural fields surrounding Yanaorco (principally on

the northern slope with its gentler grade) that the Prehispanic occupants probably

used. The community plants potatoes and other hearty crops in the immediate vicinity

of the site. The members of Tamiacocha also raise goats and sheep that they pasture

in a zone slightly higher than the site of Tamiacocha on the high slopes of Cerro

Yanaorco and on a well-watered high pampa just southeast of the Cerro. There is a

high elevation pampa that is just east south east of Cerro Yanaorco and at an

elevation of approximately 4000 meters. This Suni/Tropical Sub-alpine Páramo Zone

is wet year round and is devoid of brush and trees but is covered in dense grasses

suitable for fodder. This pasture zone is a 40-minute walk up the mountain from the

site of Yanaorco and would have played an important role in community subsistence

for the original inhabitants of the village of Yanaorco. Excavations at the site have

uncovered large quantities of camelid bone. Community flocks of camelids could

42
have been pastured year round in a location very near to the site, thus allowing semi-

permanent occupation of this community. Architectural evidence at the west end of

the site also indicates the possible presence of corral structures that could have

housed these camelids.

Figure 2.5: View of the site of Yanaorco (Caj-32) looking south from the Gavilán Pass.

An important environmental factor in the location of the community of

Yanaorco and in the quality of life for inhabitants of the village was the prevailing

wind pattern and intensity through the Gavilán Pass. Substantial winds sweep the site

from the north on a nearly daily basis, although these are much stronger during the

43
months of August and early September. These winds are funneled through the pass.

As will be discussed in the architectural and community-planning sections of this

thesis (Chapters 5 and 8), I believe the presence of these sometimes strong and cold

winds affected, and to a degree directed, the organization of architectural and activity

spaces within the community.

Fauna present on the site today (directly observed by members of the project

crew) included fox, vizcacha, and a very small squirrel or chipmunk. Although a

number of bird species was present, the most prominent was the hummingbird, of

which two very different types were seen daily. One is a standard, small form; the

other is the giant Andean variety (Patagona gigas). This large hummingbird was as

large as a normal bird and very loud (one could hear it coming from 50 meters away)

and actually see its wings in movement. Excavations at the site indicate that fish were

consumed, although not in large numbers. Streams within one to five kilometers of

the community could have been the sources of fresh water fish to the community

(Pearson 1937). Several prominent insects were present. These included ants, several

species of spider (from small and innocuous varieties to larger varieties that regularly

bit unlucky members of the crew). Also present in large numbers within the

archaeological wall-fall was a large variety of tarantula -- black bodied and legged

but with blue joints. Finally, small scorpions were very common in the wall-fall and

were encountered often.

44
 It is against this backdrop and within this mountain environment that social

and economic developments occurred in the Cajamarca highlands of the northern

Andes. The next section of this chapter will review archaeological data and

ethnohistoric literary sources regarding the culture history of this region spanning

from the Archaic through the Contact Periods.

2.6 Sociopolitical Geography of the Andes and Cajamarca in Particular

Social, political, and economic activities take place among individuals,

groups, and polities. These phenomena are inevitably spatial in nature and take place

at spatial and geographic scales ranging from single households to regions. This

chapter sketches a broad and necessarily simplified sociopolitical geography of

Andean prehistory. It then proceeds to detail what archaeologists know of the

sociopolitical dynamics of the Cajamarca region of the northern Peruvian Andes.

2.6.1 The General Context of Andean Prehistory

2.6.1.1 A System of Horizons and Intermediate Periods

The organizational backbone of Peruvian archaeology and chronology began

to develop long before the scientific development of absolute dating methods like

radiocarbon analysis. Although the work of Max Uhle at the turn of the century led

him to develop a series of six sequential chronological periods organized within two

broad "horizons" [a Tiahuanaco Horizon and an Inca Horizon] for Peruvian prehistory

(Uhle 1903), the concept of a Horizon Style was elaborated by Kroeber (as opposed

45
to the concept of a Ceramic Tradition 9) based on reanalysis of collections made by

Uhle (Kroeber 1925, 1930; Kroeber and Strong 1924; also see Rowe 1962). Within

this concept, a Horizon was a period during which a broadly similar "style" or set of

decorative or stylistic characteristics was present over a wide geographical range

within the Andes. This broad presence of a general style or at least a series of closely

related styles was interpreted as representing a period of general cultural unity within

the Andes, as opposed to one of marked regional differentiation (Tello 1922:11). This

concept was elaborated by later archaeologists of the middle 20th century and has

been reviewed elsewhere (Rowe 1962).

John Rowe in 1960 published a reworked and more elaborate chronological

organizing scheme for the Andean region. This reworking of the scheme was guided

by the observation that earlier Horizons or "periods" assumed a rapid spread of the

horizon cultures, leading to the assumption that Horizon styles could be accepted as

contemporaneous throughout their geographic range. Rowe's adapted scheme

anchored its broad periods (both Horizons and Intermediate Periods) to a well studied

master sequence from the Ica Valley - allowing for cross-dating with lesser known

sequences from other valleys (Rowe 1962). This system has since been defined more

precisely through the application of absolute dating, but in general, it has stood the

test of academic time and is the organizing scheme used by archaeologists today

(Rowe 1960:627). Rowe's scheme named three major periods of cultural "unification"
9
Kroeber's concept of a “Ceramic Tradition” involves a broad similarity among styles within a region
that extends over a substantial period of time. This is different from Willey's concept of a Horizon
Style - a suite of features that is present in a wide region in for a specific and limited range of time.
The decorative suite of characteristics in a "Tradition" is generally broader and less defined than those
that characterize a "Horizon Style" (Willey 1945:53).

46
or "Horizons" (Willey 1991), the Early Horizon, the Middle Horizon, and ultimately

the Late Horizon. These periods saw the spread of distinctive horizon styles through

large geographical swaths of the Andes. By horizon styles, I mean primarily

distinctive decorative features and/or suites of symbols on durable ceramic artifacts,

although these emblems are also very likely to have been placed on textiles and

architectural elements in many cases. In between these Horizons, Rowe named a

series of "Intermediate Periods" (periods of increased regionalization [Willey 1991]);

the Early Intermediate Period, between the Early and Middle Horizons, and the Late

Intermediate Period, preceding the Late Horizon. These intermediate periods are

times of increased cultural diversity and autonomy at the regional and local levels.

Rowe did point out that this was not a simple division of diverse and unified periods.

While there was increased local diversity during the intermediate periods, there were

also large and expansive polities; for example, the Moche polities of the EIP and the

Chimú Empire of the LIP. On a similar note, during the Horizons, there was

archaeological evidence for diversity within the broadly similar horizon styles. For

example, while similar design motifs and forms indicated a relationship and level of

interaction between "Chavinoid" cultures in the Early Horizon, there were also

important distinctions between local styles. This diversity will be discussed briefly in

the following section. Willey has proposed that it may be the process of alternation

between periods of horizontal integration and periods of increased regional autonomy

that leads ultimately to the development of states (Willey 1991). He has taken this

47
further by utilizing Blanton et al.'s (1996) Dual-Processual approach in order to

further develop these ideas (Willey 1999).

The Archaic Period / Lithic Period (~13,000 BC - ~4000 BC)

Although the dates for the initial peopling of Andean South America are

arguable, it is clear that mobile populations lived a hunting and gathering lifeway in

the Andes as well as in the littoral zone to the west by approximately 13000 BP.

While dates for the occupation of Monte Verde in North-central Chile date reliably to

~13000 BC, the earliest dates for occupation of the Peruvian coastal plain are ~ 9500

BC (Moseley 2001:89).

The peopling of the Andes region appears to have involved an early functional

differentiation based on different emphases in stone tool 'kits' (Moseley 2001). While

the Paijan tool tradition on the coast and coastal plain of Peru from approximately

Tumbes south to the Rimac focused on long, narrow points probably designed to take

fish, the highland North Western Tradition as generally an adaptation to Tropical

forests and therefore emphasized non-lithic technologies. Stone was conserved in this

tradition that spanned from Ecuador south to relict stands of tropical forest in the

upper Zaña and Lambayeque valleys (Dillehay and Netherley 1983; Moslely

2001:93).

The Central Andean Tradition spanned a broad geographic range from

Cajamarca south into northern Chile (Moseley 2001:95). People of this tradition were

adapted to a number of very different highland environments and thus the individual

tool kits were varied but each was characterized by a generalized and adaptable set of

48
tools. Varied kits were used by year-round inhabitants of the Puna hunting camelids

from caves like Pachamachay (Rick 1980:290), inhabitants of lower elevation basins

like those who lived at caves like Guitarrero Cave in the Callejon de Huaylas,

Lauricocha, Pikimachay (Lynch 1980), and those who made there living on the

altiplano. These inhabitants of the southern Andean highlands lived both in

rockshelters and at open sites like Asana in the upper Moquegua drainage

(Aldenderfer 1998). These traditions focused on gathering and hunting strategies

including the working of hides and fibrous plants. A system of transhumant

movement may have been the key to human adaptation in the highlands at this time

(Lynch 1980).

The Late Archaic Period (~4000 BC - ~1800 BC)

The Late Archaic period in Andean prehistory saw the development of

increased sedentism on the coast and in the highlands. The economy began to shift

from a purely gathering and hunting/fishing regime to one that increasingly

incorporated animal herding and incipient horticulture primarily in situations of

natural rainfall runoff as opposed to canals. Material evidence also indicates a focus

on the collection and/or growing of industrial crops such as gourd and cotton on the

coast that would enhance increasingly intensive fishing (Moseley 2001). Excavations

in mortuary contexts also begin to indicate incipient social differentiation but not

necessarily class differentiation (ibid.:115).

This period also sees the beginnings of large-scale corporate civic-ceremonial

constructions at sites both in coastal valleys and in the highlands. Several corporate

49
architectural traditions developed on the coast including the Supe Tradition focused at

sites like Caral in that valley, the Paraiso Tradition, and others focused on the

construction of sunken circular plazas. In the highlands, the period sees the

development of the distinctive Kotosh architectural and ceremonial tradition with its

small, enclosed rooms with central hearths. These preceramic developments led the

way for subsequent developments in intensive agriculture and even more substantial

corporate architectural constructions.

The Initial Period (~1800 BC -- ~800 BC)

In the Andean sequence, the initial appearance of both the practice of

intensive farming and the production and use of ceramics marks the beginning of the

Initial Period at approximately 1800 BC. The introduction of terraced and or irrigated

farming practices and the presence of new storage technologies involving ceramics

brought with it higher populations in areas of the coast and higher but more dispersed

populations in the highlands (Moseley 2001).

The development of a large series of major corporate mound complexes and

civic-ceremonial centers in many coastal valleys and in the highlands indicates that

group social and political changes occurred during this period as well. Major mound

groups on the coast include multiple large low mound and plaza groups in the middle

Jequetepeque (Ravines 1985b), and the large center at Sechín Alto in the Casma

valley. Although there is a great deal of variability between coastal valleys, these

complexes are generally part of the Paraiso Tradition of civic-ceremonial architecture

characterized by U-shaped complexes (Moseley 2001:137). Within the highlands, we

50
see the development of ceremonial mound complexes in the Cajamarca region of the

northern highlands at the sites of Pacopampa, Huacaloma, and later Layzón. Details

of these sites are discussed below. Farther south, the characteristic forms of the

Kotosh ceremonial architectural tradition develop. Within the altiplano,

archaeologists have uncovered distinctive small-scale corporate architectural features

indicating ceremonial functions in connection with early domestic sites (Stanish

2003:2).

The Early Horizon (~800 BC - ~AD 1)

The first in the series of "Horizon" periods is known generally for the spread

throughout much of the central and northern Andes of a decorative style that is

closely related to and possibly originating at the central highland center of Chavín de

Huántar (Burger 1995, 2002; Moseley 2001). This style is seen on pottery, on worked

metals, in textiles, and on architectural features. Closely related regional styles, with

their own centers of production, include the formative Copa tradition of the

Cajamarca region, seen at the site of Kuntur Wasi, and ceramics of the platform

centers of Layzón overlooking the Cajamarca Basin, and Pacopampa farther north.

Both of these ceramic complexes are loosely related to the Cupisnique of the North

Coast.

In the South, several major polities developed both on the highland altiplano

and on the coast. In the highlands, by approximately 500 B.C. (the late Middle

Formative period), two corporate centers had developed, Qaluyu in the northern

Titicaca Basin (Plourde and Stanish 2006), and Chiripa in the south of the Lake

51
(Stanish 2003:4). Ultimately, two corporate civic-ceremonial centers grew to largely

dominate the others. One of these was Pukara (Klarich 2005) in the northern altiplano

from which a corporate ceramic style emanated which was related to the Yaya Mama

Tradition. To the south of Lake Titicaca developed the early phases of Tiwanaku,

coeval with Pukara but independent. Broadly related stylistically with these two

highland styles, the well-known Paracas culture developed on the south coast of Peru.

Finally, Rowe writes of a polity probably centered at the shell mounds at Ancón

(Rowe 1960:628)

Although the similarities in material culture indicate a clear relationship

between these far flung societies, the nature of relatedness or interaction between

them is not well understood or agreed upon to this day. The fact that an appreciable

amount of variation does occur in form, technology, and decorative elements between

these groups does indicate that they were separate and probably independent

societies.

The Early Intermediate Period (~AD 1- ~AD 750)

The Early Intermediate Period witnessed the collapse of the Chavín art style

and its wide spread influence. In much of the Andes, local variability in culture and

material culture increased. In two instances, though, substantial local polities

developed on the coast of Peru. These were the expansive Moche polity, or polities,

on the north coast and Nasca of the south coast.

On the north coast of Peru, beginning at approximately AD 200, a powerful

and strongly stratified set of closely related polities began to grow out of a homeland

52
in the lower Moche and Chicama Valleys. The Moche political tradition ultimately

expanded to cover a vast coastal territory encompassing multiple river valleys from

the Lambayeque Valley complex in the north, southward to the Casma Valley. The

militaristic and socially stratified Moche are well known for their massive platform

mounds, rich iconographic style applied to decorated ceramics, wall murals and

friezes, and the importance placed on the ceremonial execution of captured enemies.

The Moche polities existed from approximately AD 200 until their collapse in about

AD 700. By the end of Moche, political and social organization had shifted radically

with the abandonment of the traditional capital at the site of Moche, well known for

its Pyramids of the Sun and the Moon, and the construction of a new capital and

center of power far to the north at Pampa Grande in the agriculturally rich

Lambayeque Valley. Throughout the period of the EIP Moche polity, although there

is evidence for armed conflict between Moche and Recuay forces in the south, there

is no evidence of Moche incursion up the river valleys of the north coast. Aside from

several place names in Cajamarca that use the letter "F" (traditionally used only on

the coast) indicating possible EIP or later contact, there is no evidence that Moche

attempted to expand into the highlands beyond the lower and middle valleys

(Rostworowski 1985).

On the south coast of Peru during the Early Intermediate Period, the well

known and iconographically rich Nasca society developed ultimately spanning

several valleys. The Nasca were an agriculturally based society that is best known for

53
its polychrome iconography on ceramics and textiles as well as the creation of vast

geoglyphs on the desert bottom and hillsides.

Local polities also developed in the Andean highlands during the EIP,

although they are less well known from an archaeological standpoint. These were

generally smaller in geographic range and less expansive than those on the coast.

Three of the best known highland societies during the EIP were the Recuay, located

generally in the Upper Santa river valley (Lau 2001), or the Callejón de Huaylas, the

Huamachuco Tradition located in the highlands at the head of the Moche river valley

(Thatcher 1975, 1979) and the Cajamarca Tradition focused on the intermontane

Cajamarca basin east of the Zaña and Jequetepeque valleys (Reichlen and Reichlen

1949; Reichlen 1970; Ravines 1968). Other major highland societies of the EIP were

the Huarpa, the Pukara on the northern altiplano (Klarich 2005), and Tiwanaku

(Kolata 1993) on the southern altiplano. Each of these cultural traditions involved the

existence of semi-independent but interacting middle range societies and there is no

evidence for state formation. Leadership strategies common in middle range societies

are evident at sites like Chinchawas in the Callejon de Huaylas with the development

of communal feasting and politicized and formalized ancestor worship as routes to

elite power and the maintenance of political and social patterns (Lau 2002:300).

The Middle Horizon (~AD 750 - ~AD 1000)

The Middle Horizon once again saw the development and geographic spread

of broad horizon styles. Unlike the Early Horizon though, two major and arguably

related polities (each with distinctive styles) developed during the Middle Horizon.

54
To the south and centered on the site of Tiahuanaco in the southern Lake Titicaca

Basin, or altiplano, developed the wide-ranging Tiahuanaco polity. Its distinctive

iconography appearing on pottery, textiles, and architectural features, spread just

north of the lake, south and southeast into much of highland Bolivia and far northern

Chile, and west down the well-documented Osmore/Moquegua drainage. The center

at Tiahuanaco may have functioned as a pilgrimage center for people from these

distant colonies.

From the large urban site of Wari in the central highlands of Ayacucho spread

an empire called the Wari. Very distinctive iconographic and architectural

characteristics (Isbell 1986; Isbell and McEwan 1991; Schreiber 1991, 1992) of this

Wari polity are today found throughout much of the Peruvian highlands from the

Cajamarca Basin (William and Pineda 1985; Watanabe 2001) in the north, closer to

the imperial heartland at regional administrative sites like Jincamocco (Schreiber

1991, 1992, 2001) and Azangaro (Anders 1986b), to Pikillacta in the Cuzco region to

the south (McEwan 1991). A distant Wari colony has also been well documented at

Cerro Baùl (Williams 2001) which coexisted with Tiahuanaco related communities in

the middle Osmore drainage. Wari also influenced polities along much of coastal

Peru from the Lambayeque (Sicán) of the far north coast valley of the same name

(Shimada 1994), to the later stages of the Moche polity (Moche 5) as evidenced at

sites like San José de Moro in the Jequetepeque Valley (Castillo 2000). Farther south,

the Wari Empire influenced peoples on the south coast through the construction of

administrative centers including Pacheco and Pataraya (Schreiber 2001:85). Wari also

55
exerted control over the important oracle center at Pachacamac in the Rimac Valley

of the central coast (Isbell 1986:193).

At the northern frontier of the expansive Wari state was the highland

Cajamarca region. Through a close association with the Wari Empire, the Cajamarca

polity spread to its maximum extent (in terms of geography and influence) during the

Middle Horizon. The occurrence of typical, Middle Cajamarca or Cajamarca III,

artifacts within imperial Wari contexts from the northern extent of the empire to the

southern frontier at the site of Cerro Baúl (Nash, D., p. com.) indicates an important

and dynamic relationship between the two polities. The exact nature of this

interaction is not well understood and will be a subject of discussion later in this

dissertation (Chapter 8).

The Late Intermediate Period (~AD 1000 - AD 1476)

The Late Intermediate Period is generally less well known archaeologically

that earlier periods for a number of reasons, not least of which is the fact that for

much of the twentieth century, many Andean archaeologists have been focused in

cultural origins and the temples and tombs of earlier periods (Bruhns 1994:290).

Later sites of the LIP were also looted heavily early in the historic period.

The LIP witnessed the collapse of the two major polities of the Middle

Horizon, the Wari and the Tiahuanaco. The "unifying" and, as we shall see, likely

"pacifying" influences of these Middle Horizon polities was replaced by the

development or re-emergence of local, smaller scale polities (with several

exceptions). The LIP was a period of renewed cultural, social, economic, and political

56
autonomy at the local level in regions throughout the Andes. Along with renewed

autonomy came a period of increased inter-polity conflict and competition through

much of Peru with settlement shifts in many regions into hilltop and defensible (if not

always fortified) communities. The primary focus of this dissertation will be the

incompletely understood nature of community development, conflict, and change

during the LIP.

In addition to the general increase in cultural and political diversity at the

local level that occurred during the LIP, several larger polities emerged in the north

that expanded and exerted their influence on a vast geographic scale. The largest of

these was the Kingdom of Chimor centered at the large urban site of Chan Chan in

the lower Moche Valley (Mackey 1987; Moore and Mackey 2008; Rowe 1948). This

expansive state spread over much of the north Peruvian coast. Direct rule may have

been the case from Tucume in the north, south to Manchan in the Casma Valley

although Chimú influence may have been felt from Rimac on the central coast, to the

far northern Peruvian coast. Chimor interacted closely for example with its powerful

neighbor to the north, Lambayeque/Sicán until it ultimately took it by conquest. The

Chimú also dealt with highland neighbors to the east, although the nature of this

interaction is not yet well understood. Interaction seems to have intensified near the

end of the LIP and in the face of the Inka imperial advance from the south.

A large number of regional polities emerged during the LIP. Because the Late

Intermediate Period is the primary thrust of this dissertation, many of these societies

will be discussed in detail in Chapter 4.

57
The Late Horizon (AD 1476 - AD 1532)

The last of the pre-Columbian horizon periods in Andean prehistory was the

Late Horizon. This relatively short temporal period (approximately 100 years)

witnessed the unprecedented expansion of the Inka Empire, second in geographic

extent only to the Roman Empire in prehistory. This empire developed from a local

ethnic group during the preceding Late Intermediate Period and originated in the

Cuzco region (Bauer 1992). Ultimately the empire conquered and consolidated, to

varying degrees of success, all the peoples and lands of the Andes and the adjacent

coastal strip from as far north as northern Ecuador, to northwest Argentina and

northern Chile in the south. This empire expanded to its unprecedented scale in less

the 100 years only to be conquered in a matter of months in late 1532 by a small

contingent of Spanish explorers under the leadership of Francisco Pizarro and with

the aid of indigenous Andean ethnic groups who had been disenfranchised by the

Inka Empire. The expansion of the empire into the northern highland Cajamarca

region, and it's strategies of consolidation in this province will be discussed further

later in the dissertation.

2.7 The “Cajamarca Tradition” and its Distinguishing Features.

2.7.1 History of Archaeological Research in the Northern

Highlands and in Cajamarca.
19th Century Travelers (to Cajamarca)

The first post-contact period travelers' accounts of the Cajamarca highlands

come to us from naturalists and other visitors of the 19th century (Silva Santisteban

2000). The first half of the 19th century saw the travels through Cajamarca and much

58
of the rest of Andean South America of the famous naturalist Alexander Von

Humboldt (1802). Subsequent to his travels, the city of Cajamarca and more notably

some of its Prehispanic ruins, including the large site of Coyor 10, were visited and

described in detail by William Bennett Stevenson in 1812. The city of Cajamarca and

its inhabitants were also described by the United States naval officer Lister Maw in

1827 (Maw 1829).

The second half of the 19th century saw the visits of several better known

travelers. These included Antonio Raimondi (1859) who noted that the city of

Cajamarca was home to between 12,000 and 15,000 people at that point. The well

known traveler Charles Wiener visited the city in 1876, noting various ruins including

Coyor and the Middle Horizon site of Yamobamba 11 (Wiener 1880). The author

Marcel Monier visited and wrote of the city in 1886 and in 1888 Cajamarca was

visited by Ernest Middendorf. Middendorf described the city and also noted the ruins

of the "cuarto del rescate" and those on Cerro Apalonia near the city center.

Professional Archaeological Work in Cajamarca

The earliest mention of the archaeology of the Cajamarca region by academic

archaeologists is from the well-known archaeologists, Alfred L. Kroeber, Max Uhle,

and Julio C. Tello (2004). Kroeber Described the decorative techniques of the classic

Cajamarca cursive ceramics, having analyzed Cajamarca vessels excavated at the site

of Moche on the coast. He also postulated that the decorative style and emphasis on

10
The site of Coyor is the largest known Cajamarca center of the Middle Horizon and may have been
the local capital.
11
The site of Yamobamba is today believed to have be a regional administrative center of the Middle
Horizon Wari Empire. It is located adjacent to a major north-south Prehispanic road.

59
tripod legs may indicate developmental connections with ceramic traditions from

Ecuador and even farther north into Central America (Kroeber 1985:92). Larco Hoyle

also explicitly described the forms, decorative techniques, and paste utilized in

Cajamarca ceramics based on his own collections (1985:93).

Julio C. Tello traveled to the northern highlands in 1937 to conduct the

Marañon Expedition. His detailed and illustrated notes have recently been published

(Tello 2004) and include his observations on many material aspects of the Cajamarca

tradition, although his term for the ceramic tradition at that time was the Marañon

style. He visited and described many of the better known sites in Cajamarca including

Early Horizon sites like Huacaloma and gave detailed descriptions in his notes of the

varied sections and engineering aspects of the Cumbemayo aqueduct on the

continental divide southwest of the city (ibid. 229). He also noted both the distinctive

Cajamarca ceramics and the nature of mortuary architecture including both the rock-

cut 'ventanilla' tombs at Otuzco and elsewhere (ibid. 40), and the wide range and use

of above ground chulpas in the region. He also described and illustrated a number of

carved stone monoliths discovered in the Cajamarca highlands.

Henry and Paule Reichlen

The first archaeologists to conduct systematic settlement survey and

excavations in the Cajamarca Basin were Henry and Paule Reichlen in the mid-20th

century. In late 1947, they conducted a settlement survey within the Cajamarca basin

and recorded 93 archaeological sites. Subsequently, in early 1948 they excavated test

units at 5 of these sites: Cerro Santa Apalonia near the city center, Hacienda Las

60
Torrecitas, Cerro La Vaqueria, Cerro Wairapongo, and Cerro Chondorko (Reichlen

and Reichlen 1985:36). Stratigraphic excavation at these sites and ceramics collected

from the surveyed sites led to the first ceramic chronology for the Cajamarca region.

Excavation at Chondorko also uncovered Wari, Moche-Wari, and later Chimú

ceramics associated with Cajamarca 4 wares (~AD 800 - AD 1476) implying

interregional interaction. The Reichlens published several important works but

unfortunately never published a complete final report of their work in Cajamarca

(Reichlen 1970; Riechlen and Reichlen 1949).

Rogger Ravines

Rogger Ravines has investigated and published widely on the archaeology of

Peru, but has focused in large part on his natal region of Cajamarca. He has

conducted site survey work in the middle Jequetepeque Valley as well as within the

basin of Cajamarca, publishing several valuable volumes of settlement data (Ravines

1968, 1970, 1985, 1994, nd).

Japanese Expeditions

Although several prominent archaeologists, anthropologists and historians

have conducted research in Cajamarca and the northern highlands in general over the

past century, the most extensive and continual effort has been by Japanese

archaeologists (Onuki, Y. 2002). The first visits to the Cajamarca region by the

Japanese were as part of a broad tour and survey of sites from the far north Peruvian

coast, south to the Altiplano, including both the coastal strip and the highlands, in

1958. This initial project would lead to excavations at the site of Kotosh (in the

61
Huánuco region) that would reform general ideas held at the time regarding the

temporal primacy of the site of Chavín de Huántar. In the early 1970s, another

expedition led by Onuki and Fujii conducted general surveys in Conchucos, the

Callejón de Huaylas, and most importantly for the present review, the Cajamarca

region.

With the goal of advancing the study of the Formative period in the north, a

1978 surface survey of Cajamarca by a team led by Terada and Onuki culminated

with the selection of the site of Huacaloma (within the modern city of Cajamarca) for

extensive excavation. These excavations extended for five seasons culminating in

1989 (Onuki 2002). Although excavations at Huacaloma were focused on the

Formative period, this team also conducted smaller scale excavations at the sites of

Layzón, Kolguitín, Huacariz, Amoshulco, and Wairapongo.

Work at these sites led to the development of what is today the most

commonly utilized ceramic sequence for the post-Formative, Cajamarca Tradition

(Terada and Matsumoto 1985). Based on several seasons of complex and extensive

excavations at the platform site of Huacaloma during the 1980's, the Japanese

expedition developed a four-part chronology for the Formative Period in the

Cajamarca region (Onuki 2002). These periods were the Early Huacaloma (EH:

1500BC-1000BC) 12, the Late Huacaloma (LH: 1000BC-550BC), the Early Layzón

(EL: 550BC-250BC), and the Layzón (LZ: 250BC-50BC). Excavations at Huacaloma

and at the other above cited sites also led to the following sequence for the

12
The Early Huacaloma (EH) Phase saw the first use of ceramics in the Cajamarca Valley.

62
subsequent Cajamarca Period: Initial Cajamarca (IC: 50BC-AD100), Early

Cajamarca (EC: AD100-AD600), Middle Cajamarca (MC: AD600-AD800), the Late

Cajamarca (LC: AD850-AD1200), and the Final Cajamarca (FC) (Terada and

Matsumoto 1985).

1988 saw the beginnings of work at the middle Jequetepeque Valley platform

site of Kuntur Wasi and this project has continued to the present with a long series of

excavation seasons and the construction of a large museum at the edge of the site. The

Japanese projects have developed the following sequence for the site. The Idolo phase

was contemporary with the occupation of nearby Cerro Blanco and also closely

related to the Late Huacaloma (LH) phase. Kuntur Wasi phase (800-500 BC)

involving the construction of three platforms forming a U-shaped plaza on the site

summit. Additionally, a ceramic type very distinct from that of the earlier Idolo phase

was developed, one with close connections to the coastal Cupisnique. This phase also

saw the first rich tombs at the site containing complex gold objects including crowns,

and nose and ear ornaments. Iconography on these ornaments included serpent and

jaguar designs. The Copa phase (500-250 BC) witnessed the expansion of the

architecture at the site while simultaneously the design motifs on ceramics at the site

shifted dramatically from the use of animal and naturalistic images to a new focus on

incised geometric motifs. This Copa phase resembled closely the Early Layzón phase

in the Cajamarca basin. The final phase at Kuntur Wasi was the Sotera phase (250-

50BC).

63
 Research by the Japanese expedition has diversified in the 1990s and the

beginning of the 21st century, but projects in Cajamarca continue. Yuji Seki has

continued to conduct general surveys and excavations both within the Cajamarca

Basin proper and in the middle and upper Jequetepeque Valley. His work has

involved the excavation of La Bomba in Jequetepeque (Seki 1997) and recently

(2001, 2002) he has directed site surveys in the Cajamarca Basin (Seki and Tejada

2003).

A Japanese/Peruvian team directed by Watanabe Shinya, Elmer Atalaya, and

Juan Ugaz excavated the large village site of Tantarica in the cis-Andean region of

the middle Jequetepeque Valley (Contumazá Province) in 1999 and 2000. This

community was occupied during the Late Intermediate Period and the Late Horizon

(Late and Final Cajamarca Phases). In Addition, Ugaz and Watanabe excavated at the

large site of Santa Delia in the northeast Cajamarca basin in 2001, a site also occupied

in the Late and Final Cajamarca phases.

Daniel Julien

An additional project of site survey and excavation of a number of sites was

undertaken by Daniel Julien in the 1980's as part of his doctoral dissertation research

at the University of Texas at Austin (1988). His survey and excavations have further

refined the ceramic chronology and created a typology of architectural forms for the

Cajamarca area focused on various functional terrace types. Julien also worked with

toponyms for the region to begin to get at the spatial distribution of Cajamarca ethnic

groups in the late Prehispanic period (Julien 1993).

64
 2.7.2The Cajamarca Tradition - General Trends in Northern Highlands
and Cajamarca
Material Evidence

As has been indicated for the Huamachuco area to the south (Topic, J. R.

1998:118), the socio-political organization of the Cajamarca tradition throughout

most periods has been characterized as a number of loosely related and possibly

confederated middle range societies (Julien 1988, 1993). In this framework, local

elites would have competed over both resources and followers. The political scene

was most likely one of alliance building, elite competition, and aggrandizement both

within and between communities like Yanaorco. While broad similarity and

conservatism in ceramic style indicates some level of regional corporate identity,

widespread extra-regional contact and exchange shows at least a degree of

independent elite and community striving and competitive aggrandizement (Blanton

at al. 1996).

The Cajamarca archaeological tradition can be defined as a set of shared, but

variable characteristics occurring in archaeological contexts in a geographical range

covering much of the northern Peruvian highlands. Although the range of Cajamarca

materials ebbed and flowed through time in the Peruvian highlands, this relatively

bounded region was its core. The Cajamarca tradition is defined principally by the

occurrence of certain material correlates and artifact types defined as Cajamarca in

style, although initially it was labeled Marañon after the area in which the materials

were first seen and described.

65
 The most distinctive material feature of what has been called the Cajamarca

Tradition is a ceramic type utilizing a paste composed totally or in large part of kaolin

clay (Kroeber 1985; Larco Hoyle 1985). This clay commonly outcrops in the

Cajamarca region and ranges in color from a fine, bright white, to shades of light pink

and gray. All of these colors have been used in Cajamarca pottery but the finest

wares, often made during the Middle Horizon or Middle Cajamarca period, were of a

fine brilliant white kaolin paste with few to no inclusions. Although the level of

complexity of painted decoration on this white ware varied temporally and

stylistically, the most well known type is the Classic Cursive Ware of the Middle

Cajamarca Period (also known as the Cajamarca 3 period). This fineware was painted

with narrow, rapidly applied brush strokes creating both geometric and naturalistic

motifs. This ware type and others will be described in detail in Chapter 6.

The second and less well known characteristic of the Cajamarca tradition is

the construction and use of a distinctive mortuary architecture called "las ventanillas"

as epitomized at the site of Ventanillas de Otuzco located on the north side of the

Cajamarca basin. These consist of horizontal shafts excavated into the soft limestone

cliffs that are common in the Cajamarca region (particularly in the area of the

Cajamarca basin and northward). These shafts can be shallow (~1m deep) or long (up

to several meters deep) and can contain single burials or multiple internments. A

common design is a long central hall or shaft with off shooting, lateral, bucket-like

cavities that would have acted to house individual burials. In this way many

individuals could have been interred in one larger tomb. The relatively small

66
dimensions of individual tombs and the individual lateral depressions in multiple

tombs seem to imply that these were probably associated with secondary burials,

probably wrapped in textiles. The larger, multiple-burial shafts may have acted to

house members of extended families or groups of related kin. While rock-cut tombs

are not unknown elsewhere in the Andes, large complexes of shafts excavated into a

cliff face are typical of the Cajamarca tradition.

While there are other characteristics of the Cajamarca Tradition, these two are

perhaps the most distinctive and well known among archaeologists in the Andes.

Both characteristics will be discussed in greater detail later in this dissertation.

Ethnohistoric Evidence

Historians and ethnohistorians of the Cajamarca highlands have utilized

literary sources ranging from first hand chronicles of individuals present at the initial

conquest to writings of later chroniclers as well as official governmental documents

such as the reports of visitas or censuses collected within the first century of contact.

In addition, investigators have looked at linguistic information and that which can be

gained from the study of toponyms in the northern highlands to highlight potential

scenarios for the peopling of Cajamarca and subsequent interregional interactions and

population movements (Rostworowski 1985: Julien 1993).

Some of this research has not stood the test of time. For example, Cabrejo

(1957:37) working from toponym and family name information believed that the

initial inhabitants of the Cajamarca highlands were Moche peoples originating from

the north west. He ultimately believed that these Moche peoples were merged with or

67
taken over by Tiahuanaco "tribes" from the south. Archaeological research now

indicates that although there are some place names in the northern highlands that are

Mochica and, intriguingly, may indicate the locations of coastal communities in the

middle of Cajamarca territory, Cajamarca populations emerged generally in situ

during the Formative Period. Mochica place names do not necessarily indicate Early

Intermediate Period colonies or demographic movements. They could just as easily

indicate contacts later in time.

The works of Cristobal de Albornoz and Antonio Arriaga shed light on the

indigenous languages spoken in the Cajamarca region. The language commonly used

here was Culle. Before it was replaced by the official language of the expanding Inka

Empire, Quechua, Culle was spoken widely in the northern highlands in the regions

of Chota, Bambamarca, Cajamarca, Cajabamba, Otuzco, Santiago de Chuco, Sanchez

Carrion, and Pallasca. As in other regions of the Inka Empire, after the fall of Inka

rule, the indigenous, Culle language returned to use in Cajamarca. Silva Santisteban

notes that it was last recorded as in use (alongside Quechua) by a priest administering

the sacraments in the community of Ichocan in 1774 (Silva Santisteban 2000:72). A

knowledge of Culle was therefore maintained in spite of the temporary and selective

adoption by some local populations of the language of Inka occupation.

These Culle-speaking populations practiced a polytheistic religion as was

common in the Andes, with their primary deity, Apo or Huaca, named Catequil, the

personification of the power that produces lightening. This huaca was the regional

iteration of the pan-Andean Staff-God; in Cajamarca, an individual carrying two

68
slings (one in each hand). Another principle deity was the sun, Su in Culle (Silva

Santisteban 2000).

2.7.3 Correlations Between Local Sequences Developed for Cajamarca

and Broader Andean Sequence (Initial Period – Late Horizon)

Two chronological sequences have been developed and used for the

Cajamarca tradition. The first was developed by Henry and Paule Reichlen (1949) in

the middle 20th century based on ceramics collected and excavated during a series of

field seasons in the Cajamarca Basin. This sequence is a series of phases, Cajamarca

1 through Cajamarca 5, preceded by a period associated generally with the Formative

Period in the region (the Torrecitas/Chavín Period ending approximately 400 BC)

(Figure 2.9). The Cajamarca periods begin with the appearance of ceramics made of

kaolin paste.

The second chronological system developed from Cajamarca material (and the

one utilized in the current project) was created by Terada and Matsumoto (1985)

based on excavated ceramic materials originating in the projects of the Japanese

Expedition to Nuclear America. As with the earlier Reichlen sequence, the Japanese

chronology begins the Cajamarca tradition/phases with the appearance of kaolin paste

in ceramics. This sequence is broken into a series of phases correlating to the

Formative Period, followed by a five-period Cajamarca Tradition.

69
 Cajamarca
Andean Cajamarca (Terada &
Year Regional
Chronology (Reichlen’s 1949) Matsumoto
1985)
Late
Horizon Cajamarca 5 Inka
1500
(1476-1532) Final
Late
Intermediate
Period Chimú
Cajamarca 4 Late
(1000-1476)

Cajamarca Tradition
850-
1000 1200
Middle
Lambayeque
Horizon Wari
/ Sicán
(750-1000) Middle Empire
Cajamarca 3
A,B
500 Early
Cajamarca 2 A,B,C Moche
Early
(AD
Intermediate 100-
Period 600)
A.D. (1-750)
0 Cajamarca 1 Initial
B.C.
Layzón
Early
Horizon
500
(800 BC -
Late
AD 1)
Huacaloma

1000 Torrecitas/Chavin
Initial
Period
Early
(1800 BC -
Huacaloma
800 BC)
1500

(Adapted from Julien, D. 1988)

Table 2.1: Andean Chronology

70
2.8 The Cajamarca Culture Sequence

2.8.1 Archaic and Preceramic Periods (~8500 BC - ~1600 BC)

Archaeological remains attributable to the preceramic, Archaic Period in the

Cajamarca region have been investigated almost exclusively by Augusto Cardich and

more recently by archaeologists affiliated with the Yanacocha mines conducting

survey and test excavations north and northwest of the Cajamarca Basin.

The earliest lithic complex has been defined by Cardich and is called the

'Cumbe Complex' (Cardich 1994; Silva Santisteban 2000:32). This complex is

differentiated from those of the highlands further south and has been investigated at

several caves in the Cajamarca highlands. The "type site" for this complex is Cueva I

of Cumbe, situated within the Suni Zone.

Although Cardich's investigations in 1987 involved the excavation of several

caves and rock shelters generally west and northwest of Cajamarca, not all contained

preceramic levels. For example, Llacanora and El Consejo I contained only ceramic

levels with dates of 2215±115 BP and 2220±200 BP, respectively. The lithic Cumbe

Complex was named for the region within which it was discovered. This Cumbe

region is located northwest of the Cajamarca Basin within the Suni Zone. Several test

units were excavated into Cumbe Cave I. While the top 3 natural levels contained

ceramics identified as Huacaloma and Layzón in origin, the lower 4 levels were

preceramic and contained the lithic assemblage defined by Cardich. This assemblage

71
was made up primarily of small, irregular flakes, many of which were utilized.

Although there were no projectile points present, excavations recovered several

scrapers. This assemblage has been interpreted as an expedient tool set and edge-wear

analyses have determined that tools and flakes were primarily used in the processing

of animal hides although there is also evidence for the limited processing of bone and

wood in the assemblage (Cardich 1994:229). A charcoal sample collected from one of

these preceramic levels has yielded a date of 10,505±115 BP (PITT 03337). This is

the earliest date in the Cajamarca region associated with human activity.

The faunal assemblage associated with the lithic levels at Cumbe I is

informative as to shifts in resource use from the preceramic into the early ceramic

period. The assemblage associated with the preceramic period levels is dominated by

the remains of deer (cervids) and guinea pig (cuy), with a distinctive, complete

absence of camelids (Cardich 1994:230) 13. Domesticated forms of the camelid appear

and become dominant during the Formative period, ceramic levels with guinea pig

continuing, but cervids dropping off sharply.

Investigations farther to the northwest of the Cajamarca basin have recorded

cave and rock shelter sites as well as evidence of "temporary shelters" in the regions

of Yanacocha, Carachugo, and at Maqui Maqui. Dates for these contexts are as old as

~5000 BC and come from contexts including stone tools and faunal materials (Silva

13
Fauna present in the preceramic levels of Cumbe I include: the cervids, Odocoileus virginianus
(white-tail deer) and Hippocamelus sp. (taruga), Cavia porcellus (guinea pig; cuy), Lagidium
peruanum, and Mazama sp. In the Formative, ceramic-bearing level, camelids are added to the faunal
assemblage.

72
Santisteban 2000). Recent survey in this region has also uncovered preceramic

occupations in cave contexts (Melly Cava and Narváez Vargas 1999).

Survey and test excavation in the middle and upper Zaña Valley north west of

the Cajamarca Basin by Netherly and Dillehay have uncovered both residential and

non-residential sites dating to the Middle Preceramic period (~ 6000 B.C. - ~4200

B.C.). The site of Nanchoc represents a very early example of a paired set of parallel

mounds that is interpreted as possible evidence for dual social organization in the

northern highlands during this period (Dillehay and Netherly 1983; Dillehay,

Netherly, and Rossen 1989).

2.8.2 Initial Period and Early Horizon (1500 BC–50 BC)

2.8.2.1 Huacaloma

The Huacaloma period saw the development of increased complexity in the

Cajamarca Region with regard to architecture, ceramic manufacture and use, and

archaeologically visible ceremony. This period saw the development of the large

civic-ceremonial platform mound center of Huacaloma on the Cajamarca Valley

bottom at an elevation of 2700 meters (Figure 2.6). Excavations in the 1980s

indicated that this site was comprised of a series of three large stepped platform

mounds situated around an open plaza with a series of smaller constructions

organized around this central group (Onuki 2002; Terada and Onuki 1982, 1985).

73
Figure 2.6: Major Formative Period Cajamarca Sites

74
 These investigations have resulted in the differentiation of two Huacaloma

sub-phases, the Early Huacaloma Period (EHP) and the Late Huacaloma Period

(LHP). Early Huacaloma (1500 BC-1000 BC) saw the construction a series of small

rectangular rooms with round centrally located hearths (Terada 1985:195). These

have been interpreted as domestic rooms with some small-scale ceremonial function.

Importantly, Early Huacaloma ushered in the production and use of ceramic

technology in the Cajamarca region. Burials beneath the floors of these rooms were in

round pit and bodies were flexed. The EHP equates roughly to the Initial Period in the

Andean master sequence while the beginning of the LHP sees the entry into the Early

Horizon. Major social change took place at the intersection of Early and Late

Huacaloma.

At the outset of the Late Huacaloma period (1000 BC-550 BC), a thick, 2-5

meter cap of yellowish soil fill was laid over all EHP constructions at the center. It

was during this later Huacaloma period that the large 10 meter high platform mounds

were constructed at the site with at least three bouts of construction (Seki 1998:151).

The construction of these large stepped platforms atop the fill layer of yellow soil

effectively erased all evidence of the earlier phase. Constructions atop the new temple

were covered in multicolored murals with predominantly geometric motifs but also

included bird, snake, and feline images (Terada 1985:198).

While ceramic technology was introduced during the preceding EHP, new

forms and techniques were developed in the LHP. It was during the LHP that the

initial use of post-fired painted decoration first appeared on ceramics in the region.

75
Ceramics of the Cajamarca Basin during the LHP resemble (technologically) those

present at the northern Cajamarca platform center of Pacopampa (Morales 1998). A

limited number of stirrup spouted vessels also appear during this period - indicating

possible connections to Cupisnique on the adjacent north coast (Onuki 2002).

Late Huacaloma period architecture excavated at the site of Layzón, a second

large terrace mound in the valley, also indicates the use of a new form of construction

that was very different from that used at Huacaloma. The Huacaloma mounds were

built behind retaining walls of mortar - embedded stone. At Layzón, much of the

architecture, including large staircases, was carved into the bedrock (Seki 1998:152).

Large incised mythological figures were also carved into the facing of these staircases

(Terada 1985).

2.8.2.2 Layzón

As with the Huacaloma Period, the Layzón Period has been further divided

into two sub-phases; the Early Layzón (EL) (550 BC-250 BC), and the Layzón

Periods (250 BC-50 BC) (Terada and Onuki 1985). The EL phase, as defined through

excavations at the sites of Huacaloma and Layzón, had significant ceramic

connections to the Copa phase at the formative platform site of Kuntur Wasi located

in the middle Jequetepeque Valley (Onuki 2002). The EL is not well understood due

to scant evidence, but it is seen as a phase transitional between the Late Huacaloma

and Layzón. The large center at Kuntur Wasi located in the middle Jequetepeque

Valley is believed to have strongly influenced the Cajamarca Basin during this period

(Seki 1998).

76
 The Layzón phase (250 BC-50 BC) during the later part of the northern

Formative period witnessed the first population and settlement shifts into higher

elevation locations on the edges of the valley. The center of Layzón is located several

hundred meters above the Cajamarca basin floor on its southern edge (3200 meters).

The center was remodeled and amplified during this phase. Several other substantial

large platform centers were constructed as well, all elevated off the valley bottom

(where Huacalona had been located). These centers included Agua Tapada, just north

of Layzón, Corisolgona, and Cerro Ronquillo (Seki 1998). The orientation of the

largest of these, Layzón, was changed from E-W as it was originally built during the

LHP, to a N-S orientation. This new orientation is believed to have possibly signified

a reorientation of Cajamarca leadership or society to look outward emphasizing

outside contacts. Religion and society during the Huacaloma period had focused

within the valley with its single large center. During the Layzón period, Huacaloma

became a domestic site and the new centers were located in high elevation positions

looking outward (Seki 1998).

The local economy also shifted substantially during the Layzón Period. Faunal

analysis of deposits spanning the formative period at the site of Huacaloma indicate

that while the frequency of camelid remains (as opposed to cervid) in the diet slowly

increased from the EHP to the Layzón period, during this Layzón period, camelid

made up approximately 90% of the local diet (Shimada 1982). This has led

investigators to believe that this late formative period saw the beginning of camelid

77
domestication in the valley (Onuki 2002; Seki 1998). This period also saw the

beginning of intensive maize agriculture in the region.

2.8.2.3 Cumbemayo

An additional construction dated to the Early Horizon in Cajamarca is the

extensive rock-cut aqueduct in the Cumbe region just west and southwest of the

Cajamarca Basin near the continental divide. This aqueduct is associated with

petroglyphs identifying it with the Formative period. This affiliation was also made

early on by Julio C. Tello who describes its length in detail and stated that it dated to

the "megalithic age" during his 1937 visit to the ruins (2004:229). The aqueduct itself

measures 9.1 kilometers in length and crosses the continental divide at 3555 meters.

The intakes for the canal lie in the high elevation region of Cumbe to the west of the

divide, actually in the western watershed. The aqueduct was designed to transport

water from these western highlands east through the divide, with its outlet in the

Cajamarca basin near the base of the Cerro Santa Apalonia near the modern city

center (Petersen 1985:98). Several of its linear sections were designed and engineered

to create zigzag features in the rock in such a way as to slow the flow of water

through the aqueduct (Petersen 1985:98; Silva Santisteban 2000:42).

2.8.2.4 Kuntur Wasi

Excavation began at the large platform mound site of Kuntur Wasi (Figure

2.7) in 1988 and has extended to the present (Inokuchi 1998). The site is a stepped

platform mound on a hilltop overlooking the middle Jequetepeque Valley and it was

occupied from 1100 BC-~50 BC. The last of four phases at the site of Kuntur Wasi

78
was the Sotera Phase, during which all evidence of the ceremonial complex involving

both temple and complex tomb constructions characteristic of the earlier phases is

abandoned. Sotera was contemporaneous with Layzón phase in Cajamarca, and sees

the first signs of camelid domestication at Kuntur Wasi (Onuki 2002).

79
Figure 2.7: Jequetepeque Valley with Major Formative Period Sites

80
 Research at this site has indicated that coastal Cupisnique influence in the

middle Jequetepeque and the Cajamarca highlands, more generally, was a relatively

late development. Dates associated with both ceramics and stone carvings at Kuntur

Wasi indicate that Cupisnique ceramics and influence at the site was earlier and more

significant than that from Chavín de Huantar (Inokuchi 1998:177). As a result, work

here has thrown doubt into traditional ideas that Kuntur Wasi developed under the

influence of Chavín (Onuki 2002:69).

Approximately 1.5 km to the north of the center at Kuntur Wasi was located

another late formative period platform mound (Inokuchi 1998; Onuki 1995). Cerro

Blanco had been occupied earlier but its major occupation coincided with the Sotera

Phase at Kuntur Wasi, or the Layzón Phase in the Cajamarca Basin.

2.8.2.5 Pacopampa

The civic-ceremonial center of Pacopampa is located in the Province of Chota

in northern Cajamarca. This site consisted of a large stepped platform situated on a

hilltop and dates to the Early Horizon after approximately 1500 BC (Fung Pineda

1985; Morales 1998).

Survey and excavation in the middle Jequetepeque River valley conducted just

prior to the construction of the Gallito Ciego dam by Rogger Ravines uncovered 52

sites dating to the Initial Period and Early Horizons (Ravines 1985b). The majority of

these sites were early platform mounds interpreted as ceremonial in function. Some

were stepped mounds and others were associated with rectangular or circular plazas.

81
Although many of these sites were capped by much later Chimú reoccupations, the

majority of these mid-valley mounds contained Early and/or Late Huacaloma period

ceramics as well as vessel forms related to the coastal Cupisnique style. This fact

indicates that there was substantial interaction and influence between the northern

highlands and groups in the middle valleys at this early date (Ravines 1985b:224).

2.8.3 Initial Cajamarca Period / ~Cajamarca 1 (~100 BC - AD 100)

The Initial Cajamarca Period is distinguished from the preceding Layzón

Period by the presence for the first time of a ceramic wares utilizing white kaolin

paste. This clay was locally available during earlier periods but was not utilized.

Ceramics produced of this kaolin clay distinguish all later periods from the Formative

Period in the Cajamarca region.

Settlement patterns also seem to have been a continuation of those of the

Layzón period, with many settlements being situated in higher elevation locations.

This may also be related to the domestication of camelids at this time. The majority of

settlements are small domestic sites. In fact, Julien's survey indicates that the Initial

Cajamarca Period saw the highest number of sites of all periods, although with the

smallest average size (Julien 1988:152). There are also several fortified sites. Both El

Consejo and Cerro Chuchumarca are located just above 3500 meters in elevation, just

above cultivable lands and in defensible locations (ibid:152-3). Both also have a

fortification wall and associated ditch or moat on the easiest approach to the

settlement. Although the later site of Yanaorco is much more substantially fortified,

both these Initial Period sites resemble it in other ways.

82
 The subsistence economy in Cajamarca was characterized by a continuation of

patterns developed during the Layzón Period. Camelids were probably herded in

higher elevation zones and crops including corn were domesticated and grown on the

valley bottom. Grobman and Ravines have documented the presence of domesticated

corn at the Cajamarca 1 site of Iscoconga located on a hilltop approximately 15km

south of the Cajamarca basin (1974:102). This domestic site also had food remains of

camelids, rodents, bean, and legume. A carbon date from carbonized remains in a

hearth here and in association with Cajamarca 1 ceramics is 1915+/- 80 (~ AD 35).

2.8.4 Early Cajamarca Period / ~Cajamarca 2 (A.D. 100 - A.D. 600)

The Early Cajamarca Period generally coincides with the Early Intermediate

Period of the master Peruvian sequence. North highland society during this period

developed alongside the complex and better documented Moche polities on the coast

to the west. Inter-regional interaction between societies of the Cajamarca highlands

and its coastal, jungle, and highland neighbors was very limited during the earliest

part of the EIP.

The Early Cajamarca Period has been subdivided into three subphases based

on changes in ceramics (Terada and Matsumoto 1985). Subphase A is characterized

by a relative lack of evidence for interregional interaction in the northern highlands.

There is no appreciable indication of interaction between Early Cajamarca A groups

and the early Moche on the coast. Settlement patterns are in large part similar to those

of the preceding Initial Cajamarca. While many of the hilltop and fortified

communities continue to be occupied, others are abandoned during this period. By

83
subphase C, all fortified communities have been abandoned, although settlements on

lower hilltops persist. A new settlement type appears at this point, the Agglutinated

Room Group (Julien 1988). In general, there is in trend through the Early Cajamarca

Period toward less emphasis on fortification and defensiveness in the settlement

pattern of the Cajamarca basin. Julien indicates that to a degree settlement shifts

closer to the valley floor during this period (1988:156).

The site of Coyor is occupied for the 1st time during the EIP. This is a large

hilltop and possibly fortified center that grows in political important through the

Middle Horizon (Figure 2.8). The site is located adjacent to a shallow lake on the

valley floor southeast of the modern city of Cajamarca. These well-known ruins were

described by a series of early visitors to the region (Stevenson 1825; Weiner 1880).

Early descriptions of the ruins at Coyor described a series of 7 two story terraces

covering the hill with large-scale public buildings on the summit (Stevenson 1825).

Today, agricultural activity on the slopes has destroyed much of the architecture

although large rooms do remain. Toohey has also observed large rectangular rooms

on the summit as well as several looted subterranean cist tombs. The extent of the site

during Early Cajamarca is unclear, but it reached its height during the Middle

Horizon, Middle Cajamarca Period.

84
Figure 2.8: Early Cajamarca Period (AD100 - AD600) / Early Intermediate

Period Settlement

85
 Interregional interaction increased through the EIP. The relationship between

coastal Moche peoples and the Cajamarca of the adjacent highlands is not well

understood, but increasingly, archaeological investigations in the Jequetepeque

Valley at Moche sites like San José de Moro are shedding light on this interaction.

The presence of typical Cajamarca ceramics alongside Moche III and IV pottery in

mortuary contexts at this site indicates interaction between at least some Cajamarca

groups and at least certain segments of the adjacent Moche society (Bawden 1996).

Archaeological evidence from the end of the EIP, or the final phase of the

Early Cajamarca Period, places social patterns in the Cajamarca region in the context

of broader shifts occurring in Peru at the time, one characterized by significant social

flux. In a major shift from a lack of interregional interaction during the beginning of

the EIP, there appears to be a broadening of the Cajamarca interaction sphere by the

end of the EIP, which continues and strengthens into the subsequent Middle Horizon.

The appearance of typical “classic cursive” (Middle Cajamarca/Cajamarca 3)

decorated ceramics in the Huamachuco region (Thatcher 1975; 1977) and in the

Callejon de Huaylas (Lau 2001, 2006; Vescelius 1965 – in Lanning 1965) regions

south of Cajamarca, and well as the Moche evidence noted above, during the late EIP

may indicate an expanding sphere of interaction during this period. This initial

broadening of contact through the northern highlands and the coast coincides with a

probable increase in tensions within the highlands. Site survey in the Huamachuco

region just south of Cajamarca has indicated a marked increase in frequencies of

86
community fortification very late in the EIP that may indicate increased tensions in

the highlands, though the nature of these is unclear (Topic and Topic 1987).

2.8.5 Middle Cajamarca Period / ~Cajamarca 3 (AD 600 - AD 850)

Settlement patterns in Cajamarca continue relatively unchanged during the

Middle Cajamarca Period. Sites are generally located on low and non-defensive

hilltops although many sites are also low near the valley bottoms. The large center at

Cerro Coyor grows to its maximum extent and, presumably, political influence during

Middle Cajamarca as well.

Investigators have distinguished two subphases for Middle Cajamarca, MC-A

and MC-B, defined by the characteristics of the diagnostic ceramics present.

Subphase A sees the introduction and widespread use of both Cajamarca Classic

Cursive and Cajamarca Floral Cursive wares. By Subphase B, only Floral Cursive is

in use. Due to a near lack of Floral Cursive at the large site of Cerro Coyor, Julien

believes that this center may have been abandoned by the end of Subphase A.

A new settlement form appears for the fir st time in Cajamarca during Middle

Cajamarca or Cajamarca 3. These are characterized by large rectangular enclosures

and have been seen at four large sites, El Palacio, Santa Delia, Huacaloma de

Sulluscocha, and Yamobamba (Figure 2.9). Architectural features at two of these sites

and their location near major prehispanic roads has lead investigators to believe that

they may be Wari imperial administrative centers. This will be discussed in detail in

Chapter 4.

87
Figure 2.9: Middle Cajamarca and Wari Sites

88
 Subsistence economy in the Cajamarca basin during Middle Cajamarca

indicates a continuation in large part of earlier practices. These include valley bottom

and terrace agriculture as well as herding of domesticated camelids.

Investigations in the northern highlands indicate that Cajamarca society

continued to expand into the Middle Horizon both to the north, and down the western

slope of the Andes toward the coast (Julien 1988). Cajamarca ceramics have been

noted in the Zaña (Dillehay and Netherly 1983), Jequetepeque (Castillo 2000), and

Chicama valleys to the west of the highland basin (Disselhoff 1958a, 1958b) during

this period. It is also during the middle Horizon that Middle Cajamarca ceramics

appear in sites as far flung as Macara in the southern highlands of Ecuador, at Cuelap

in the forested slopes to Cajamarca's east, at Batan Grande in Lambayeque, and at

sites within the Wari imperial heartland of Ayacucho, to be discussed below (Silva

Santisteban 2000).

The mortuary and domestic site of San José de Moro has been excavated and

extensively analyzed, leading to broad understanding of Late Moche, Transitional

Period, and Lambayeque mortuary patterns in the valley (Castillo 2000). Recent

research has focused on material links between coastal people and highland

Cajamarca groups during the Late Moche, and both early and late Transitional

Phases. Analysis of Cajamarca and Coastal Cajamarca ceramics from a number of

both mortuary and domestic contexts at the site indicates shifting patterns in the

nature of Cajamarca presence over these periods. During Late Moche, Cajamarca

Classic Cursive vessels are encountered within elite Moche tombs indicating possible

89
attempts on the part of these individuals to attain some power through controlled

access to these exotics. Cajamarca ceramics become much more common during the

Transitional Period (~AD 800 – AD 950), present not only in elite mortuary contexts

but in domestic and ritual areas. During the Early Transitional, a period just after the

fall of Moche political strength, a wide variety of exotic ceramic types is present in

the tombs of elites who seem to have been experimenting politically, attempting to

draw legitimacy from a number of exotic contacts (Helms 1992). These ceramics

included Wari, Cajamarca, Coastal Cajamarca, Casma Impressed, local post-Moche

styles, and local Lambayeque. During the Early Transitional, both Cajamarca Classic

Cursive and Cajamarca Floral Cursive are present in these contexts, leading Bernuy

and Bernal (2008) to believe that this period equates to Middle Cajamarca Subphase

A, when these two styles also co-occurred in the highlands. The Late Transitional

period sees an even higher frequency of Cajamarca wares at the site. During this

period, though, Cajamarca Floral Cursive occurs with Cajamarca Semi-cursive. This

indicates that Late Transitional may equate to Middle Cajamarca Subphase B

(dominated by Floral Cursive), and the early part of Late Cajamarca, which begins

with the presence of Cajamarca Semi-cursive. Interaction between those on the coast

and those in the Cajamarca highlands begins during Late Moche, and steadily

increases in intensity until hitting its peak during the Late Transitional in the middle

10th ce. AD (Bernuy and Bernal 2008:76). The appearance of highland-style semi-

subterranean chamber tombs at the site during the Late Transitional, along with the

90
presence of highland ceramics, may also point to increasing political and social

influence from the highlands in the presence of a post-Moche political vacuum.

Close interaction continues between Cajamarca and populations in

Huamachuco to its south during the Middle Horizon. These two societies shared a

common language, a religion, and very similar ceramic styles (though these were

relatively distinct). Silva Santisteban believes that Culle was spoken in Huamachuco

and in a large portion of the Callejon de Conchucos at least as far back as the Middle

Horizon (2000:46).

A persistent research question regarding the Middle Horizon has been that of

the relationship between the expansive Wari Empire and Cajamarca. Settlement

survey has led to the current conclusion, based on an understanding of Wari imperial

architectural patterns, that the basin of Cajamarca formed the northern frontier of the

Wari Empire. Although Wari and Wari-related ceramics are found in Middle Horizon

contexts farther north, the northern most examples of Wari provincial architecture,

presumably state installations, are the sites of El Palacio (or Miraflores) and

Yamobamba in Cajamarca, and Viracochapampa in Huamachuco to the south

(Jennings and Craig 2001; Topic 1991; Williams and Pineda 1985). None of these

regional administrative centers was ever completed or fully occupied although for a

number of reasons, I believe the Wari presence on its northern frontier was more

substantial than has been believed the case. The issue of the Middle Horizon Wari in

Cajamarca and the relationship between the two will be discussed in much more

detail in Chapter 4.

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The Coastal Cajamarca Question

One development encompassing the north coast of Peru and the northern

highlands during the Middle Horizon is the presence in many contexts along the coast

of a ceramic style that has been labeled “Coastal Cajamarca” 14 (Montenegro C.

1993). The presence of a ceramic type on the coast from the Moche Valley in the

south to the Lambayeque Valley in the north that was typologically related to, or

similar to, styles in the northern highlands had been noted in the literature since the

early 20th century. Nevertheless, the first studies of this ware that treated its

characteristics (in comparison to the characteristics of contemporary ceramics in the

Cajamarca highlands) were associated with archaeological investigations of the Sicán

Culture in the Lambayeque Valley under the direction of Izumi Shimada (1994). This

ware is typically characterized by annular bowls and tripod based bowls. Painted

decoration is in brown and orange bands and rapidly applied strokes on a light or

white colored base. One distinction between the highland Cajamarca wares of this

Middle Horizon and the coastal Cajamarca style is that highland wares are of a white

or light colored kaolin paste while on the coast, pastes are of local origin and the

white “kaolin” base is imitated through the application of a wash of white slip. This

faux kaolin-like production technique was also common in the Cajamarca highlands

during the subsequent Late Intermediate Period. Another distinction was that coastal

Cajamarca wares were generally painted on the interior while highland vessels were

14
This coastal Cajamarca style has variously been labeled “Coastal Cajamarca”, “Moro Style”,
“Jequetepeque Red on White”, “Lambayeque Red on White” (in the Jequetepeque Valley); and Sicán
painted Plates” in the Leche and Lambayeque Valleys (Montenegro C. 1993:144).

92
painted on both interior and exterior. A third and very important distinction is that

coastal Cajamarca wares were mold-made while highland wares were exclusively

coil-formed. Coastal Cajamarca style was relatively wide-spread on the north coast.

Coastal Cajamarca ceramics first appear in Sicán contexts in levels just above

those of Moche V. These wares are present in Early Sicán (AD 700/750 – AD 900)

contexts and later in Middle Sicán Levels (900-1100 AD), only to disappear during

the Late Sicán (1100-1350/75 AD)(Montenegro C. 1993:138 15). This association

speaks of significant, though little understood, and sustained interaction between

coastal populations and highlands peoples through the Middle Horizon and the

beginning of the LIP, a period of close to 300 years. The nature of this interaction

within the coastal valleys and the cis-Andean region will be taken up in detail in

Chapter 4 of this dissertation. It is significant, though, that highland styles and

symbols first appear in coastal contexts after the collapse of the Moche polity and that

its presence later wanes with the expansion and consolidation of the Chimú state.

2.8.6 Late Cajamarca Period (AD 850 – AD 1200)

The Late Cajamarca Period dates from approximately AD 800 to

approximately AD 1200 (Julien 1988), straddling the later Middle Horizon and the

first two centuries of the Late Intermediate Period. The population of the Cajamarca

region during the LIP is believed to have been organized into a series of 6 middle

range societies that were located in various parts of the region from the cis-Andean

15
Montenegro believes this to have been a form of syncretism (144). Associated with co-residence of
Yungas groups – coast and highland)

93
slopes to the Andes just west of the Marañon River. Our knowledge of this

organization comes from both documentary evidence and from archaeological survey

investigation. Investigations of Spanish Visita documents relating to the region by

Julien (1993) and Rostworowski (1985) have indicated the names of 7 warangas 16

present during the Late Horizon Inka occupation of Cajamarca. Six of these warangas

are believed to have been politically independent chiefdoms during the previous LIP.

Listed by Daniel Julien (1993), these were Guzmango, Cajamarca, Bambamarca,

Pomamarca, Chondal, and Chuquimango. Visita evidence and archaeological ground-

truthing have also indicated the locations for the centers of three of these warangas.

The capital of the Guzmango waranga was at the location of the contemporary site of

the cis-Andean town of Guzmango Viejo, the capital of Chuquimango was also in the

cis-Andean region near the Jequetepeque River at the site of Tantarica (Horkheimer

1985) (Figure 2.10). The third identified capital is the large site of Santa Delia,

believed to have been the capital of the Cajamarca waranga. The Chondal were

located in the Andes northwest of the Cajamarca basin although we do not know the

location of its capital. The polity of Pomamarca was located in the area of the

continental divide between the high headwaters of the Jequetepeque and the

Cajamarca basin while Bambamarca was spread over much of the eastern Cajamarca

region.

16
A waranga is the term within the Inka Decimal administrative system representing a set of 1000
taxpaying individuals/households (Julien, C. 1982:123; Julien, C. 1988).

94
Figure 2.10: Jequetepeque Valley with Major Late Cajamarca Period Sites

95
 Aside from the indigenous groups in the Cajamarca region discussed above, it

is believed that several intrusive populations may have also lived within the basin of

Cajamarca during the LIP. Working with Visita evidence, Rostworowski (1985) has

discovered many patronyms in the region that include the letter "F" which is not used

in the highland language. This letter is used, though, in the yungas and coastal

languages of the north coast of Peru. Based on this evidence, Rostworowski believes

that two groups of outsiders may have been in residence in the region during the LIP.

The first was a group of Yungas people from the adjacent coast who brought with

them names including the letter "F". She believes that these groups may have entered

the highlands in order to attempt to control the headwaters of the Jequetepeque

drainage, which were so important to agriculture in the lower valleys. The power-

relationships between these peoples and the indigenous Cajamarquinos are unclear

though. This group probably made up another Late Horizon waranga and thus may

have been integrated in some way within the greater regional socio-political system

(ibid. 1985:411). A second group of outsiders in residence during the LIP may have

been made up of immigrant Llacuaz highlanders who had come from the southern

highlands. Their presence has been inferred from place name evidence and it is

postulated by Rosworowski that they may have been involved in a kind of Middle

Horizon Wari mitimae system. The validity of this is not well established.

Sometime during the LIP, the interacting middle range societies of the

Cajamarca highlands coalesced and centralized to some extent into what might be

called a complex or paramount chiefdom (Julien 1988, 1993). Although some have

96
written that the capital of the region may have sat under modern day Cajamarca

(Ravines 1968), documentary evidence indicates that the principal group in this

coalition was Guzmango with its capital on the cis-Andean slope well to the west of

the Cajamarca basin. This group may have risen to power due to its close proximity

to and opportunities for interaction with the polities of the north coast that would have

included the powerful Chimú state at this time. The collective Cajamarca polity is

known as the Reino de Cuismancu or the Kingdom of Cuismancu and is thought to

have been substantially integrated and powerful at the time of contact with the

expanding Inka Empire at approximately 1465 (Silva Santisteban 1985:20).

Cuismancu is also believed to have held sway over parts of Huamachuco late in the

LIP (ibid.). This was evidently a period of great prosperity for the Cajamarca polity.

It may be that the kingdom held some kind of direct control over people at the town

of Pacasmayo on the coast as these peoples are said to have paid tribute in pearls,

fresh fish and marine shells to those of Cajamarca (Urteaga 1919:19 – in Ravines

1968:20). The actual nature of the relationship between Cuismancu and the Chimú

state is not very clear though and it is unlikely that the highland paramount chiefdom

could have held any real authority over that expansive coastal empire.

From the standpoint of settlement patterns, during the Late Cajamarca Period

(late Middle Horizon and early Late Intermediate Period), there is a marked shift in at

least some of the Cajamarca populations into higher, more defensible communities

(Julien 1988). Many new hilltop and defensible communities are constructed and

many of these are actually defended by high fortification walls as well as associated

97
dry moats and parapets. Among population centers during this period was the site of

Yanaorco. This is a site located approximately 15 kilometers southeast of the present

city of Cajamarca at an altitude of 3550 meters above sea level and is the focus of this

dissertation. Other major population centers during the Late Intermediate Period

included Huacarís, La Collpa, Cajamarca-Orco, and Jesús (Ravines 1968:21) (Figure

2.11). Another example of a fortified hilltop community from farther north is the site

of Cerro Ilucan in Cutervo in the central Cajamarca region north of the basin. This is

a large complex involving several architectural sectors in a ridge top, defensible

location (Valle Alvarez and Horna Gálvez: 2001). Investigators at the site believe that

this strategic site was one point of contact between Cajamarca groups and the

invading Tupac Yupanque. This hilltop site is also partially surrounded by

fortification walls measuring approximately 2 meters in width and 3.5 meters in

height.

Recent research within the cis-Andean region at the site of Tantarica by

Shinya Watanabe has uncovered a large village occupied from the Late Cajamarca

Period into the Final Cajamarca Period and Late Horizon. This site is located in a

defensible ridgeline position and is characterized by complex organizations of rooms,

terraces, patios, and drainage constructions (Rabanal Pesantes et al. 1997). Based on

his work at Tantarica, Watanabe is skeptical of the idea that the 7 warangas were

present and highly integrated under a unitary Kingdom of Cuismancu at the point of

Inka contact. He sees the material culture, including ceramics and architecture, at

Tantarica and nearby Guzmango Viejo as more in line with coastal culture than with

98
that of highland Cajamarca. He believes that any Kingdom of Cuismancu that may

have existed was much more heterogeneous than has been implied by the written

records (Watanabe 2002:129). He goes as far as to imply that a separate polity existed

in the Contumazá region encompassing the sites of Tantarica and Guzmango and that

it may have been incorporated into the Inka Empire separately from the Cajamarca. I

do not believe the existence of variability within the Cajamarca region must

necessarily mean separate polities. I do, though, agree that there is evidence for a

great deal of variability and heterogeneity in material culture throughout the

Cajamarca region at the point of Inka conquest. The dynamics of community

organization and regional militarism and conflict during the LIP and LH will be

discussed in detail in Chapter 4.

99
Figure 2.11: Late Cajamarca Period Settlement

100
 2.8.7 Final Cajamarca Period (AD 1200- AD 1532)

The Final Cajamarca Period falls within the later half of the LIP and the Late

Horizon of the master Andean sequence. It was during Final Cajamarca that the

Cajamarca polity reached its highest level of political integration, ultimately came

into contact with the expanding Inka Empire, and was consolidated by that state

(Figure 2.12). While the LH of the master sequence begins at 1476, the Inka conquest

of the Cajamarca highlands is believed to have occurred at approximately 1465.

As discussed above, out of several centuries of varied levels of conflict and

social development in the Cajamarca region of the Late Intermediate Period

developed a system that may have been at the level of a paramount chiefdom

influencing much of the northern highlands. This widely flung polity was under the

paramount leadership of an individual named Guzmango Capac 17 and was centered at

the site of Guzmango Viejo on the cis-Andean western slope between the middle

Jequetepeque and middle Chicama Rivers. Information regarding the political

landscape of the later LIP and the Late Horizon in the northern highlands comes to us

primarily from a number of ethnohistoric chronicle sources (Cieza de Leon 1556;

Cabello de Balboa 1551) although recently archaeological work in the Cajamarca

region has begun to question some of the points made in the chronicles (Watanabe

2002). The research being reported here based on the site of Yanaorco indicates that

Inka conquest may have had the effect on local settlement of forcing populations to

17
This name has been spelled variously, Guzmango, Cusmanco, Cuismanco, and Coyosmango (Silva
Santisteban 2000).

101
abandon high elevation and fortified communities and move elsewhere, presumably

into lower and more manageable communities closer to the basin bottom. Both the

Inka imperial strategy and its conquest and consolidation of the Cajamarca region will

be discussed in detail in Chapter 4.

102
Figure 2.12: Final Cajamarca Period Settlement (AD1200-AD1532)(Blue); Sites

with Inka ceramics on surface (Post AD1465)(Red)

103
2.9 The Inka Conquest of Cajamarca

Although the population in the northern highlands and on the adjacent Pacific

coast most likely had heard stories of the advancing Inka Empire long before any

direct contact occurred, the first direct contact between the those in the Cajamarca

region and the Inka themselves came in the context of an Inka military campaign

against the Chanca.

Although there is some disagreement about the sequence of the conquest of

the northern highlands by the Inka, it is clear that Cajamarca was ultimately

conquered by Inka forces under the command of Tupac Yupanqui, the half brother of

the Inka, Pachacutec. Although some historians believe that the modern-day

provinces of Cajamarca, Cajabamba, Celendin, Contumaza, and Hualgayoc were

conquered between 1460 and 1465 by the Inka Pachacutec, most credit the conquest

of the region to Tupac Yupanqui after conflicts from 1470-1480. Yupanqui's

campaign (occurring sometime between 1470 and 1480) was bloodier than

Pachacutecs, involving approximately 3 months of conflict with Cajamarca. It

ultimately led to the conquest of the modern provinces of Santa Cruz, Chota, Cutervo,

and Jaen (Cabrejo 1957). The coastal Chimú state was taken by the Inka between

1462 and 1470 (Bruhns 1993:307).

Tupac Yupanqui is believed to have encountered Cajamarca peoples while

pursuing Chanca forces northward through the Andean highlands. Having been

evaded by the Chanca, Yupanqui is said to have acted counter to his brother, the

Inka's orders and crossed the Yanamayo River to the north. From this point, he is

104
believed to have encountered and conquered Cajamarca forces under the command of

Guzmango (Silva Santisteban 2000:72). Conflict ensued between the Inka out of the

south and a strong alliance between the Cajamarca forces (led by Guzmango) and

coastal Chimú forces led by a son of Minchansaman, or Chimú Capac (Silva

Santisteban 2000:72).

2.10 The Inka Occupation of the Northern Highlands

Following cessation of conflict in the Cajamarca region, the Inka are believed

to have relocated various Mitimae communities into the Cajamarca basin and region

in order to better manage the contact situation. The Inka also provided the current

name to the region "Cajamarca" spelled Caxamarca, Cassamarca, or Cashamarca and

made it a state province or huamani. Ultimately, this huamani was subdivided into

seven (7) warangas. These Inka warangas included: Bambamarca (made up of 8

pachacas); Chota (made up of 5 pachacas); Cajamarca (9 pachacas); Chuquimanco

(10 pachacas); Cuismanco (led by the hatun curaca -- and made up of 12 pachacas);

Pomamarca (8 pachacas); and finally an eighth guaranga made up of the imported

Mitimae communities (Julien 1993; Rostworowski 1985; Silva Santisteban 2000).

The Inka also extracted Cajamarca people to other regions of the state as mitmaq

communities. One region to which a Cajamarca group was moved was into

Chachapoyas located to the east of the Marañon River, where the Inka conquest

occurred at approximately 1470 (von Hagen 2002).

The modern city of Cajamarca is located in the southwest of the Cajamarca

basin adjacent to the southern edge of the valley. Today, it is the departmental capital

105
and the center of local politics, commerce and population. As such, its area is

sprawling and covers all but a very few reminders of the imperial Inka city, or

regional administrative center that once occupied the same location in the basin.

Although artifactual and architectural evidence of the Inka presence in Cajamarca is

generally rare, construction projects within the city center regularly uncover

architectural features such as walls that are attributed by local archaeologists to the

Inka occupation based on ceramic associations.

Contact period accounts of the Inka city of Cajamarca recount a vast center of

buildings and plazas surrounding a large central plaza. There are descriptions of a

multitude of fully laden Inka storehouses, a Temple of the Sun, an Acllawasi or house

of the chosen women, among other features characteristic to other Inka state centers.

The resident population of the Inka center is believed to have been approximately

2000 individuals. A population that included state dignitaries and administrators such

as provincial officials, ceremonial elites, aclla or chosen women in the service of the

Inka and the state, metalworkers, yanacona, potters, and textile production specialists

(Silva Santisteban 2000:74-76). Despite substantial descriptions of the city and its

buildings, the only major architectural evidence of the Inka center that remains today

is the "Rescate Room" or “Ransom Room”, a one-room structure of Inka cut stone

that is said to have been the very room that was filled with the ransom demanded by

Francisco Pizarro for the life of Atahualpa in 1532. Although the truth of the claim

that this is the actual ransom room is not clear, the architectural details are consistent

with Inka practice.

106
2.11 Spanish Contact Period

Francisco Pizarro's Journey to Cajamarca

The Spanish conquistador and explorer Francisco Pizarro is perhaps best

known as the figurehead for the Spanish expeditionary force that ultimately

conquered the vast Inka Empire in the early 1530's. Pizarro and his entourage reached

the fateful Inka city of Cajamarca on the morning of November 15, 1532 (Silva

Santisteban 2000:80), but only after traveling down the west coast from Ecuador and

then up the Zaña River from its mouth to the Cajamarca basin.

Pizarro was accompanied by a relatively small entourage made up of not only

Spanish soldiers but others the Spanish had picked up along the way. In the way of

forces, this group was made up of 178 men; 72 men on horseback and 106 foot

soldiers (Lockhart 1972). The remainder of the group consisted of an unknown

number of porters, a contingent of indigenous men and women brought from

Nicaragua, and a number of black and Moorish slaves (Silva Santisteban 2000).

Pizarro's journey to Cajamarca from the coast at modern day Tumbes near the

Ecuadorian frontier took him and his forces approximately 6 months to complete. The

group traveled the coast as far south as Chiclayo where they turned inland and slowly

ascended the Zaña River Valley into the western flank of the northern Andes. Along

this journey inland, Pizarro came into contact and took shelter with several local

leaders or caciques within the Zaña watershed and within the modern Province of

Santa Cruz. The party was feasted and put up by these local lords. It was from these

interactions also that Pizarro first heard news of the tumultuous political situation

107
within the Inka Empire at the time, the ensuing civil war between the Inka Huascar in

Cuzco and his brother Atahualpa then located in Cajamarca (Cabrejo 1957). After

spending several days in Santa Cruz with his people, Pizarro continued up the Zaña

into the highlands through the village of Yauyucán and the Quilcate region where the

group took advantage of hot springs for two days before continuing to advance on

Cajamarca.

The fateful contact and confrontation between Pizarro, his men, and

Atahualpa and his army at Cajamarca is well documented by sources present in the

plaza de armas that day. Eyewitnesses who recorded the events include Hernando

Pizarro, Francisco López de Xerex, Miguel de Estete, and Pedro Sancho. Later

chroniclers who wrote of the events incuded Cieza de Leon and Guaman Poma.

First Contact

According to Guaman Poma (1978:107), Francisco Pizarro arrived in

Cajamarca wishing to have an audience with Atahuapla. With Pizarro were 160 men

including soldiers and clergy. When the Spanish occupied the Inka city of

Cajamarca, the Inka Atahualpa was in residence at the Baños del Inka, which was

most likely a royal palace built by Atahualpa and is located several kilometers to the

northeast of the city itself. It has been reported that along with the royals were

100,000 Inka soldiers.

Guaman Poma (1978) writes of a visit to Atahualpa at the "baths" by a

diplomatic mission consisting of Francisco's brother Hernando Pizarro, Hernando de

108
Soto, and Sebastián Benalcázar, all in full armor. These three, it is written, put on an

aggressive show of horsemanship in front of the Inka leader, which included feigned

charges against the Inka and his court. Guaman Poma writes that this display

frightened the court a great deal. The truth of this is not clear but the following

morning, the Inka Atahualpa and his army traveled the several kilometers to the city

of Cajamarca in order to meet with the Spanish general, Francisco Pizarro.

The Inka Atahualpa and several hundred of his retinue of 100,000 soldiers

eventually entered the massive plaza of Cajamarca in which the Inka would meet

Pizarro. Guamán Poma (1978) writes that Atahualpa rode on a litter of solid gold on

this occasion. It is recorded that at this point, Pizarro introduced himself as a

representative of the great king of Spain and relayed the Spanish throne's desire for

friendship with the Inka. Subsequent to this introduction, the Spanish friar Vicente

actually approached the Inka with a crucifix and bible in hand. Vicente, as a

representative of both the throne and of god, proceeded to ask the Inka to renounce

his indigenous faith and to accept the one true religion. Atahualpa took hold of the

book, which inspired such faith for the Spanish, and listened to the pages turn waiting

to hear this "word" of god. Hearing nothing, Atahualpa was unimpressed and threw

the text to the ground, exclaiming that he could not and would not renounce his belief

in the immortal Sun.

At this instant, Vicente called out to the Spanish that the Inka would not

believe in the Christian god. This was also a signal to for the Spanish to attack the

Inka in the plaza. Under the orders of Francisco Pizarro, his men attacked with their

109
horses and muskets quickly decimating the Inka army present in the plaza. In the

midst of the surprise attack, Pizarro himself is said to have "rescued" Atahualpa from

the assault and taken him to both safety and imprisonment. The battle was bloody

and swift.

In Guaman Poma's (1978:110) description of the looting which occurred at the

hands of Pizarro and the Spanish after the battle, several buildings are mentioned

which give us an idea of the scale of the Inka presence in Cajamarca. For example,

the Coricancha of Cajamarca was looted of its incredible wealth in gold. Its floor,

walls, door and windows were said to have been covered in gold. Large quantities of

silver and gold were also taken from the shrine of Huanacauri in the city. The

personal riches of Atahualpa and his court were also taken as was the Inka

Atahualpa's solid gold litter. Another architectural feature mentioned is the "gold

room", "Cuarto de Rescate", or Atahualpa's ransom room. This room was said to

measure eight arm spans by four in area (1978:111). There is today an Inka cut stone

room in Cajamarca approximately 50 meters off the main plaza that is said to be this

same "gold room", although its exact identity is not absolutely clear.

Many of the chronicles of Peru and of the Spanish conquest record the

unfortunate happenings in Cajamarca of 1532. All of the stories are very similar in

most respects, which may tell us a number of things. Either the occurrences are fairly

accurate or, more likely, the later chroniclers borrowed heavily from early reports

such as those written by Hernando Pizarro and Miguel de Estete. The problems of this

110
habit of literary borrowing of earlier sources by later writers are discussed by

Catherine Julien (2000).

The eyewitness Miguel de Estete in his Noticia del Peru de Miguel de Estete

(Estete 1987[1535]) describes parts of the journey of the conquistadors to Cajamarca

and the happenings there. The cavalryman describes passing numerous villages filled

with many people and temples to the sun on the trek into the province of Cajamarca

(probably in the cis-Andean length of the Zaña River). After days of travel over

dangerous passes, Estete writes that in the afternoon of Thursday, the 15th of

November, the Spanish contingent had its first view of Cajamarca. As described in

Guaman Poma, Estete describes the first visit of his contingent under Hernando

Pizarro to the Baños del Inka. He paints a clear picture of a majestic Atahualpa seated

on a thrown among some 600 or more of his nobles (ibid. 125). The day after the

capture of Atahualpa, Estete describes a visit by a certain number of Spanish to the

Baños del Inka, which was probably a royal estate. The description indicates the

presence of many storehouses that contained foods, meats, arms and supplies of new

clothing of both wool and cotton. In addition to the above material, which was looted

by the Spanish, Estete also notes the presence of gold and silver and other valuables

that were collected and then shipped back to Spain. Two months after the battle at

Cajamarca, Estete left the city as part of a twenty-man contingent that traveled south

to Pachacamac on the central coast. In his description of the beginnings of this

journey, he notes the high quality of the Inka road on which he traveled (ibid. 131).

111
 Another very important first hand witness to what happened at Cajamarca was

Hernando Pizarro, younger brother the general Francisco Pizarro. In his letter to the

"Oidores" of the audience of Santo Domingo, he describes the happenings in much

the same way as Estete. He also describes the scene of Atahualpa on his throne at

Baños surrounded by chosen women and officials. Hernando Pizarro provides

descriptions of the capture of Atahualpa and his treatment by the Spanish. In his

description of the trip south out of Cajamarca on the way to Pachacamac, this author

provides valuable descriptions of the several aspects of the Inka infrastructure in the

countryside and the roads are praised as being of very high quality. Valuable

descriptions of the many bridges are also presented. Bridges were made of stone,

wood, or rope. Pizarro also describes a system in place of two types of bridges. One is

meant to be used by the common people while the other is guarded and is only to be

used by the Inka and his captains (Pizarro 1987[1533]:71). He describes a harsh

highland environment that is at the same time well populated. In every major town

there was a "governor's post," which may indicate the presence of Inka administrative

facilities. Hernando Pizarro also describes houses of the chosen women, which were

guarded and housed women who worked to produce chicha which was then used to

feed the armies. He also describes the presence of storehouses that were filled with

clothing and corn in order to sustain traveling armies. Importantly, this author also

very briefly mentions the use of knotted devices that were used to keep accounts by

Inka administrators (ibid. 72).

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 Important descriptions of Cajamarca also come to us from the writings of

Francisco de Xerex, who was the official secretary and chronicler of Francisco

Pizarro. Xerex describes in detail the fateful conversation in the plaza between

Atahualpa and Vicente. He also describes the trip by thirty Spanish soldiers to Baños

del Inka the morning after the battle. There, the Spanish destroyed Inka weapons and

looted the Inka stores that held gold, silver, precious stones, and cloth (Xerex

1987[1534]:88). Possibly most important for the archaeological understanding of the

Inka in Cajamarca, this author describes in some detail the layout and features of the

royal estate of Atahualpa at Baños del Inka. Although somewhat small, this palace

was the finest that the Spanish had yet seen in this land. It was composed of four large

rooms arranged around a plaza or patio. Baths at the palace were fed by canals

carrying both hot thermal water and cold sierra water. A large stone lined pool with

stone stairs also was present. The author also describes a garden that was adjacent to

Atahualpa's sleeping quarters. Several other domestic and service rooms were also

mentioned. The archaeological record for Baños del Inka and, for that matter all of

Inka Cajamarca, is sparse. For this reason, Xerex's description is very important to the

study and understanding of Inka Cajamarca.

Ultimately and after months in captivity, the Inka Atahualpa was killed by

strangling on the night of July 26, 1533 (Silva Santisteban 2000:98). The events

surrounding Atahualpa's imprisonment and death were shrouded in a context of local

inter-factional political intrigue that are only recently being illuminated (Rowe 2006).

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2.12 The Early Historic Period in Cajamarca

The socio-political landscape changes rapidly in the Cajamarca region after

the Spanish conquest. In 1535, Pizarro granted to Melchor Verdugo, one of his

soldiers, an encomienda encompassing province of Cajamarca. With this encomienda

came control over the labor of the indigenous Cajamarquinos. Verdugo also swiftly

began taking advantage of the local mineral resources. Although they had been

worked in prehistory, the silver mines at Chilete in the middle Jequetepeque Valley

were utilized more intensively by 1540 (Silva Santisteban 2000:102).

In the year 1549, Cajamarca was christened "San Antonio de Cajamarca" by

friars of the Franciscan order who arrived in that year (Silva Santisteban 2000:106).

The friars were housed by the principal local curaca of the time, Don Pedro

Angasnapon, for a total of approximately 13 years before being ousted from the

community. During those 13 years, they were charged with conversion and

indoctrination of the indigenous populations of the region. Representatives of the

order returned to Cajamarca by mandate of Viceroy Francisco de Toledo in 1570.

The Corregimiento of Cajamarca was created by the government of Lope

Garcia de Castro in 1566. This new corregimiento consisted of the current provinces

of Bambamarca, Cajamarca, Celendin, Hualgayoc, Cajabamba, Santa Cruz, Chota,

Cutervo, San Pablo, San Marcos, Contumaza, Santiago de Chuco and to the south,

Huamachuco, and Otuzco (Silva Santisteban 2000:110). At the end of the 16th

Century, Archbishop Toribio Alfonso de Mogrovejo provided a population count of

Cajamarca by way of a visit to the city. He noted a population of 5624 individuals.

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 The prehistory and history of the Cajamarca region saw a sequence of shifts

between periods of local political development and autonomy, and periods of

intrusive conflict and occupation by powerful foreign empires – spanning from the

Formative Period through the Spanish colonial period. The LIP, equating to the later

half of the Late Cajamarca and the initial part of Final Cajamarca was a unique period

in Cajamarca prehistory in that it was a post-collapse period of local social an

community regeneration. Chapter 3 bases the current project of research in

contemporary anthropological and archaeological theory.

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 CHAPTER 3

THEORY I: IMPERIAL COLLAPSE, MIDDLE RANGE SOCIETY, AND

COMMUNITY REGENERATION DURING INTERMEDIATE PERIODS

The collapse of empires can create opportunities for local communities and

their leadership that were once occupied. This work seeks to investigate the nature of

societal and community rebound or re-emergence in the period after the fall of Wari

imperial influence in the Cajamarca highlands of Peru. Because of the relative

centrality of the topic of empire to this work, I will in this opening section discuss the

nature of empire and theories that have been posited for imperial expansion and

consolidation of new lands and populations (Alcock et al. 2001; D'Altroy 1992;

Schreiber 1992; Sinopoli 1994). This will lead to a discussion of the concept of

frontier and boundary as pertains to the presence of societies in contact with, or

occupied by larger and more powerful states and empires. The concept of ethnicity

and in particular ethnogenesis will then be discussed, as the remainder of this work

will continue to make the connection between ethnogenesis and community within

local areas. This is followed by a review of what we know archaeologically and

ethnohistorically of culture contact and imperial frontier issues in Andean prehistory.

Finally, I discuss the importance of taking community and household levels of

approach to questions of ethnogenesis and societal dynamics in imperial contact and

post-contact situations.

The research questions to be addressed in this work lie generally at two levels.

On one hand, the thrust of the work is based at the community level of analysis where

research will focus on areas of community organization and patterns of leadership and

116
authority within middle range societies in Late Intermediate Period (LIP) Peru (Table

3.1). The second thrust of research in this dissertation is at the regional level. Here I

will utilize published data in looking at shifts in settlement during the LIP of

Cajamarca, investigate militarism during this period, and situate dynamics observed

in the northern Peruvian highlands within what other archaeologists have seen in

studying the LIP in other areas of the Andes.

Research at the Community level will attempt to situate evidence for

organization, community development, social and economic stratification, and

leadership excavated at the site of Yanaorco within broader, comparative discussions

of community organization and leadership strategies in middle range societies. What

constituted power in this community? What sources of power and influence did

aspiring leaders utilize at Yanaorco in order to attract and hold onto followers? Also,

what signs do we see of developed social and or economic stratification within the

community, if any? Was there differential access to productive materials and

activities? Did some in the community have access to certain food items or exotic

materials while others did not? Is there evidence for control of surplus goods or

control of craft production by an elite few? Did leaders gain authority through

leadership in military affairs during the LIP? Finally, is there evidence to address the

question of whether communities were organized in corporate vs. individualizing

manners? Chapter 4 expands upon these research questions and presents specific

archaeological correlates for them.

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 Cajamarca
Andean Cajamarca (Terada &
Year Regional
Chronology (Reichlen’s 1949) Matsumoto
1985)
Late
Horizon Cajamarca 5 Inka
1500
(1476-1532) Final
Late
Intermediate
Period Chimú
Cajamarca 4

Cajamarca Tradition
(1000-1476) Late
1000 850-1200
Middle
Lambayeque
Horizon Wari
/ Sicán
(750-1000) Middle Empire
Cajamarca 3
A,B
500 Early Moche
Early Cajamarca 2 A,B,C
Intermediate (AD 100-
Period 600)
A.D. (1-750)
0 Initial
Cajamarca 1
B.C.
Layzón
Early
Horizon
500
(800 BC -
Late
AD 1)
Huacaloma

1000 Torrecitas/Chavin
Initial
Period
Early
(1800 BC -
Huacaloma
800 BC)
1500

Table 3.1: Andean Chronology

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 Research at the regional level will address more historically focused

questions. Based on fieldwork at Yanaorco and on previously published settlement

data, what can we say about population movements and militarism in the period

immediately after the fall of Wari imperial influence in the northern highlands? How

does this compare to what happened in the LIP in other regions of Peru? During the

400 years of the LIP, can we see shifts in population and settlement dynamics in the

northern highlands? Finally, what can the seemingly sudden abandonment of the

community of Yanaorco tell us about Inka conquest and consolidation in Cajamarca?

These questions will be fleshed out and addressed further in Chapter 4.

3.1 Culture Contact, Empire, Frontier Issues, and Ethnogenesis

3.1.1 Culture Contact and Frontier Issues

In any attempt to discuss the range of dynamics in a post-collapse,

'intermediate period' world, one must begin with a treatment of the nature of culture

contact dynamics during the previous period, that characterized by the imperial

occupation of a region.

At the broadest level of treatment, when one is discussing imperial expansion

and consolidation, we are speaking of issues of culture contact. The dynamics of

culture contact have played a critical role within recent archaeological research. A

substantial literature has developed around theoretical and methodological concerns

with the political, economic and social processes associated with contact between

distinct social units (Champion 1989; Kardulias 1999; Schortman and Urban 1992;

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Stark 1998). Discussions of culture contact are often broken down into one of a series

of broad models, including World Systems Theory or Core/Periphery (Blanton and

Feinman 1984; Wallerstein 1974), and Peer-Polity Interaction (Renfrew 1996).

World Systems Theory (WST) has been the most influential in modeling and

interpreting regional and extra-regional interaction among associated but distinct

polities (Wallerstein 1974, 1980). Although initially developed to explain the

evolution of modern economic power relations within a capitalist western world

system, many archaeologists borrowed liberally from WST to explain prehistoric and

early historic systems of interaction and power relations at regional and interregional

scales. Fundamentally, the model assumes an asymmetry of power between the core

and its periphery. As proposed by Wallerstein, the Prehispanic, world empire system

described a distinctive division of labor on both occupational and geographic grounds

(1974:349). A powerful political and economic core or core state would control and

manage the labor output of populations living within the periphery of the system. This

division of labor would lead to further economic and class differentiation between

those in the core and those on the periphery and thus to increasing relations of

dependency (ibid.: 350). All change or action within the periphery was seen as the

result of input from the dynamic core. Therefore, world empires were composed of

interacting dichotomies between core states and dependent and socially and

politically weak polities on the peripheries.

Major critiques of the use of World Systems Theory have focused on the key

assumptions of the model. These critiques are directed at (1) WST’s core-centric

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focus, (2) its assumption of strictly asymmetric power relations, and (3) its

assumption of a homogeneous and static periphery. As originally proposed, polities

and communities within the peripheries of "cores" or core-states were not even

considered real social systems in and of themselves (Wallerstein 1974:348). They

were only important in that they were part of a core-centered system. This top-down

approach sees the core polity as the only economically and culturally dynamic source

of innovation and change within the system (Lightfoot and Martinez 1995). Important

critiques have focused on dynamics and heterogeneity within communities on the

'periphery' of large 'core' polities. For example, research has focused on internal

variability, individual and group action and agency (Brumfiel 1994; Canuto and

Yaeger 2000; Cusick 1988; Lightfoot and Martinez 1995; Smith 1988; Stein 1988),

and resistance within the peripheries of World Systems or on their frontiers. Recent

investigations have also questioned the potential of expanding empires to exercise

direct control on distant frontiers due to increasing distance from the core, difficult

topography and variable transportation technology. According to the Distance Parity

Model (Stein 1999; 2002), elites in communities on distant frontiers may have had

substantial opportunities for economic and political negotiation with expanding

empires. Countering a previous focus on core-centric (or large-site focused) research,

archaeological investigation and interpretation has begun to look at smaller sites not

directly related to the core (Smith, M. E. 1994:145).

Dynamic processes of reaction operate within peripheral communities and

polities once assumed to be static in terms of innovation. Community reactions might

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involve acculturation or the wholesale adoption of material and ideological aspects of

a dominant society (Smith 1988). More often, communities may adopt aspects of the

dominant society in a very selective and situational sense, through elite emulation.

The process of hybridity may also occur. Selective emulation and hybridity may have

resulted in the creation of novel ethnic patterns and identities, or ethnogenesis, which

will be discussed below.

Wolf's work has focused on the deep time depth of widely flung interrelations

and interactions between societies which would otherwise, according to a strictly

WST vantage, be seen as unitary and ahistorical 'billiard balls' bouncing off one

another (Wolf 1982). Wolf's use of the term 'political shatterbelt' to describe frontiers

underlines the contested and dynamic nature of culture contact within these zones

(ibid. 33). The research reported in this dissertation represents a bottom-up, or local

approach to interaction both in times of occupation and post-occupation relative

autonomy by explicitly investigating a small to medium sized village site once

located on the frontier of the Wari empire.

A related but alternative orientation for thinking about culture contact and

frontier issues in the past is Peer Polity Interaction (Renfrew 1986; 1996). This theory

also seeks to explain the dynamics of interaction between polities, but does not a

priori, assume asymmetrical power relations between a 'core' and polities on its

periphery. The process of peer polity interaction sees groups located within generally

the same region engaging in a dynamic system of ongoing interaction including

conflict and warfare, exchange in material goods and ideologies, the related

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'transmission of innovation", and competitive emulation among elites. This

interaction and the ideas that flow between peer polities have the effect that polities

will develop similarities in organizational complexity, material and ideological.

Because polities are engaged within this sphere of interaction, they will generally

experience similarities in organizational change on similar time scales (Renfrew

1986:7). This ongoing competition would not me mutually exclusive to Anderson's

system of chiefly cycling (Anderson 1994).

3.1.2 Empires

Much culture contact and frontier work has been related to research focused

on Empires both modern and prehistoric. Variability in the forms taken by empires

and imperialism has been the subject of a substantial amount of literature in

archaeology and history in the last two decades with cross-cultural and comparative

approaches common (Alcock, et al. 2001; Schreiber 1991, 1992, 2002). Empires have

been characterized as special cases of the state (Sinopoli 1994:159), standing apart

due to their expansive nature. Empires are understood to expand beyond their original

borders into the territories of peripheral or foreign polities. Ultimately, an empire is

characterized by great internal social and geographic diversity (Morrison 2001:3).

The motivation for imperial expansion varies along a continuum from religious

motivation to a desire on the part of the state to gain and control access to material

resources such as territory, metal ores, agricultural lands, and human labor.

Two forms of empire have been suggested for the prehistoric and early

historic worlds: primary empires and secondary or 'shadow' empires (Barfield

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2001:10). Primary empires including the Inka (D'Altroy 2001), Roman, Egyptian

(Morkot 2001), Chinese empires, and peripheral, secondary empires for example

Nubia (Smith 2003), the nomadic empires of Mongolia, and maritime economic

empires. These secondary empires usually formed on the edges of primary empires,

shadowing them. For the purposes of this discussion, we will be referring from this

point on to the primary empire type.

As alluded to above, empires have been defined as conquest states coming to

encompass geographically, environmentally, politically, and ethnically diverse

landscapes (Barfield 2001; D'Altroy 1992; Schreiber 1991, 1992, 2001; Sinopoli

1994:159). These territories are very large and human populations encompassed by an

empire can number into the millions. Empires are large scale extractive enterprises

designed and managed centrally in order to extract resources, be they labor, raw

materials, or money in the form of tribute or taxation. Empires operate both on

political and military grounds through the cooption and or creation of complex and

wide ranging systems of infrastructure involving roads, garrisons, regional

administrative centers, and large scale storage facilities. Finally, whether in the form

of a written system or a materially symbolic system such as the Andean Khipu,

expansive empires always use a complex and flexible system of record keeping and

communication in order to manage the economic and bureaucratic details of the far

flung and diverse state. Chapter 4 will discuss the nature of Prehispanic imperial

expansion and consolidation in detail.

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 Individual empires organize the administration of these extractive enterprises

in a varied form that sits on a continuum between two organization poles (D'Altroy

and Schreiber 2004; Luttwak 1976). At one end of this continuum is Territorial Rule,

implying the direct control of vast territories and populations by the empire, a

materially expensive form of rule. At the other pole is Hegemonic Rule, a form in

which the empire administers rule in the provinces through local provincial leaders.

This is indirect rule and is generally less costly to the empire. These expansive states

would have employed a range of administrative strategies, some more direct and

some more hegemonic, depending on the local political circumstance on the ground

in various provinces. This would have resulted in a patchwork of imperial

administrative strategies across the span of an empire.

Although early formulations of imperial dynamics saw took a world systems

approach and saw the empire as dynamic and dominant in empire-periphery relations,

many archaeologists now see a much multidirectional dynamic at play. Peripheral

communities, factions, and individual agents are seen as active participants in in

relations with empire (Schreiber 2005). The interaction between members of an

occupying polity and individuals or factions of an occupied population was dynamic

and multidirectional. Groups were often quite distinct in ethnic identity. For this

reason, a discussion of the nature of ethnic identity and processes of ethnic change are

useful at this point.

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3.1.3 Ethnicity and Ethnogenesis

Political and social upheaval or strife are important phenomena that occur in

geographic situations of both political and imperial frontiers and during periods of

imperial or state collapse. Ethnic identities are often most visible and contested along

these frontiers or during periods of either occupation or newfound autonomy. The

concept of ethnicity and ethnic identity has changed over the past several decades but

it's principle characteristic may be that it is a bond or personal identification that is

both self defined or ascribed, and ascribed by others. Individuals identify with others

and form dynamic ethnic groups, factions, and polities (Barth 1969). These same

individuals are identified as members of an ethnic group by non-members. Counter to

the traditional anthropological practice of seeing peoples and polities as ethnically

and culturally bounded and homogeneous, contemporary views of ethnic identity see

it as self-imposed, flexible, and highly situational (Díaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005:11).

Individuals within a society are likely to shift identities or affiliations strategically

depending on the situation or context at hand. Societies are ethnically diverse and

made up of multiple and intersecting social, economic and ethnic identities (Barth

1969). Therefore, there will be no one to one correlation between material

representations of identity and any one ethnic group (Jones 1996:70; 1997). The

materials associated with identity will be utilized differently in various social contexts

by different actors even within the same community. This multilayered and

overlapping understanding of identity within and across communities and polities

makes the archaeological study of ethnicity a daunting task.

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 Concepts of ethnic identity are created, recreated and negotiated within

communities. Everyday practice within households not only recreated the material

nature of community life but reproduced ethnic identities as well. Individual,

factional, and community identities were reproduced through this day-to-day activity

(Díaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005:6). This joined practice and reproduction of identity is

often materialized through the shared behavior of individuals wearing traditional

clothing or utilizing other recognizable and public symbols or signs of membership

(Lucy 2005:96).

Nevertheless, prehistorians and archaeologists have sought to identify social

and political 'identities' and ethnicities in the archaeological record by seeking to

correlate aspects of material culture with individual and group attempts at marking

and materializing group membership in the past. Historical and anthropological

research has shown that the active and unconscious symbolizing or signaling of group

membership and 'ethnicity' is often strongest within the liminal spaces between

political ethnic groups. These are contexts in which the practice of ethnic boundary

maintenance can be most dynamic (Barth 1969:16). In the archaeological sense, these

spaces are often frontier zones or borders between societies on the social landscape.

The broadest of these frontiers are often formed between states, both modern and

prehistoric, and between empires and bordering or occupied polities and societies.

Frontier zones, whether conceived of as contact zones of interaction between

unrelated and previously geographically separate groups, or as wide open

wildernesses, spatially outside the active influence or control of nearby polities, are

127
often spaces within which novel ethnicities are generated, a process termed

ethnogenesis (Rodseth 2005:86; Roosens 1989; Voss 2008). There is no one process

of ethnogenesis. As Rodseth points out, there are three alternative forms, each of

which may operate within a frontier zone. The first of these forms is ‘fissioning’,

divergence or fragmentation wherein from within one ethnic group, one or more new

ethnically divergent populations emerge (Eriksen 1993; Rodseth 2005:87). The

material characteristics of the new group may include a subset of the variability

characterizing the original society. The second major form taken by ethnogenesis is

merger, or hybridization whereby there is the creation of a hybridized ethnicity at the

frontier of two previously distinct societies. Finally, Rodseth presents a less common

route that he calls ‘juxtaposition’. This form sees the creation of new ethnic

characteristics through the action of interaction where particular previously

unimportant differences between interacting groups begin to be accentuated and

emphasized. Juxtaposition then “reorders and revalues ethnic identities within a

wider social and semantic context” (Rodseth 2005:89). One group’s newly reordered

identity is now defined through its opposition to another group. Each of these routes

to ethnogenesis leads to the creation of novel ethnic groups but though very different

historical conditions.

Novel ethnic identities can also emerge in historic situations in which multiple

groups come together, as in the case of once separate African societies coming

together as part of the African Diaspora within plantation contexts. Fennell (2007)

sees once disparate groups coming together, creating and instrumentally using new,

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shared material symbols of a new group identity. This "Ethnogenic Bricolage" is not

ethnogenesis in reaction to contact with a dominant society necessarily, but a reaction

to multiple politically equal groups coming together and enhancing burgeoning group

solidarity (2007:128). In situations like these, it is easy to see another function of

ethnogenesis and the creation of group solidarity. The genesis of new collective

bodies can function as pressure groups, dynamic forces for political change (Roosens

1989).

Hill (1996) sees ethnogenesis not only as a process by which people redefine

themselves in sociocultural and linguistic terms, but also as a powerful tool for

approaching the analysis of ongoing struggle and resistance by some groups against

politically dominant societies. He sees ritual and mythology not as static symbols

identity, but as the building blocks and tools with which novel identities are built

(Hill 1996:4).

I would argue that just as the spatial and geographic frontiers may be the

locations for ethnic genesis, a kind of temporal frontier should also be considered a

period during which ethnogenesis is likely to occur. By temporal frontier, I mean a

relatively bounded period of time, for instance the period immediately after the

collapse of a once occupying empire. On the other hand, one might refer to a period

of occupation or imperial consolidation. Principally, I would argue that the internal

genesis of novel ethnic identities may have taken place during post-collapse periods,

sometimes referred to dark ages. These were times of rapid social and political

change, periods of the rapid reemergence of local political and social autonomy. The

129
newfound economic and political opportunities available to local aspiring elites

during the intermediate periods may have led to heightened frequencies of

experimentation in the genesis of new identities within communities. Social and

material experimentation in daily life at in LIP communities may have led to the

creation of novel identities.

3.1.4 Identity and Resistance

As noted above culture contact studies in terms of empire and occupation have

long seen these interactions as shaped by dynamic occupiers, interacting with

homogeneous and static local ethnic groups. The discussion of ethnic identity and its

active negotiation and use by members of groups, though, presents a much more

active and dynamic picture of the social milieu within culture contact situations. A

more nuanced approach to identity and it’s utilization in instances of culture contact

has focused on negotiated relations between people not only within communities but

between societies. These approaches look at relations of domination within societies

and forms of resistance to that social, political, and economic domination (Hill 1996;

Scott 1985; 1989). This resistance is to what Wolf (1999) has called "cosmological

ideologies", created and managed by dominant social groups within a society. These

ideologies provide a 'right way of doing things' that has been create by elites not to

better the lives of the masses, but to manage the activities of producers within a

society (Wolf 1999:290), much the same as Mann's 'Ideological Power' (1986).

In any stratified community or contact situation, there will be a subtle, or not

so subtle, and delicate class balance between haves and have-nots, between those with

130
power and those without. Resistance by those without true structural power is

everyday and although its effects are cumulative, it is engaged in by individuals. This

"resistance is virtually always a stratagem deployed by the weak party in thwarting

the claims of an institutional or class opponent who dominates the public exercise of

power" (Scott 1989:23). In the outward, public world of community ritual, politics,

and economy, power and control are in the hands of the elite of society, but behind

the scenes, under the radar of official structure, there is room for local and individual

action and agency in the form of resistance to the status quo (ibid. 27). Not all

resistance will be overt and armed. Scott notes that much everyday resistance was

under the radar of those in power. Tools of this form of resistance would include

slander and gossip in the fight to influence people's character and reputation within

the public sphere. Symbolic compliance or minimal compliance is also a tool through

which individuals can thwart the system of production but maintain an outward

appearance of compliance (Scott 1985). This instrumental use of foot-dragging tactics

might also be joined by covert forms of sabotage to the system, to the structure. All of

these forms of daily resistance operate in such a way that they cumulatively have

substantial effect, but create little danger to the individuals resisting. These are not

overt forms of resistance but might be thought of as tools of a 'social insurgency'.

Archaeologists have sought to find ethnic difference and identity in the

archaeological record by looking at a variety of material culture aspects including

mortuary patterns and organization, foodways and domestic pottery forms, and the

situational use of formal, decorated serving wares. Smith notes that the practice of

131
ethnic identity is situational and is made up of choices by individuals within a

multitude of daily situations (2003:188; 2008). He comes at materialized identity

from a gendered viewpoint. His work within Egyptian occupied Nubia sees men in

society adopting imperial Egyptian style vessels in contexts of political show.

Paralleling this is the use by women within the household of local Nubian cooking

wares and foodways, conserving local identity. The identification of variability in the

institutional adoption of materialized identity is made possible through closely

controlled and contextualized analysis (Jones 1996:73; Smith 2003:31).

3.1.5 Ethnicity, Ethnogenesis, and Resistance in the Andes

Many studies of identity, resistance, and the emergence of novel identities

have come out of the Andes both focused on the ethnographic and the archaeological

past. Hornberg (2005), seeking to explain prehistoric variability and the spread of

ethnic identities in Amazonia focuses on the role of far flung exchange networks

within the region. He believes that the interaction and exchange of ideas, language,

and material 'traits' along these routes might promote the adoption of some traits

along the routes leading to ethnic shifts. Powers (1995), in her study of historic period

population shifts in Ecuador, has documented collecting migration by communities

and ethnic groups acting as collective action and resistance to European occupiers.

These movements seem to have been undertaken to resist taxation by muddling

period efforts by the state to collect accurate censuses. These movements were

attempts by communities also to conserve the social organizational aspects of ayllu

organization even as the political and economic aspects were being usurped by

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occupation (ibid. 173). Thus, novel ethnic organizations were being formed through

this collective and instrumental community action.

Farther south in the Andes, Rasnake's study of the highland Yura has sought

to show the range of local ethnic resistance to both Inka domination and that of the

modern state. Here, ayllu organization is conserved and external pressure is in large

part resisted through local traditional ayllu leaders. These leaders function as "agents

in creating consensus among the group" (1988:267), leading communities and

sponsoring communal ritual events ultimately recreating local organization, local

ethnic identity.

Historic period studies of action, identity, and resistance have the benefit of

often detailed historical sources. Archaeological research in the Andes, on the other

hand, seeks to identify ethnic identity and its nuanced usage though the material

culture in the archaeological record. One challenge to the archaeological study of

ethnic identity and the creating of novel identities is the myriad of conceptions used

by archaeologists of the nature of ethnicity and the methods for getting at it (Reycraft

2005). This lends little consensus to archaeological approaches and thus may hinder

comparative study (Buikstra 2005). Buikstra (2005) and others note the importance of

a fine grained contextual approach (domestic vs. non-domestic contexts) to the

archaeological record (Stanish 2005; 1992). This along with fine temporal control is

the only way the archaeologist will possibly find the material related to the habitus of

everyday ethnic identity and practice. Archaeologically ethnic identity has been

studied in the Andes through bioarchaeology and cranial deformation (Blom 2005),

133
shifts in ceramic and textile styles and in the organization of the treatment of the

dead.

Bawden sees ethnogenesis in novel household and mortuary organization at

that occurred with late Moche shift to the urban center of Galindo in the middle

Moche Valley (Bawden 2005). This shift took place within a period of political

pressure and strife. Common people were thrust into an urban situation and through

shifts in everyday household activity and mortuary treatment, sought to create a new

solidarity and group identity within this urban world. These decisions also acted to set

them apart from the elite of the community and to resist structural leadership. Here

ethnic change emerged from social and economic strife. Working at a smaller site on

the south Peruvian coast, early Nasca period Marcaya, Vaughn (2005) emphasizes the

need to take a holistic household archaeological approach in defining ethnic groups.

Fine grained analysis of ceramic types, and the everyday practices on foodways and

ritual lead to the definition of a defined social group in the region based on

economically independent or redundant households. This kind of synchronic look at

ethnic identity emphasizing a contextual approach should form the baseline for

studies of ethnic change over time in a region. In his study of the demographic

concentration and the process of urbanization at the Chicama Valley urban center of

Mocollope, Attarian (2003) sees the coming together of disparate communities into a

new urban city. This process culminates in the creation of a new community as seen

in the creation of novel ceramics in the city and Attarian interprets this as a form of

ethnogenesis linked to the coming together of formerly independent groups in an

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urban environment. Periods of social, economic, and political flux and strife such as

the tumultuous LIP would have been times of pressure on communities and factions

within them. This pressure would have been not only to selectively preserve some

aspects of past identity, but also to situationally adopt novel material and ideological

characteristics in the desire to both maintain traditional organization and identity, and

to adapt to rapidly shifting social and political environments.

3.2 Andean Empires and Occupation

Expansive polities began to emerge in Andean South America during the

second half of the first millennium AD. Although widely flung and artistically or

socially related polities had developed earlier in the Andes including the Moche of

the Early Intermediate Period (Bawden 1996), there is some disagreement as to

whether these polities were organized as states or as very complex and related middle

range societies. Moche may instead have been a socially and ritually integrated series

of peer polities occupying the northern coast valleys. Since approximately AD 600,

though, a series of state level polities have emerged and, to a greater or lesser extent,

spread beyond their original borders and incorporated foreign regions. Here I will

concisely survey the archaeological evidence for imperial frontier occupations and

post-collapse shifts in those frontiers. These include the Wari and Tiwanaku polities

of the Middle Horizon highlands, the Chimú Empire present on the north coast during

the Late Intermediate Period, and the best known, the Inka Empire that expanded

throughout much of western South America during the Late Horizon. While not all of

these polities were necessarily organized at the level of the state, each clearly had

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expansive tendencies, occupied peripheral regions, and entered into long-term

administrative relationships with foreign populations. The situations of the Wari and

Inka Empires are discussed briefly as these are treated in detail in chapter 4.

The Middle Horizon Empires: Wari and Tiwanaku

The Middle Horizon (AD 750–AD 1000) witnessed the expansion throughout

much of the Andes of two large polities, the Tiwanaku in the south and the Wari in

the central and northern highlands (Isbell 2008; Schreiber 1992:72). The Tiwanaku

polity emerged out of the Formative Period in the southern Lake Titicaca region, or

the high elevation basin known as the altiplano. This polity is only very peripherally

important to the topic of this dissertation and so it will not be focused on here in great

detail. The political nature of Tiwanaku is not completely agreed upon by

archaeologists. Some believe it was a state focused on ceremony and that through

exchange, it held wide influence and sometimes physical colonies within its

periphery. Others believe it to have been an expansionist, imperial state. Regardless,

the Tiwanaku polity spread its influence, both directly and indirectly, during the

Middle Horizon over a vast territory from the central Altiplano in the north, to

northern Chile in the south. It also held direct colonial influence in at least one

western valley, the Moquegua Valley, and in eastern valleys leading into the lowland

forests.

Originating in the central highlands of Ayacucho at a site of the same name

(Isbell 1986), the Wari Empire expanded early in the Middle Horizon, ultimately as

far north as the northern Peruvian Andes in the Cajamarca Region, 800 kilometers

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away. Much variability existed in the nature of Wari control or influence in outlying

areas, termed a “mosaic” of control by Katharina Schreiber (1992:62). Archaeologists

have documented the range of the Wari Empire through (1) the intrusive presence of

its distinctive orthogonal and rectilinear administrative architecture and related

infrastructure (Isbell 1991; Schreiber 1992:76-112; 2001), and (2) the presence of

distinctive polychrome Wari ceramics (Menzel 1964, 1968). A complex network of

state regional administrative centers was created and maintained at sites like

Jincamocco (Schreiber 1992, 2001), Azangaro (Anders 1986b), Viracochapampa

(Topic 1991), and Cerro Baúl (Williams 2001) to name a few. Ultimately, this

extensive political body collapsed rapidly late in the 10th century during Middle

Horizon Epoch 2B. The nature of Wari conquest, regional consolidation, and collapse

will be discussed in detail in Chapter 4.

The Late Intermediate Period Chimú

During the Late Intermediate Period (LIP: AD 1000 - AD 1476), the

"Kingdom of Chimor" developed and spread through many of the coastal valleys of

central and northern Peru (Moseley, M. and A. Cordy-Collins 1990; Moseley and

Day 1982). Ultimately, archaeological evidence indicates the empire extended and

held sway, either directly or indirectly, over approximately 1200 km from the La

Leche and Lambayeque Valleys in the north, south to the Casma Valley (Moore and

Mackey 2008). The Chimú Empire held many of the characteristics of an

archaeological empire including a large urban capital, far-flung regional

administrative centers in architectural forms reminiscent of the capital, an extensive

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connecting infrastructure, and a distinctive imperial art style seen in ceramics,

textiles, mural art, metal, and carved wooden artifacts. The Chimú established a large

urban capital at the site of Chan Chan early in the LIP. This center was a political and

ritual/mortuary complex of ten large walled compounds, or Ciudadelas, which may

have been constructed and inhabited sequentially by state rulers and their kin. The

large inter-compound spaces were filled by residents inhabiting distinctive urban

architectural spaces housing areas of specialized craft production.

Away from the capital of Chan Chan, several regional administrative centers

were constructed by the state and inhabited by an administrative elite who managed

local production for the state. One material and architectural sign of this repeated

administrative function is seen in the 'audiencia', a u-shaped niched room seen not

only in each of the administrative centers but also within the large compounds at

Chan Chan. This distinctive room type is hypothesized to have been both the dwelling

place and administrative space of state functionaries. These rooms were closely

associated with and controlled access to state store rooms.

The Chimú had direct imperial representation in the hinterland as evidenced

by the intrusive regional administrative centers (Moore and Mackey 2008). Three

major regional centers were Algorobal and Farfan in the Jequetepeque Valley and

Manchan (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990) in the Casma valley to the south. Each of

these was placed in such as way as to efficiently manage local agricultural

production. Farfan was also situated at the crossroads of the principal north south

coastal road and the coast-highland route up to the Cajamarca highlands. The

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strategically located site of Farfan was co-opted later by the Inka Empire and

substantially renovated to suit the needs of that state (Mackey 2003). Due to the rapid

replacement of Chimú administration by an overlaid Inka imperial presence on the

north coast, there was no post-collapse dark age here as was the case following the

Wari imperial presence in the highlands. Therefore, a close comparison of post-

collapse dynamics is not possible.

The Inka

The Inka instituted a number of large regional administrative centers primarily

along the major state roads through the Andes and along the coast. These

administrative centers were characterized by vast central plazas sometimes hundreds

of meters on a side. The plaza at Huánuco Pampa (Morris and Thompson 1985), for

example measured approximately 300 by 500 meters. Other hallmark characteristics

of large imperial centers included great numbers of storage buildings, presentation

platforms often located within the plazas, and secure complexes of buildings

dedicated to the work of the aqllakuna or the 'chosen women', of the empire (Morris

1974). These women held important ritual roles as well as specialized roles in the

state sponsored production of special clothe and chicha, both of which figured

prominently in the imperial prestige economy. Inka imperial organization,

consolidation strategy, and occupation will be discussed in Chapter 4.

3.3 Collapse of Empire

This project is primarily interested is elucidating the characteristics and

processes of cultural and societal rebirth or reemergence after the collapse of an

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overarching or occupying state or empire. While it is this post collapse world that will

be dealt with most closely here, these dynamics can not be adequately investigated

without treatment of the prior, occupying empire and, importantly, the process of

imperial collapse within the region.

Like many complex, integrated systems, states and expansive empires are

inherently fragile and volatile (Yoffee 1988:13). Empires in particular are by

definition extractive enterprises in that they are designed to efficiently extract both

material and labor resources from consolidated populations. This dynamic

asymmetric relationship is potentially contentious and often leads to power cycling

and collapse. Collapse in the present sense is the breakdown of political, economic,

religious, and ideological characteristics within a society; in this case, an empire. The

phenomenon of collapse in states and empires has been the subject of study for

several decades in history and archaeology (Tainter 1988; Yoffee 2005; Yoffee and

Cowgill 1988). It is generally believed to entail a relatively rapid 'simplification' of

the level of complexity in economic, cultural, and/or political organization within a

large scale polity, although collapse in this sense can occur in tribal and middle-range

societies as well.

The collapse of a polity is not a unitary event in that rarely do all aspects of a

society collapse and cease to operate (Yoffee 2005:134). Politically and economically

integrated systems may fail in a region but physical populations are not likely to

collapse. Demographic and settlement patterns will shift, be reorganized, and novel

political regimes will develop. Yoffee (1988:15) distinguishes between the collapse

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of a state and that of a broader civilization. In state or imperial collapse, only the

overarching political and extractive apparatus fails while other aspects of society go

on. The collapse of a civilization, on the other hand, implies a complete failure and

reorganization of all aspects of a society. In this way, imperial or state collapse is

more of a large-scale organizational shift than a collapse.

For one or more of many possible reasons, this shift in the level of social

complexity occurs rapidly (Tainter 1988). A number of generalized causes for large-

scale collapse have been developed including:

1. Vital resource depletion

2. The presence of new resources in a region
3. Large scale catastrophe
4. "Insufficient response to circumstances" (ibid.:42)
5. Neighboring complex societies
6. External invaders
7. Internal conflict including elite mismanagement and class strife
8. "Social dysfunction" (ibid.:42)
9. "Mystical factors" (ibid.:42)
10. Historical chance and circumstance
11. General economic factors
While Tainter does not completely discount the importance of the above

factors in the collapse of 'civilizations', he does not believe that the logic behind any

of them makes them suitable causes in and of themselves. Alternatively, he posits that

it is the phenomena of diminishing "marginal returns on investment in complexity"

(Tainter 1988) within expanding bureaucratic civilizations that leads more directly to

socio-political collapse. It is this tendency toward diminishing economic returns that

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weakens a polity and makes it increasingly vulnerable to many of the above factors.

Although this process of accelerating decrease in marginal gains will be at work in

polities of various levels of socio-political complexity, it would be most prominent in

imperial polities in the processes of territorial and economic expansion and

consolidation. In the context of the Andes, the processes put forth in Tainter's theory

may have aided in the eventual collapses of both the Middle Horizon Wari and the

Late Horizon Inka polities. These expansive empires may have simply begun to

spread themselves too thinly becoming economically unviable as returns on logistical

investment waned. Costs of logistically supporting distant state administrative

centers, extracting and transporting economic materials, and imposing state ideology

on the periphery substantially increase with increasing distance and increases in the

complexity and challenges of geography between the core and the periphery (Stein

1999, 2002). Conlee has pointed out that in studying collapse and subsequent social

reorganization, archaeologists must be mindful that not all aspects of a society

collapse and that we ought to be explicitly aware of just what aspects collapsed and

which remain to inform the creation of new forms of organization (Conlee 2006).

3.4 Social Reorganization and Leadership during Post-Collapse Intermediate

Periods

Much archaeological research in the last 30 years has focused on the evolution

or origins of social complexity, "the state", and to a slightly lesser degree, on the

collapse of complex societies. This volume of research has dwarfed the scale of

investigation into processes entailed in the regeneration of complex societies in

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periods after the collapse of occupying states and empires. While individual and

regionally specific approaches have attempted a discussion of social and political

regeneration (Conlee 2000), only recently has cross cultural focus been brought to

bear on the task (Schwartz 2006; Schwartz and Nichols 2006).

As with the phenomena of collapse, regeneration of society in post-collapse,

intermediate periods, sometimes referred to as dark ages, is seen not as a singular and

discrete occurrence but as an ongoing process of transformation (Conlee 2006;

Schwartz 2006). These are periods of adversity within formerly occupied regions and

communities. Regions that had been in some cases pacified by foreign occupation

were now spaces potentially contested by aspiring and emergent local elites. These

challenges posed both organizational difficulties for community elites and new

opportunities for aggrandizement by individuals and factions alike, both elite and

non-elite.

In many cases, archaeologists have discovered that after a period of dynamic

adversity, new forms of political, social and economic organization come about in

once occupied regions (Conlee 2006). The formation of this new complexity, often

informed in part by memories of imperial organizational structures, can lead to the

development of secondary states in these once peripheral regions. On the other hand,

in some cases, imperial culture contact circumstances may lead to situations in which

there is no regeneration to the level of the state but to polities of lower political and

economic complexity (Sims 2006). Sims has called this phenomenon a result of

"administrative underdevelopment" (ibid. 119) in cases where local elites were not

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deployed by the prior empire in mid-level administrative posts - and therefore did not

develop the associated skill sets to be used in the post-collapse period. Therefore in

post-collapse contexts where there is little redevelopment of complexity, the situation

may imply that the prior imperial occupation was one focused on direct control by

imperial agents on a continuum between more indirect and more direct

administration.

During post-collapse periods, mid-level elites of the prior occupation period

will attempt to adapt to the new geo-political situation and maintain legitimacy and

authority in their posts while, concurrently, other local elites will be able to take

advantage of (1) emerging opportunities for power not available during occupation,

and (2) access to widely flung exchange and communication networks initiated by the

prior occupying regime. In some cases, local elites are able to reassert authority that

had been dampened during imperial occupation.

These situations would have presented potential opportunities for the

emergence of new elites and factions. On one hand, in some cases networks may have

emerged within which emergent elite may have utilized emerging long distance

exchange contacts and control over prestige production and consumption in order to

produce individual wealth and authority (Blanton et al. 1996). On the other hand,

political economy may ultimately have cycled in some situations of social

regeneration back to a broader, regionally integrative corporate political system.

An understanding of the dynamics of culture contact including emulation and

opposition, and the nature of frontier relations between occupying empires and less

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complex polities is critical in thinking about post-collapse organization. The nature of

post-collapse regeneration of social and political complexity will depend to a degree

on the relationship between local populations in that region and the pre-existing

imperial structure. For this reason, one must look to local historical circumstance

keeping in mind that consolidation strategy and dynamics between conquerors and

the conquered will vary within the same empire. Conlee points out that the level of

syncretism there is between a society and the occupying empire can strongly

influence the changes that take place after collapse. Her work in Nasca, for example,

indicates that because the Nasca and Wari were so ceremonially and religiously

integrated, when Wari collapsed, local, once occupied Nasca populations lost faith in

prior religious institutions. For this reason, the organizational institution of religion

was drastically shifted in the post-collapse period with major aspects of the prior

systems being tossed out by local people (Conlee 2006:104).

3.5 Leadership and Community in Middle Range Societies

The societies encountered by expanding empires in the Prehispanic Andes

were often organized within the range of what we would call middle range societies.

During the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000 - AD 1476) after the collapse of Wari

imperial influence in many areas of the Andes, local societies described in both the

chronicles and by archaeologists also fell within this range. This section discusses the

varied characteristics that have been associated with middle range societies or

integrated multi-village polities.

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 The concept of the chiefdom has been battered around within the

anthropological and archaeological literature for the better part of 40 years and is still

seen by many through skeptical eyes (Pauketat 2007). Much of this conflict has

centered on reactions to the neoevolutionary and classificatory organizational

schemes (Service 1962) that brought the term into being in the first place. Other

reactions to the chiefdom concept have objected to this seemingly unitary type

because of the great variability in organization exhibited by societies often labeled

chiefdoms (Feinman and Neitzel 1984; Marcoux and Wilson 2008; Wilson et al 2006;

Yoffee 1993). Wilson et al. (2006:63), utilizing multiple lines of data, have recently

shown that for all there outward similarities, the Mississippian societies based at

Cahokia and Moundville were organizationally quite different. A related

classificatory/neoevolutionary scheme that did not necessarily use the term chiefdom

was developed by Fried who classified societies into Non-ranked/Non-stratified,

Ranked, and Stratified (1960).

The chiefdom is useful if taken as a general heuristic concept in characterizing

a wide variety of social organizations or societies. The characteristics generally

attributed to chiefdom level societies need not exist together in all cases, but a

combination of them generally characterizes societies of this middle range of

organizational complexity. Chiefdoms are not necessarily or ultimately a step up from

less organizationally complex societal phenomena such as bands or tribal systems

although chiefdoms do in some situations develop from them (Yoffee 1993:73). Nor

do societies existing within this middle range of complexity necessarily develop into

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substantially more bureaucratically complex state-level systems. But, nonetheless,

primary states do not, or did not, come into being where chiefdom (middle range)

societies were not previously in place.

Taken as broad and generalized descriptions of the qualities associated with

social phenomena, the use of heuristic types is warranted. The great range of

variability that characterizes societies traditionally described as chiefdoms, though, is

overwhelming. For this reason, the term "Middle Range Societies" is more

appropriate. This phrase better implies the range and the multitude of variability in

trajectory present within a set of societies exhibiting more than ephemeral or

charismatic leadership and authority positions, a sense of temporally continuous

social ranking and an integration, to some degree, which links the interests of

multiple communities within a region. These three broad criteria characterize

societies very different from both those more "egalitarian" on one hand, and those

with much more institutionalized bureaucracies on the other. The forms taken by

processes of leadership, economic redistribution, and warfare within these societies

vary a great deal. This variation between generally less complex systems and

generally larger scale and complex ones implies a set of societies occupying a

"middle range" more so than a seemingly more unitary "chiefdom" type. It is the tools

and resources available to aspiring individuals and groups or factions within these

middle range societies that, acting within constraints and structures, lead to the great

range of variability present. That said, and in the absence of a useful heuristic

alternative, "it seems premature to abandon altogether the use of qualitative,

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descriptive language despite all the dangers which the use of concepts and of non-

mathematical models can bring, until we have a well tried substitute to put in their

place" (Renfrew 1974:72). In the remainder of this dissertation, I will use the term

middle range society to denote societies defined within a range of these variable

characteristics.

Initially characterized as regionally integrated societies based primarily on the

centralized collection and redistribution of surpluses, what has come to characterize

middle range societies, or chiefdom societies, has become increasingly varied and

less strict in definition in the past two decades. The redistribution of surplus materials

is no longer seen as a necessary or causal component of the middle range society

(Peebles and Kus 1977). The middle range society was originally seen as an

important intermediate ‘stage’ in the social evolutionary scheme of stages proposed

by Elman Service (1962). The regionally integrated, multi-community chiefdom was

seen as the socially and politically ranked intermediate stage between more

egalitarian and non-ranked bands and tribes, and more politically, economically, and

bureaucratically complex stratified state level societies. While the use of stages, even

when not explicitly seen as evolutionary in nature, has become less politically correct

since the mid 1960’s, Service’s four original social ‘types’ are still used widely in the

literature in order to organize and compare broad sets of characteristics describing

social systems.

Debate has also ensued regarding the nature of leadership and power in

middle range societies and archaic states (Wright 1978:50). No real unity of opinion

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exists as to whether leadership emerged as a beneficent, adaptive and managerial

response to emerging stresses (Wittfogel 1963), or whether this complexity arose

primarily due to the self-centered striving of individual aspiring leaders or factions

within society (Carneiro 1970). Was the development of social and leadership

complexity adaptive and beneficial, or a movement by individuals to command

resources and authority over the masses? Archaeology and anthropology have

focused in large part on multivocality, heterarchy (Crumley 1995), individual and

group action, agency (Dobres and Robb 2000), and faction (Brumfiel 1989, 1994;

Brumfiel and Fox 1994) in social organization in recent years. This work has

ultimately shed a good deal of light on the complexity of social and political change

within middle range societies.

Although definitions of social types such as Service’s (1962) four

evolutionary types based on lists of characteristics and features have been debated

and criticized, they can be valuable in describing the organizational nature of a

society when seen not as a set of necessary characteristics, but as features that often

co-occur. Authors have produced varied lists of the characteristics of middle range

societies (Peebles and Kus 1977; Renfrew 1974:73). There is great variability among

middle range societies. The characteristics noted here are not present in all societies

nor are they necessary within a polity for it to be regarded as a middle range society.

A major characteristic is the presence of clear social and economic ranking within

communities. This is seen archaeologically in variability in the elaboration of burials,

domestic constructions, and access to prestige items. Alongside this social ranking is

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increasing social inequality. Local and regional populations and population densities

are relatively high. Individual communities are generally larger than in less

organizationally complex societies. There is also a hierarchy among settlement sizes

on the landscape (Steponaitis 1981;321). Middle range societies also often see some

form of intensification of subsistence technology and activity. Centralized collection

and redistribution of surplus materials is sometimes present. Elites within middle

range societies also often engage in long distance political economies including the

sponsorship of feasting events, the exchange of prestige items (Helms 1992),

competition within a prestige economy (Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978:75). This

competition among elites and their factions leads to the generally fragile nature of

middle range societies. Competition often leads to political cycling as various factions

take political power in a dynamic of territorial expansion and collapse (Wright 1984;

Anderson 1994:9). Another common feature of many middle range societies is the

construction of corporate architectural features such as platform mounds and large

plazas. These function as stages for political competition and theater that can act to

foster social cohesion and identity. A final common feature of middle range societies

is consistent inter-polity conflict and warfare. This warfare varies from small scale

raiding to larger, force-on-force combat (see Redmond 1994).

Although there are many characteristics of middle range societies, three are

general enough to be present in the great majority of cases (Earle 1991). These are (1)

that middle range societies are centrally organized and integrated to some degree at a

regional level, maintaining population levels in the 1000’s; (2) that heritable social

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ranking is present to some degree (differentiating middle range societies from

societies where leadership is more ephemeral and situational); and (3), that they also

exhibit some variable degree of economic stratification. In a move away from

focusing on societal categories, archaeologists have looked at the above features in

terms not of trait lists but of social, political, and economic processes acting within

societies (Upham 1987:347). Increases in centralization, hierarchical organization,

and social stratification are believed to be resultant from interacting processes

including, but not limited to, increasing militarism, increasing centralization of

storage, agricultural intensification, and the aggregation of regional population

(ibid.:348). Drennan and Peterson (2006), conducting a comparative analysis of three

middle range societies, two in Latin America, and one in China, note the great range

of variability in geographic and demographic scale, in levels of specialized economic

production, in intra and inter-community interdependency, in long distance elite

interaction, and in elite connections to the supernatural (2006:3966). The authors do

however do focus on three variables which seem to factor largely in the development

and organization of these societies. These are the importance of communal ritual and

ceremony in maintaining regional or supralocal polities, and both intrahousehold

interdependency and specialization in maintaining villages within a region. These

three factors may be important across the range of middle range societies - additional

and more broad reaching cross-cultural analyses may indicate this.

The great variability within the set of society’s labeled middle range noted

above has required anthropologists to develop schemes in order to further

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differentiate and organize it. Earle reviews three of these organizational schemes.

These include the ‘Scale of Development”, the society’s basis of finance, and the

general structure of the society (1991:3). Each of these is phrased generally as a

duality, but each is also best considered as a continuous scale between two

organizational poles (Drennan and Peterson 2006).

3.5.1 Simple and Complex

The Scale of society has debatably been broken into ‘Simple’ versus

‘Complex’ forms of the middle range society. The simple form maintains populations

in the low 1000’s and is characterized on the political landscape by a two-tiered

settlement pattern where a local chief resides at a political center that integrates the

activities of several smaller local communities (Steponaitis 1981; Wright 1984).

Simple chiefdoms also exhibit a system of graduated social ranking. In comparison,

the ‘complex’ form of the middle range society may exhibit emergent social and

economic stratification. Regional populations here are in the tens of thousands and

there is a three-tiered settlement system over the landscape. A paramount chief,

located at a large center, may hold influence over sub-chiefs living within 2nd tier

communities; these leaders in turn interact with populations in smaller local

communities. These two systems should be seen as poles of a continuum between

which individual societies will be located.

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3.5.2 Finance

A second scheme developed in order to organize the variability observed

among middle range societies focuses on how leaders finance public works within

society; how they integrate society in a financial sense (Earle 1991, 1997:70;

D'Altroy and Earle 1985). Middle range societies may focus on staple finance

systems emphasizing the production, mobilization, and distribution of staple goods

including both foods and non-food staples such as cloth and tools. In this case, staples

are used in payment for services in society. Staple finance systems are perhaps

present primarily in smaller scale middle range societies, where transport costs are

relatively low and long distance exchange networks are weak. One avenue for

leadership in these societies is to utilize surplus staples in commensal feasting

activities (Bray 2003; Deitler 1990; 1998). Here, labor parties or other groups of

followers are essentially reimbursed through feasting for labor in the large-scale

construction efforts that are common in middle range societies.

In larger and more regionally expansive middle range societies, the basis of

finance is often focused on exchange in more mobile, value-laden luxury items, either

produced locally by craft specialists or acquired at a distance through long distance

exchange between elites (Helms 1992). This is a system of Wealth Finance involving

the procurement by financing elites of symbolically or prestige-laden items, prestige

goods (Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978; Helms 1992). In this system, aspiring elites

give these value-imbued items as gifts and payment to followers and supporters.

Followers accept these items due to the perceived value and prestige that possession

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of them brings to the bearer within his or her own local community. As noted at the

beginning of this section, these two forms of finance organization are really poles on

a continuum. Any one community or society would have some combination of the

two as they are not mutually exclusive.

3.5.3 Structure and Orientation

In addition to often being defined relative to finance and degree of

complexity, middle range societies are seen as existing along a continuum between

societies that are 'Group', or corporate oriented at one end and 'Individualizing', or

network-based on the other (Blanton et al 1996; Earle 1991:3; Feinman 2000:153;

Renfrew 1974). Societies or communities that are group oriented focus on the

creation and maintenance of corporate or collective identity. Societies with this focus

often emphasize group identity and connection to material resources and places on the

landscape. This might mean identification with productive resources, intensive

agricultural lands, or even important places on a ritual landscape (Earle 2000).

Materially, this definition of collective identity is often manifested in large-scale

corporate labor projects that take the form of large irrigation projects and the building

of large scale or megalithic public spaces such as public platform mounds and spaces

such as large plazas. Group identity and solidarity is constituted and reaffirmed not

only through shared experience of labor but through public ritual and activity

associated with these large features and spaces. Large-scale construction projects

might also include the production of fortification works. Another collective activity

that is very common in middle range societies that will be discussed elsewhere is

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commensal feasting within a community (Bray 2003a; Mills 2007). Planned feasting

events function in collective cohesion within and between communities and also take

on characteristics of performance in that the norms of society are confirmed and

occasionally reorganized (Inomata and Coben 2006). Renfrew presents several broad

features characteristic of collective societies. In these societies, redistribution is not

ongoing but periodic in nature (Renfrew 1974:74). Special events such as large

collective feasts are periodic and occasion the collection and redistribution of food

resources and gifts. Materials are centrally collected in advance of these events; not in

an ongoing, tax-like fashion. Technological knowledge in these societies is at a

relatively low level of elaboration and rarely is complex metallurgy practiced.

Finally, these communities are not characterized by high levels of craft specialization

(ibid). Most of all, these societies are characterized by strong group solidarity and

identity associated with production and use of symbol-laden large-scale constructions.

Just as platform mounds are considered collective symbols and the locations of

collective action, Kidder points out that plazas are also planned spaces within

communities, the locations of collective activities of feasting and political

performance (Kidder 2004:514).

At the opposite end of this spectrum of leadership structure are societies that

are based more on individual distinction. These are societies characterized by the

presence and actions of aggrandizing, individualizing elite and factions. In these

societies, it is individual identity, and in particular, that of elites that is favored over

that of the collective group or community. Elites within these middle range societies

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distinguish themselves through special personal adornment, large and high quality

domestic spaces and constructions, association with elaborate mortuary ritual and

architecture, and access to higher quantities of exotic or prestige items (Renfrew

1974:79) unavailable to the masses, and accessed through longstanding contacts and

interaction between far flung elites (Helms 1992). The developed presence of

metallurgy and relatively high levels of technological skill often characterize these

societies. This fact also runs hand in hand with the production of valued prestige

items and the potential for control over their production, distribution, and

consumption. Unlike the case with group-oriented societies, there is often little

emphasis on large scale, corporate architectural construction here (Blanton et al.

1996). What large-scale architecture does exist often is closely associated with

particular individuals and factions (i.e., large and complex domestic spaces and great

disparity in scale and elaboration of mortuary architecture). Redistribution here is

likely to be more formalized than in group-oriented societies. Collection of surplus is

more like taxation and redistribution is constant as opposed to periodic with

redistribution taking the form of communal feasts sponsored by elite aggrandizers.

Individualizing elites require capital, a constant flow of surplus tribute, in

order to support producers of prestige items from which they draw authority and

power. It may be that as technology begins to allow for the concentration of wealth or

high value items whose production and consumption can be controlled by a few,

social organization may shift from group or communally based foci toward more

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individually focused systems. This being said, the organization of middle range

societies often retains aspects of both of these organizational schema.

3.5.4 Routes to Power for Aspiring Elites

Routes to power that are available to aspiring elites within middle range

societies are almost as numerous as the listed variable characteristics of these

societies (Earle 1991:5; 1997; Haas 1982:59). While some routes may be seen as

beneficent including the improvement of infrastructure and the technology of the

subsistence economy, many are more self centered. Elites will seek to control local

production and consumption of prestige goods. Aspiring individuals may also seek to

create and maintain access to prestige good exchange economies with distant peers.

In either of these cases power comes with growing control over production and access

to items perceived of as valuable within society. These goods can then be distributed

systematically to followers within commensal settings thus creating relations of debt

between elites and non-elites. Along with access to exotic goods may come perceived

access or control of esoteric knowledge that may be materialized within these items

(Demarrais, Jaime Castillo, and Earle 1996; Earle 1991:7; Helms 1992). Finally,

aspiring elites may increase status and power both through the augmentation of a

follower population and the circumscription of that population, and the threat of force

against followers who may choose to attempt to opt out. As populations invest more

and more in valuable infrastructures and intensification projects, it becomes more and

more difficult for individuals and factions to opt out of what Mann calls the "social

cage" (Mann 1986:44). The opportunity cost for leaving the system becomes higher

157
and higher, all the while, it becomes easier and easier for aspiring elites to maintain a

grip on control (Gilman 1991). Paralleling Mann's sources of power (1986), Earle

(1997) Sees chiefly sources of power as variable but generally emphasizing one of the

following, Military power or might, Economic power, and Ideological control or

power. Each of these would operate within a middle range society to varying degrees

(1997:204).

An important strategy employed by aspiring elites within middle range

societies and one that has gained some prominence in the archaeological literature in

the past several years is the sponsorship of community and inter-community

communal feasting events (Bray 2003; Dietler 1990, 1998; Mills 1999, 2007). The

size of an event would have been a very visible message to attendees as to the status

of its sponsor, his or her ability to muster material and labor support, and the

geographic reach of the sponsor's influence. Feasts acted in several ways, first as

redistributional events, second, as collective functions where community norms

would have been propagated and even contested through the symbolically

reciprocative act of an elite supplying food and, often more importantly, drink to his

or her followers. Large scale feasting events acted to bring far-flung communities

together in a symbolically charged arena within which the organizational status quo

for both the community and region could be laid out by the sponsoring elite and

faction. Additionally, feasts were opportunities for elites to enter into relations of

asymmetrical reciprocity with followers, symbolically reciprocating - food for labor.

Feasting also occasionally functioned as social insurance with surplus goods being

158
distributed to the populace while that populace actively entered into a debt

relationship with the sponsor. Feasting in middle range societies was multifaceted and

acted in different ways for the varied stakeholders and factions that attended them.

Comparative analysis of middle range societies in northern South America has

underlined the great variability in levels of population, its concentration, and social

hierarchy in these societies. Drennan (1995) sees no one driving factor, such as

control over productive lands, long distance exchange, or control over surplus goods

as sufficient along in explaining the ascendency of all of these societies. Perhaps one

of the most important factors across middle range societies is the desire of elites and

chiefly factions to compete among themselves for authority, status, and prestige -

amassing prestige and wealth and in some cases distributing it in commensal contexts

and events.

Archaeologists have correlated changes in the characteristics of serving

vessels with changing spatial contexts of communal feasting. Mills has correlated

increases in the frequencies of bold exterior and polychrome designs, and increases in

vessel size with shifts from intra-household feasting to inter-household community

feasting in the American south west (Mills 1999; 2007:232). The implication here is

that the messages and ideas expressed in these decorative elements become more

outwardly visible with larger potential audiences. One major function of large scale

feasting is the communication of ideas and norms and this is done in large part

through the materialization of ideology in ceramic decoration or decoration on other

portable objects such as textiles (Demarrais, Jaime Castillo, and Earle 1996).

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3.5.5 Cycling and Middle Range Societies

The unstable political nature of middle range societies has been discussed in

the archaeological literature for some time (Anderson 1994; Earle 1991:4, 1997;

Tainter 1988 and Wright 1984 for the fragility of the state). This cycling is between

periods of relative stability and political centralization and periods of collapse and

political decentralization within a region (Anderson 1994:9-10). Keeping in mind the

avenues to power discussed above, Earle writes, "the centralization of the chiefdom

should always be seen as a fragile, negotiated institution that is held together by an

economic interdependence, a justifying ideology, and a concentration of force” (Earle

1991:13). It is just this ongoing context of chiefly competition within regions that

may be a major force in driving organizational change in middle range societies

(Anderson 1994:6)

Because the subject of this dissertation deals with a period prior to that

observed and reported on by ethnohistorians, direct analogy is not possible.

Therefore, while I believe that Cajamarca groups during the Late Intermediate Period

were organized broadly as related and interacting middle range societies, the nature of

this organization is not yet well understood. The current investigation will add to a

growing base of understanding of middle range societies in the Late Intermediate

Period.

3.6 Leadership and Status in the Archaeological Record

Leadership and economic status are often equated in the archaeological

record. Getting at economic status and stratification through the makeup of burial lots

160
was common in archaeology, but a one to one analogy between the disparity in

richness of graves is complicated by the fact that where sometimes, the wealth of a

person in life is represented by a tomb rich in offerings, in some societies, individuals

of different strata (in life) are interred very modestly (Pearson 1999). Wealth

differences are seen in the archaeological record in a number of ways. Families and

individuals of high economic status within a community will presumably have more

material goods than less well to do families. They will not only have access to more

commodities, be they food items or utilitarian goods, but they may also have access to

higher quality food items and utilitarian goods. While all households within a

community may contain some fancy items such as decorated ceramic vessels or metal

goods, elite or higher status houses will have higher frequencies of these than lower

status houses. Higher status households will have access to higher quality building

materials and more construction labor than other households (Hirth 1989). Therefore,

we may expect to see larger domestic constructions with increased interior

complexity of layout, the presence of extraneous decoration or design such as wall

plastering, painting, and niches, and thicker, sturdier wall construction. Higher status

households may also command greater labor in the construction of large, highly

visible mortuary architecture.

Finding leadership in the archaeological record is a difficult task and must go

hand in hand with consideration of the actions and functions of leaders within a

society and community (Nielson 1995; Peebles and Kus 1977). Leaders within a

community will have greater access to particular items, whether these items are

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value-laden prestige goods produced locally, or exotic items traded from distant

regions. These items or even staple goods may be stored by leadership within a

community for use in gift-giving contexts or at commensal feasting events (Bray

2003). Due to the need to amass these materials, the houses of leaders may be in

proximity to archaeologically visible storage features or rooms. In many

communities, the household of leadership may also be either connected to or in close

proximity to large, integrative public constructions such as platform mounds or open

plazas. Leadership might utilize these spaces as stages for corporate political events

and feasting (Kidder 2004:528). The study of differential status and leadership within

a community necessarily requires a comparative approach to both domestic spaces

and public architectural contexts on a site.

3.6.1 Community and Household Levels of Analysis

This dissertation strives to take an explicitly village or community level

approach to social, political, and economic dynamics within the late prehistoric

Andean highlands (Brück and Goodman 1999; Canuto and Yarger 2000). I focus on

the holistic treatment of the community for a number of reasons. First among these is

that traditionally in Andean archaeology, the community has been overshadowed by

intensive and extensive studies at the regional and more recently at the household

levels of analysis. While research at the regional level increases our understanding of

large-scale processes of human - environment interaction, it places much less

importance on smaller scale social dynamics within households and communities.

More recently, many archaeologists have reacted to this shortcoming by intensively

162
studying the archaeology of the household; focusing on local level production and

consumption, issues of gender and small-scale ritual, agent and faction-based

dynamics (Brumfiel 1994; Hirth 1993a, 1993b; Wilk and Netting 1984), and the

search for identity in the archaeological record. Recent archaeological work however,

has sought to reach some middle ground (Canuto and Yaeger 2000; Gerritsen 2004).

Focusing on the analysis of organization and change at the level of the village or

community, this work has borrowed greatly from cultural anthropological theory in

order to model economy, politics, multi-scalar social interaction, and the creation and

manipulation of identity within 'communities' that are variable in both spatial and

temporal boundedness (Canuto and Yaeger 2000).

Dynamics of leadership and power within middle range societies must be

investigated through the careful and comparative analysis of the organization of both

communities and households constructed, occupied, and occasionally abandoned by

members of those societies. The details of this comparative and contextual analysis

constitute the data with which we approach and evaluate hypotheses of social and

political dynamics.

The Community

For the anthropological archaeologist, the concept of the community can be

broken into two general concepts; into what might be called the social community on

one hand, and the physical, spatial community on the other. It is this physical,

sometimes spatially bounded version of community that has often been equated with

163
the term 'archaeological site', settlement site, or domestic site (Brück and Goodman

1999; Canuto and Yaeger 2000).

From a social dynamics perspective, phenomena of social and cultural

production and reproduction take place not within what were once thought to be

spatially or architecturally bounded and closed systems, but within extensive and

interrelated networks across vast landscapes which may involve people living in

spatially separated 'physical' communities (villages, towns, cities, etc.). These

multilayered and overlapping communities are not unitary, a multiplicity of identities

and stakeholders exists within them creating a social reality of multiple constantly

shifting communities. Gibson (2007:509) sees communities as long-term entities

composed of socially interacting and bound people. Communities are socially

produced and reproduced (Yaeger and Canuto 2000). Individuals within communities

are bound in terms of identity to a physical landscape of meaningful places and

spaces.

Archaeologists, necessarily focusing on the tangible, material traces of the

past, have traditionally treated the concept of community in a much more material

and spatially localized way, often equating it with an architecturally or spatially

bounded location on the landscape. Sites have been equated either with architecturally

demarcated settlements themselves or with these sites and their economically

important hinterlands or catchments. Sites have been placed within materially based

typologies varying from very ephemeral hunting camps to seasonally occupied

villages, to more permanently occupied towns to large urban centers. Mobile camps

164
have been the hallmarks of hunting and gathering societies while urban cities and

centers are more characteristic of state and imperial societies. The organization and

dynamics of communities such as villages and towns have less often been the focus of

archaeological research (although notable exceptions do exist (Flannery 1976) and

have been under-theorized in comparison to more urban communities (Gerritsen

2004:141). As the spatial locus of collective social activity and identity, within a

society, the community can not be seen simply as a collection of houses or

households.

Villages and towns were once treated as static and functionally redundant

units that were relegated to the periphery of larger and more complex urban centers.

Fowler emphasizes the need not to equate town and village with "site" (Fowler 1974

[1968]). He also follows Haury and Mumford in breaking down some of the

organization and social characteristics of villages as opposed to towns (Haury 1962).

Villages are seen as spatial collections of houses associated often with some form of

non-domestic architecture or public space. Villages are also characterized by a

relative degree of occupational permanence. Socially, there is generally a redundancy

of activity and an autonomy and self sufficiency from house to house and household

to household. Towns, on the other hand, are larger. These communities have

populations in the 1000's and are characterized by internal functional differentiation

and the presence of craft specialists. There is a central, public sector characterized by

non-domestic activity. Towns generally act as the political, economic, and ritual

centers for a wider periphery made of up smaller villages.

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 In countering the view of villages and towns as static communities,

ethnoarchaeological (Kramer 1982) and archaeological investigation in the last two

decades have indicated that much variability occurs in social, economic, and political

organization both within and between village or town-level communities (Dietler

1998; Kramer 1994; Schwartz and Falconer 1994). Investigations have documented

extensive socioeconomic differentiation at the village level, specifically in the realms

of economic and craft specialization (Hayden 1994; Schwartz and Falconer 1994).

Investigations into the dynamics of community level phenomena often discuss

aspects of community organization. What was the nature of social and economic

stratification within a community? What was the nature of local leadership, power,

and authority? How centralized was political leadership and did its arms spread

beyond the local community? What was the nature of social organization within the

community? To what extent did public and private ceremony and religion play a role

within the society? Finally, what was the nature of the economy? How did the

community support itself both in terms of staple production but also in terms of the

production of high value items? These are the aspects of community organization that

will be addressed in this research. The current research seeks to take a holistic

approach to the concept of community by combining social and spatial aspects of

community organization at the site of Yanaorco while contextualizing it within

regional dynamics in the northern highlands of Peru.

Social Rank and Comparative Household Archaeology

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 Many aspects of community organization as discussed above are investigated

through a comparative approach to households and associated domestic architectural

spaces within a community (Hirth 1989; 1993). Working at this level, archaeologists

have looked to disparities in household wealth and size in order to get at the presence

or absence of social and economic ranking and stratification (Hirth 1993; Smith

1987). Ranking is indicated through the presence of differences within a community

in the size, and organizational complexity of d

Domestic architecture. High-ranked individuals and families may live in

larger dwellings, which may have more internal differentiation and possible storage

spaces. The construction of these dwellings may be of higher quality, seen in the

thickness of walls, the finish of wall surfaces, or the quality of construction materials

(Hirth 1993:124). All of this may indicate that some families have greater control or

access to labor than others. Larger houses or dwellings may also indicate a larger

household population size (which might include larger extended families and the

possible presence of attached craft producers living and working within the house).

The presence of economic and social ranking within a community is also indicated

(Hirth 1989) through disparities in access to portable material objects from house to

house. Higher ranked or elite households may be associated with the presence of

highly valued objects; objects which may be labor intensive to produce, of rare or

exotic materials, or objects characterized by esoteric and controlled knowledge.

Limited and controlled access to these items may indicate long lasting stratification or

economic differentiation within a community.

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 Ranking may also be indicated by the spatial association of public or non-

domestic architectural features or spaces with particular houses and households. For

example, large gathering patios, plazas, or elevated spaces associated with some

domestic spaces and not with others may indicate that certain individuals, families, or

factions within a community hold increased influence or control within political and

religious realms. The nature of architectural features and walls within the community

may create proxemic screens separating individuals and factions and helping to shape

social distances between groups (Hall 2003:52). These open spaces are often places

of feasting events and other performances of sponsored solidarity.

This association between certain groups and the political and religious realm

often runs hand in hand with elite control and influence over craft specialization. In

this way, larger elite households may also be associated spatially with craft

production facilities that are larger and more complex than would be necessary to

provision the household alone. This may indicate elite control of specialized craft

production, whether full or part time, attached or unattached (Costin 1991). This level

of elite controlled craft production is indicated by the presence of large-scale

production facilities and features such as ceramic firing features and storage features

for holding finished items prior to distribution (Gilman 1989:219).

Evidence for social ranking and hereditary hierarchical relations within a

community has also been sought through comparative mortuary analysis (Gilman

1989:220; Pearson 1999). In many but not all Prehispanic societies, ranking was

indicated by differential wealth in burials. This wealth can be seen in the frequency

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and quality of portable objects interred with an individual, with the size and

complexity of mortuary architecture, and in some cases with the scale of the mortuary

ritual itself as reflected in both iconographic evidence (Moche burial theme), and in

the presence of feasting paraphernalia interred with the deceased.

Household approaches to archaeology have also dealt with broader questions

of daily life (Allison 1999; Kent 1990; Santley and Hirth 1993) such as baseline

domestic level production and consumption, issues of gender and sexuality within the

household, and small scale, domestic ritual. Patterning and design in houses also

informs theoretical questions of the daily practices of social production and

reproduction within families and the broader society within which they operate

(Bourdieu 1977). More than the minimal units of social and material production and

reproduction, households are the stages for action which cumulatively informs and

negotiates identities and patterns of power and authority within communities. Hendon

notes that, "The identities created through productive action, material culture, and the

setting contribute to the definition of relations of power within and among groups"

(Hendon 2004:278). Much of this investigation is based on the patterning of artifacts

and features within domestic spaces. The analysis of artifact assemblages in contact,

or close association with activity surfaces and floors in domestic spaces informs all of

this research into the spatial patterning of life activities. The direct interpretation of

house floor assemblages has, though, been rightfully disputed by the study of

dynamic site formation processes (Schiffer 1987) and the stages of domestic space

'life histories' (LaMotta and Schiffer 1999).

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Household and Community in Andean Archaeology

Archaeological investigation in the Andes for much of the 20th century was

focused on large, highly visible and megalithic sites such as large platform mounds

and huacas. The last decades of the 20th century, though, witnessed the beginning of

an appreciation for both households and community dynamics in research. Household

archaeology has focused in large part on the testing of hypotheses related to

altitudinal and zonal economic complimentarity and the visibility of ethnic

differences in domestic architecture and material assemblages (Aldenderfer 1993;

Aldenderfer and Stanish 1973). Fewer in number, studies at the community or

settlement levels of analysis have focused on community organization, site growth,

and social interaction and conflict (Bawden 1982, 1990). Berman's Monograph on the

southern altiplano community of Lukurmata illustrated the value of detailed,

stratigraphic excavation of houses in the archaeological record and how a

comparative approach can illuminate the historical trajectories of archaeological

communities (1994). Goodman has stressed a need to look at the nature of both

household and community development over time in order to get at everyday life in

the Andes (Goodman 1999). Increased interest in foodways, domestic production and

ritual in Andean archaeology is leading to increasing understanding of everyday life

within households and communities. The present research will add to this growing

corpus of bottom-up research in the Andes.

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 CHAPTER 4

THEORY II -- COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION AND DEVELOPMENT IN

THE CAJAMARCA REGION: PROJECT HYPOTHESES,
ARCHAEOLOGICAL CORRELATES, AND TEST IMPLICATIONS

This chapter addresses many questions regarding the nature of community

organization and social change in the Cajamarca region from approximately AD 600

to approximately AD 1600. These issues are brought out in the course of presenting a

series of four broad research questions and the archaeological correlates I will use in

addressing them.

Research questions addressed within this investigation deal on one hand with

the nature of interactions between Cajamarca communities and both the Wari and

Inka Empires, and on the other hand with the organization of Cajamarca communities

during the inter-empire period, the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000- AD1465).

The first question asked is, what can we learn about the nature of Wari imperial

occupation from local community organization during the subsequent LIP? Here I

hypothesize that Wari administration was indirect and relatively short-lived in the

Cajamarca region. In a second and broad research question, I ask what was the nature

of community organization during the LIP in Cajamarca? This involves many

questions regarding the political, social and economic organization of local

communities. As part of this question, I investigate the nature of inter-community

interaction and exchange based on the preliminary results of ongoing INAA analysis

of ceramic types collected at the site of Yanaorco. Also as part of this general interest

in community organization, I investigate the nature of social stratification within the

171
community and the orientation of local leadership - were communities predominantly

corporate in nature or was leadership more individualizing and network-based

(Blanton et al 1996). Here, I hypothesize that economic differentiation was more of

scale and not type. In addition, that leadership was organized in some combination of

network and corporate orientation. The third major research question here has to do

with the nature of militarism and conflict in the LIP Cajamarca highlands. Was this

conflict predominantly between local groups or was it focused on external

aggressors? Here, my hypothesis is that conflict was predominantly local and inter-

community, and that one route to leadership and power within communities was by

way of military prowess. The final research question I will address has to do with

contact with the Inka Empire. How were local populations and communities effected

by contact with the Inka. I hypothesize there that local populations were profoundly

effects by conflict with the Inka and that this can be seen in settlement shifts near the

time of contact.

This chapter is organized into four sections dealing with each of these

research questions. Each of these sections contains background material related with

the research questions. For example, the first section deals with the nature of the Wari

empire and comparative information on how Wari interacted with local populations in

various regions of the empire. Similar regional comparative material is presented for

the dynamics of Late Intermediate Period communities, and for Inka imperial

organization and interaction with communities on its peripheries.

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4.1 Wari Occupation and its Northern Frontier

4.1.1 The Wari Empire

The Middle Horizon (AD 600–AD 1000) witnessed the expansion throughout

much of the Andes of two large polities, the Tiwanaku in the south and the Wari in

the central and northern highlands (Isbell 2008; Schreiber 1992:72). These two

polities had related iconographic themes such as the front-facing staff figure but are

believed to have evolved independently with some possible information exchange

(Isbell 1984:198). Originating in the central highlands of Ayacucho at a site of the

same name, the Wari Empire expanded early in the Middle Horizon, ultimately as far

north as the Cajamarca region approximately 800 km. away. Wari, second in extent

only to the Inka Empire of the Late Horizon, collapsed by the end of Epoch 2B of the

Middle Horizon (D'Altroy and Schreiber 2004).

Archaeologists have documented the geographic range of the Wari Empire

through (1) the intrusive presence of its distinctive orthogonal and rectilinear

administrative architecture (Anders 1986b; Isbell 1991; Schreiber 1978; 1992:76-112;

2001), and (2) the presence of distinctive polychrome Wari ceramics who's typology

and chronology were developed in the seminal research of Dorothy Menzel (1964;

1968). The most characteristic of Wari architectural features is the repeated presence

of orthogonal and rectilinear constructions. Within these large compounds, distinctive

patio groups were constructed. These patio groups consisted of a large central patio

surrounded by four narrow galleries that, at least at the capital of Wari, were often

two or three stories in height (Isbell 1986:191). Another hallmark of Wari state

173
architecture was an emphasis on traffic and access control within state compounds.

Routes within compounds were often narrow and tightly controlled (Anders

1986b:205). Increasingly restricted and monitored access became a hallmark of state

installations in later empires as well, including the Chimú of the north coast (Moore

1996:200). This architectural signature of Wari is present not only at the large urban

site of Wari itself but is repeated at regional administrative centers within the

provinces.

The Wari state developed in place within the Ayacucho region ultimately

centering on the capital of Wari near the present city of Ayacucho. The Middle

Horizon saw a massive population aggregation at this site that measured somewhere

between 1000 and 1500 hectares. At its peak, the capital may have been home to

between 35,000 and 70,000 (Isbell 1986:192) inhabitants depending on the

contemporaneity of occupation in its domestic sector.

4.1.2 Sequence of Expansion

The Middle Horizon in Andean prehistory has been subdivided based on

ceramic chronologies into four periods. The expansive Wari Empire was only active

during the first two of these periods. Middle Horizon Epoch 1A saw the development

of the Wari polity and empire within the Ayacucho region with the development of

the Conchapata ceramic style at the site of that name as well as the Chakipampa style

in Ayacucho. The subsequent MH Epoch 1B witnessed the expansion of Wari

throughout the central and northern highlands (D'Altroy and Schrieber 2004). Wari

also influenced the oracle center of Pachacamac on the central coast through the

174
presence of Nieveria style at that site (Isbell 1986:192). It is also during this period

that some archaeologists believe Wari pressure may have hastened the collapse of the

southern Moche and the power shift there from the site of Moche, up-valley to the

urban center at Galindo (Bawden 1996; 2005)). MH Epoch 2A saw Pachacamac gain

in influence although it is unclear whether Wari was directly involved. MH Epoch 2

saw the construction and occupation of several new large administrative centers

including Azangaro which was used for approximately 100 years by the empire

before being rapidly and apparently violently abandoned during MH Epoch 2B

(Anders 1986b:210; Anders1989)

Wari scholars in no way agree upon the nature of Wari imperial expansion.

Investigators are generally split with one major theoretical camp believing that Wari

was a militaristic and expansionist empire spreading through the Andes and

ultimately administering rule, although to varying degrees of directness, and

extracting desired resources from local populations and landscapes (D'Altroy and

Schreiber 2004; Isbell 1986:193; Schreiber 1992). Another camp within Wari

archaeology sees Wari expansion in a much less militaristic light. According to this

group, The Middle Horizon was a period of intensive economic and ideological

interaction between many regional and independent polities (Shady Solis 1988:91;

Topic 1991:162). The existence of Wari administrative centers in regions far from

Ayacucho and the spread of Wari iconography on ceramics throughout much of the

central and northern Andes were to be explained as a system of economic and ritual

missionization.

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 Wari Imperial Sequence
~Dates Centers Diagnostic Notes
(approx. Constructed/Occ Ceramics
beginning upied
date
MH 1 1a AD 550/600 Wari Conchapata Wari Empire develops in Ayacucho
Conchapata Chakipampa heartland
1b AD 650/700 Viracochapampa Nieveria 1st Expansion;
Pikillaqta Chakipampa B Influence at oracle of Pachacamac
Wariwilka Black Dec.?
Jincamocco Ocros
Cerro Baúl Etc.?
MH 2 2a AD 850/900 Vinaque Pachacamac gains influence
Atarco
Pachacamac
Azangaro
established
2b Wari Empire declines and collapses
late in MH2b
(by ~AD 1000)

Wari Empire
collapses by end
of MH 2B
MH 3 Some local Period of local power vacuums and
MH 4 End Date AD 1000 interpretations of balkanization
Wari wares in
Cajamarca
Table 4.1: Chronology of Wari Imperial Expansion. Approximate start dates
from Isbell 2008.

4.1.3 Wari Administration and the Provinces

Much variability existed in the nature of Wari control or influence in outlying

areas. This range of variation in administrative technique has been termed a “mosaic”

of control by Katharina Schreiber (1992:62). To cope with preexisting environmental,

social, and political variation in peripheral imperial provinces, Wari leadership

exercised a variety of administrative techniques to consolidate new territorial

holdings (Schreiber 1992:17). Choice of administrative techniques was based on the

level of preexisting sociopolitical complexity in the various regions. As was the case

in the Inka Empire (D'Altroy 1992; Menzel 1959; Morris 1998), Wari appears to have

176
administered rule in the provinces through the preexisting political hierarchy, but the

intensity of direct imperial control varied. If the political structure prior to Wari

conquest within the region was sufficiently complex to organize and maintain the

collection of resources for the empire, empire-friendly local leaders were left in place

with minimal imperial oversight. On the other hand, if local elites were potential

threats to Wari interests in the province, they were removed and replaced by official

Wari administrators. In regions that were not politically organized prior to contact

with the Wari, two other options were available. If a region was materially important

to the empire, the empire may have chosen to invest heavily in infrastructure such as

roads, storehouses, and administrative centers. This would essentially act to organize

the local population, the potential labor base, to a level sufficient to the needs of the

empire. If the region was sparsely populated or materially unimportant, the Wari may

have chosen to skip over it, leaving little more than a state road passing through the

territory. The actual administrative situation within any one region would have

consisted of some combination of direct and indirect administration, some

compromise along an administrative continuum between more and less direct

imperial control. This variation in local policies and the locations of imperial centers

is demonstrated on a polity-wide scale by Jennings and Craig (2001) who utilize

locational and GIS analysis in looking at the placement of centers within the Wari

periphery. They find that in large part the placement of administrative centers was

informed by the political complexity of the local societies encountered by the empire

- adding weight the work of other empire scholars. In valleys of higher preexisting

177
complexity, administrative centers were placed on the landscape on the edges of local

population centers and Wari rule was more indirect and hegemonic. In areas of lower

preexisting political complexity, Wari would install a center closer to the center of

local populations and proceed to rule more directly. This work has further indicated

the vast range of administrative responses in the Wari Empire to a checkerboard of

social and ecological regions with which it came into contact

The physical presence of Wari in the provinces is most clear in the

construction of characteristic and very recognizable Wari administrative centers.

Although they vary substantially in size and architectural complexity, all combine

classic features of the Wari imperial architectural canon. Administrative centers are

generally large rectangular enclosed structures with access extremely controlled and

limited, often with only one narrow gate into the compound. Within an administrative

compound, space was partitioned into three large sections each with their own

architectural patterns and, presumably, functions. One important feature of this

imperial architectural was that, as is common of official architecture in other state

polities, access to and movement within the centers were tightly controlled and

managed (Anders 1986b:205; Moore 1996). For example, Anders found at the

administrative site of Azangaro that not only did complex architectural features limit

access into the compound, but that architectural features acted to channel and restrict

access at several points once within the complex (Anders 1986b:205). It is within

these large rectangular compounds that the smaller rectangular patio-groups are

located. These are the repeated compounds of open patios and associated long narrow

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galleries noted above. In addition to these features, at several regional administrative

centers as well as the capital of Wari, semi-circular, D-shaped architectural features

have been found that have been interpreted as locations of collective ritual activities

including the corporate consumption of chicha. In addition to features directly

associated with the administrative centers, other physical signs of Wari influence in

the provinces include both state sponsored roads and bridges, and extensive

complexes of agricultural terraces often associated with the state production of corn.

While the mosaic model is valuable for gaining an understanding of

motivations and methods of imperial administration in the provinces, it is also

important to consider potential variability in the form of local reactions to foreign

presence. Local communities and their elites would have reacted in a variety of ways

based upon preexisting local socio-political dynamics as well as new political and

economic opportunities that may have become available through contact with the

empire (Jennings and Yépez 2001). Just as imperial investment in control will be

somewhere on a continuum between direct and indirect control contingent upon local

circumstances, the reaction of local elites, factions, and communities would have

been contingent upon preexisting local dynamics and new opportunities (Schreiber

2005).

Contact with, and occupation by, the Wari Empire would have potentially

brought important changes to local communities within the empires hinterlands.

Aspects of community organization including , (1) patterns of production and

consumption, (2) the prestige economy, and (3) domestic and non-domestic

179
architecture may have been affected by occupation. Settlement patterns within a

region may also have been affected by contact with the Wari.

Wari scholars working in other regions of the empire have discussed the

impacts of occupation in these regions as well as local reactions to the empire. This

information is useful in attempting to understand the dynamics at play within the

Cajamarca region. Schreiber (2005) points out that both imperial and local agendas

were dynamic and may have varied not only from region to region but even within

the same area. The interests of both the empire and the people they came into contact

with would have shifted over time within regions. Local reactions to occupation may

also have varied due to the competing interests and agency of local factions. Below, I

discuss briefly the nature of Wari occupation and local reactions in regions for which

we have increasing archaeological data.

Moquegua

Prior to AD 600, the Wari Empire established a defensible colony at the far

southern frontier of the polity. This settlement, Cerro Baúl, along with two other Wari

settlements, was located on a high mesa in the middle Moquegua Valley (Moseley et

al. 2005; Williams 2001). Architecture at this administrative center included

rectangular patio structures, a D-shaped plaza, and a sector of rooms dedicated to the

production of chicha implying the practice of political, state sponsored feasting at the

site. Cerro Baúl was also the only Wari center to come into direct contact Tiwanaku

peoples who had also established settlements in the valley. Wari personnel occupied

the site of Cerro Baúl until abandonment at approximately AD 1000.

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Cuzco

A major Wari regional administrative center was established within the central

highland, Cuzco Valley. The complex site of Pikillacta was established during MH1b

and was probably occupied for at least three centuries (McEwan 1991; 2005). This

site was the center of Wari imperial administration in this province, a focus for

imperial ceremonial activity and a residence for official personnel. Wari had profound

effects on the population of the region during the Middle Horizon and the scale and

complexity of imperial investment in the basin would seen to suggest relatively direct

rule by the empire.

Nasca

Research in the Nasca region of the south coast indicates that demographic

shifts and changes in settlement patterns were substantial during the period of Wari

occupation. Not only did the total number of sites decrease during the Middle

Horizon, but the population in general shifted to the southern end of the drainage

away from the Wari state installations. This may indicate that Wari was not interested

in controlling the placement of local populations on the landscape and that those

groups may have had some leeway to exercise a kind of demographic resistance

toward the occupation (Schreiber 2001, 2005; Conlee and Schreiber 2006). Conlee

states that during the Middle Horizon, novel routes to power and authority developed

through contact with the empire. New kinds of elites emerged, power now being

derived on the one hand through close association with Wari administrators, and on

the other, through marked opposition and resistance to the empire. Those drawing

181
authority from association with the occupiers focused on close ties between Nasca

and Wari ideology and ritual belief systems (Conlee 2006:105).

Sondondo

Evidence from the Sondondo Valley indicates a major shift over time in both

the Wari imperial agenda and state investment in the region. Middle Horizon 1 saw

the establishment of a substantial, though not large, regional administrative center at

Jincamocco indicating an interest in exercising political control in the valley.

Schreiber indicates that this agenda shifted in Middle Horizon 2 to a more

economically focused emphasis (2005). Jincamocco grew radically and is believed to

have housed a large population of both Wari and local inhabitants who were probably

involved with the construction and working of extensive agricultural terraces on the

steep valley walls. Two other Wari centers or colonies were constructed as well in

close proximity to the Wari terrace complexes and roads. A third center, possibly

constructed in MH1 may have been located as to co-opt a preexisting, local shrine,

indicating a third imperial agenda in the valley (ibid.:257).

Ancash

In the north-central highlands of Peru, the expansive Wari polity came into

contact with the late Recuay culture. Wari established the regional administrative

center of Honcopampa in a strategic location at a major pass through the Cordillera

Blanco (Isbell 1991). This center was a large complex of Wari patio complexes and a

large, high walled D-shaped structure. This center was also closely associated with a

complex of local multi-story mortuary structures or chulpas.

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Arequipa / Cotahuasi Valley

Jennings and Yépez (2001), based on regional survey, have indicate that Wari

had substantial social and economic impacts in this region of the highlands, but they

believe that imperial rule here was indirect. Analysis of architectural compounds in

the valley which are in the Wari style has uncovered variations in the architectural

organization and construction techniques that lead the authors to believe that these

were not imposed, imperial administrative centers, but local copies of them. In

Cotahuasi, we may have a situation of Wari administration through local elites.

Important here is that these local elites may have been emulating prestigious and very

visible symbols of power - building local centers in the image of Wari imperial

centers in an attempt to bolster there local status through visible association with the

empire.

North Coast

Although there are no known Wari administrative centers on the north coast of

Peru, there is a great deal of evidence for Wari interaction and influence. Castillo has

excavated a large sample of tombs dating to the Late Moche period (MH 1) and

Transitional period (MH 2) at the site of San José de Moro in the Jequetepeque valley

that contain Wari and Wari-related ceramics and projectile points. Wari ceramics in

these tombs are often accompanied by Cajamarca ceramics from the adjacent

highlands (Castillo 2000). The MH 2, Transitional Period was a time of great flux on

the north coast. A post-Moche power vacuum existed and local elites seem to have

borrowed a number of exotic ceramic styles in search of perceived prestige and status.

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Ceramics present in San José de Moro tombs at this time included Pachacamac,

Atarco, Viñaque, Casma Impreso, and Cajamarca (ibid.:164). This is also a period of

time when Cajamarca populations seem to have taken a foothold on the lower Pacific

slopes, attempting to assert control and possibly riding the coat tails of the larger

Wari Empire.

Huamachuco Region

The Huamachuco region has long social ties to Cajamarca (McOwen 1945)

sharing aspects of economy and language. The major Wari regional administrative

center of Viracochapampa, located in the northern highlands Huamachoco region,

was never completed or fully occupied (Topic 2001; Topic and Topic 2001). This

vast center coexisted with large local population centers like Marcahuamachuco

during the Middle Horizon (Thatcher 1975, 1977, 1979). The incomplete

administrative center and relatively short duration of imperial occupation may

indicate that Wari influence and control in this region was not direct but indirect,

managing local interactions through local leadership.

Ultimately, the excavated material examined in this dissertation is not directly

applicable to the question of either Wari administration of the Cajamarca region, or to

local bottom-up reactions to Wari occupation. All archaeological evidence from the

site of Yanaorco indicates that this community was founded no earlier than

approximately AD 1000, after the fall of Wari occupation or influence in the region.

Nevertheless, an image of Wari-local relations can be grasped through indirect means

that will be outlined in the next section.

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 The major questions I wish to address in this section are - what was the nature

of Wari imperial administration in the Cajamarca Region and what was the nature of

interaction between local communities and the expansive Wari Empire?

4.1.4 Wari Occupation in the Northern Highlands

4.1.4.1 Local Lines of Evidence

Evidence for Wari imperial expansion and occupation of regions north of

Huamachuco has long been anecdotal and inferred from very partial data. Evidence

for Wari presence in the northern highlands exists in the form of two very likely Wari

provincial administrative centers as well as the discovery of Wari ceramics in the

Cajamarca basin. There is also evidence for the Wari construction of a state road

north from Huamachuco and into the Cajamarca region.

Two probable Wari administrative centers exist north of the Wari site of

Viracochapampa. These are Yamobamba, located approximately 2 km south east of

the modern town of Namora, and El Palacio (also called Miraflores) located at the

edge of the foothills on the northern edge of the Cajamarca basin adjacent to the

modern town of Miraflores and approximately 6 km north east of the modern city of

Cajamarca (Figure 4.1).

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Figure 4.1: Possible Wari Sites in the Cajamarca Basin

186
 The site of Yamobamba is characterized by a large internally differentiated

rectangular walled compound. This is an architectural form not used in the Cajamarca

region prior to the Middle Horizon and thus is believed to be intrusive. This

rectangular compound measures 130m by 210m and lies on a low plain between the

modern highway and a major north-south Prehispanic road. The interior space of the

compound is divided into three architectural zones. The site has been surveyed and

mapped on several occasions (Williams and Pineda 1985; Hyslop 1984) but surface

observations have not recorded any Wari style ceramics. The surface of the site is

very clean in its absence of artifacts. The center at Yamobamba is closely associated

with a major Prehispanic road running north-south and connecting Huamachuco and

Cajamarca. The west wall of the compound is approximately 10 meters from this

road. The compound is also located just east of the ridge of Cerro Ranra and the

ridge-top local cajamarca site of Filo de la Ranra 1 indicating that the Wari

administration at the center did not mind the local population living in a position from

which it could monitor activities at the center.

The site of El Palacio is located within the Cajamarca basin proper, at the

edge of the foothills on the northern fringe of the valley. Like Yamobamba, this site is

characterized by a large rectangular, stand alone walled compound measuring 70m by

50m. Unlike Yamobamba though, years of agricultural activity have effectively

destroyed the majority of surface remains at the site. This was largely the case in

1937 when the site was visited by Tello (2004:41), although he also mentions the

presence of a platform and some other constructions at the site. Today the compound

187
is represented by tall preserved exterior walls on the north, western and southern sides

and the eastern wall has been destroyed. There is also evidence of an interior wall

running parallel to the northern wall. Surface survey of the site has uncovered no

Wari style ceramics but Wari ceramics have been discovered in modern construction

activities in the adjacent village of Miraflores. These ceramics have found their way

into private collections in Cajamarca (Watanabe 2001). The ceramics in this private

collect are wide ranging, including Chakipampa. Robles Moqo, Viñaque, Atarco,

Pachacamac, and local Wari-derived styles dating to MH3. Watanabe believes that

the non-local pastes of these vessels may indicate that the majority of them may have

been transported from the Wari heartland (Watanabe 2001:536). The range of Wari

style ceramics from contexts associated with El Palacio suggests that this was a Wari

administrative complex with possible domestic areas outside the rectangular complex

itself. Based on the ceramics located in Miraflores, future fieldwork within this

community and within the walled compound would greatly enhance our

understanding of the Wari presence in Cajamarca. Interestingly, as with the site of

Yamobamba, a local Middle Cajamarca period site is located close by the compound

at El Palacio and in an elevated, dominant location, overlooking the Wari site. This

close proximity and the seeming lack of interest by Wari in maintaining the "high

ground" around its installations may indicate a relatively indirect mode of imperial

administration within the Basin.

In addition to growing evidence for a substantial, if relatively short lived,

Wari occupation of the Cajamarca basin, ceramic evidence for Wari influence is

188
present at several far north coast sites of the Lambayeque polity during the later

Middle Horizon (Shimada 1994). 18 While no archaeological research to date has

focused on the dynamics of the interaction between Wari and local Cajamarca

communities during the Middle Horizon, and we therefore have no significant data to

address shifts in community organization, archaeological settlement survey has been

undertaken by a number of projects (Julien 1988; Ravines; Reichlen and Reichlen;

Seki). I will here summarize the results of this settlement research as it bears on the

effects of Wari occupation on local populations in terms of shifts in the locations of

settlements from a pre-Wari, Early Intermediate Period pattern (Figure 4.2) to a

Middle Horizon pattern (Figure 4.3).

Early Intermediate Period (Early Cajamarca Period (EC) [AD 100- AD 500])

settlement patterns in the Cajamarca Basin are characterized by domestic terraces,

communities near the valley bottom, villages on low defensible hills just above the

valley bottom and some fortified hilltop villages. Julien, recording 61 sites for EC,

notes that early in the period, many of the fortified hilltop sites remain occupied, but

that by the end of Early Cajamarca, most fortified hill-top communities have been

abandoned (1988:156). By the end of the period there is little to no architectural

evidence for conflict in the basin. One important innovation in settlement

organization by the end of Early Cajamarca is the presence of communities made up

of agglutinated room groups as opposed to individual stand-along rooms. The well

known site of Cerro Coyor also develops during later Early Cajamarca.

18
The polity here denoted "Lambayeque" has also been referred to as the Sicán Polity.

189
Figure 4.2: Early Cajamarca Period (AD100-AD600) / Early Intermediate Period Settlements

190
Figure 4.3: Middle Cajamarca Period (AD600-AD850) / Early Middle Horizon Settlement

191
 Middle Cajamarca (AD 500-AD 850), corresponding roughly to the beginning

of the Middle Horizon, sees settlement patterns remain roughly unchanged. Julien

(1988) recorded 46 sites for this period. Significantly, the center at Cerro Coyor

grows significantly in MC Subphase A, possibly becoming the center of a relatively

integrated complex middle range society. During this same period, several probable

Wari imperial centers are constructed in and near the basin, at El Palacio,

Yamobamba, and possibly in association with the large local site of Santa Delia.

Coyor and the Cajamarca polity may grow in prestige during this period because of a

connection to the empire. Important shifts occur during Subphase B - the large local

center of Coyor diminishes and is abandoned. In addition, many but not all larger

communities are also abandoned. This fall of Coyor and other major centers may

have something to do with the collapse of Wari presence in the region, and

consequent collapse of the prestige it had brought to local elites. Importantly there are

few fortified sites associated with Middle Cajamarca Period implying that the Wari

imperial presence may have had a pacifying and mutualistic relationship to local

groups.

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 Strategy Installations Infrastructure Wari Ceramic Local Settlement Local
Presence Patterns Economics
Direct Installation of major Major investment in state Presence of Imperial Major relocation of local Major shifts in local
administrative centers roads; agricultural ceramics in Wari communities - into lower political and staple
Imperial intensification centers and local elite elevations and areas closer to economies -- as
Control contexts agricultural lands materials are now
produced for the state
in large part
Indirect Small Imperial Possible investment in Some Imperial wares No appreciable shift in patterns Local economies may
presence (possibly state roads; agricultural within centers and elite benefit from
Rule within local intensification contexts -- political interaction with
communities) economy imperial economic
networks
Mixed May be Wari Possible investment in Some imported Wari Possibly some settlement shifts Local economies may
installations -- but state roads; agricultural elite gift wares and into agricultural lands benefit from
Administr also local centers intensification also possibly interaction with
ation production of emulated imperial economic
local copies of Wari networks
prestige-wares.

No Wari No visible Wari Possible state road Possibly rare Wari No appreciable change in pattern
presence through region - but no wares in local elite (during MH)
Presence investment in local contexts.
extractive enterprises

Table 4.2: Alternative forms of Wari Administration in Cajamarca

The Wari Collapse

The emphasis of the Wari Empire shifted at the end of Middle Horizon 2A

from one focused on ideological expansion and economic exchange to one focused

more inwardly, emphasizing intensification of staple production of agricultural goods

for state consumption. Many of the far-flung regional administrative centers seem to

have been abandoned during the beginning of MH 2A while other new centers were

being constructed closer to the Ayacucho core of the polity. These shifts in priority

within the empire may have foreseen the ultimate collapse of the state near the end of

MH 2B.

Regional administrative centers were abandoned in different ways. At some

centers such as Cerro Baúl in the far south, abandonment seems to have been

193
accompanied by "closure ceremonies" in various sectors involving the consumption

of chicha (Moseley et al. 2005:17271; see also Williams 2001). At other centers such

as Azangaro, there is some evidence of conflict at the end. Anders believes she has

evidence of rapid abandonment of the center and conflict in the form of burned layers

(Anders 1996b). The particular characteristics of abandonment will be different from

center to center based on factors such as the nature of imperial presence in the region,

and the nature of local reactions to that occupation.

The expansive Wari Empire can be said to have collapsed by the end of MH

2B, sometime shortly after approximately AD 900 (Isbell 2008). The subsequent

Middle Horizon Epochs 3 and 4 run to AD 1000, at which point the Late Intermediate

Period begins (LIP; AD 1000-AD 1476). Collapse was variable throughout the

empire and the nature of prior relations between the empire and local populations

would have varied as well. This variability in collapse would have led to variation in

the dynamics of subsequent post-collapse local social regeneration from region to

region (Conlee 2006).

4.2 Community Organization and the "Memory" of Wari Occupation

4.2.1 Discussion of LIP dynamics

Our understanding of the Late Intermediate Period in Andean prehistory rises

from two principal sets of data, the archaeological record, and the ethnohistoric

chronicles (Covey 2008). The data gleaned from written records come from

chronicles written during approximately the first 100 years after the Spanish

194
conquest. These consist in large part of often very negatively biased descriptions of

the many LIP societies encountered by the expanding Inka Empire in the 15th

century. The LIP is often seen as a Dark Age characterized by the local development

of small-scale societies and conflict between them in a period after the collapse of the

Wari Empire (and the Tiwanaku in the south). Although this characterization is

correct in general, there was in fact a great deal of variability from region to region in

the Andes and on the coast in the degree of social reorganization and conflict. Much

of what we know of this variability in the archaeological evidence from region to

region has recently been reviewed and synthesized (Conlee et al 2004; Covey 2008;

Dulanto 2008). The LIP was generally a period of increased regional exchange and

economic networks (Conlee 2006:108). The LIP dates to the period from AD 1000 to

AD 1476. At least during the beginning of this period, the sociopolitical climate of

the Andes was one of recent autonomy in the economic, political, and social senses of

the term. The occupying Wari Empire that had collapsed by ~ AD 900, had in some

cases pacified local polities. In the post-occupation period local individuals, groups,

and communities were once again free to interact and compete for resources,

influence, and followers. While the lack of imperial contact and influence may have

brought the aspirations of some individuals to an end, this new autonomy may have

been a boon for other individuals and factions who now had the opportunity to

promote their own agendas (Conlee 2006; Conlee and Schreiber 2006). The LIP was

in fact not a period of constant warfare and interregional and internecine conflict

throughout the Andes. This does occur in some areas but in others, there is much less

195
evidence for warfare. Below, I discuss the evidence for LIP dynamics in several

regions of the Andes where we have growing databases for this period. Finally, I will

present what we know of the LIP in the Cajamarca region before presenting research

questions and archaeological test correlates.

Covey discusses two principle parallel axes of LIP organization in the Andes,

one highland and one coastal (Covey 2008:319). Coastal polities were generally

based economically on intensification of agricultural production including the

engineering and maintenance of substantial irrigation systems by societies exhibiting

marked social and economic hierarchies, major examples being the complex polities

of the northern Peruvian coast. Societies in the Andean highlands were generally

based not intensification of agricultural production (as had been the case for the Wari

and Tiwanaku of the MH), but were focused economically on the broadening of

agropastoral networks in intermontane basins and surrounding pastoral highlands.

This led to a highland social landscape of smaller scale, independent middle range

societies characterized by less marked social and economic hierarchies than were

present on the coast, one major exception to this being the development of the Inka

State. Though not to the degree of Cuzco, polities in Mantaro, Huamachuco, and

Cajamarca to seem to have developed some considerable complexity through the

second half of the LIP (Covey 2008:293). Despite these differences between the

economic foci on the coast and highlands, populations generally grew throughout the

Andes during the LIP and this led in some regions to increasing inter-community

196
conflict and shifts in these settlement patterns into elevated, fortified, or otherwise

defensible locations on the landscape.

The North Coast

Unlike the case in many highland regions during the LIP, several large-scale

state and non-state polities developed in the very late MH on the north coast and

spanned through the Late Intermediate Period (Conlee et al 2004). The best known of

these was the expansive Chimú Empire, which spread out of its homeland in the

Moche Valley. The Chimú developed a vast urban capital at Chan Chan on the

Moche Valley coast beginning in the 10th century (Moore and Mackey 2008).

Ultimately the state expanded both north and south during the middle and late Chimú

periods coming to encompass and rule (both directly and indirectly) much of the

coastal desert and valleys from Lambayeque in the north, as far south as the Casma

Valley with its regional administrative center at Manchan.

The empire administered rule through governors at regional administrative

centers located in many coastal valleys and often situated at strategic locations such

as Prehispanic road junctions. Important centers included Algarobal and Farfan in the

Jequetepeque Valley and Manchan in the Casma Valley to the south. Chimú

administrators would have managed and directed the productive activities of these

provinces in the service of the centralized state.

Spanning from the Leche Valley in the north, south to the site or Pacatnamu in

the Jequetepeque Valley, the Lambayeque or Sicán Polity (AD 900-AD 1350)

developed prior to the Chimú and coexisted with the Chimú on the north coast for

197
several hundred years. Ultimately, the expanding Chimú Empire conquered the

Lambayeque late in the LIP. The Lambayeque polity probably a connected and

interacting set of peer polities focused on important ritual mound complexes.

Important complexes include Batán Grande, Túcume, Sicán, and Pacatnamu, each

ultimately overtaken by Chimor. There is little evidence for centralization of

leadership of these Lambayeque polities (Conlee et al 2004:214; Heyerdah et al

1995). It is likely that this phenomena was one of related and closely interacting

polities possibly bound by elite kinship ties and sharing many artistic motifs. Both

Lambayeque and Chimú were economically based on intensive valley bottom

irrigation agriculture (Dulanto 2008)

Farther south during the LIP, the Casma polity developed in the valley of that

name. This polity was less well understood that Chimú and Lambayeque but it's

ceramics are present from the Chao Valley in the north, south to the Huarmey Valley

implying some level of influence from it's center at the Casma Valley site of El

Purgatorio (Conlee 2004:211).

The Central Coast

Ethnographic sources indicate that the valleys of the central Peruvian coast

during the LIP were not politically united as were the larger valley complexes of the

north coast (Conlee et al 2004). At least three polities were present on the coast

occupying separate coastal valleys. The largest and best known of these was the

Ychsma Polity that occupied two large valleys, integrating the Rimac and the Lurin

Valleys. This polity is perhaps best known for its characteristic terraces and ramped

198
pyramid mounds. The Ychsma also maintained and occupied Pachacamac during the

LIP. The other two known polities, organized probably as complex middle range

societies were the Huaura/Chancay Polity located from the Pativilca to the Chancay

Valleys and the Collique Polity in the Chillón Valley, which may have acted as a

buffer between the Chancay and the Ychsma (Dulanto 2008:768).

The South Coast

In the Cañete Valley, Marcus (2008) sees two interacting polities during the

LIP. The Huarco (Guarco)(Conlee et al 2004) were maritime and coastal oriented,

and interacted with the agricultural Lunahuaná located further up-valley. Sites like

Cerro Azúl on the coast were occupied by Huarco and interacted not only with other

local populations but engaged the Chincha polity to the south, in economic exchange

of fish.

The largest and likely most complex polity of the south coast was centered in

the Chincha Valley during the LIP (Conlee 2004:223; Dulanto 2008). Settlement

patterns indicate that conflict may have been common during this period, although

there is also some evidence for interaction between the Chincha and other valleys.

The Pisco and Ica Valleys to the south appear to have been less politically complex

during the LIP although intervalley interaction was probably common and a major

ceramic style developed in the Ica and was exchanged broadly.

The Wari imperial collapse in the Nasca region instigated a period of great

adversity for local populations beginning in MH Epoch 3-4. Out of this period of

adversity came new routes to power and its legitimization for local elites. The later

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MH and the LIP saw substantial long-term settlement abandonment in the region and

population movement. Conlee states that nearly all previously occupied sites were

abandoned, their populations settling new sites in the area, with the total number of

sites decreasing (2006:105). In addition to these settlement and population

disruptions, mortuary patterns shifted, ceramic styles changed becoming more local

and simple, and many sites were established in defensible positions on the landscape

(Conlee and Schreiber 2006). This post-collapse period of social balkanization was a

time when these local elites, who may have held positions as intermediate

administrative elites under Wari domination, would have been actively competing to

maintain the power they'd held in the MH (ibid. 2006:104),

The close ritual ties between Nasca populations and Wari during the Middle

Horizon led to a complete ritual break after the collapse of the previous system.

Aspiring local elites during the LIP drew authority from secular and economic realms

focusing on the control of utilitarian ceramic production and foreign exchange in

exotic or prestige items such as spondylus shell from the far north coast. Authority

was now based in economic and not ritual terms (Conlee 2006:111; Conlee 2004;

Conlee and Schreiber 2006). In this region, domestic sites became larger and

differentiation in the sizes of houses within sites indicates the presence of social

differentiation during the LIP. Here, not all aspects of society changed or were

abandoned in the post-collapse period. Settlement shifts occurred and the nature of

the political economy changed but the subsistence economy remained relatively

constant. During the LIP, out of earlier strife an integrate polity developed in the

200
Nasca Valley (Conlee et al 2004). Conlee sees the LIP Nasca valley as having its

highest population and site frequencies of any period. Larger villages show clear

presence of both elite and non-elite households. This polity seems to have been

centered at the large hillside and defensible site of La Tiza.

On the far south coast, populations seem to have boomed in the Acari valley

with this region seeing its largest population numbers during the period. Ceramics

collected in the valley also show connections to both the Ica and Nasca Valleys to it's

north (Conlee et al 2004:229).

The South Central Highlands

Within the region of the Altiplano Basin, the LIP begins with the collapse of

the Tiwanaku Polity at approximately AD1000. Settlement pattern and excavation

data in the basin indicate a relatively high frequency of conflict and competition

between communities during the LIP. Three polities developed around Lake Titicaca,

the Colla at the north end of the base, Pacajes in the southern Altiplano, and the

Lupaqa polity in the western basin. These related Aymara polities were characterized

by the presence of large pucaras or fortified communities on hilltops overlooking the

altiplano (Conlee et al 2004). Survey indicates that these large settlements often

lacked permanent water sources and were probably only inhabited in times of

conflict. Survey has also shown a relative lack of site size hierarchy implying that

these chiefdoms were not strongly integrated.

A large zone of the Colla area in the northern basin has been surveyed

recently by Arkush (Arkush 2006, 2008). Her chronology of construction at the

201
numerous pucaras in the region has led to the conclusion that warfare was a major

aspect of the LIP for the Colla, but that its rates changed through the LIP. The first

half of the LIP, a period of balkanization and intergroup interaction was a time of

limited armed conflict among post-Wari collapse communities. This conflict ramps

up during the later half of the LIP, though, possibly in part caused by increasing

social unrest due to resource stress during this period of drought. This shift to greater

frequencies of armed conflict in the later part of the LIP in the highlands may have

been the case in other regions as well. Future research may shed light on the subject.

The Cuzco Region

The traditional view of the LIP in the Central Highlands was of a period of

constant competition and militarism between relatively small, regional societies.

According to this view, the Inca state developed rapidly during the period of the

Chanka war and, prior to this point, the Inka were just one more of these small middle

range societies. The state was seen as developing rapidly and not long before

expansion began. Work by Bauer (1992) has cast doubt on this traditional and

somewhat simplistic chain of events. Through settlement survey, some excavation,

and ceramic analysis in the region directly south of the Cuzco valley, Bauer has

shown that not only was there a lack of fortified sites in the pre-Inka LIP, but that the

Inka state may have developed in the region more gradually during the later half of

the LIP. Interestingly, settlement comparisons between the LIP and the Late Horizon

also indicate that there was very little state imposed shift in lifestyle in the region

closest to Cuzco (at least in the region south of Cuzco). The only large Inka

202
installation imposed in the region was Maukallaqta (adjacent to Puma Orco) which

was probably a shrine commemorating the mythical Manco Capac. Evidence in the

Cuzco region then indicates a lack of substantial conflict among interacting polities

during the LIP. After a period of balkanization in the first half of the LIP, several

hierarchical middle range polities seem to have developed in the Cajamarca region

each based economically in intensive agriculture (Covey 2008; Dulanto 2008).

Ultimately one of these polities seems to have expanded through the basin and

beyond creating the Inka State and Empire, with administrative structure adapted in

many ways form the prior Wari Empire.

South-Central Watersheds

Several other middle range polities are known to have developed in the south

central highlands and watersheds during the LIP (Conlee et al 2004). The Estequiña

polity was located between the Tambo and Locumba Rivers. The settlement here was

generally in fortified or defensible locations indicating a high frequency of LIP

militarism and competition in the region. A lack of settlement hierarchy also implies

that these societies were only moderately ranked. In the Moquegua Valley, the

Chiribaya polity exploited resources both in the coastal and high-valley zones during

the LIP (Conlee et al 2004:233; Covey 2008:314). Finally, the Churajon Complex is

known from the Arequipa region.

In the Cotahuasi Valley of northern Arequipa, there is some evidence that the

social and political stratification of the preceding Middle Horizon was maintained

into the Late Intermediate Period. Jennings and Yepez (2001:147) note the presence

203
in larger LIP villages of elite domestic architecture spatially set away from other

architectural zones, spatially and socially segregating the community. This may be

evidence for the presence of substantial social stratification within at least the larger

communities during the LIP.

Wernke's research in the Colca Valley (2006) has indicates a fluid system of

middle range societies in the region during the LIP. Although there is evidence for

marked inequality within communities, settlement does not indicate any real

hierarchy or centralization. These seem to have been communities in flux, at times

joining one another in cooperation and at other time engaging in conflict. This

warfare is attested to by a high frequency of fortified sites on the LIP landscape

(Wernke 2006:191).

Upper Mantaro Region (Central Highlands)

The LIP and Late Horizon of the upper Mantaro Valley is relatively well

understood due to a major interdisciplinary project of survey and excavation

((DeMarrais 2001; D'Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Earle 2001).

The Wanka II period (AD1300 - AD1460), roughly the later half of the LIP,

was in the Mantaro Valley characterized by a series of competing middle range

societies (Earle 2001; D'Altroy and Hastorf 2001). Populations generally lived in

large, hill-top fortified villages at least partially fortified by large scale concentric

walls. Earle believes that these large constructions indicate a corporate focus in these

societies both creating defenses and in materializing the group identification (Earle

2001:119). Architectural and household data from these large sites indicates that

204
some lived in larger compounds than others but also that this differentiation was of

degree and not type -- indicating that differentiation was not strong within these

communities (DeMarrais 2001). In this 'hill-fort type' of chiefdom, elite or chiefly

power was probably based on military leadership and might, secondarily on

organization of agricultural intensification and much less so on chiefly ideological

power (Earle 1997:196). The Nearby Tarma and Chinchaycocha regions see similar

shifts in the LIP with increasing populations. In these regions, there is an increasing

connectivity and interdigitation between agriculturalists and high elevation

pastoralists during the LIP (Parsons et al 2000; Parsons and Hastings 1988)

Cajamarca and the Northern Highlands

The northern highlands of the LIP consisted of two major culture areas,

Huamachuco in the highlands east of the Moche drainage, and Cajamarca in the

highlands to the east of the Zaña, Jequetepeque, and Chicama drainages. These

polities maintained relations and shared similar language and ceramic styles. The

previous Middle Horizon had seen the establishment of Wari administrative centers at

Viracochapampa in Huamachuco, and at El Palacio and Yamobamba in Cajamarca,

although it is believed that none of these was ever completed (Topic 1991). In

Huamachuco, the LIP saw the reestablishment of a series of interacting middle range

polities that were related in that they shared a ceramic style, a language, and religious

beliefs.

The MH Cajamarca groups, which may have been centered at the site of

Coyor in the Cajamarca basin, seem to have collapsed or undergone major

205
organizational shifts following the fall of Wari influence in the later MH (Dulanto

2008:765). The general picture that has been painted by both documentary and

archaeological sources for the LIP is one of increasing complexity and centralization

within the Cajamarca region with LIP societies developing slowly out of a period of

balkanization and competition during the later MH and early LIP. It is not likely that

what we would call a state ever developed here. The region is believed to have been

organized as a paramount chiefdom in the later LIP with its capital on the western

slope of the Andes and the site of Guzmango Viejo. There is evidence during the LIP

for limited material interaction between communities in the highlands and Chimú

communities on the coast, but this was not as frequent as it had been in the Late

Moche and Transitional Periods. Recent research at the LIP Cajamarca site of

Tantarica located in the middle Jequetepeque Valley indicates that villages in the

lower and middle valleys may have enjoyed much more substantial material

interaction with the coast (Watanabe 2002).

Settlement survey in Cajamarca indicates a drop in the number of sites during

the Late Cajamarca Period (AD 850-AD 1200), roughly equivalent to the later MH

and the first half of the LIP. Julien (1988), who recorded only 25 sites for this period,

interprets this as possible evidence of post-Wari collapse dispersal of the local

population (Dulanto 2008; Julien 1988). This drop in population or dispersal away

from prior population centers may be similar to demographic shifts that took place in

other regions of the highlands and coast during this period of Balkanization. This

dispersal out of the Cajamarca Basin may have been an attempt to distance

206
themselves from the local and Wari centers of power during the preceding period.

Groups may have become disenchanted with the physical reminders a once-lucritive

relationship that had failed and collapsed. Future survey work outside the basin will

be necessary in order to address this question of population movement. Julien's work

also indicates a slow development of increasing organizational complexity in the

Final Cajamarca Period (AD 1200-AD 1532) with increasing population and site

frequencies (Julien 1988, 1993). He also indicates that all sites with Late Cajamarca

components continue to be occupied into Final Cajamarca, equivalent to the later half

of the LIP and the Late Horizon. This increase in population densities may also have

increased local tensions and rates of conflict and warfare. Julien notes that the major

fortification types such as wall-and -ditch constructions around elevated communities

that had been present during Initial Cajamarca and the earlier Early Cajamarca return

during Late and final Cajamarca Phases - indicating an increase in local militarism

following the collapse of Wari presence in the region. Julien believes that the Final

Cajamarca Period, beginning at AD 1200, sees an even greater focus on defiance and

militarism. Interestingly this intensification of militarism and competition parallels

chronologically with the later LIP patterns recorded my Arkush in the Colla region.

Several Cajamarca middle range polities existed in these highlands and the cisandean

slopes during the LIP (later to become Inka warangas), sharing architectural and

ceramic forms and designs, but the degree of regional centralization is now yet well

understood (Watanabe 2002).

207
 Huamachuco also saw major shifts in settlement following the Wari collapse

in the region (Dulanto 2008). After the collapse of the Wari administrative center at

Viracochapampa many large local centers were abandoned and population seems to

have dispersed. Even the large local site of Marcahuamachuco sees gradual decline in

the post-collapse period, ultimately abandoned later in the LIP. Local communities in

Huamachuco redevelop at new locations thorough the LIP but this never results in the

level of complexity that characterized the region during the MH.

Community Organization in the LIP Northern Highlands

The relative paucity of archaeological data from household and community

level contexts in the northern highlands of Peru means that archaeologists do not have

a good idea of the nature of community organization in this region. The

archaeological data that we do have comes from small-scale projects in the Cajamarca

highlands, often associated with much larger projects focused on the monuments of

the Initial and Early Horizon periods. We also have some data from the Huamachuco

region to the south. Finally, I include the Callejon de Huaylas region in the northern

highlands and from here we have community level investigations at the site of

Chinchawas conducted by Lau (2001; 2002). The research reported here will add

substantially to our understanding of community organization in the Cajamarca

region.

By community organization, I mean how did a community, a village or site,

operate and sustain itself on a day-to-day and annual basis. How can we describe the

physical patterning of the built environment? What was the nature of social

208
organization and social or economic stratification within a community? What was the

nature of the economy, both subsistence and craft? Was production and consumption

autonomous at the household level across a community, or was it controlled in some

way by an elite subset? What was the nature of leadership within a community? Was

leadership at the individualizing or the collective end of the spectrum, or somewhere

in between? What can we say about the belief systems of the occupants of a

community? Finally, what was the nature of interaction between local communities

and with polities farther afield? This is a broad set of questions but archeological

investigation at the household and community levels of analysis can begin to address

many of them.

The nature of the built environment within a community can imply a great

deal about the processes of community development, planning, population shifts, and

leadership (Lawrence and Low 1990; Moore 1996a, 1996b, 2003; Rapoport 1969).

The location of a community on the landscape will also inform us as to the levels of

perceived threat felt by the occupants of the community as well as the economic

emphases of the occupants. A village located on an elevated and defensible location

may indicate a level of militarism or its threat in the region. Defensive features at that

community would represent much more direct evidence of militarism. The location of

a site within or adjacent to particular agricultural productive zones will also say

things about the nature of the economy. A community whose built environment is laid

out in a regular, organized, or planned manner may indicate that it was not built and

occupied in a hurry. A planned community may also indicate a level of leadership in

209
society at the time of occupation. A site that is haphazard in spatial organization may

indicate a slow accretion of population to the location. As will be clear from the

community of Yanaorco, abrupt shifts in the built environment can also indicate rapid

influxes of people into a community.

A comparative view of the built environment can also tell us about the relative

egalitarianism or social and economic stratification within a community. Many

middle range societies are characterized by some level of stratification and ranking

and we would expect to see some variability from household to household in both

architectural features and the frequencies of valued objects. Social ranking in a

society would also be evident in differences in both domestic contexts and mortuary

treatment. In the Cajamarca highlands, do we see the reemergence of ranking and

social stratification within communities during the post-collapse, LIP?

Public architecture, domestic contexts, and the differential access to labor and

its material fruits also inform us as to the nature of leadership, authority and the

ongoing processes of elite legitimization within communities. From what functions

and institutions in society did aspiring or emerging LIP elites draw power and

authority; and how did they and their followers continually legitimate that

asymmetric status? Was authority based in the control of specialized production and

the consumption of its end products? Was authority gained through leadership in

militaristic events? Was leadership based in the organization of community wide,

collective events, focused on public monumental spaces such as mounds or plazas?

Commensal feasting was a strategy used by elites in many cultures of Prehispanic

210
Peru. Feasting activities in the Andes and elsewhere were settings for the production

and reproduction of dynamic systems of social order, stratification, alliance building,

and factional action (Brumfiel 1989, 1994). It was often within these contexts that

individuals and factions in a community engaged in intra- and inter-community social

and political action (Dietler 1990, 1998). These temporally and spatially discrete

stages for elite political agency often leave an archaeological signature that includes

not only bounded and controlled spaces, but a clear set of material correlates

including ceramics and select faunal remains (Sandefur 2001). Correlates are often

residues of the acts of consumption and status display. For example, serving vessels

are present in large quantities, as are storage vessels. Vessels are often elaborately

decorated with symbolic representations of ideology (DeMarrais et al. 1996),

information the sponsor of the event wished to impart to guests. While serving vessels

are often present in large numbers, utilitarian cooking vessels are occasionally absent,

possibly indicating that cooking was spatially distinct from feasting areas.

Alternatively, was leadership more focused on individualizing events and

access to prestige-bearing items? Ultimately, how did those in power within a

community continue to legitimate that authority? Through continued commensal

feasting events? Through continued access to esoteric knowledge from afar?

Finally, the nature of exchange, both between local communities and with

other regions, will tell us about leadership within a community and the general

orientation of a society. Was production local, with ceramics used in a community

being produced within that same village? Or, was there widespread exchange in

211
ceramics and other goods between local communities. Increased exchange in products

and ideas between local Cajamarca centers might imply the presence of what Renfrew

would call a system of interacting peer polities (Renfrew 1986). A relative lack of

local interaction might imply competition between these communities and an

outward-looking exchange orientation. Answers to these questions of exchange can

get at levels of competition and conflict within a region as well as inter-community

identity and relations. The presence of long distance exchange goods within a

community also gets at the nature of interregional interaction. The contexts within

which these prestige items are located will also speak to levels of stratification and

leadership strategies within society.

Figures 4.8 and 4.9 outline alternative hypotheses of social stratification,

leadership strategies, interregional exchange, and political and social orientation

within a community (Figure 4.9). These alternatives should not be seen as unitary and

exclusive types, but as ends of a spectrum of both social differentiation/stratification

and political leadership strategy. The actual organization present within a community

would lie along this continuum somewhere between these two heuristic and

generalized types. These tables also present some archaeological correlates for these

hypotheses. The following chapters, dealing with site architecture, artifacts, and

community organization will address was of the hypotheses and results will be

presented in Chapter 8.

212
 Public Domestic Access to Food Control of
Architecture Architecture Goods Labor/Production
Strong Social Public Substantial Disparity Disparity in Differences in house
architecture may disparity between access to high construction/design may
Differentiation be present and between elite households quality foods indicate that elites
function in elite and non-elite in access to between elite and control/have access to
aggrandizing domestic or presence non-elite contexts. more labor than non-
events. architecture In of prestige Elite houses will elites.
terms of goods and have higher
Elite domestic construction exotics. frequency of high Production contexts (as
Spaces may be quality, Greater quality meat seen in presence of
closely materials used, frequency of elements. There ceramic production or
associated with house size, and these items may also be textile production tools)
public internal in elite differences in should be localized in
architecture. complexity. houses and food preparation elite areas.
middens. techniques
between elite and
non-elite houses.

Weak/Little May exist within Little variation Little There should be All domestic contexts
community in terms of difference in little difference in within a community
Differentiation construction frequencies the frequencies of would be expected to
quality, house of prestige different food contain at least some
size, or internal and fancy items from house manufacturing tools.
complexity items from to house.
house to
house.

Table 4.3: Social Stratification and Control of Labor/Access to Goods

213
 Public Domestic Access to Access to
Architecture Architecture Prestige Items Information/Lon
g Distance
Contacts
Individualizing Less focus on large Disparity between Substantial Elite control of long
Leadership public elite and non-elite in disparity distance exchange
(Network monuments/archite size, quality, and between elite and in prestige items --
cture complexity of non-elite and thus in control
Based)
houses. households in of esoteric
Elite Houses may frequencies of knowledge of the
also contain patios both locally 'other'.
utilized in restricted produced fancy
political feasting. items, and
Elite houses may nonlocal prestige
also contain storage goods.
features and be in
close association
with large, but
individual, mortuary
monuments.

Group Presence of both There will be less Less emphasis Less emphasis on
Oriented visible large scale difference in the size, on personal maintenance of long
Leadership works such as quality, and wealth. Less distance exchange
platform mounds, complexity of disparity in the contacts.
(Corporate
open public plazas, domestic spaces. frequencies of
Based) and irrigation Elite houses may, fancy goods
works though be in closer between houses.
association to large
collective
community
constructions such as
mounds.

Table 4.4: Form Taken by Leadership in the Community

Local Reactions within the Post-Collapse LIP:

At a more general level than that of community organization, the pace of

change during an intermediate period would have also varied depending on a number

of factors including the nature of interaction between local groups and the previous

occupying empires, and the nature of local society before the imperial occupation of

214
the region. After the collapse of Wari presence and influence, were selected

characteristics of imperial administration, contacts, and connections maintained by

local elites? Alternatively, was there wholesale rejection of all imperial ties and

material symbols? The answers to these questions will depend often on the nature of

the relations between the occupied population and its local elites, and the imperial

administration. There was most likely a combination of these two reactions due to the

varied and diverse situation in the Cajamarca highlands. In Nasca, Conlee (2000,

2006) found that while aspects of MH local society were abandoned altogether such

as ritual belief systems, others shifted substantially such as political economy and still

others, such as the subsistence economy remained largely unchanged. In the case of

the Middle Horizon, there seems to have been a complex and long standing

interaction between Cajamarca and the Wari Empire. By this, I do not mean to imply

that there was necessarily a unified Cajamarca polity, for it is probably more likely

that Cajamarca was made up of interacting, but related polities. In this case, Wari

could conceivably have been dealing with only certain of these local northern

highland groups. Nevertheless, Wari maintained, even if for only a short period,

several administrative centers in the Cajamarca region and typical, diagnostic

Cajamarca Floral Cursive ceramic vessels made their way into elite contexts at

several major Wari centers throughout the empire including Azangaro, Wari, and

Cerro Baúl.

215
4.3 Intergroup Interaction and Militarism in Middle Range Societies and in

the Cajamarca Highlands

Episodic internecine conflict and warfare ranging from small-scale raiding to

larger scale, force on force combat has been a traditional hallmark of chiefdom or

middle range societies since the beginning of their definition and study (Redmond

1994). Although there was certainly variability from region to region in the Late

Intermediate Period Andes, competition and conflict were consistently present during

the period among societies of varying scales of complexity but generally scaled as

middle range societies. This section discusses the presence, possible causes, and

consequences of militarism within middle range societies, and in particular, during

the Andean LIP and in the Cajamarca region (Figure 4.10).

Violence and conflict or warfare has been shown to be present in societies of

all broad levels of sociopolitical complexity in the ethnographic record, from mobile

gatherer/hunters to imperial states (Arkush and Allen 2006; Keeley 2005; LeBlanc

1999, 2003). Archaeological research has also indicated the presence of

intercommunity warfare as far back as the beginnings of agriculture and settled life

around the world, with evidence of interpersonal conflict on a lower level farther back

into the Paleolithic (Guilaine and Zammat 2005; Keeley 1996). Violence and conflict

have been divided schematically into two realms (ibid:233) with internal conflict

focused on murder and revenge within communities, and external conflict defined as

larger scale raiding and combat between groups of individuals from different

communities or polities. External conflict, that between communities, involving force

216
on force combat, small scale raiding, and ritual combat is common among societies

organized at the level of middle range societies. Increased levels of conflict here, and

construction of fortified settlements is believed to be related, on one had, to

increasing population densities and therefore increasing competition over resources;

and on the other hand, to the nature of the local geography. Here, Guilaine and

Zammat refer to the greater frequency of fortified communities in agriculturally and

strategically important areas associated with trade routes (2005:189) than in more

resource-poor regions. Although they base their conclusions on agricultural societies

of southwest Europe, these also seem to apply fairly well to middle range societies of

the Andes.

An ongoing debate exists in the Andes as to whether the nature of armed

conflict was principally small scale, nearly bloodless, and ritual in nature (, or

whether it was often larger scale, involving substantial forces, the use of built

defenses, resulted in substantial casualties, and was fought over material resources of

agricultural lands, people, or strategic/ritual landscapes (Arkush 2006, 2008). Two

strong camps exist in this debate, one implying that the majority of conflict was of the

tinku form, and ritual in nature, as evidenced by ethnohistoric accounts, modern first

hand accounts, and images of seemingly ritualized combat on EIP Moche ceramic

vessels. Other archaeologists propose that while tinku may have existed in Andean

prehistory prior to the Inka, larger scale warfare was definitely present as evidenced

by the creation of large scale fortifications, the placement of sites in high defensible

locations, and the occasional stockpiling of weapons. Recent investigation into the

217
nature of prehispanic Andean conflict has made a strong case for the presence during

many periods of prehistory of combat at scales much beyond that of modern tinku

(Arkush and Stanish 2005). Part of their argument is that where as many Andean

archaeologists have for many years espoused the uniqueness of Andean culture and

it's historical trajectories including the focus of ritualized warfare, we must address

evidence of Andean warfare within a comparative framework utilizing the rich cross-

cultural ethnographic and archaeological sources on warfare in middle range societies

(Arkush and Stanish 2005; Arkush and Allen 2006).

Warfare is certainly not only present within state and imperial societies.

Conflict of varied intensity has been present in prehistoric human societies of all

levels of social complexity from very mobile band societies though middle range

societies and beyond (Arkush and Allen 2006; Arkush and Stanish 2005; Keeley

1996; Redmond 1994). One question that this investigation asks is what was the

nature of conflict and militarism in the Cajamarca highlands during the Late

Intermediate Period (AD 1000 - AD 1476. Across the Andean highlands and coast,

there was a general increase in the frequency of conflict during this period, but at

what scale did it occur in the north. Settlement patterns in Cajamarca indicate a shift

during the LIP towards higher elevation locations and at least some of these

communities constructed substantial defensive features including high fortification

walls, parapets, and associated dry moats on the exteriors of the walls. Why did

populations move into the hills after the collapse of Wari occupation? Fortifications

were expensive in both labor and resources to construct. The fact that they were built

218
at so many communities is testament to the "relative intensity of the perceived threat"

(Keeley 1996:55). This section presents evidence of militarism in the forms of

settlement and demographic shifts and the construction of fortifications in the

Cajamarca region.

What were the causes of this increased militarism during the LIP? Leadership

in warfare has long been a possible explanation for increase in social complexity as

leaders are elevated in times of conflict often over increasingly scarce resources.

Thus, military leadership during the LIP may have been an avenue utilized by

aspiring elites to gain influence and followers. Successful elites may also have gained

new lands and other resources along the way. Elites during the LIP may also have

competed and fought for access to valued places on the landscape. Elites may have

fought for control over strategic points on the landscape such as locations which

could control or monitor economically valuable chokepoints along caravan routes

such as passes. This may have been the case that the LIP site of Yanaorco. Conflict

may also have been over important points on the ritual landscape.

What was the perceived duration of threats posed by other communities in the

region? Were hilltop defensible and/or fortified communities permanently occupied?

Or were they seen as temporary hardened refuges to be occupied only during periodic

and short lived raids by neighboring communities? Did the middle range societies of

the northern highlands even have the resources with which to mount extended sieges

of fortified communities?

219
 Finally, what was the orientation of conflict and militarism in the Cajamarca

highlands during the LIP? Was the majority of the threat from local populations

living in related cajamarca communities, or peer polities? Alternatively, was the real

threat from foreign forces such as the Chimú on the adjacent coast, or ultimately, and

expanding Inka empire from the south?

Evidence for the fortification of LIP communities and Yanaorco in particular

will be presented in the following chapter. Each of the questions regarding conflict

and militarism during the LIP will be addressed further in Chapter 8.

Figure 4.5: Orientation of Conflict in LIP Cajamarca

Site Fortifications Built Environment and site planning
Location
Intra- Could Walls and moats Possible evidence of distinct barrios -- elite
Community vary within and non-elite; or different ethnic groups;
Conflict communities; foreign enclaves within larger sites.
possibly dividing
ethnic groups in a
community.
Inter- Defensible Defensive Possibly architecturally empty refuge sites --
Community locations locations; Use of short occupations during frequent and
Conflict (hilltops terrace walls; expected raiding
and perishable
ridgelines) palisades; stone Possibly fortified communities and
fortification walls; economic resources semi-permanent
partial walls; moats occupation
Inter- Defensible Defensive If sufficient warning exists, domestic and
Regional locations locations; Use of economic structures (houses, mortuary
Conflict (hilltops terrace walls; monuments; corrals, agricultural terraces)
and perishable will be walled in anticipation of siege.
ridgelines) palisades; stone
fortification walls;
partial walls; moats

Table 4.5: Orientation of Conflict in LIP Cajamarca

220
4.4 The Inka Expansion and Occupation

4.4.1 Dynamics of Inka Occupation -- Administration

Early in the late Intermediate Period, the Inka polity probably resembled in

large part many other middle range polities spread throughout the Andean highlands.

Within a context of interaction and competition between communities in the Cuzco

region, the Inka began to exert increasing influence on other once independent groups

around them. Ultimately, by the end of the LIP at approximately 1476, the Inka polity

had grown in organizational complexity into an empire having expanded throughout

much of Andean South America.

The Inka ultimately expanded to encompass and rule, with varied degrees of

directness, all the lands of the Four Quarters. Thus by the time of the Spanish

conquest, the Inka empire ranged from central Ecuador in the north, south into central

Chile and from the coast in the west, east into the high Amazon. Characteristics of the

Inka conquest and consolidation of different regions in the highlands and the coast

varied with each regions economic interest to the empire, each regions preexisting

level of administrative complexity, and the reactions of local groups to occupation.

This section discusses the nature of Inka occupation of several regions of Peru as well

as the characteristics of Inka occupation and administration in the provinces. Finally,

I discuss the characteristics of the Inka presence in Cajamarca as is understood from

documentary and archaeological sources.

221
4.4.2 Inka Expansion and Activities in the Hinterlands

Mantaro

The Inka occupation of the Mantaro region of the central highlands of Peru had

substantial impacts on the local populations in terms of production, settlement patterns, and

political economy. Local society at the end of the LIP was organized as a series of complex

middle range societies with developed social stratification and political economy. The

political economy was restructured in the valley in ways that materially emphasized new Inka

ideologies and power structures. Investigation of the exchange and production of ceramics at

the site and regional levels has been used successfully to get at both imperial policies and

local reactions in contact situations (D’Altroy 1992; D’Altroy and Hastorf 2001).

Investigation of shifting access to the material correlates of social and political power, both

local and imperial, at sites within the basin have been useful in documenting changes in local

agency and political economy associated with the Inka occupation. In the case of the Inka

domination of the Xauxa region, Inka policy was visible in that while utilitarian ceramic

production continued relatively without change with Inka occupation, the system of political

economy, involving the production and distribution of local decorated wares between elite

contexts was changed (Costin 2001). Pre-existing elite production of ceramics for use within

an elite, ideologically driven economy was replaced by closely controlled state production

and exchange of decorated Inka-style vessels, presumably projecting Inka imperial ideology.

Huánuco

One of the most widely studied of the highland Inka regional administrative

centers is Huánuco Pampa in the Huánuco region of the central highlands. A large

Inka center was constructed here creating an unmistakable imperial footprint in the

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region. The central plaza at the center measured 550 by 350 meters and featured a

large Ushnu platform. Off the plaza was located a large Aqllawasi structure where

evidence of massive levels of production of chicha and high value imperial cloth have

been uncovered (Morris 1974:53). Associated with this large center was an area of

less permanent domestic architecture interpreted as the residences of periodic visiting

local populations who would have taken part in large-scale state sponsored

commensal feasts within the plaza. Probably the most visible of Inka impressions

here were hundreds of state storehouses situated in rows on the hillsides overlooking

the site (Morris 1998; Morris and Thompson 1985). These stores would have

symbolized the power of the state to accumulate goods and to use those goods on the

one hand to feast local populations, and on the other to sustain armies meant to quell

potential local rebellion. The sight of typical state storehouses alongside

administrative centers in any region of the empire would have sent this same message

to local populations. The carrot implied by feasting in the plaza backed up by the

stick represented by the imperial forces that might be just over the hill. As in many

Inka regions, apart from the state installation and roads, there is relatively little other

evidence of Inka presence such as imperial ceramics within local communities. This

was also the case in the Cajamarca basin. Populations from many of these local

Huánuco communities were caught up in the Inka policy of mitma service, being sent

into military service, agricultural service or sent to Cuzco (D'Altroy 2005:288).

Chachapoyas

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 A distinctive Chachapoyas society had developed by approximately AD 800

on the eastern Andean slopes east of the Cajamarca region and the Marañon River.

By the time the expanding Inka Empire came into contact with Chachapoyas, it was

made up of a kind of confederacy of small middle range societies (Von Hagen 2002).

The region of the Chachapoyas in the Ceja de Selva was probably very attractive

economically to the Inka due to its location intermediate between the highlands and

the lowland forest societies to the east. The Chachapoya had acted as middlemen in

this exchange for centuries and the Inka would have sought control of it. The Inka

expansion into the region occurred at approximately AD 1470 and was characterized

by a great deal of conflict (ibid 140). The Inka established an imperial outpost here,

also sending local communities to other regions of the empire as mitmaq. Schjellerup

indicates that Cajamarca populations were also moved into the Chachapoyas region

as mitmaquna (1997).

North Coast

The largest and most complex polity encountered by the expanding Inka

Empire was the Chimú located on the north coast of Peru. The Inka forces advanced

from the highlands to conquer the Chimú sometime between AD 1462 and 1470

(Bruhns 1994:307). Inka co-opted several Chimú administrative centers along the

coast. At the site of Farfan, strategically located on the coast where there coastal trunk

road crosses the road linking the Jequetepeque to the Cajamarca highlands, the Inka

made major modifications to the existing center. Here new storage structures were

224
constructed, and ushnu was constructed, and an aqllawasi-like platform was built

(Mackey 2003).

Cajamarca

The Inka domination of Cajamarca began sometime between 1456 and 1470

only to be snuffed out suddenly in the autumn of 1532 with the fateful arrival of

Francisco Pizarro and his compatriots (Sachun 1986:63). When the Inka entered

Cajamarca, they encountered a large and relatively organized paramount chiefdom.

According to models of imperial conquest and consolidation, given the high level of

local elaboration, it is somewhat surprising that the Inka Empire chose to invest so

much in the infrastructure of the province. Several factors related to the strategic and

ideological nature of the Cajamarca Basin help to explain the choice of the empire to

create a major regional administrative center and other signs of imperial authority

within the basin. The major Inka investment may also have been due to the violent

nature of the initial conflict. The case of Cajamarca is an example of the strategic and

ideological interests of the state taking predominance over strictly economic factors

in the choices made in imperial administration. The range and scale of Inka imperial

strategy has recently been surveyed in the archaeological literature (Morris 1998;

Stanish 2001).

4.4.3 Inka Conquest in Cajamarca

What is known of the Inka conquest of the Cajamarca region comes from the

documentary evidence of the chronicles. Cieza indicates that the Inka conquest of the

Paramount chiefdom of Cuismangu or Guzmango occurred in the autumn of either

225
the year 1455 or 1456 at the hand of Inka Yupanque (Chap. LXXVIIp. 213) (Silva

Santisteban 1985:25). Inka Yupanque, seeing the prosperity that was present in this

highland basin, decided to take it for the empire. Unlike the case in Huamachuco just

to the south, there was stiff and organized resistance to the empire in the Cajamarca

region. The paramount chief, Guzmango Capac, is said to have allied his forces with

those of the powerful Chimú state on the adjacent coast under the leadership of

Chimo Capac in order to resist the empire.

Eventually, Yupanque was victorious, conquering the Cajamarca highlands

and taking Guzmango Capac prisoner. Guzmango was made to go to Cuzco and to

give homage to the Inka as was custom, but was then allowed to return to Cajamarca

and to continue to act as ruler to the province (Sarmiento de Gamboa 1983). It is

clear, though, that Inka regional administrators closely oversaw his rule. Schreiber

(1992) has discussed this indirect form of regional administrative control. While

Guzmango was able to remain in residence and to maintain his position within the

province, his sons were removed to travel to Cuzco where they were educated. In

addition to educating the provincial elite, this practice also allowed the empire to

indirectly control the actions of the ruling elite in the provinces.

Subsequent to the conquest of the Cajamarca basin and surrounding region by

Inka Yupanque and the installation of a small garrison, Topa Inka Yupanque returned

to the province. It is generally understood that it was under the direction of Topa

Inka that much of the Inka presence was installed in the basin. This Inka would have

226
overseen the creation of the major provincial administrative center there as well as the

construction of improved road networks in the region.

In addition to being able to maintain its autonomy (to a degree), the

Cajamarca province was also able to maintain its preexisting religious ideals. These

included a cult to the idols of Catequilla or el Trueno (thunder), the snake, the condor,

and the Huaca Paballan (Agustinos 1919 – in Ravines 1968). As was the case

elsewhere in the Inka empire, the only major impact here was a mandatory adoption

of a cult of the Sun from Cuzco as well as an adoption of the Inka language, Quechua.

In addition to the above shifts, tribute payment to the empire was of course another

requirement.

Administratively, while not altering the preexisting clan structure of the basin,

the Inka organized the valley into seven warangas, whose names vary slightly from

source to source. These warangas were the same as those mentioned above for the

LIP, but with the addition of a seventh made up of imported mitimae that will be

discussed below. Associated with the centers of these warangas are said to have been

large depositos and storehouses (Ravines 1968:22). These storehouses have not yet

been identified archaeologically.

4.4.4 Inka Cajamarca and Local Consequences

Inka Infrastructure

The scale of Inka presence in the Cajamarca Basin and region can be viewed

in terms of the investment that the Inka made in creating, improving, and maintaining

imperial administrative infrastructure. This would have included the creation of a

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large Inka Administrative center, the creation of a royal estate, the improvement and

construction of major royal roads, and the creation of several Tambos stations along

the trunk road to the south between Cajamarca and Huamachuco. The role of

infrastructure within systems of imperial control and administration has been

discussed by several authors (Schreiber 1992; Rowe 1980; Morris 1982). The

presence of this infrastructure in the Cajamarca basin, we will see, indicates a great

deal of Inka interest in this strategic location.

The Inka regional administrative center, most likely built by Topa Inka, as

described in the chronicles, contained many architectural features common to Inka

Administrative facilities elsewhere. One major feature was a large, oversized open

plaza within the center (Harth Terré 1985; Tello 1985). This plaza has been described

by Jérez (1983) as larger than any in Spain. Plazas were the architectural contexts in

which gatherings, communications, and feasting probably occurred and thus were

integral to the political and social dialog between the imperial polity and dominated

local groups. The plaza was enclosed on four sides by tall tapia walls and is said to

have had only two entrances. Several characteristically long and narrow buildings or

kallankas are also said to have been arranged along the sides of the plaza. Also, a kind

of fortress is described as having been present at one end of the plaza. This may

equate to the hill of Santa Apalonia located to the south of the modern plaza de armas

in Cajamarca.

Excavations were carried out in the late 70s and early 1980s in the area

adjacent to the Gold Room or the “Ransom Room” (Ravines 1985b). These revealed

228
several Inca period architectural features including walls and features that are

interpreted as ritual or ceremonial in nature. Ceramics described as Inka-Cajamarca

style were also recovered. All of this was within approximately 50 meters of the

modern Plaza de Armas, which is also believed to have been the rough location of the

Inka period plaza de armas (Guamán Poma 1987:111; Sachun 1986:64).

Adjacent to the plaza on its south side was an aqllahuasi or house of the

chosen women (Jérez 1983). This complex was characteristic of Inka centers and

housed a population of women who worked full time in specialized production for the

state. Usually, these women produced chicha corn beer and fine textiles that were

then used within the Inka political economy. The aqllahuasi at Cajamarca was

described as a complex of rooms that enclosed a small plaza.

Another important feature of the Inka presence that has been described in the

literature is a Coricancha or House of the sun (Jérez 1983). At Cajamarca, this shrine

had been described as a house enclosed by a tapia wall with an associated planted

stand of trees. The Coricancha was also heavily decorated with gold. In describing

Pizarro's looting of the site, Poma describes the coricanha as having walls, doors, and

windows lined with gold (Guamán Poma 1987:110). He also details large quantities

of silver being looted from the Shrine of Huanacauri.

Eyewitness chroniclers describe a meeting with Atahualpa at his royal estate

located several kilometers to the northeast of the center of Cajamarca. Several

descriptions of this facility are available, Jérez's (1983) being the most detailed. He

describes it as not very large, but as of the best architectural quality that they had yet

229
seen in Peru. A system of rooms, patios, and pools is mentioned. Moreover, hot and

cold water flowed to the rooms and baths. In addition, storehouses are also noted

here. Pizarro's secretary Jérez describes a trip by 30 soldiers to Baños del Inka on the

morning after the battle in Cajamarca. Here, the soldiers destroyed stores of Inka

weapons and looted other materials. Because archaeological remains from this site are

very rare today, the descriptions of Jérez are very important in grasping some idea of

Atahualpa's palace complex. Descriptions from the road south of the center also point

to an integrated system of roads, tambos, and bridges, which linked the province to

the rest of empire.

Inka Mitimae and Tribute

Due to the rich documentary record for the Cajamarca area and the existence

of visita records, we know that in addition to the foreign population possibly living in

the region prior to Inka contact (Rostworowski 1985), the empire also brought in

several mitimae populations which were included in a seventh official waranga.

Mitimae populations were communities transplanted from their indigenous lands into

foreign territories, where they were employed by the empire. These included the

breaking up of aggressive provinces, the need for economically specialized enclaves,

and the creation of populations large enough to govern effectively (Murra 1982). The

mitimae system has been discussed at length by several authors and I will not

describe it further here. Important to know though is that several groups of mitimae

are said to have been imported to the Cajamarca region. These included a Quechua

group from the Cuzco area that probably included administrators and imperial

230
overseers (Espinoza 1958 in Ravines 1968:23), Cañaris from the north,

Guaycondores, and Collas from the south. A population of specialist potters is also

believed to have been brought from the Lambayeque region in the northwest. This

group and others from the north coast made up an administrative unit of 100

households that was focused on the production of ceramics for the state (D'Altroy

2005; Espinoza 1970). Sachun believes that excavations should be carried out at the

village sites of; Chinchamarca, Pariamarca, Colpa, Wacariz, Wayrapongo, Otuzco,

Tres Molinos, Agua Tepada, Corisorgona, Calispuquio, Porcon, Chetilla, and others

and that these may represent the communities occupied by these mitimae populations

(Sachun 1986:63).

A common feature of many imperial economies is the collection of tribute

from the conquered provinces. This was clearly the case within the Inka Empire and

the Cajamarca Province was no exception to the rule. Ravines (1968:23) discusses the

tribute from Cajamarca of local products which were suitable to be carried to the

capital at Cuzco. These included gold and to a lesser extent silver. In addition to

these, many young men and women of Cajamarca were taken to the capital and made

to work in the service of the Coricancha and the Inka palace as musicians.

Archaeological Evidence for Inka Cajamarca

Archaeologically, we have relatively little evidence to work with in the

Cajamarca basin. This is due in large part to the fact that the Spanish, as at

Tomebamba in the north, built a large city over the Inka Administrative center. The

"gold room" or ransom room is the only substantial section of the center to still stand

231
and is today a major tourist attraction. Much of the archaeology that is undertaken in

the city today is rescue archaeology associated with construction projects. These

projects though, both around the "gold room" and elsewhere in the city, have

unearthed cut stone architectural foundations and a large amount of Inka ceramics

that generally corroborates the chronicles' descriptions of the scale of the Inka

installation. Construction projects in the vicinity of Baños del Inka have also exposed

major foundations.

Elsewhere in the region, there is very little evidence for Inka activity and

presence. Local sites that date to the Late Horizon very rarely contain Inka ceramic

forms in surface collections (Ravines 1968:27). In the ceramics of this period, there

are two real types. The Cuzco-Inka that was used by the Inka themselves, was the

ware of exchange and commerce, and was produced by the Inka living in Cajamarca.

These appear to be copies of Cuzco originals. The second type is the generally

conservative local ware, which was influenced to a degree by Inka wares but

maintained traditional elements and forms. This is the Cajamarca-Inka (also

Cajamarca V) (Reichlen and Reichlen 1985). The elements are the same as in the LIP

but there are some Inka influences (Ravines 1968:27-28). In addition to ceramic

artifacts from the Late Horizon, Ravines also mentions the presence of star-shaped

stone mace heads, stone “illas” in the form of llamas, wooden keros, working

implements of bone or “raquis”, agricultural axes, copper axes and knives (Ravines

1968:28-9).

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 Several archaeological projects, both excavation and survey oriented, have

identified local sites dating to the Late Horizon. Some of these sites are listed here:

Chinchimarca, Pariamarca, Collpa, Huacaria, Huairapongo, Otuzco, Cajamarca-orco,

and Consejo (Tello 1941:3 in Ravines 1968:26). Several forts, fortifications, and

centers like Tambo Inka and Collor are also noted (Weiner 1880:127-138 in Ravines

1968:26). The 19th century explorer Weiner also notes the existence of many

storehouses near the modern town of Namora southeast of cajamarca.

Several survey projects have been undertaken in the region in the last twenty

years that have shed some light on the Inka occupation and its effects on the

indigenous populations. Daniel Julien conducted a major survey of the area on the

early 1980s that recorded sites dating from all periods of Cajamarca prehistory. His

findings indicate two major points. One is that outside of the major Inka complexes,

there is very little evidence for imperial presence. While there were more local sites

during the LH than in the preceding LIP, there was no major change to the settlement

pattern. One interesting development is there were several new fortified sites in the

LH. This had not been a major settlement type for over 1000 years (Julien 1988).

This new set of fortified positions may actually be associated with the Inka conquest

of the region at the end of the LIP. Future archaeological investigations may reveal

this. Ravines has also published survey data for the Cajamarca Basin (Ravines

1985a; n.d.). Hyslop (1984) conducted road survey through the region as part of his

larger study of Inka roads, following and recording the Inka road east and south from

Cajamarca to Huamachuco. This stretch of the major north-south trunk road

233
averaged 8 meters in width over its length with much variability. Hyslop also

searched for evidence for the Inka bridges noted by chroniclers. Although none was

found, he believes that there was probably a major expansion bridge over the

Crisnejas River. In the local language, Crisnejas means "rope" possibly referring to

the presence of a rope bridge over it in prehistory. Hyslop also searched for the two

tambos listed by Guamán Poma between Cajamarca and Huamachuco, locating

neither.

Taken together, the archaeological evidence tends to support the impression

given in the documentary sources of a major Inka investment in local imperial

infrastructure and presence. A lack of major shifts in settlement and an almost

complete lack of Inka ceramics in local sites also may indicate relatively indirect and

hands-off approach to the administration of local life by the Inka.

4.4.5 Imperial Investment at Cajamarca

Over much of the prehistory of the Cajamarca region of Peru, indigenous

groups were organized at the level of relatively simple chiefdoms, which interacted

and competed with one another. These same groups probably maintained economic

contacts with both coastal groups to the west and forest groups to their east.

Archaeological investigation indicates that during the Late Intermediate Period,

political power grew more centralized in the northern highland Cajamarca region

culminating in a system resembling a large paramount chiefdom with its capital on

the cis-Andean western slopes. If the cost-benefit of imperial investment was most

important to the Inka in the case of Cajamarca, one might expect that the empire

234
would invest relatively little in the control and infrastructure of the region. The

empire might limit its presence to the placement of a small number of state

administrators to oversee local authorities in the region with the construction of a

small Inka facility associated with the preexisting regional capital. We wouldn't

expect the construction of a large administrative center, in other words.

Knowing what we do from the archaeological record of the pre-conquest

region, and in respect to the expectations of Schreiber's model, it is somewhat

surprising that a major Inka regional administrative center was constructed on the

plain in the center of the Cajamarca basin. In addition to this, what was probably a

major imperial palace was constructed and maintained at the site of "Baños del Inka"

4 kilometers to the northeast of the center.

Though from a purely economic investment standpoint, this heavy state

presence may be unexpected, several other factors both economic, and political may

in fact help to explain the Inka presence here. First, the existing paramount capital of

the Cajamarca region was on the Cis-andean slope far to the west of the Cajamarca

basin. Thus, it was not near the intended route of the major north-south trunk road

which would see massive military movements north and south in subsequent

campaigns between present day Ecuador and the capital at Cuzco. The capital at

Guzmango Viejo was not in the strategic location needed by the empire in the region.

Second, there was a large population of antagonistic Chimú just west of the

Cajamarca basin on the adjacent coast. It would have been important for the Inka to

have a major imperial presence in a strategic position at the top of the Jequetepeque

235
Valley (the Cajamarca Basin). Third, the center in the middle of the Cajamarca basin

was a major node for military transport, commerce, and information flow between the

north and south, and between the west coast and the eastern forests. Fourth, and very

important, is the fact that the administrative center may have been placed at its basin

location for ideological reasons. Not only was there a preexisting shrine at Cerro

Apalonia adjacent to the center (Sachun 1986:73), there was, more importantly, a

major thermal spring system nearby at the location of Baños del Inka. The proximity

to these springs may have been a major ideological draw for the Inka. For a number

of reasons both strategic and ideological, the Inka Empire chose to make major

investments in the Cajamarca Basin that will be increasingly exposed by future

archaeological projects in the region.

The research questions and hypotheses presented in this chapter for the core if

the current investigation. The data recovered in excavations at Yanaorco and

presented in the next three chapters will be used to address these questions regarding

the nature of community organization. The results of INAA analysis reported in

Chapter 6 will also be brought to bear on the question of ethnic identity within these

communities and the nature of inter-community interaction and exchange. The

following three chapters discuss the site and built environment at Yanaorco, the

ceramics collected in excavation and surface survey, and the non-ceramic artifacts

collected in the investigation.

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 CHAPTER 5

SITE ARCHITECTURE AND EXCAVATION PROGRAM

5.1 Yanaorco in its Environment

This project seeks to address questions of the broad nature of LIP community

re-development and organization at Yanaorco and similar communities in the

Cajamarca Highlands. This includes investigation of subsistence and craft economies,

the nature of social stratification and inequality at the site, and the scale of inter-

community exchange. Materials excavated and architectural patterns at the site,

presented in this chapter, will provide data with which I will address these questions.

Material remains of everyday activity and production within households will also

inform our ideas of social change and possible ethnogenesis in LIP Cajamarca. Both

patterns in the build environment and artifactual suites from various sectors at

Yanaorco will also help us address the research question - what was the nature of

leadership organization in the community. This will entail a comparison of corporate,

public spaces to more secluded and individual spaces in the community. Architectural

patterning, surface collection, and excavation provide the data to address these

questions and the hypotheses presented in Chapter 4.

The site of Yanaorco (Caj-32) is located at approximately 3,550 meters above

sea level within the Tropical Montane Wet Forest zone (Julien 1988). The community

237
was situated just at the join of the Quechua and Suni ecological zones affording its

occupants access to both the agricultural richness of the lower Quechua and the

pastoral resources of the Suni to the east of the site. Yanaorco also sits in a strategic

and defensible location. It consists of a series of architectural sectors including

elevated areas both divided by and enclosed by two sets of large parapetted

fortification walls that are in turn associated with dry moats fitting defensive criteria

presented by the John and Theresa Topic (1987). The site is generally linear in layout

due to its position along the top of a long west-trending finger ridge. Its north, west,

and south sides are characterized by nearly vertical drops of approximately 500

meters (Figure 5.1, 5.2). The only possible point of access to the village would have

been from the eastern, up-slope side. To limit access on this side, a series of

fortification walls, some areas still with a height of 3 meters, and dry moats,

approximately 2 meters in depth, were constructed. The position of Yanaorco is

strategic, overlooking both the Gavilán Pass just to the north, and the upper

Jequetepeque corridor to the west. The Gavilán Pass connects the Cajamarca Basin

with the extreme upper Jequetepeque River and today is the site of the main highway

connecting the coast to the highlands. Therefore, Yanaorco was strategically

positioned to have regulated traffic and exchange along this important route between

groups on the coast and those in highland Cajamarca. Specifically, Yanaorco

overlooked what would have been an important route of interaction between highland

polities and the major early states on the coast.

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 Figure 5.1 Gavilán Pass (center) and Yanaorco (indicated by square).

Yanaorco in the Literature:

Several previous researchers have noted the existence of Yanaorco and have

dated its occupation to various time periods (Ravines 1985). Recently published notes

and journal material of Tello's 1939 survey to the Marañon indicate that Tello visited

ruins on the slope of Cerro Negro overlooking the Gavilán Pass while exploring the

continental divide and the aqueduct at Cumbemayo (2004:45). These ruins could only

have been of Yanaorco. Urteaga (1959) dated the site to the "Megalithic Period" or

the Early Horizon, possibly due to the substantial walls of the defensive

constructions. Later, the site was correctly described as a major population center

239
during the Late Cajamarca Period (Sachun 1986) and, less so, during the Inka Period

(Ravines 1968, n.d.). Yanaorco was also noted in Daniel Julien's work as a major

fortification of the Late Cajamarca period (1988, 1993). The most recent work at the

site was a brief surface investigation carried out by Nelly Martell in completion of her

degree at Universidad Nacional de Trujillo in 2001 (Martell 2002). The research

reported in this dissertation firmly places the occupation of this community within the

Late and Final Cajamarca Periods, within the LIP and LH periods of the master

sequence.

240
Figure 5.2: Yanaorco with topographic lines at 5-meter intervals

241
Figure 5.3: Yanaorco and Architectural Sectors

242
5.2 The Built Environment and Analysis

The built environment at Yanaorco is extensive and varied. The sites

architecture is typologically and presumably functionally divided into several sectors

(Figure 5.3). For organizational purposes, I have divided the site into four major

sectors situated from southeast to northwest along the ridge top. Each sector will be

described in detail later in this chapter. Sector 1 is the southeast extreme of the site

and generally composes two architectural areas. The first is a series of three

fortification walls, two associated dry moats and an integrated gate. This entrance,

Gate A, at the SE end of the site, is one of only two gates allowing access through the

sites fortifications. The second architectural section (Section 1.2) in Sector I consists

of a linear set of agglutinated rooms that runs along the ridge top within the defensive

walls. This area is made up of approximately 25 rooms arranged in a regular, linear

fashion. On the northern slope just below these rooms is a series of small irregular

terraces that may have been small agricultural plots. Excavation operations within this

sector involved 2 2x2 meter blocks, one within the ridge top rooms and one centered

within on the of the irregular terraces (Figure 5.4).

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 Figure 5.4: Sector 1

The second and largest of the major sectors (II) is located to the northwest of

Sector I and encompasses six distinct architectural sections making up the original

core area of the community (Figure 5.5). The first of these sections consists of the

original defensive constructions fortifying the core domestic and ceremonial areas of

the community. These defenses consist of two major walls measuring 2 meters thick

and at least 3-4 meters in height. Also associated are three dry moats, an enclosed,

inter-wall corridor or no man's land, and Gate B, a precipitous one-meter wide

entrance through the walls. The second section consists of an elite and/or ceremonial

section of small niched rooms and patios as well as an open semi-circular plaza.

244
Importantly, a series of four possible storage structures is also associated with this

area. Section 3 is a large area of mixed architecture on the northern, windward slope

of the site. This area is believed to be domestic and lower class based on architectural

and excavation data that will be presented later in this chapter. Section four consists

of 6-7 well preserved domestic terraces covering the southern slope of the ridge.

Based on the architecture and excavated material, this section is believed to be an

upper class or elite domestic area. Two raised platform mounds that are partially

destroyed due to looting and agricultural activity make up section five. These are

believed to have been mortuary in function and contain several looted tombs. Section

six is a distinctive, low (2 meter) mound topped by rooms, open plazas, and tombs

that is believed to possibly have been the oldest section of the community.

245
Figure 5.5: Sector 2 and Excavation Blocks

246
 Sector III contains three sections located on the northern slope below the low

mound discussed above (Figure 5.6). Section one here consists of several very clean,

well constructed rooms and a semi-circular plaza accessed from the ridge above by a

staircase and 10 meter long corridor. This section is also associated with the largest

tombs or small chulpas discovered at the site. This architectural area overlooks a large

open terrace. Section 2 is a cave, which is located immediately below this open

terrace. Section 3 consists of a series of open sloping terraces on the north slope of

the site and just east of the architecture just noted. These terraces are covered with

ceramic fragments probably tossed as trash from the platform above. Associated with

these 1 meter terraces are several distinctive tombs.

Figure 5.6: Sector 3 and Excavation Blocks

Sector IV at Yanaorco is located on the northwest slope of the community. It

consists of three sections (Figure 5.7). The first of these is a long narrow walled

corridor that allows access to the northwest extreme of the site. This corridor is one

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meter wide with each bounding wall also a meter thick. Associated with this corridor

is a group of five small chulpa-like tombs. Section 2 consists of a little understood set

of architecture set between two large bedrock outcrops. This area also contains a

tomb set apart from all others. The final section of architecture here consists of

several large open spaces bounded by low stone walls. These areas are interpreted as

corral structures.

Figure 5.7: Sector 4

5.3 Sampling, Excavation, and Laboratory Methodologies.

In this section, I describe my system for characterizing or recording spaces at

the site, both in terms of architectural areas and of individual excavation blocks and

units, and finally the excavation levels, features, and proveniences within them. The

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recording scheme for describing architectural spaces and features at Yanaorco was

tailored to the fact that this is a complex site with a variety of architectural spaces not

only of ‘built’ architecture, but of architectural spaces or areas free of architecture but

clearly bounded in terms of past practice, behavior, and activity. An example of such

an open space would be a cleared space between two sets of fortifications, sometimes

referred to as a no-mans land, or a kill-zone.

The archaeological village of Yanaorco is a spatially complex community

characterized by zones of domestic terracing, public and private plazas and patios,

large open spaces believed to have acted as corrals, and zones of mortuary

architecture. With the goal of facilitating the organization of surface collection of

diagnostic ceramics and the sampling of the site for excavation, the site was divided

into a number of architectural zones or Architectural Units (AUs). The spaces within

each of these zones were characterized broadly by similar architectural or spatial

features, such as domestic terraces, platforms mounds, or no-man's lands. I will

describe those chosen for subsurface testing later in this chapter. Individual

architectural spaces, for instance individual rooms or patios within an Architectural

Unit were assigned a letter. For instance, individual rooms within AU22 might be

designated AU22A, AU22B, AU22C, etc.

The broadest level of excavation terminology was the excavation Block. A

block could range from small scale or one by one meter in extent to blocks four by 3

meters in extent. Excavation blocks were oriented in one of two ways depending on

spatial context of the excavation. If a block was located within an open area and not

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in contact with standing architecture, it would be oriented on a north-south axis

(magnetic north). If on the other hand, a block was located within a room or patio and

one or more sides of the block would be in contact with a standing wall, the block

would be oriented to the directions of the architectural features or walls. An

excavation block could be made up of one to many one by one meter excavation

Units. For instance AU14 consists of only 1 unit, while AU22AAA is made up of 9

contiguous one by one meter units. These units were numbered consecutively within

each block and all excavation notes and collections notation were provenienced to

particular levels within particular units.

Excavation levels at Yanaorco were controlled and recorded within individual

units as either arbitrary or natural/cultural levels. In instances where no stratigraphy

was visible, units were excavated in 10 centimeter arbitrary levels. Where natural or

cultural strata were discernable, units were excavated following these levels. In cases

where a natural or cultural level appeared to extend more than 10-15 centimeters in

depth, the level was arbitrarily split in order to control for any temporally associated

variability in the contents of the level. One difficulty faced by the excavation team

was the fact that in some rooms, there was no color, texture, or compaction change

between architectural fill layers and activity surfaces or floors. Early in the process of

excavation some of these contexts were excavated in arbitrary levels because cultural

levels were not observed. Ultimately, it was observed that the presence of a cultural

activity surface or floor could only be identified by the near horizontal orientation of

pottery sherds and other artifacts on its surface. This finding allowed us to utilize

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natural and cultural levels in many excavation contexts greatly increasing the

analytical strength of collected data and interpretations of pre-Hispanic behaviors

within these spaces. The final scheme for labeling in the field resulted in a multi-

numeric code – for instance the context of level 9 in unit 4 of excavation block 1 in

AU 22AAA would be written, AU22AAA B1U4L9. This system was useful in

standardizing the recording of proveniences and collections across blocks throughout

the site.

In addition to the above for of notation for artifact collections from particular

levels within excavation contexts, other types of features were encountered and noted

separately. These included burials, burned offerings, special architectural forms such

as small offering chambers, and collections of artifacts known to have been in direct

contact with activity surfaces. Each of these features and the artifacts and/or samples

collected from them would have been assigned a numeric identifier in order to

facilitate control of this information.

The initial two weeks of fieldwork at Yanaorco was taken up by mapping of

the site utilizing a TopCon Total station and ArcGIS software. The total station was

used to map all visible (several areas of walls were partially cleared by field

assistants) standing walls, terraces, patios, earthen architectural features including

defensive trenches, platform mounds, and tombs. Other features associated with the

site, but either out of range of the gun or impossible to shoot, were recorded using a

handheld GPS (Garmin eTrex Vista). These features included for example, a walking

trail leading from the Gavilán Pass to an entrance to the site, a walled-in spring near

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the same entrance, and a cave just below the site (described later in the dissertation).

This work produced a plan of the site that was then used to assign Architectural Units.

Laboratory analysis of materials either collected from the surface or excavated

from controlled contexts focused primarily on ceramics, although reasonably good

organic preservation did allow some data collection from faunal and floral remains.

Ceramics were washed dried by crew members. All diagnostic rim sherds, decorated

fragments, handles, and bases were illustrated and photographed, both on slide film

and digitally. Ceramic analysis involved the collection of metric and stylistic

information from all diagnostic sherds. The analysis of non-diagnostic sherds was less

involved although collections were broken down into bulk frequency groups by ware

type and presence/absence counts of burned or charred wall fragments.

The analysis of excavated faunal and floral remains was less detailed due to

lack of resources. Faunal remains were cleaned and thoroughly dried for storage. Soil

flotation samples, collected from all excavated contexts, were processed, divided into

light and heavy fractions, and stored for future analysis. For faunal and botanical

categories, count and weight information was collected and ubiquity of certain faunal

and botanical types was recorded. Future laboratory analysis on these collections will

collect more detailed information. Shaped bone tools were analyzed and recorded and

will be presented in Chapter 7.

Special Collections were also made and recorded. These included carbon

samples, several of which were returned to the United States for analysis. Special

collections also included the photographic recording of artifacts that had been

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collected at the site and within adjacent agricultural fields by the owners of the

property, members of the nearby community of Tamiacocha.

Sampling and Selection of Excavation Blocks

Sampling has been an important consideration in archaeology at a wide

variety of levels from sampling within a collection of artifacts for analysis to

sampling a stratified landscape during settlement survey (Mueller 1975). In the

process of selecting locations on a site for excavation, sampling is done in a number

of ways but the two most general forms are random, and judgmental. Sites that

exhibit little to no surface architecture are often gridded and excavation locations

selected randomly. Alternatively, sites with substantial and varied standing

architecture are often sampled judgmentally, with the investigator selecting

excavation areas based on the organization of built environment and the nature of the

research questions. In the present case, locations for excavation at Yanaorco were

selected on a judgmental basis. With the goal of gaining some understanding of

functional/behavioral differences in different areas of the community, locations were

selected to gain a broad coverage and test in many of the architectural sections of the

community. Ultimately, 11 blocks of varying size were excavated at Yanaorco.

5.4 The Excavation Blocks

Architectural Unit 10C

Block AU10C is an excavation unit measuring 2 by 2 meters. It is located

within a small room near the far east end of the site of Yanaorco. As is the case for

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most other excavation blocks at the site, this block is aligned to the existing

architecture, in this case, to the interior of the northwest wall of this room. This four

square meter unit was excavated in arbitrary levels and to a maximum of 1.1 meters

below the unit datum (Figures 5.8 and 5.9). Strata indicate that this space was filled in

order to level the room on this side of the wall. This architectural fill contained

abundant soil, small rocks, and larger rocks in no particular pattern. The interior face

of this double-faced wall is formed of cut and shaped stones and the base of this wall

face is ~.65 meter below the modern surface.

Excavations in this block uncovered evidence of a poorly defined activity

surface (10YR 6/4) associated with the base of the wall face at approximately .68m

below block datum and below several of the large fill rocks. This surface appears to

have possibly been of prepared clay but it is largely destroyed. This appearance may

also be due to pooling of water on this surface. The color of the surface is not

appreciably different than that of the soil above or directly below nor is it more

compact. It has been largely destroyed by the large rocks in the fill above. The only

cultural artifact recovered in this block was a smooth river cobble that has been

interpreted as a ceramic smoothing or polishing tool. This artifact was collected from

the fill just above the activity surface in Unit 3. There is also evidence for a shallow

pit dug into this poorly defined surface. This pit was present in Unit 1 and was

approximately 10cm deep. It was filled with a loose loamy soil matrix (10YR 5/4)

and contained no artifacts.

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Figure 5.8: North Profile of Block AU10C

Figure 5.9: North Profile of Block AU10C

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 Based on the lack of any cultural remains, the occupation and use of this space

either involved repeated cleaning or removal of cultural remains, or was very brief.

For a number of reasons to be developed later in this thesis, it is believed that this

sector of architectural spaces was occupied and used by those at Yanaorco for only a

brief period of time during the later LIP and LH.

Architectural Unit 11B

This north/south oriented excavation block is located in the center of a small

terrace on the north eastern slope of the site and adjacent to Block AU10C. The units

in this two by two meter block were very shallow. The block was excavated in

arbitrary levels and to a maximum depth of approximately .6 meter below the modern

surface (Figure 5.10). The entire block was excavated to bedrock. There was very

little soil accumulation or development on this terrace. Excavated soils in this block

were relatively uniform from 10YR 4/2 to 10YR 4/3. The basal levels nearer to the

oxidizing bedrock were 10YR 3/2. The major component was a loose, cracked matrix

of oxidizing bedrock. This weathered and corroding bedrock was evident in all

subsequently excavated blocks at the site as well. The excavation of this block

uncovered no cultural materials. This terrace and others like it on the northern slope

of this site may have been small agricultural plots. There is no artifactual evidence for

their use as domestic living spaces. The top 20cm of soil has also been compromised

in recent centuries by contemporary potato farming.

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 Figure 5.10: North Profile of Block AU11B.

Architectural Unit 18A1

This 2 x 2 meter excavation block was located in the center of a semi-circular

plaza at the east end of architectural Sector 2. This plaza is believed to have served

some public and or ceremonial function due to its unique shape and its spatial

proximity to a group of small, niched rooms of high quality stone construction. Due

to historical and modern potato cultivation, the Prehispanic activity surface has been

destroyed and was not present either during excavation or in the block profiles.

Levels 1 and 2 are characterized by loose, non-compact silty soil with some

increasing small gravels in Level 2. These levels also contain some small ceramic

sherds. Level 3 begins at approx 17cm below datum and is characterized by less soil

in the matrix and an increase in the frequency of small and medium sized rocks (1-

5cm, 5-10cm, and 10-20cm dia). The soil of L3 is also more compact than that of the

levels above, possibly due to the fact that the top 20-30 cm had been worked during

potato production. A ground stone mano fragment was uncovered within this fill

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level. Level 4 is characterized by an increasing frequency of larger angular rocks and

oxidizing, rotting bedrock. There is less loose soil here and it sees a color change at

approximately 60-70cm to a lighter, orangish red brown (10YR 6/6) that is a color

characteristic of the oxidized bedrock. This soil color is characteristic in all other

excavation blocks of close proximity to bedrock. Ceramic sherds are present here as

well, though in much lower frequencies. Level 5, below approximately 75cm, is

primarily made up of fractured oxidizing bedrock (10YR 4/4, 5/8). There were no

ceramics in this lowest level.

Ceramic sherds were present in all excavation levels above .75m, but always

in low frequencies indicating that this plaza space may be have been "cleaned" often

during the occupation of the site. The lower levels of this block consist of a soil and

gravel cultural fill, which contains ceramic sherds (Figure 5.11). We believe that

occupants of the site utilized this fill in order to level the surface of the plaza. It is

further postulated that the soil and rock fill present here was excavated originally

from the deep dry trench associated with defensive wall 1, just east of the plaza (see

Figure 5.5). Excavation here was to a maximum depth of 1.15 m below block datum.

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 Figure 5.11: Block AU 18A East Profile.

Architectural Unit 18A2

This block measures 1 x 1 meters and was excavated to a maximum of

approximately .7 meter below the modern ground surface. It was located on the

straight side of the semicircular plaza. It was excavated in order to address two

questions; could we locate a section of the original activity surface or floor that had

not been destroyed by cultivation activity? Second, was there a low stone wall along

this straight edge of the plaza that would have separated the space within from that

outside the plaza?

Excavation within this small block revealed the original activity surface of the

plaza at .19 meter below the modern surface. Several ceramic sherds were observed

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lying horizontally on this compacted surface (Figure 5.12). This surface had been

destroyed by agricultural plowing in block AU 18A1. Surface soil above this floor

was of loose loamy soil. Level 3, the fill below the activity surface, was a culturally

sterile, mixed soil and rock fill overlaying bedrock which was encountered at 70cm

below unit datum. Additionally, this block also indicated the base of the interior face

of the semi-circular stone wall enclosing the plaza. There was no evidence for a

straight enclosing wall for the plaza. The block was excavated to bedrock.

Figure 5.12: Plan and South Profile for Block 18A2.

Architectural Unit 18D

This excavation block measures approximately 3.5m by 2m and was

excavated to a maximum depth of 1.91 meters below block datum. The block was

oriented to the interior face of the terrace wall, which forms to south side of the block.

It was excavated in order to determine the chronology and construction of this small

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terrace as it is closely associated with an elite and/or ritual zone within the

community. Excavation in this block uncovered clear evidence for 2 floors within the

space and possible a third and more recent one (Figure 5.13). We believe that due to

recent cultivation activity on the patio, the latest floor has been destroyed.

Floor #1 lies at approximately .50 meter below datum and is associated with a

low 2-3 course stone wall which would have divided the patio space. This activity

surface is also associated with the base of the interior face of the patio wall and

intersects with a large boulder in the north of the block. We believe that a well

formed staircase at the north end of the patio is also associated with this occupation

surface. The staircase directly connects this small and secluded patio with the two

nearby small, niched rooms and with the semi-circular plaza to the north.

Below Floor #1 lies a series of two thick cultural fill levels (Levels 3 and 4) as

well as a large fill boulder in the north of the block. This fill is of loose, moderate-

sized rocks (5-15cm dia) within a matrix containing very little soil (10YR 3/3). For

this reason, the sidewalls were not vertically maintained for fear of caving them in.

This loose fill also contained mixed ceramic sherds, bone fragments, burned

vegetable materials (including carbonized bean and corn) and carbon fragments.

Directly below this large rock within Level 4, is a feature that has been interpreted as

a probable architectural dedicatory offering. Feature #2 is a localized area containing

several Cajamarca Fine Black bowls overturned and burned. Also associated with this

feature is a large amount of burned ichu grass (Figure 5.14), several carbonized

pieces of corn, seeds, and bone fragments. This is the only excavated context at the

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site that indicating the burning of ichu. Feature #2 was at a depth of 1.71 - 1.74

meters from datum and was located just under the large boulder. This localized

feature may represent a burned offering dedicated at the time of the fill-remodeling of

this patio space.

Figure 5.13: UA 18D schematic plan and east profile.

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 Figure 5.14: Burned Ichu Grass and Ceramic Offering

Within fill Level 4 at a depth of .92 meters, in Unit 3, an overturned

Cajamarca Fine Black bowl was discovered. Directly beneath this bowl was a

collection of burned material and charcoal fragments making up Feature #1. This

burned feature has been interpreted as a burned offering possibly associated with the

architectural fill or remodeling episode.

A carbon sample (#1708) collected from 1.15m with Level 4 (Fill) produced a

date of 900+/-50 BP dating this fill episode to early in the LIP. At the base of this fill

in levels 3 and 4 lies a distinctive activity floor at a depth of ~1.78 meters below

surface. It is characterized by a densely compacted soil surface with abundant ash and

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ceramic sherds trampled in place (10YR 2/7, 3/7). Floor #2 also has small fragments

of carbon in contact with it. This surface represents the initial use of this space. We

believe that it predates both the construction of the terrace retaining wall and the

staircase to the north of the block. A small test excavation below this floor indicated

that bedrock lay approximately 10-15cm below Floor #2 at a depth of 1.91m.

Excavations in Block AU18D indicate at least two periods of occupation or

use for this area divided by a substantial reorganization of the patio space. This bout

of remodeling likely involved the creation of a dedicatory, burned offering of ichu

grasses and overturned fineware bowls.

Architectural Unit 18F

This block essentially excavated a small room in its entirety. The small room

measures approximately 2 by 2 meters and access to it is very restricted through a low

doorway (approx 1.3 meters high) that measures approximately 60 cm in width. The

southeast wall of this small room has 4 small niches recessed into the wall face. These

niches measure approximately 20x20cm and 20cm in depth (Figure 5.15). They

currently contain nothing. The room was excavated in order to investigate this

unusually small and niched space whose access was so obviously restricted.

Excavation here was to bedrock at a maximum depth of ~.4 meters below the modern

surface. There is also one small tenon in the SW wall of the room at a height of

approximately 5 feet above floor level (figure 5.16). This may have functioned in the

hanging of objects. Because there were no other tenons, we do not believe that it

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functioned in the roofing of the space, although the room was most likely roofed

during its period of use.

Figure 5.15: Niches in East Wall of Room 18F (Note Bench at Bottom)

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 Figure 5.16: Tenon in South Wall of Room 18F

Levels 1 and 2 were very organic soil levels. These contained some wall fall

and a good deal of burned material (10YR 2/1, 3/1). Immediately below this burned

material, excavation uncovered evidence of one well defined floor or activity surface.

This floor (Levels 3 and 4; Surface AU18F_S1) shows abundant evidence of burning.

Directly in contact and above this floor are burned and broken ceramics alongside

wall fall in an ashy matrix. The floor itself is compact and a lighter tan/brown color

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that the ash matrix above. Level 5, below this surface was a culturally sterile reddish,

rocky soil matrix directly above bedrock (10YR 3/4).

Excavation uncovered a long, low platform bench running the length of the

southeast, niched wall. This bench is stone faced, 20cm high and approximately 60cm

deep. Looting activity in the room has destroyed parts of the southern end of the

bench but on other sections we can see that its surface was of compacted earth. The

construction of the bench involved first creating the face wall, and then filling the

area behind with a loose rock and soil matrix. Test excavation into the bench revealed

several non-diagnostic ceramic sherds within the fill to bedrock (Figure 5.17). A

small, partially destroyed area of compact clay under this fill may represent the

original, pre-bench floor surface (Figure 5.18).

This small, restricted room, with its wall niches, sitting (or sleeping) bench,

and close proximity to the semi-circular plaza, may have functioned as a space for

exclusive ritual activity, events only accessible to a very limited few. The size of the

room would have been sufficient only for an audience of 4-5 individuals. A number

of looters pits within this small room initially led us to expect burials within the area,

but subsequent investigation revealed no burials or disturbed human remains in the

room. The only artifacts recovered were a number of fineware sherds in association

with the activity surface, and a fine, high quality shaped stone bead or possible

spindle whorl. This was of a green and red stone, the only artifact of this material

observed at the site (Figure 5.19).

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Figure 5.17: Plan of 18F with Bench.

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 Figure 5.18: Block 18F Northeast Profile

Figure 5.19: Stone Bead / Spindle Whorl

Architectural Unit 14

Architectural Unit 14 is an area characterized by fortification walls, their

associated dry trenches, and the open areas between the walls or no-man’s lands. The

single one by one meter block excavated in AU 14 was situated in order to investigate

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the area around a large, human-sized niche or opening constructed into the west side

(interior) of the largest of the fortification walls (Fortification Wall #2) (see Figure

5.5). The block is oriented to the wall and thus not to a north-south axis. Its east

sidewall is adjacent to the wall just south of the south side of the niche (see Figure

5.20; Figure 5.21).

Figure 5.20: South profile of Block 14 - Note Yellow Clay Layer

This block was excavated to bedrock that was discovered approximately .60

meter below the modern ground surface. Investigation here not only uncovered

ceramic sherds in close association with the large adjacent niche, but also important

information regarding the planning and construction of the large fortification wall.

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Excavations detected a thick base or foundation of yellow clay laid down prior to and

directly below the basal stones of the fortification wall. This level (Level 3) is very

compact mottled clay (10YR 5/4) that includes a large percentage of kaolin clay. This

clay base would have provided a firm footing for the initial courses of large stones.

This yellow clay layer was located directly above Level 4 that was made up of a

orange-brown soil matrix directly above bedrock (Figure 5.21).

Figure 5.21: Block AU14 Plan and North Profile.

Architectural Unit 20I

This excavation unit is located on a medium sized terrace on the northern,

windward slope of the site. Investigation here sought to illuminate architectural form

and activity function in this area of Yanaorco. An excavation block measuring 10

square meters was dug into this terrace discovering evidence for an activity surface

and a substantial terrace fill episode. This major fill episode leveled the terrace behind

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a high retaining wall. Excavation indicates the presence of one activity surface on the

terrace. This surface, AU20I_S1, was largely destroyed by modern potato cultivation

on this terrace. Nevertheless, excavation in the southwest corner of the terrace

uncovered a small area of intact floor against the west wall of the terrace that had

been protected from cultivation by wall fall there (10YR 2/2, 3/2). This floor or

surface was not flat and horizontal but sloped down to the terrace retaining wall

(Figure 5.22). Terrestrial snail shells were also recovered from Unit 10 at this

approximate level within the block, possibly associating them with the activity

surface. This association will be discussed in Chapter 7. Excavation level 4 consisted

of terrace fill below the level of the original floor. This level consisted of soil (10YR

3/4) and rocks as well as ceramics sherds which were larger than those in higher

levels. We believe this indicates that this level was clearly below the plow zone. Units

4, 6, and 8 were excavated to bedrock with ceramic frequency decreasing with depth.

A distinctive feature encountered in this block was a rectangular stone-lined

chamber at the level of the original floor surface (Figure 5.23; Figure 5.24). Because

no intact floor was encountered adjacent to this chamber, we cannot be sure if it was

at surface level and thus open to the air, or just below the surface. This chamber

measures approximately 20cm x 20cm and is ~20cm in depth, and is located roughly

in the center of the excavated space on the terrace. Possible functions for this

chamber include a hearth or fogón, a storage chamber, a square posthole, or a

subfloor offering chamber. We feel it is unlikely that the feature functioned as storage

due to its location in the center of the room and its small dimensions. We also believe

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it unlikely to have been a square posthole. It is more likely that it functioned as either

a subfloor offering or as a floor level fire pit. If the rectangular chamber was

originally subfloor, it is likely to have been a small offering. While there were no

diagnostic artifacts within the small feature, the soil matrix within it did contain a

larger amount of gray ash than the soil outside the feature. The feature most likely

represents a square, stone lined heating or cooking oven or fire pit which would have

been recessed into the activity surface or floor. Although the time period is much

earlier, recessed, rectangular fogóns nearly identical to this feature have been

excavated at the Formative period site of Huacaloma (Terada and Onuki 1988).

Artifactual evidence from Block AU20I indicates domestic activities on this

terrace. Material encountered includes ceramics sherds, bone and lithic tools, ceramic

spindle whorls, and animal bone food remains. While there are similarities in the

domestic artifact classes encountered in AU20I and in AU22AAA, there are also very

distinctive differences. In AU22AAA (to be described below), (1) ceramic sherds are

larger and there is a higher frequency of decorated wares, (2) faunal remains are

larger (larger bone fragments) and not always completely burnt, and (3) there is

evidence of reconstruction activity in the space. In AU20I, (1) sherds are smaller and

there are fewer decorated or fine wares, (2) no medium or large partially cooked

bones were encountered; all bones being represented by very small and completely

cooked specimens. This faunal evidence from AU20I is believed to indicate a more

conservative orientation towards food and its preparation with very small, friable, and

completely cooked fragments possibly indicating bone boiling in order to extract a

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maximum nutritive value from each bone. The presence in AU22AAA of many larger

and incompletely cooked or consumed bones may indicate that occupants of that

space had access to greater quantities of faunal resources and did not need to take

complete advantage of each bone. In addition, there is no evidence for architectural

elaboration or remodeling in AU20I.

The distinctive differences in quality and quantity of artifactual remains in

these two domestic zones indicate the presence within the Yanaorco community of at

least two social and economic classes or strata. Hypothetically, elites occupied

domestic spaces on the southern, leeward slope of the site on well constructed

domestic terraces while non-elite occupants lived on less elaborate terraces on the

northern, or windward slope of the site. Additional excavation within both of these

zones will be necessary in order to confirm this hypothesis.

Figure 5.22: Block AU20I West Profile.

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 Lower Terrace/Retaining Wall
Unit 1 2 3 4
Figure 5.23: Plan View of Block AU20I

8 7 65
Hearth
Feature
275

9 10

Area of Preserved
Activity Surface YANAORCO
BlocK 20 I
0 1 meter

Upper Terrace Wall

 Figure 5.24: AU20I Rectangular Hearth Feature

Architectural Unit 22AAA

AU22AAA was excavated in order to investigate the nature of domestic

activity within this room and others like it on the southern, leeward terraces at

Yanaorco. We also wanted to investigate the sequence of terrace construction here.

Excavations illuminated both of these issues. Excavation block AU22AAA measured

approximately 12 sq. meters and covered the majority of the room AU22AAA

(Figure 5.25). Wall clearing uncovered this large room (~15m2), its back wall the

upslope terrace wall and it's front wall the lower downslope terrace (see Figure 2.26).

There is a clear doorway along the west wall of the room and a possible doorway on

the east wall.

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 Excavation in this block indicates a sequence of two fill events and two

activity surfaces. The initial event here was the filling of the space behind the terrace

retention wall in order to raise and level the surface. The second event was the

creation and use of the surface, AU22AAA_S1 (Surface 1), which was characterized

by slightly compacted soil of the same color as the fill above and below it. The depth

from surface of this floor at the center of the room was ~40 cm, although the surface

was not perfectly horizontal and sloped to the southwest. The floor was difficult to

identify during excavation due to the fact that it was did not vary in color from

surrounding fill levels nor was it significantly compact relative to the fill layers. The

surface was only identified by the presence of a layer of artifacts (ceramic sherds and

faunal materials) oriented horizontally. Excavation in Unit 9 in the south corner of

this block indicated the remains of a very large ceramic jar that had been badly

broken. The depth and position of this jar, though, may indicate that it had once been

associated with this initial floor and that it may have been set into the floor itself.

At some point in time, the room was remodeled. This involved a second fill

event above Floor #1. This fill event raised and re-leveled the surface of the room.

The top of this second fill event became Floor #2, representing the second and final

occupation level for the room. Floor #2 was ultimately covered by wall fall from the

surrounding walls. The artifacts recovered from both fill levels and in contact with the

floors are all consistent with domestic activities. These include an abundance of

broken ceramic sherds, both utilitarian and decorated, faunal remains representing

large land mammals (camelids), guinea pigs, and terrestrial snails, lithic debitage, and

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bone tools. Several small copper artifacts including a pin and a tweezers were found

(Figures 7.20-7.23) within the initial fill level (Fill #1). Finally, evidence of textile

production was also present in the form of ceramic spindle whorls.

One probable burial was discovered in AU22AAA. This was the burial of a

very young individual within a large ceramic jar (Figure 5.27). The jar, now

fragmentary, was located just below Floor #2 and contained several very small and

partially destroyed bone fragments (ribs and one femur) that are believed to have

been human. The concentration of upright jar fragments was located in Unit 8

between ~.77 and ~1 meter below block datum. This implies that the burial was

interred as part of the occupation associated with the more recent, Floor #2. Future

analysis may confirm this hypothesis. Burial of individuals below floors within living

spaces is not uncommon in Andean societies from all time periods. A much better

preserved example of this form of burial practice is held and the INC museum in

Cajamarca (Figure 5.28).

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 Figure 5.25: Block 22AAA Plan.

Figure 5.26: Block AU22AAA West Profile.

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 Figure 5.27: Subfloor Burial 1 (AU22aaa)

Figure 5.28: Infant Burial in collection of INC Museum

in Cajamarca

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 Lying directly upon bedrock at the base of Fill #1 was a large jar rim sherd of

the Late Cajamarca Period, Cajamarca Semi-Cursive Type indicating the creation of

this terrace and room during Late Cajamarca or the Late Intermediate Period. All

diagnostic ceramics from all levels in this block indicate occupation and use of the

space during the Late and Final Cajamarca Periods.

A carbon fragment (#1717) from a secure context associated with the base of

the terrace wall (Unit 8) at the down-slope side of the room dates to approximately

A.D. 1100 providing a date for the construction of this terrace wall and initial fill

episode early in the LIP. A second carbon fragment (#928) from Unit 9, Level 3

(1.01 meter below datum) within Fill Layer #2 has been dated to approximately A.D.

1250 further indicating an LIP occupation of room.

Architectural Unit 22X

Excavations here were intended to investigate the nature of a small D-shaped

architectural feature discovered within a seemingly unroofed domestic terrace (Figure

5.5). This unusual architectural feature measures ~2-3 meters in width and is

connected to the west terrace retaining wall. Excavation block 22X measured 7

meters square and sampled one-half of the architectural feature as well as the area just

outside it (Figure 5.29). Excavation here indicated that this feature was a low walled

area built on top of the most recent of several activity surfaces on the patio (Figure

5.30).

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 Excavations within and outside this feature indicated no substantial difference

in the types of artifacts present. Associated activity surfaces were similar to those

encountered in AU22AAA in that they were earthen (not prepared clay) and not

distinctly compacted in comparison to the soil above and below them. Floors were

distinguished by the horizontal orientation of artifacts lying on them (see Figure

5.31). The D-shaped feature is a low walled structure (1 stone course) and there is no

evidence for an entrance or higher wall of perishable materials. Lack of wall fall

associated with this low wall indicates that this was probably a very low wall or

barrier in antiquity as well. The feature may have functioned as a low walled pen for

guinea pigs within a larger open patio. It may also have functioned in some other

storage capacity. Interesting is that we discovered 2 complete and well preserved

camelid guano pellets in contact with Floor #2 and lying against the outside of the D-

shaped structure. This indicates the presence of live camelids on this patio, either

penned here or transiting through the space.

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 Figure 5.29: AU22X Plan

Figure 5.30: AU22X West Profile

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 Figure 5.31: Two Activity surfaces with Fill Episode Between

The first of 3 floors or activity surfaces here predated the construction of the

D-shaped feature. This floor (AU22x_S3) intersects with the 1st coarse of the

adjacent terrace wall and therefore was associated with the initial filling and use of

this terrace space. The second surface is slightly higher on the terrace and on it were

observed not only ceramics but several camelid droppings. The third (AU22x_S1)

and final activity surface on this terrace is directly associated with the D-shaped

structure.

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Architectural Unit 24 C/D

Block AU24C/D is located in an area of architecture purposefully removed

from other areas of the community (Figure 5.6). This area is situated on the northern

slope of the community just below the largest of the three platform mounds and

directly south from the Gavilán Pass (Figure 5.32). Due to its segregated location, it

has been hypothesized that these spaces were very elite in nature. Access to this set of

rooms and patios was very restricted. Individuals would have had to approach the

location down a stairway, and then through a narrow (1m) corridor measuring 10

meters in length. The architecture here involved two medium sized rooms of high

construction quality, a semicircular patio with a centrally placed small room, and a

large open terrace area and associated large tomb.

A 1 by 5 meter trench was excavated sectioning the patio and associated small

room in order to investigate the function of this space and its sequence of construction

(Figure 5.33, 5.33). Block 24C/D was placed so that it would sample the space within

the room as well as that outside. Results of this excavation indicate that the small

central room was a late addition to this patio area. Within the room, one floor

(AU24C/D_S1) was uncovered just over bedrock. This surface was not substantially

more compact that the fill below or above. It was identified by the horizontal

orientation of ceramics and lithics lying on its surface. The area excavated on the

terrace outside the room was quite different. Here, there is evidence for a substantial

fill episode inside the retention wall in order to raise and level the terrace. This fill

was of loose, medium sized gravels containing a low density of ceramic sherds. The

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original surface (AU24C/C_S2) of the patio atop this fill was evidenced by the

discovery of several horizontally oriented sherds atop the floor.

Figure 5.32: View to northeast of AU24 and excavation of clock AU24C/D

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Figure 5.33: Plan of AU24 indicating block AU24C/D

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Figure 5.34: AU24C/D North Profile.

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 In general, this zone of architecture is very clean in that not many ceramics or

other cultural remains are present either on the surface or in excavated contexts. This

is not completely unexpected in that it is common for public and elite spaces to have

been swept and cleaned with some frequency. This removed zone of fine architecture,

a semicircular patio, a large tomb, and associated cave indicate that this was a very

special location in the community, one that would not have been accessible to many

at the site. The lack of other domestic classes of artifacts in this area indicates that

this area was not domestic in nature was may have functions very differently that

other locations within the community. This is further evidence for the presence of

social and economic stratification within this LIP and LH settlement.

5.5 Use of Space within the Community

5.5.1 Status and Space

As a very visible component of the archaeological assemblage, archaeologists

have attached much interpretive weight to the organization and plan of the built

environment. As the location of much of material and social production and

reproduction in most societies, a due emphasis is often placed on the organization and

design of domestic, adaptable, vernacular architecture and space (Rapoport 1969).

The great variability in the design and construction of this form of architecture is

generally seen as influenced most heavily by dynamic socio-cultural factors within

society and not primarily by material constraints and concerns. In fact, Rapoport

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states that the material concerns of house as shelter are only the passive function of

the construction and its open spaces (1969:46). In the social interpretation of

architecture, Rapoport stresses cross-cultural, comparative, and empirical approaches

and these have been popular with many archaeologists though the past three decades

(Rapoport 1990). The plan or design of the built environment is also a dynamic actor

in that the access patterns and the organization of communities not only may facilitate

interaction and communication among individuals, but may also ultimately hinder

these same aspects of the community creating limitations on the growth of

communities (Fletcher 1995).

The concept of the built environment equates generally to any additive or

subtractive adaptation of the natural environment at the hands of humankind. By this,

I mean structures like buildings, road, paths, plazas, and dams - the widest range of

built environment. Just as important here is the creation of open spaces within the

built environment, often bound by walls. These spaces are the arenas of social action

within societies. Lawrence and Low (1990) present a wide-ranging survey of

approaches that have been taken to the analysis of the built environment - ranging

from symbolic analyses of form to the equation of form and pattern to schemes of

social organization. Perhaps the most important approach to thinking about the built

environment for this project is the fact that the built form, architecture and the spaces

and places created with it, is socially created and produced. As such, the planning of

communities and houses act to organize and canalize daily life and activities within a

community (Lawrence and Low 1990:485). Patterns of built environment create the

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stages for individual practice within day-to-day habitus, the often unconscious

recreation or reproduction of economic, political and social structures within a society

(Bourdieu 1977:78; Nielson 1995). Giddens' structuration, the making and remaking

of society and its individuals through action, takes place within these spaces,

reconstituting society on a daily basis as people learn through the daily act of doing

within space (Giddens 1984).

Having been socially produced, the spaces of the built environment also

function as the stages and symbol-laden signposts of the reproduction of society.

Activities of individuals are guided, limited and managed by the built environment. In

this way, those in power within a society or community, those planning the built

environment, are in a position to utilize physical management functions of the built

environment to maintain the status quo, the current systems of dominance within a

community (Foucault 1970, 1975). This is what Wolf would call Structural Power,

the "power manifest in relationships that not only operates within settings and

domains but also organizes and orchestrates the settings themselves, and that specifies

the direction and distribution of energy flows" (Wolf 1999:5). The built environment

can, then, also be seen as a tool of the power establishment, materializing power

dynamics and in 'setting them in stone', making them real, sanctifying them. This is

not to say that there is no room for action and acts of resistance by individuals and

factions not occupying the top positions in society. Social production of walls, floors,

roofs, canals, and other built forms are also physically produced by individuals who

have, at some level, choices as to what materials to utilize and what level of

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construction quality to adhere to -- leading to possibilities for small scale, but

cumulative, ground level acts of resistance at the level of construction. Taking this

approach to the built environment as a contentious and dynamic stage, one both social

produced and by its everyday presence, socially reproducing, ties the built world to

the social action that takes place within it.

In the Andes, archaeologists have approached an understanding of the built

environment with foci on both the nature of domestic spaces (Aldenderfer 1993;

DeMarrais 2001) and larger scale public architecture (Moore 1996a, 1996b). Analysis

of domestic architecture has focused in large part on the identification of ethnic

identity and culture contact within the archaeological record of domestic life.

Intensive analysis of large-scale public architecture such as platform mounds and

large public plazas has focused on the function and role of these large and visible

aspects of the built environment in the creation and maintenance of power

relationships within Andean societies (Moore 1996a). Moore (1996b) has also

followed Hall (1968) in analyzing the proxemics of ritual activity in public spaces or

plazas of varying dimension. Explicit attention to the physical nature of human

observation and hearing capacity has led this empirically based analysis of the types

of communication that would have been possible in plazas of varying sizes - leading

to a better understanding of the possible nature of ritual taking place in these places.

Analyses of both domestic and public architecture has led to an understanding that the

built environment sometimes functions to create and maintain social and class

separation within communities. Additionally, the symbolically and prestige laden

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nature of elite and imperial architectural canons may have been emulated in some

regions by local elites seeking to gain local status through visible identification with

the power of an empire. This may have been the case in the Middle Horizon

Cotahuasi Valley of Arequipa where there is some evidence that local elites may have

borrowed Wari architectural design aspects in the construction of their own local

centers - effectively mimicking the patterns of imperial power and prestige for their

own local purposes (Jennings and Yepez 2001:147, 156)

As is the case in much of contemporary Andean society, during the

Prehispanic period there was a conscious effort on the part of individuals and groups

in many societies to spatially distinguish and segregate the living spaces of those of

different socio-economic classes or strata. This is seen very clearly in the architecture

of LIP Chan Chan on the north coast where elites and royalty sequestered themselves

within massive ciudadelas behind 10-meter high walls. Status, and particularly status

difference, was materialized and writ large within the city. This differentiation and

spatial separation is also apparent within societies and communities of less political

and economic complexity. The community of Yanaorco, miniscule by comparison,

also reflects status difference materially, not only in artifactual suites but also in the

spatial patterning of elite and non-elite spaces within the site.

Several locations within the site are characterized as elite and or

ritual/ceremonial in nature. These locations are architecturally and spatially distinct in

comparison to other locations within the community. Two such sectors exist. The first

is a complex of small rooms and open spaces whose access is controlled and limited

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and that exhibit architectural features not common anywhere else in the community.

This sector is on the spine of the ridge and is located just inside Defensive Wall 1 and

in close association with four possible storage rooms. Aspects of this sector involve

the open D-shaped plaza, the two small, niched rooms and closely associated small

patio or terrace, and a secluded set of rooms located on a small terrace just off the

south face of the ridge. Several walls in this space have medium sized niches in the

walls. This set of rooms is accessed by a short staircase and is spatially very closely

associated with the possible storage rooms (Figure 5.5).

The second of these segregated spaces at the site is a small sector of three

small rooms and a semi-circular patio on the northern slope of the finger ridge facing

the Gavilán Pass further to the north. Excavations in this zone indicate a set of rooms

that are very clean in the sense that few ceramics were present. Also closely

associated with this sector is a set of 2-3 large and well constructed above ground

tombs that have unfortunately been looted. In addition to the distinctive rooms and

spatial plan of this secluded sector, it is unique in that access to it was tightly

controlled and closely managed (Figure 5.6). Access to this small set of rooms was by

way of a narrow staircase down from the site summit above, and then through a

narrow straight corridor. This corridor was one meter in width, its walls a substantial

one meter in thickness. This ten-meter long narrow corridor led individuals into a

semi-circular patio or terrace overlooking associated tombs and a very large open

terrace. Exploration of the steep drop just north of this terrace revealed a cave directly

under the terrace itself. This cave measures approximately 10 meters in depth and

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several ceramic sherds and faunal fragments were observed on its surface although no

excavation was undertaken there.

5.5.2 Public and Private, Collective and Exclusive Action

In an attempt to discuss architectural patterning within domestic zones at

Yanaorco in terms of features such as walls, corridors, and staircases and their use in

the creation of a level of inter-household privacy, the role of proxemics comes into

play. Proxemics is the study of individuals perception of and use of spaces, and in this

case, of spaces and locations within the built environment. Features of the built

environment within communities function in some ways to ‘screen’ activities of some

from the view or perception of others. In other words, walls, corridors, corners, and

doorways are created in some cases to facilitate some level of what we might call

‘privacy’. In studying the comparative characteristics of proxemic space cross-

culturally, though, we must be mindful that “what crowds one does not crowd

another” (Hall 2003:53). Individuals within differing societies, and even within the

same communities, may have different levels of comfort and tolerance in terms of

spatial distance, privacy, and screening, different criteria for spacing (Hall 1968). The

analyst must temper cross-cultural analyses of proxemics with this variability in

mind. Hall discusses several measures or aspects to take into consideration here but

some are more important than others in the present work. These aspects of proxemic

perception include retinal spacing or distance, or visual screening, olfactory

screening, and the screening of voice loudness that could also include the sounds

associated with certain activities (Hall 2003:64).

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 Public and private can mean very different things in domestic as opposed to

ceremonial or ritual contexts. In fact, the distinction between domestic and ritual

space is in no way absolute, today or in the past. The concept of personal spacing and

social distance is in fact greatly varied from society to society and proxemics can only

really be approached in general terms. Hall presents measureable characteristics such

as voice loudness, olfactory distance, and retinal distance among others. These are

measurable factors with which we can compare proxemic spaces within and between

communities (Hall 2003:64). Within residential contexts at Yanaorco, the concepts of

public and private differ between what we believe to have been elite domestic spaces

on the south slope of the ridgeline, and what are believed to have been non-elite

residential areas on the northern slope of the community. I propose that individuals

and co-residential groups on the southern slope enjoyed greater access to privacy than

would have been available to those living on the windward slope. Architectural

spaces were complex on the south slope involving small and medium sized, most

likely roofed rooms, larger probably open-air patios, connecting corridors and

staircases. Intervening spaces and walls breaking up hearing and sight lines along and

between domestic terraces here would have acted to increase a sense of "privacy"

here. Walls and terraces here would have functioned as the proxemic screens

discussed by Hall (2003). On the other hand, evidence from the northern slope,

although less solid due to higher frequencies of cultivation there, indicates that

occupants there did not have the same access to privacy. Life was public.

Architectural features that remain on the north slope such as walls are narrower and

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less well built. Terraces are unplanned and haphazard. Occupants did not have access

to the labor necessary to construct large substantial terraces. We believe that open

spaces such as AU20I would have had interior divisions of perishable materials,

possibly quincha walls, and that they were at least partially roofed. Sight lines were

more open on the north slope and, at least when the wind let up, sound would have

traveled from terrace to terrace.

Apart from residential space and activity, we address public and possibly

ceremonial space at Yanaorco in terms of a range of leadership orientation between a

focus on collective organization and more elite-centered, individualizing behavior

(Blanton et al. 1996). At Yanaorco, as at many other communities, we see a blend of

these two leadership routes. Collective activity, labor and the identity that would

emerge and been sustained through it, is visible in several large architectural features

within the community. The most obvious of these are the large fortification

constructions. These are uniformly two meters in thickness and from 2-4 meters in

height. In the Prehispanic period, they probably stood higher. Other signs of

collective effort here include the construction of three large platform mounds. The

two highest of these contain the remains of looted stone lined tombs on their summits

indicating community mortuary identity associated with these mounds.

These mounds were not only visible from nearly all points within the community but

they were visible from those ascending the Jequetepeque Valley, those traversing the

Gavilán Pass to the north, or even those within the Cajamarca Basin at Baños del

Inka.

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 There is also evidence at Yanaorco for much more exclusive spaces in which

political and or ritual activity may have taken place among a select few. These

include an area of small, high quality rooms and a semi-circular plaza located on the

north slope of the community. Access to this set of rooms was restricted and

controlled by the use of a long narrow corridor that would have admitted people one

at a time. This set of small spaces was on a small terrace facing and approximately 3

meters above a second, broad open terrace. While a large number of people could

have occupied and witnessed from the broad terrace, a much smaller group of

individuals could have been physically present and witness to activities within the

small set of rooms and plaza. The second sector of the community characterized by a

focus on closed spaces with limited or monitored access is adjacent to the fortification

walls of Sector 2. This area too exhibits a combination of limited open, public space,

in the form of a semi-circular plaza, and very closed and exclusive space in the form

of two very small (2x2 meter) rooms whose wall niches may have been used to hold

specialized items. It was in this small room (AU18F) that the only stone bead or

possible spindle whorl was discovered in excavation. This multicolored, red and

green stone was not local indicating that it may have been imbued with exotic value.

While 20-40 people could have been present within the plaza, only 3-4 individuals

could have fit within the niched rooms at any one time. There is at Yanaorco evidence

for both collective action in the forms of community defense and the construction of

large mortuary mounds, and individualizing or elite-centered political and ritual

activity. In two locations at the site, these spaces of both group activity and secluded,

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individualizing activity are located adjacent to one another indicating a complex and

varied arena for political and social activity and practice.

Social order in small-scale societies can be materialized in the patterning of

architectural spaces within communities. Patterning of architectural spaces and in

particular, in public, ritual spaces can reflect the social, political, and ritual order of

the community. This built environment, bounding spaces, facilitating communication

and guiding movement and contact within a community is an active component in

repeated everyday patterns of social interaction and differentiation within society.

Hegmon states “architectural spaces and boundaries – the built environment – help to

create the social order that maintains living communities” (Hegmon 1989:5).

Corporate architecture, whether platform mounds or associated open plazas as spaces

of social aggregation, are materialized representations of corporate action and

identity. Group ritual that took place within these spaces would have acted in the

creation and maintenance of group solidarity. Architecturally, then, diachronic shifts

in the organization of these spaces might suggest shifts in the nature of social

integration and order within communities (Hegmon 1989:5).

The act of spatial planning within communities, the conscious placement of

walls, mounds, plazas, doorways and stairways implies the conscious desire by

planners to manage and control access and movement through a settlement

(DeMarrais 2001). This built environment is a system of social messages made clear

to those living day to day within these spaces. Through planning, social and economic

differentiation is materialized and made permanent, sanctified by elites and planners

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who seek to normalize these relations through physical means. Like the daily practice

of life within a community, the messages of the built environment act to reproduce

society.

Socially integrative facilities are spatially defined spaces and constructions

that are acknowledged by communities’ members to act as the locations of integrative

action and events within a community at a level above that of the individual

household (Adler 1989:35). Adler’s cross-cultural study of the nature of integrative

architectural spaces within communities indicates that as communities grow in

population above a few hundred inhabitants, a shift takes place – from a situation of

small scale general and multi-use integrative facilities, to larger scale spaces and

facilities designed to act exclusively for as the contexts for ritual action. These spaces

and activities also tend to become increasingly exclusive in terms of the community

members allowed to take part (1989). This parallels Kent's (1994) cross-cultural work

which suggests that as social and political complexity increases within a society, the

built environment, spaces within domestic structures become increasingly complex

representing increased numbers of separate activities taking place within them.

5.5.3 Mortuary Practice and Architecture

There is substantial variability in the physical remains of mortuary practice

and architecture within the community of Yanaorco. Treatment of the dead ranges

here from the interment of very young individuals within large jars beneath domestic

floors, to what is probably secondary interment within relatively elaborate small

chulpas set away from other architecture. We distinguish five forms of mortuary

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treatment at Yanaorco. The first is the burial of young individuals within jars below

the floors of domestic spaces. Second, in several areas of the community where

domestic architecture is present, small rectangular 1 by 1 meter stone walled tombs

have been built into these spaces (See Mound 3 in Figure 5.5). In other words, this

form entails the construction of cellular tombs within and directly adjacent to living

spaces. Due to looting-related damage to these tombs, it is unclear whether they were

meant to be reopened to allow either the extrication of bundles or the periodic

interment of additional individuals. Related to this form is a third type. These are

characterized by subterranean chamber tombs (~1x1 m) within the summits of the

two mortuary mounds at the site. These are badly looted and were not closely

analyzed. The fourth form of mortuary practice at Yanaorco involves the interment of

individuals within hollows in large outcroppings of bedrock. Natural gaps under and

within outcrops were in some cases partially walled in with cut stone creating

enclosed tombs. All examples of this form were looted leaving only partial and

scattered human bones.

The fifth form of mortuary treatment at Yanaorco is characterized by the

construction of high quality, stand-alone chulpas. In comparison to the large,

multistory chulpas known from elsewhere in Cajamarca and farther south in Peru,

these are very small. These chulpas are relatively uniform in dimensions. They

measure approximately 1-1.5 meters square and are little more that a meter in height.

These constructions are often located singly, but in one case there is a closely

arranged group of five. This set, as is the case with all of these chulpas, is located

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near the west end of the community. One of these is also unique in that it is a double

chambered tomb with two cells. The largest of these chulpa constructions measures

approximately 2x2 meters as is closely associated with the elite constructions on the

north slope of the site. The construction of these chambers is of high quality, finely

cut stone. In at least some cases they are constructed directly on leveled bedrock.

These chulpas are constructed at ground level and there is no evidence for semi-

subterranean construction. An interesting characteristic of at least some of these

chulpas is the presence of a small entrance or doorway built into one side. All of these

have been looted but in one case, looters removed the back end of the chamber

leaving the entrance end intact (Figure 5.35). Here a rectangular, flat stone plate has

sealed the entrance to the chamber. The framing for the entry is in a non-local gray

slate. Although looters have destroyed the entrances to the other tombs, at many of

these I did find evidence for this dark gray shale fragments. There is no uniform

orientation to the entrances. The existence of formal doorways into these small tombs

may indicate repeated entry into the cell, either to periodically remove the deceased,

as was relatively common in Andean prehistory, or to add individuals. The scale of

these tombs would have precluded the use of extended burial orientation. It implies

that individuals were most likely tightly flexed and bound or bundled at the time of

inhumation. This flexed position is also implied by the use of small chambers at the

Ventanillas tombs at other sites. I have also witnessed well preserved mummy

bundles in tightly flexed positions in a private collection within the Cajamarca Basin.

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 Figure 5.35: Chulpa - Interior and Sealed Doorway

5.5.4 Making a Living in Space

Aspects of the organization of subsistence economy are also recorded in the

spatial organization of the site. Two principal areas or the community pertain to the

maintenance of a subsistence economy. The first is the presence of probable

agricultural terraces on the north slope of the community in Sector 1 as represented

by AU11B. These are small and irregular terraces that, importantly, are located within

the fortification walls and could have supplied some, though not much, produce in

times of brief sieges or the threat thereof. Today, a large area of the gentle slope to

the north and north east of Yanaorco is also utilized in the production of hardy grains,

beans, and potato. This area, just outside the fortification walls, could easily have

been utilized in a similar way during the occupation of Yanaorco. Ceramic sherds in

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visible on the surface of these tilled fields indicate at least some Prehispanic cultural

activity there.

Excavation and site mapping also recovered evidence of animal husbandry at

the community. Yanaorco is situated geographically at 3550 meters above sea level,

relatively near the economically advantageous join between high elevation

agricultural productivity and higher elevation pastoral production. Approximately one

kilometer upslope and to the east of the site is a large open high elevation pampa that

would have acted as valuable grazing land for camelids. Today, it is grazed by the

sheep flocks of the community of Tamiacocha. Mapping on the far west edge of the

site defined several large open spaces bounded by low stone walls. These open spaces

have been interpreted tentatively as corral structures that could have acted to protect

herds within the defenses of the community. Excavated evidence of the presence of

camelids include on the one hand, processed and charred camelid bone in domestic

contexts, and on the other, well preserved camelid droppings in primary floor deposits

on open terraces (AU22x). Camelids may have transited through the otherwise

domestic terraces on the south side of the site in order to get from corral structures to

higher elevation gazing lands to the east. Architectural evidence from AU22x may

also indicate the tending of guinea pigs. The low, one coarse u-shaped structure there

has tentatively been interpreted as a guinea pig pen.

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5.6 Community Defense and Fortification

Visitors to Yanaorco cannot miss the obvious evidence for the fortification of

the community and the implication of at least the threat of armed conflict associated

with the site. The core of the community, located at the northwest end of the site and

at its highest elevation, is defensible on its north, west, and south sides through the

presence of steep slopes and drops of approximately 400-500 meters from the

community to the fields and river bottom below (Figure 5.2). On its upslope side, this

core area of the site is fortified and defended by two high parapetted walls. Today,

these walls stand up to 3-4 meters in height and the presence of substantial wall-fall

implies that the original heights for these walls may have been closer to 4-5 meters.

The two largest of 3 walls here (fortification walls 1 and 2) run north to south

bisecting the finger ridge. These two walls are each associated with deep dry moats

(2-3 meters in depth) on there exterior, eastern sides. At their north end, a joining wall

segment connects these two fortification walls at their down slope ends. At the east

end of this connecting wall is located the only known entrance through the

fortifications (Figure 5.4). This consists of a doorway 1 meter wide. Leading from a

very precipitous, 1 by 2 meter ledge on the exterior to a steep uphill approach in the

area between the two walls (Figure 5.36). Any individuals entering the site would

have had to enter one at a time. After entering the space between the two fortification

walls, the ascent is steep and movement is slow. This space between the two walls

would have acted as a potential killing field, with slow moving invaders at a loss and

easily surveyed and attacked by members of the Yanaorco community standing on

305
parapets at the top of Wall 1 (see Figure 5.5). Investigation uncovered no clear

entrance between this open inter-fortification zone and the domestic zone to the west.

Either the entrance has been destroyed (several areas of the wall are in ruins) or

access to the community was by way of wooden ladders which no longer exist.

Access to the original area of the community was restricted and by both the nature of

the physical landscape and the presence of a series of integrated fortification walls.

Traffic entering the community was also very controlled and regulated through the

use of a single small entry through the walls and forcing individuals to make an

ascent of a steep slope within a corridor between the two fortification walls (Walls 1

and 2). Dates from excavated contexts within the community imply that militarism

and defense was a substantial concern to the members of the community from

approximately A.D. 1000 on into the Late Intermediate Period and early Late

Horizon.

306
 Figure 5.36: Entrence/Gate B at Lower Left

This system of fortification and control of access is associated with the

western most and older of the two major sections of the Yanaorco community. The

presence of these complex defenses indicates at least the threat of attack and conflict

associated with the LIP, or Late Cajamarca Period occupation of the site.

Late in the occupation of the community of Yanaorco, a major physical

augmentation of the site took place and a zone of architecture (Figure 5.4) was

constructed outside these original fortifications on the upslope side of the site.

Associated with this later, presumably Late Horizon or Final Cajamarca Period,

augmentation to the site, a second system of fortification walls was constructed again

on the upslope, eastern side of the community. This system of parapetted fortification

307
walls and associated ditches consisted of 3 parallel walls and ditches which today are

preserved to a maximum of 2 meters in height (Figure 5.37). As with Walls 1 and 2,

substantial wall fall here also indicates that the original height of the walls was

greater, possibly 3-4 meters. The largest of these new walls was extended to a length

of approximately 450 meters beginning at the east end of the site, running north

northwest and ultimately abutting Wall 2, one of the original set of fortifications. This

connection effectively enclosed the new zone of architecture and integrated the old

and new defensive systems. Access through this new set of walls was via a narrow

gate at the far southeastern edge of the community. As with access Gate B, this access

point, Gate A, was very restricted with fortification walls and ditches forming its

north side and a steep drop-off to the south side (Figure 5.3, 5.4). Gate A measures

approximately 2 meters in width and is used by local farmers and landowners to enter

the site and get to agricultural plots there. It is also used today and probably in the

past to bring livestock into the community. Today, sheep and goats are pastured on a

high plateau to the east of the site. This grassland, at ~3700 masl, is characterized by

a Puna or Páramo vegetation suite and would have been utilized during the LIP and

LH occupations of Yanaorco for pasturage of camelids (noted above). Access to Gate

A is tightly controlled and funneled though this restricted point. Those approaching

this access point can also be easily observed by individuals within the walls.

308
 Figure 5.37: Southeastern Defensive Walls (looking southeast)

The assertion that this second set of defenses dates to a later period, the Late

Horizon, as opposed to the LIP date for the western fortifications, is supported by

several lines of evidence. First, it is associated with the defense of a new and I would

argue rapidly constructed zone of architectural features. Second, the northwest end of

Wall 5 extended from the eastern edge of the community all the way to the original

set of fortification walls, directly abutting with Wall 2 indicating a later construction

for the new wall. Third, the design and construction of the parapets on the later

system of fortifications is different from that of the earlier fortification walls. The

earlier walls/parapets were approximately 2 meters in thickness and were constructed

as one 2-meter thick wall with the interior side of the wall stepped, creating a parapet.

This unitary 2 meter thick wall construction is also evident in the interior of the large

309
niche into the west side of Wall 2 (Figure 5.38). The walls/parapets of the later,

eastern system of fortifications were also approximately 2 meters in thickness but

were constructed as two adjacent 1 meter thick walls with the external wall higher

than the interior, thus creating a parapet (see Figure 5.39). A final line of evidence is

that the style of construction for the two sets of fortification walls is different. The

earlier walls are constructed by traditional tapia technique with larger roughly cut

stones chinked with smaller stones. We also see that stones are larger near the base or

foundation. The walls of the later fortifications are different both in terms of

construction pattern and style. These walls are also of general tapia form but here,

large elongated stones are place vertically on the exterior, east-facing sides and

smaller rough-cut stones are placed between them creating a patterned affect (Figure

5.40). Although investigation of the walls uncovered no datable material, these lines

of evidence lead us to believe that the eastern most system of defenses was

constructed at a substantially later date than the original, western, system.

310
 Figure 5.38: Large Niche in West Wall of Defensive Wall 2

Defensive Feature Descriptions

The following descriptive notes on the fortification works at Yanaorco begin

with Fortification Wall (FW) #1, in the center of the community and proceed to the

southeast.

Fortification Wall 1: This is the northwestern most FW and it's height averages 1.5-2

meters, but along it's northern edge it is 3-4 meters in height. It is constructed of cut

stone blocks laid in a mud a pebble mortar (Figure 5.41).

Trench 1: This dry trench is cut-stone lined on both walls. It averages 1-1.5

meters in depth but this trench is also partially filled with wallfall.

311
Fortification Wall 2: This wall is formed of well cut and placed stone blocks. Blocks

are placed in no particular order. Today, the wall stands to approximately 1-1.5

meters. There area also many sections of the well which have parapets associated.

Associated with these parapets are also sections of short steps along the interior side

formed by stone tenons protruding from the wall face.

Trench 2: This is the deepest of the dry trenches. It is walled by bedrock but

where there are gaps in this bedrock, the trench is stone lined or walled. The trench

width is 2.5-3 meters.

Trench 3: This dry trench is approximately 2 meters wide and 2 meters in depth.

There is also a low stone wall (40-50cm) which parallels its eastern side. This is the

smallest of the trenches but the fact that its bottom can not be seen due to shadow,

may have caused concern to advancing enemies.

Fortification Wall 3: This is the western-most of the southeastern defensive features.

This wall today stands 1-1.5 meters in height and is 2 meters thick. It is made of

semi-cut stones placed relatively haphazardly. It is very different that DW1 and 2

because there are many large rectangular stones oriented vertically. Smaller stones are

places haphazardly between these large vertical stones. There is no evidence of any

mud mortar here as was present in FW1 and FW2.

Fortification Wall 4: This is a much better made and preserved wall that FW3. Here

there is evidence for a mud and pebble mortar. This is a parapetted wall but unlike the

double wall construction seen in FW2, in DW4 the 2 meter thick wall was one

construction. The upslope, western side of the wall is stepped creating a parapet. FW4

312
was also constructed in large part by standing large stones vertically and then filling

the gaps with smaller, closely fitting stones. This patterning may be purely decorative

or may have functioned to strengthen the wall. What is certain is that both the

construction technique and style of the eastern set of walls is very different from that

of the earlier, western walls. The wall stands today to 2-2.5 meters and the parapet

varies from 30cm to 80cm in width.

Fortification Wall 5: This is a low, partial defensive wall that is largely destroyed.

This wall contains a large niche on it's exterior, eastern side. There is also evidence of

a parapet on it's upslope side.

Trench 4: This is a large dry trench measuring approximately 2 meter wide and

2-3 meters deep. It is associated with the southeast gate to the site, which is located at

the south end of the trench. This trench is lined with cut stone.

Fortification Wall 6: This is the southeastern most fortification wall. It more closely

resembles a terrace retaining wall but is associated with a trench. This wall is 1-1.5

meters tall and is not as finely made as the others, although it does have several

vertically oriented large stones in place.

Trench 5: This is small trench closely associated with FW6. It measures 2 meters

wide and 1 meter in depth.

313
Figure 5.39: Comparison of Early and Late Fortification Wall
construction details.

314
Figure 5.40: Defensive Wall 5 - Construction Detail - Later Defenses

Figure 5.41: Defensive Wall 1- Construction Detail - Earlier Walls

315
5.7 Presentation of Carbon Dates - Sequence and Chronology

Charcoal and other organic material was collected from all excavated contexts

in which it was present. A total of six samples were analyzed at Geochron

laboratories resulting in dates from controlled contexts in three of the architectural

units tested. Table 5.1 presents the details of these samples and dates and figure 5.44

presents a schematic of the date ranges.

316
Yanaorco Archaeological Project (2003-
2004)
Carbon Dates
14C age, years
Site Sample Spec# Lab Type del13C,%o BP 68.2% Calibration
Yanaorco 928 32250 GeoChron traditional -25.2 740+/-60 1215AD - 1295AD

1020AD - 1060AD
Yanaorco 1717 32253 GeoChron ams -22.7 960+/-50 (20.9%)
1070AD - 1160AD
(47.3%)
Yanaorco 1705 32251 GeoChron traditional -24.9 980+/-90* 980AD - 1170AD
1040AD - 1100AD
Yanaorco 1708 32252 GeoChron ams -25.5 900+/-50 (29.9%)
1110AD - 1210AD
(38.3%)
1420AD - 1530AD
Yanaorco 1721 32255 GeoChron traditional -24.6 420+/-70* (53.4%)
1570AD - 1620AD
(14.8%)
Yanaorco 1720 32254 GeoChron ams -27.1 780+/-40 1220AD - 1275AD

Smpl
Site Sample Spec# 95.4% Calibration Provenience Material Wt
1160AD - 1320AD
Yanaorco 928 32250 (84.4%) 22aaa/1/9/3 (D-1.01) carbon 14.6g
1350AD - 1400AD
(11%)
22aaa/1/8b/6 (D-1.38) - Base of
Yanaorco 1717 32253 990AD - 1190AD wall - carbon 5.5g
secure context
18d/1/1/4(base)(Feature
Yanaorco 1705 32251 880AD - 1260AD #10)(10/6/03) carbon 7.3g
Yanaorco 1708 32252 1020AD - 1230AD 18d/1/4/4 (D-1.15)(10/1/03) carbon 3.3g

Yanaorco 1721 32255 1400AD - 1650AD 18f/1/3/2 (9/30/03) - frags from carbon 4.3g
final burned layer
18f/1/3/3 (assoc. with the original
Yanaorco 1720 32254 1170AD - 1290AD floor) carbon 3.1g
(10/1/03)

Table 5.1: Carbon Sample and Dating Data

Samples #928 and #1717 were collected during excavation of the elite

domestic room AU22aaa. Sample #928 was collected from Unit 9, Level 3 at a depth

of 1.01 meters below block datum. This carbon sample provided a date of 740 +/-60

BP. Sample #1717 was excavated from Unit 8b (baulk), Level 6 at 1.38 meters below

317
datum. This sample was collected from a context in very close association with the

base of the terrace retaining wall and gave an AMS date of 960+/-50BP. Figure 5.47

indicate that these two dates place the creation and use of this room/terrace squarely

in the Late Intermediate Period.

Excavation in architectural unit 18D, the small secluded and possibly ritual-

use terrace, yielded two samples. Sample #1705 was a carbon fragment collected

from within Feature #10 in Unit 1, Level 4. This sample yielded a date of 980+/-90

BP for this event. Sample #1708 was of carbon collected from Unit 4, Level 4 at a

depth below datum of 1.15 meters. It yielded an AMS date of 900+/-50 BP.

Excavations in the small, niched room AU18F recovered two samples of

carbon for dating. Sample #1720 was of carbon in direct contact with the initial floor

of this room, in Unit 3, Level 3. This sample yielded an AMS date of 780+/-40 BP.

Sample #1721 was taken from within the final burn layer atop this floor in Unit 3,

Level 2 and yielded a date of 420+/-70 BP.

These dates range generally within the early and middle Late Intermediate

Period or the Late and Final Cajamarca periods (Figure 5.42). The dates are

consistent with the assertion that the fortified community of Yanaorco was developed

very early in the LIP and that it may have been occupied permanently through the

LIP, possibly having been abandoned with the initial conflict between local

Cajamarca forces and invading Inka forces at approximately 1465.

318
 Atmospheric data from Reimer et al (2004);OxCal v3.10 Bronk Ramsey (2005); cub r:5 sd:12 prob usp[chron]

YANAORCO Cat # 928 740±60BP

YANAORCO Cat # 1705 980±90BP

YANAORCO Cat #1721 420±70BP

YANAORCO Cat #1708 900±50BP

YANAORCO Cat #1717 960±50BP

YANAORCO Cat #1720 780±40BP

CalBC/CalAD 500CalAD 1000CalAD 1500CalAD 2000CalAD

Calibrated date
Figure 5.42: Radiocarbon Dates from Yanaorco Contexts

319
 CHAPTER 6:

CERAMIC ARTIFACTS AND ANALYSIS

Pottery has been closely integrated into the cultures of many peoples around

the world since societies began to become sedentary and produce food. Pottery and

other ceramics tools are linked to a wide range of activities within society, from day

to day subsistence and storage, to its role in the materialized communication of ideas

during ideologically charged political and social feasting events (Hally 1986;

Henrickson and McDonald 1983; Rice 1987; Rye 1981; Skibo 1999). The ceramic

analysis in this study has three primary foci. First, formal and functional variability

across the site of Yanaorco informs the nature of social and economic stratification

within the community. Here, pottery data support independent lines of archaeological

data including faunal and architectural data to indicate variation in cuisine and

differential access to foods between elite and commoner domestic areas. The spatial

distribution of pottery at the site also indicates a sequence of community development

and growth throughout the LIP and LH. Finally, Instrumental Neutron Activation

Analysis of a sample of sherds from Yanaorco begins to illuminate the nature of

regional ceramic production and intercommunity contact and exchange in the

Cajamarca Region.

Because a general understanding of the ceramic sequence in the Cajamarca

region had been worked out by previous archaeologists (Julien 1988; Terada and

Matsumoto 1985; Reichlen and Reichlen 1949, 1985), my analysis employs the

320
ceramic type-variety concept. A ceramic ware or type being a group of ceramic

vessels or sherds exhibiting strong similarity in fabric type, surface treatment and

decoration, and production technology (Rice 1987). In the Cajamarca sequence, some

'types', for instance Cajamarca Black and Orange include several more exclusive

'varieties' such as the Shicuana Variety and the Chanchiconga Variety.

Ceramics from both excavated and surface collection contexts were divided

into diagnostic and non-diagnostic sherds for further analysis. Diagnostics included

both fine, decorated sherds and utilitarian, plainware sherds. Diagnostics included rim

sherds, base sherds, shoulder fragments, handles, decorated sherds including painted,

modeled, appliqué or incised sherds. Diagnostics also included spindle whorls,

spoons, textile impressed sherds, and reutilized sherds that were used as tools in later

ceramic manufacture. Diagnostics were sherds that would increase our understanding

of the range of vessel forms, the manufacturing process, and decorative styles in each

of the ceramic wares present in the community. Non-diagnostic sherds were generally

body sherds. General information on ware type, surface finish, and charring or

carbonization was collected from these sherds for aggregate analysis. Sherds

measuring less than generally the size of a small fingernail were not included in the

analysis.

Excavation and surface collections at Yanaorco recovered a total of 34,396

ceramics sherds, all of which were transported to the laboratory and analyzed. A total

of 1430 diagnostic sherds were analyzed originating from both surface or excavated

contexts. Of these, 552 (38.6%) were decorated sherds and 878 (61.4%) were

321
plainware sherds. A total of 32,966 (159,495.6 grams) non-diagnostic sherds were

collected and analyzed. Analysis of non-diagnostics was more general that for

diagnostics. Non-diagnostics were analyzed in aggregate as will be discussed below.

This chapter will present the results of surface collection efforts at Yanaorco. I

will then describe the nature of the various ceramic types recovered at Yanaorco, both

decorated and utilitarian wares. This is followed by results of both stylistic and form

or functional analyses for excavated ceramics. These results are then applied to

hypotheses regarding the presence or absence of economically or socially stratified

sectors within the community. I then present data on the few exotic or foreign wares

recovered at the site. This is followed by some interpretation of the evidence

recovered for ceramic manufacturing at Yanaorco. Finally, I discuss the results of

Institutional Neutron Activation Analysis of a sample of sherds collected at the site as

they pertain to questions of ceramic production and intercommunity interaction in the

Cajamarca region.

6.1 Surface Collections

Based on the map produced prior to excavation at Yanaorco, the site was

defined in terms of Architectural Units. Within each of these AU's we conducted

judgmental collection of diagnostic sherds. This collection included some

undecorated rim sherds but was focused on painted sherds that would be diagnostic of

the temporal occupation of the community. Because the surface collection was

judgmental in nature, we did not necessarily collect sherds from every architectural

unit. A total of 136 diagnostic sherds (9.52 % of all diagnostics) were collected from

322
the surface and analyzed. These were collected from Architectural Units across the

site. A wide range of form types was present including bowls or plates, jars, spoons,

sherds reused in ceramic manufacture, and one spindle whorl.

6.2 Cajamarca Ceramic Styles

In my analysis of ceramics, I have utilized the following codes to represent

stylistic types and subtypes:

Finewares:
Cajamarca Fine Black CFB
Cajamarca Fine Red CFR
Cajamarca Black & Orange CB&O
Chanchiconga Variety CB&O - CV
Shicuana Variety CB&O - SV
Amoshulca Black Geometric ABG
Carambayoc Variety ABG - CV
San Isidro Variety ABG - SIV
Cajamarca Semi-Cursive CSC
Cajamarca White Slipped CWS
Utility Wares:
Cajamarca Coarse Red CCR
Cajamarca Coarse Black CCB
Cajamarca Black & White CB&W
Cajamarca Plain White Slipped CPWS
Utility Type A UTA
Utility Type B UTB
Utility Type C UTC

323
Fine Wares:

Cajamarca Fine Black (CFB)

Fabric or material: The paste color for this type is relatively fine. It ranges from very

dark red to dark brown in color and contains relatively fine textured inclusions.

Surface treatment: Surface color here ranges from a very dark gray to black. This is

the result of a smudging technique during firing. All surfaces are highly polished,

sometimes resulting in a high luster.

Painted Decoration: No painted decoration is reported for this type.

Other Decoration: Decorative elements here include small appliqué elements and

patterned, incised lines (Figure 6.1). Appliqué elements include simple lugs located

=just below the exterior rims, modeled human and animal faces, and body parts such

as arms, eyes, mouths, noses, and ears. Incised lines are effected after firing. These

are generally single or paired lines and are either straight or otherwise geometric in

nature.

Vessel Forms: A wide variety of vessel types appear in Cajamarca Fine Black. These

include small to large open and incurring bowls of convex and straight walls. These

also include bowls with features that could either be handles or spouts (Figure 6.2;

6.3; 6.4). Some body sherds containing large modeled faces appear to have been from

fineware jars, although this can not presently be confirmed. Bowl forms have annular

bases. There is no evidence for the presence of Fine Black tripod bases.

324
Other Notes: Cajamarca Fine Black is one of the more common of the fineware types

in the Cajamarca Basin. Julien indicates that this type was most common in sites of

the Late and Final Cajamarca periods (1988:93).

Cajamarca Fine Black: n=180 32.6% of all fineware diagnostics

325
 15cm / 6%
1918 /
1034
22AAA
(very fine
incision)

17cm / 9%

1798 /
2 fine 1020
incised lines Cajamarca Fine Black
(1/3mm) AU22AAA
0 5 cm
0 5 cm

24 cm / 5%

1139/
972
Fine Black
22AAA

26cm / 3%
2819 / 1425
2851 / 1427
(same vessel - not refit)
Fine Black
22X

0 5 cm

17cm / 15%
1279 / 973

AU22AAA

Cajamarca Fine Black (very)

(no ware on base -- but no annular base either)

18cm / 5%

3170/81

18.5cm / 6%

1302 /
927 (977??)
22AAA
0 5 cm

Figure 6.1: Cajamarca Fine Black - Incised and Carinated Bowls; Jars at Bottom

326
 13cm / 17%
7cm / 5% 2666 / 1449
(fine black)
22X
142 /
22
CFB
Surface

0 5 cm

12cm / 20%

2897/1435
(fine black)
UA 22X

13cm / 11%

1730 / 1016

0 5 cm

Figure 6.2: Cajamarca Fine Black - Jar Rims and Bowls

327
 14cm / 6%

20I
2374/807
CFB

13cm / 6%

20I
2447/801
CFB

11 cm / 27%

2512 / 703
18F
CFB

0 5 cm
21cm / 7.5%

1836 / 1025

12cm / 44%
flat / inclined lip
18D
CFB
2550 /
618

12cm / 7%

2525 /
658
18D
CFB
6cm / 10%
1381 /
975
22AAA

13cm / 4%
(slightly thickened 2547 /
on ext lip) 619
0 5 cm CFB
AU18D

Figure 6.3: Cajamarca Fine Black - Incurving Bowls

328
 22 cm

2526 / 628
0 5 cm (two fragments of same large bowl)
18D

8.5cm / 100%

24cm / 4%
2540 /
631
CFB
AU 18D

19cm / 10%

1066 / 924
fine black
22AAA

21 cm / 5%

1364 / 977
fine black
22AAA

23cm / 6%

1849 /
1024
Fine Black
AU22AAA
27cm / 5%

1329 / 977
19cm / 12% Fine Black
22AAA

1627 /
1006
Cajamarca Fine Black
AU22AAA
0 5 cm

Figure 6.4: Cajamarca Fine Black - Everted Rim Bowls

329
Cajamarca Fine Red (CFR)

Fabric or Material: The fabric or paste here is very similar and almost identical to

that of Cajamarca fine Black. Paste color is dark red to dark brown and temper is fine

to moderate.

Surface Treatment: Surfaces are highly smoothed and polished/burnished sometimes

to a luster. Because these vessels are not smudged, as are the Fine Black ones, the

resultant surface color is generally the same and that of the past below. Surface colors

range from a fine dark red to a bright lustrous red.

Painted Decoration: There are no reported examples of this type with painted

decoration.

Other Decoration: This type is most often not decorated but when it is, treatment

ranges from the presence of a small nubbin on the external lip, to the presence of

patterned and sometimes zoomorphic incised motifs. In one case, the exterior of an

incurving bowl was post-fire incised with a fine spider motif (Figure 6.5).

Vessel Forms: Vessel forms present include, most commonly, open and incurving

thin-walled, fine bowls, but also small fine-ware bottles.

Other Notes: This is a common fineware type during the Late and Final Cajamarca

periods. One variant I will note here is what I would call Cajamarca Fine Black &

Red. These occur in the same forms but the surfaces seem to indicate uneven of

incomplete smudging resulting in a mottled surface of both black and red. Examples

of these are relatively common in the collection from Yanaorco.

330
Cajamarca Fine Red: n=86 15.5% of all fineware diagnostics

3.5 cm / 13%
1395 /
984
Type Indet -- 22AAA
0 5 cm
3 cm / 10%
1430 /
982
Type Indt -- 22AAA
4.5 cm / 20%
1867 /
1023
CFR
22AAA
17cm / 9%

3012/
1440

21 cm / 4%

3209 / 71

15cm / 7%

20I
2315/860

0 5 cm

Figure 6.5: Cajamarca fine Red - Bottles, Bowls, and Jars

Cajamarca Semi-Cursive (CSC)

Fabric or Material: The paste utilized in Cajamarca Semi-Cursive is dark red to

brown with no appreciable kaolin. This material contains fine to medium-sized

inclusions.

331
Surface treatment: The surface treatment is interesting in that a thick white slip is

painted over the paste giving the outward impression of a white kaolin paste (Figure

6.6). This type is a very good example of a characteristic of Cajamarca ceramic

manufacture that is common during the Late Cajamarca phase. This is the mimicry of

the fine kaolin paste usage that was common during the Middle Cajamarca period.

This opaque slip is often well smoothed and burnished. Julien (1988:79) notes that

there may occasionally be a second, uneven thin slip ranging from cream to slight

orange. This second slip is not universal though.

Figure 6.6: Example of White Slip Over Red Paste

Painted Decoration: Painted decoration is in black and red. Motifs are generally

geometric with quickly applied black elements placed within open (white) spaces in

red fields or within red grid spaces. Although elements area generally geometric,

Reichlen and Reichlen (1949:Figure 10), Matsumoto (1982a:114), and Terada and

332
Matsumoto (1985:81) note the presence of motifs that are zoomorphic. The most

common painted element is a solid black dot within a black circle. Additional painted

elements include; fine-line spirals in black, and filled wave elements in black and or

red (Figure 6.7, 6.8, 6.9, and 6.10). Painted decoration is most common on the interior

of bowls with any exterior decoration consisting of simple arching and crossed lines.

Pained decoration is also present on the exterior of tall, straight-necked jars.

Additionally, tripod legs area also painted with rows of short horizontal lines in black

and red (Figure 6.10).

Other Decoration: Julien (1988:79) also notes plastic decorative elements such as

appliqué faces just below the exterior lip, although no appliqué examples were found

at Yanaorco.

Vessel Forms: This type is generally seen on open bowl forms with either annular or

tripod bases. One vessel form that has not previously been noted is a tall straight

necked jar. One example of this form in Cajamarca Semi-cursive was excavated from

an elite domestic context at Yanaorco (Figure 6.9).

Discussion of the Type: Cajamarca Semi-Cursive style is a continuation and

modification of the Classic and Floral Cursive styles of the Middle Cajamarca period

during the Middle Horizon. This cursive style is the most well known characteristic of

the Cajamarca Culture. The appearance of Cajamarca Semi-Cursive defines the onset

of Late Cajamarca and it is produced throughout this period falling out of use by the

beginning of Final Cajamarca.

333
 This Cajamarca Semi-Cursive is the same as that of Matsumoto (Terada and

Matsumoto 1985:82) and the Noir et rouge tripode semi-cursif or ‘Black and red

tripod semi-cursive’ of Reichlen and Reichlen (1949:168-9).

Forms Present: Forms present here include open straight-sided bowls with either

annular or tripod bases and a new, previously unreported form of fineware tall-necked

jar (Figure 6.8).

Cajamarca Semi-Cursive: n=49 8.9% of all fineware diagnostics

334
 28cm / 7%

2.5YR
2.5YR
4/8
1439 / CSC
4/8
985 AU22AAA
2.5YR
3/3

eroded red bands

red 2.5YR3/6
19cm / 6%

2725/1447

0 5 cm

red lip-band
25cm / 3% 2.5YR 4/6

red lip-band

All else is red/brn 3156/65

2.5YR 3/2
Surface Collection

19 cm / 3 % Drk Red

22X
Black
Black
2964/1431
(eroded)
Caja Semi-Cursive
Thick Wt.Slip
Red/Orange
0 5 cm

20 cm / 4 %Red

22X
Bright
3081/1441
Orange

Figure 6.7: Cajamarca Semi-Cursive - Bowls 1

335
 19cm / 4%
red

all drk brn/blk

2957 / 1433
CSC

0 5 cm

14 cm / 5% lip band - drk brn / blk

1511 / 995
22AAA

red (2.5yr 3/4)

12cm / 8%

1621 / 1006

16cm / 10%

1842 / 1024
22AAA

0 5 cm

Figure 6.8: Cajamarca Semi-Cursive - Bowls 2

336
 2.5YR3/4
9cm / 15%

2407 / AU22AAA
821
Caja SemiCursive
2.5YR
2.5/2

0 5 cm
15 cm / 4%
Red Brown
22X
3080/1441
CSC

13cm / 28%

1827 / 1026
1484 / 996
AU22AAA
int - nearly pearlescent
white slip
2.5YR8/1

Cajamarca Semi-Cursive
0 5 cm 5 fragments

Figure 6.9: Cajamarca Semi-Cursive - Jar Rims

337
 2718/1447

5 cm
22X

AU22AAA
B

Hole

CSC
0

1778 /
1020
A
B

1157 /
934
(slightly burned)

Ext.
Int.
1446 / 980

A
1821 / 1026

5 cm
22X
(bowl wall fragment)
Int

2861 / 1435
2793/
1424
Ext
2.5YR 4/6

0
red

1698 / 22AAA
1000

Face

Figure 6.10: Cajamarca Semi-Cursive - Decorated Sherds and Tripod Bases

Cajamarca Black-and-Orange (CB&O):

Three subtypes of this ceramic type have been described in the literature for

Cajamarca. These include the Cajamarca Variety, the Shicuana Variety, and the

Chanchiconga Variety. While no examples of the Cajamarca Variety were excavated

338
identified at Yanaorco, the other two varieties were present and somewhat common.

This ceramic type is present during the Late Cajamarca Period.

Cajamarca Black-and-Orange:

CB&O n=48 8.7% of all fineware diagnostics

CB&O SV n=13 2.36% of all fineware diagnostics

27.1% of all CB&O

CB&O ChanV n=13 2.36% of all fineware diagnostics

27.1% of all CB&O

CB&O CV n=12 2.17% of all fineware diagnostics

25% of all CB&O

CB&O Unclassified n=10 1.8% of all fineware diagnostics

20.8% of all CB&O

Shicuana Variety (CB&O – SV):

Fabric or Material: The paste used in this variety is a fine kaolinite type although it is

not the bright white kaolin that is seen in some other types. Paste color here ranges

from light orange to a buff color and inclusions are medium in size and moderate in

frequency. A defining and very characteristic aspect to this variety is a cracked or

spalled surface to the vessel. This is due to the presence of calcite particles in the

paste that hydrate and expand during firing of the vessel. This expansion causes the

cracking leading to the presence of visible calcite nodules protruding from the surface

(Figure 6.11).

339
Surface Treatment: There is no slip on this variety. Aside from the oxidization-related

surface spalling, the only other feature of the surface treatment is that interior and

exterior are both well smoothed.

Painted Decoration: Shicuana Variety is decorated principally with red and

sometimes orange bands. Additionally, fine black lines are often present forming

geometric motifs of parallel or zigzag lines (Figure 6.11). While the orange bands are

solid, red bands are streaky and uneven in appearance. Individual brush marks are

visible (Julien 1988:83). When painted decoration is present on the exterior of

vessels, it consists of simple broad rim-bands in orange.

Other Decoration: There is no reported appliqué or modeled decoration for this

variety.

Vessel Forms: This variety is present on both small convex-walled open bowls and on

larger, flaring straight-sided open bowls.

340
 Rim/Lip Band
13cm / 10%

int.

3196 /
1034

16cm / 3%

3089 /
1441
Caja Black & Orange - SV
CBO-Shicuana Variety
22X
0 5 cm
orange
18cm / 8% 2.5YR6/8

(orange band)

1387 /
976
Caja Orange & Black - SV
AU22AAA

24cm / 3%

1083 /
932
CBO_SV
AU22AAA

CBO_undif
23cm / 5% AU22AAA

orange
1333 /
0 5 cm (2.5YR5/6) 977
(thick opaque slip
on both sides - may
be second yellowish
slip)

Figure 6.11: Cajamarca Black & Orange - Shicuana Variety

341
 Chanchiconga Variety (CB&O-ChanV):

Fabric or Material: This variety is characterized by a red-orange to orange paste

what has a small amount of fine sized temper or inclusion.

Surface Treatment: Decorated surfaces are well smoothed but unpolished and there is

no luster. The interiors of vessels are slipped with a thick and opaque white slip

(Figure 6.12, 6.13, 6.14). This slip covers only the interior of the vessel – the exterior

surface simply retaining the paste color itself.

Painted Decoration: Painted decoration is generally only on the interior surfaces of

vessels. Decoration is by way of broad horizontal bands in orange. These are often

joined by fine black scalloped lines as well as by black dots within circles (noted by

Julien 1988:83).

Other Decoration: There is no evidence of plastic decoration in this type.

Vessel Forms: This variety is generally associated with open, tripod based bowls and

plates (Figures 6.13, 6.14). Julien also notes the presence of incurving bowls in this

variety ((1988:83).

Other notes: This variety is included within Matsumoto’s Cajamarca Black-and-

Orange (Terada and Matsumoto 1985:82) and it was not included in the typology

created by the Reichlens (1949).

342
Figure 6.12: Cajamarca Black & Orange - Chanchiconga Variety

343
 19 cm / 5%

1897 /
drk brown 1034
CB&O-unclassified
22AAA

0 5 cm

18cm / 5%

1091 /
932
CBO_CHANV
AU22AAA

23cm / 5%

1731 /
1015
CBO_CHANV
AU22AAA

0 5 cm

22cm / 5%

red (2.5YR3/6)
red/brn (2.5YR3/3)
2197 /
1047
CBO_CHANV
AU22AAA

Figure 6.13: Cajamarca Black & Orange - Chanchiconga Variety

344
 17cm / 30%
red/brn band

2982 /
1437
AU22X

0 5 cm

Figure 6.14: Cajamarca Black & Orange - Chanchiconga Variety

Cajamarca Variety (CB&O-CV):

Paste of Material: The Cajamarca Variety has a fine white, kaolin paste with only

fine inclusions or temper.

Surface treatment: The surface of this type is well smoothed, especially on the

interiors. There is no luster on either the interior of the exterior of bowls.

Painted Decoration: Painted decoration in orange and black pigments, principally on

bowl interiors. Pigment is applied in orange bands and fine black lines. Motifs are

generally geometric although Julien notes feline images as well (1988:81).

Decoration on bowl exteriors is only in orange and takes the form of crossed X’s and

broad band arcs.

Other Decoration: There are no known plastic decorations on this type.

Vessels Forms: This type is generally seen on open flaring bowls with annular bases.

345
Cajamarca White Slipped (CWS):

Fabric or Material: This type has a fabric or paste very similar to that of Cajamarca

Semi-Cursive of the prior, Late Cajamarca period. The fabric ranges from dark

red/orange to brown and contains little to no kaolin. Inclusions or temper is generally

fine to medium and abundant in quantity.

Surface Treatment: Vessel surfaces are covered with a thick, opaque white. This slip

is nearly identical to that on Cajamarca Semi-Cursive vessels. This surface is well

highly smoothed and occasionally has a luster. Just as is the case for Cajamarca Semi-

Cursive, there is occasionally a second, uneven and thin slip of a light cream to

orange color.

Painted Decoration: Decoration is painted on this type. Painted designs are relatively

complex and included a number of common motifs in black, red, orange, and

occasionally white paint. This painted decoration is most commonly on the interior of

bowls and occasionally along the exterior rim (Figure 6.15, 6.16). This type is also

seen in jar forms where the painting is done on the exterior of the vessel. Common

motifs utilized are concentric circles, spirals, and nested squares. Another common

design is the ‘creature with concentric circle eyes’. This design is also known from

the much earlier Cajamarca Classic Cursive of Middle Cajamarca (during the Middle

Horizon). Julien notes that the creature seen on Cajamarca White Slipped vessels has

fewer visible teeth than that seen on earlier Middle Cajamarca vessels (Julien

1988:85).

Other Decoration: There is no reported plastic or appliqué decoration for this type.

346
Vessel Forms: Cajamarca White Slipped is present at Yanaorco on wide flaring

plates, open straight-sided bowls. Julien also notes the presence of small globular

bowls, incurving bowls, and jars (1988:85).

Other Notes: This style dates to the Final Cajamarca period and has not been

described in the typologies of either Matsumoto or Reichlen and Reichlen. This Final

Cajamarca type retains several of the features of the earlier, Late Cajamarca Semi-

Cursive type in mimicking the Kaolin surface of the Middle Horizon fine wares.

Forms Present:

Straight sided open bowls

Straight sided low angle plates

Cajamarca White Slipped: n=9 1.6% of all fineware diagnostics

347
 26cm/11%

SURFACE
297/48

0 5 cm
23cm/3%

SURFACE
712/53

17cm / 6%
lip-band (red)
3183/1034
Surface Collection

2.5YR 3/4

19cm / 6%

Drk 2720 /
Red 1447
(very drk shrd /
fire damage?)
CWS
22X

23cm / 2% (dia/angle is uncertain)

orange/red
2.5YR4/6
orange/red 2722 / CWS
1447 22X
0 5 cm

Figure 6.15: Cajamarca White Slipped 1

348
 1509 /
995
22AAA
1311 /
977
22AAA

Int

Ext
rim band

drk
red
diameter is indet.
as is the rim angle

2719 /
1447 (bowl -- not enough rim for dia Int. 407 / 40
22X and angle estimate)
red/brn
2.5YR 3/3 CWS
0 5 cm AU22 Surface
14cm/20%

SURFACE
121/23

INDETTYPE

Figure 6.16: Cajamarca White Slipped 2

Amoshulca Black Geometric (ABG)

This ceramic style has been described by both Matsumoto and by Reichlen

and Reichlen. It is included within Matsumoto and Terada's Amoshulca Complex and

within the Reichlen's Noir, noir et orangé tiahuanacoide symbolique. Julien further

divided the types into three varieties; San Isidro, Quililic, and Carambayoc; all dating

349
to final Cajamarca. No examples of the Quililic Variety were recovered from the site

of Yanaorco. Figure 6.20 contains several examples that I have not classified.

Amoshulca Black Geometric (ABG):

ABG n=73 13.2% of all fineware diagnostics

ABG - CV n=26 4.7% of all fineware diagnostics

35.6% of all ABG

ABG - SIV n=15 2.7% of all fineware diagnostics

20.5% of all ABG

ABG n=32 5.8% of all fineware diagnostics

43.8% of all ABG

Carambayoc Variety (ABG - CV)

Fabric or Material: Paste colors in this type range from buff to brown and pink.

Inclusions are generally fine in texture or size and moderate in frequency.

Surface treatment: All vessel surfaces are smoothed although the interiors of bowl

forms are generally more finely finished. Julien notes that the surface of this variety

are generally unslipped, although they are occasionally lightly slipped in a light shade

of tan, white, pink, or orange (1988:89).

Painted Decoration: Painted motifs are most often on the interiors of bowl forms

although they are occasionally on the exteriors of rare bottle or fine jar forms. Paint

colors used here are black/dark brown and red or brown. As with the San Isidro

Variety, elements are generally geometric in nature although the creature with

350
concentric eyes is also present in this variety. Also common in this variety is the use

of a wide band of color along with a narrower border in the same pigment. Exterior

decoration is similar to the San Isidro variety in the use of paired line arcs and or

crosses as well as the rare use of broad geometric areas of color.

Other Decoration: No plastic decoration has been reported for this variety.

Vessel Forms: Although bottles or fineware jars are present they are rare in

comparison to flaring plate and open bowls (Figures 6.17, 6.18).

351
 12cm / 7%
1762 / ABG_CV
1017 AU22AAA
2.5YR
2.5/2

15cm / 5%
1560 /
992
2.5YR3/6 drk brn ABG_CV
2.5YR3/2
AU22AAA

Lip Band (Drk Brown)

19cm / 6%
20I
2085/872

0 5 cm

18cm / 5%

1996 / 20I
840 ABG-CV
(5YR3/3)

26cm / 4%

2577 /
ABG-CV 1200
24C/D

18cm / 5% slightly thickenned rim

2606 /
606
18D
fugitive drk brn / black ABG-CV
0 5 cm

Figure 6.17: Amoshulca Black Geometric - Carambayoc Variety 1

352
 3184 /
1034
Surface

0 5 cm

ABG_CV 282 / 39
AU22 Surface

2724 / (drk brn)

1447
AU22X

1241 /
973

drk brn
(very worn) Int. Ext.

1147 /
934
ABG_CV
AU22AAA
0 5 cm

1216 / 973
1691 / 1000 (3 frags)
No decoration on int.
ABG_CV
AU22AAA

8cm / 90%

Figure 6.18: Amoshulca Black Geometric - Carambayoc Variety 2

353
 San Isidro Variety (ABG - SIV)

Fabric or Material: Paste color ranges here from buff to brown and pink. Temper is

moderate in frequency.

Surface treatment: Both interiors and exteriors of vessels are well smoothed in this

variety although the interiors are generally more finely finished. This variety is

always covered with a thin white slip that is translucent and not always evenly

applied.

Painted Decoration: Over this thin slip are painted generally geometric motifs in

black and brown (sometimes reddish or orange browns) paints (Figure 6.19). The

major elements include triangles, paired lines, interlocking volutes with open circles

and dots, and arcs. These motifs are often applied within panels on the surface.

Although geometric motifs are most common, the face with concentric eyes is also

seen. Like other styles, painted decoration on the exteriors of bowls is most often in

the form of paired lines in arcs and crosses (Figure 6.20). Julien (1988) also notes

some vessels where broad painted areas are seen on the exterior surfaces.

Other Decoration: No plastic decoration has been reported for this variety.

Vessel Forms: Vessel forms are generally open bowls and plates.

354
 20cm / 6%

267 /
30
0 5 cm

16cm / 4%

1401 / 979
Dia is not all very certain
ABG-SIV
22AAA

18cm / 5%

1770 /
1020
ABG_SIV
orange/red AU22AAA
2.5YR4/6 orange/red
13cm / 13%

1844 /
1024
ABG_SIV
AU22AAA

0 5 cm
Drk Brn/Blk
2.5YR 4/2

18cm / 12% (dark brown) (faded orange)

2529 /
628

2532 /
620
(bright orange
5YR5/6)
(faded orange)
ABG-SIV
AU18D
(marron oscuro
5YR 4/2)

Figure 6.19: Amoshulca Black Geometric - San Isidro Variety

355
 22cm / 3%

20I
2391/809

red-brown
2.5yr 3/3
17cm/8%

SURFACE
225/35
Amoshulca Geometric

0 5 cm

15cm/5%

SURFACE
402/40
Amosulca Geometric

Lip Band
22cm / 3%

20I
2343/807
ABG-Indet

0 5 cm
5YR3/2 (drk brn)

Faded brn bands (Drk red/brn)

Lip Band (drk red/brn) 32cm / 6%

ABG-indet
22X
2958/1431

Darker Core

19cm / 5%
2596 /
1207
blk
(2.5YR2.5/1) (badly weathered)
ABG-undif
red
(2.5YR3/4) AU24C/D

Figure 6.20: Amoshulca Black Geometric - Type Indeterminate

356
Amoshulca Black-on-Orange (ABoO)

Fabric or Material: Fabric color here ranges from orange to reddish orange.

Inclusions are medium to high in frequency and medium in texture.

Surface Treatment: Both interior and exterior of the vessel are smoothed but the

interior decorated surface is well smoothed. The interior surface is slipped with an

orange slip.

Painted Decoration: Painted decoration for this type is generally in black and white

pigments. The single example recovered from Yanaorco is a small rim sherd that only

exhibits white paint; an undulating band over the orange slip. Julien notes that the

principal color is generally black and that white usually is used as an accent to

geometric motifs in black.

Other Decoration: There is no recorded non-painted decoration for this type.

Vessel Forms: This type is present on small open bowls, larger incurving bowls, and

short necked jars on which the decoration is on the exterior.

Other Notes: The assignment of this single sherd to ABoO is tentative due to it’s

uniqueness in the sample and the small size of the fragment. Amoshulca Black-on-

Orange dates to the Final Cajamarca Period. Julien believes that it may date more

specifically to the later part of this phase.

Amoshulca Black-on-Orange:

ABoO n=1

357
Utilitarian Ceramic Types:

Cajamarca Coarse Red (CCR):

Fabric or Material: Fabric colors associated with Cajamarca Coarse red range from

light gray to brown. The fabric also contains a medium to high frequency of mediun

sized inclusions or temper.

Surface treatment: The surface of CCR vessel types in smoothed and slipped with a

red to reddish brown slip.

Painted Decoration: There is no reported painted decoration for this type.

Other Decoration: Modeled and appliqué decoration is present on many CCR vessels.

Modeled decoration takes the form of circular incised features often associated with

tripod legs.

Many body sherds of this type are intentionally roughened and I have labeled

the effect, Tosco. Julien (1988:102) believes that this effect may have been created by

applying fabric to wet clay and then pulling it away. It is not clear whether this was

decorative or if it had some functional benefit.

Appliqué decoration includes the application of fillets including finger

punctations. These are often associated with the neck-body junctures of jars.

There are also many example at Yanaorco of body sherds that have been

textile impressed.

Vessel Forms: Vessel forms include a variety of both open globular bowls (Figure

6.23) and jars (Figures 6.24, 6.25). Another distinctive vessel type is the colander

(Figure 6.26). This form has been noted by Julien (1988:102), Reichlen and Reichlen

358
(1949:158) in Cajamarca and Thatcher in Huamachuco (1972, 1975). Excavations at

Yanaorco have uncovered three forms of this colander based on the angle of the rim.

Figure 6.38 presents frequencies of these types in the blocks were they were

discovered. A nearly complete example was observed in a private collection in

Cajamarca that confirmed Julien's suspicion that these formed broad shallow bowls.

Several of these colanders were charred on the exterior leading me to believe that

they may have functioned in the roasting of meat and other foods. Figure 6.18

contains representative rim profiles for CCR.

338 / 42
Octopus Sherd
Cajamarca Coarse Red
0 5 cm

Figure 6.21: Appliqué Octopus / Cajamarca Coarse Red

359
Figure 6.22: Appliqué feline head / Cajamarca Coarse Red
(in local private collection).

360
 7cm / 8%

2264 /
832 20I
CCR

13cm / 8%

20I
2144/882
CCR

11cm / 5%

(slight inde nt)

2608 /
603
CCR
Au18D

0 5 cm

18cm / 17%

2548 /
618

CCR
AU18D

24cm / 7%

1176 / 934

22AAA

0 5 cm

Figure 6.23: Cajamarca Coarse Red - Jar and Bowls

361
 21cm / 6%

thin whi te slip

2.5yr 7/2 1781/1020
CCR
AU22AAA

24 cm / 4 %

2972 / 1438
TYPE - A
22X
0 5 cm

34cm / 4%

1082 / 931 CCR

AU22AAA

26 cm / 4%

1393 / 984
CCR
22AAA

25 cm / 4 %

2955 / 1432
TYPE - D
22X

15cm / 12% 21cm / 7% 16cm / 7%

25cm / 17% 28cm / 10% 31cm / 5%

1682 /
1003 3199 /
3206 /
Coarse Red 87
3177 / 71
479 /
94 74 CCR CCR
288 / CCR Surface Surface
48 CCR Surface
AU21 Su rface
CCR
22NN

26cm / 27% 32cm / 9%

19cm / 11%
(shelf )

286 /
39
537 / CCR
59 AU22 Su rface
0 5 cm 103 / CCR
12 AU20 Su rface
CCR
AU19 Su rface

Figure 6.24: Cajamarca Coarse Red - Jars 1

362
 30cm / 7%

2805/1425

0 5 cm

18cm / 10%

1881/
1034

28 cm / 6 %

3016 / 1440
Coarse Red
0 5 cm
22X

25 cm / 7 % 28 cm / 6 % 34cm / 4%

3134 / 1444 3028 / 1442

(thick red slip) (coarse red) 3167 /
81

0 5 cm

18cm / 9%

Handle Scar
2988 / 1437

35cm / 5%

1247 /
0 5 cm 973

Figure 6.25: Cajamarca Coarse Red - Jars 2

363
 (Pale band of
light slip) 36cm / 5%

1543 /
992

0 5 cm
36cm / 7%

1539 /
992

31cm / 10%

1742 /
1008

33cm / 6%

2204 / 22AAA
1040
Collander

50cm / 10%

1900 /
984

0 5 cm

37cm / 4%

1869 /
1023

Figure 6.26: Cajamarca Coarse Red - Colander Types

364
Other notes: This type is relatively common in the Yanaorco deposits. This utilitarian

type was utilized over a long span of time in Cajamarca, ranging from the Initial

cajamarca Period through Final Cajamarca.

Cajamarca Coarse Red: n=299 34.61% of Utilitarian Diagnostics

Cajamarca Coarse Black (CCB):

Fabric or Material: The fabric or paste of this type is very similar to that of

Cajamarca Coarse red. Paste color ranges from gray to brown. Inclusions are medium

is texture and moderate to high in frequency.

Surface treatment: Surface of CCB vessels are generally smoothed. Surface color is

black. Although the entire will be well smoothed, the rim is sometimes polished to a

luster. This black surface color is believed to be the result of a smudging technique

(Julien 1988:106).

Painted Decoration: There is no reported painted decoration associated with this

type.

Other Decoration: Decoration of this type included both modeled and appliqué

forms. Modeled examples include human features including eyes, mouths, noses,

arms,, and hands. Appliqué examples include fillets. One very distinctive appliqué

element is what I am calling a "shower head" appliqué (Figure 6.27). This is a flat

round surface into this several circular punctations have been placed. This thickened

face is then attached to the body of the vessel by a neck several centimeters long. The

365
vessel form to which these were attached is not clear but it was probably a jar form. A

total of 3 of these elements were excavated at Yanaorco. The lower right sherd

pictured in Julien's Figure 29 also presents one of these (Julien 1988:107).

Vessel Forms: Vessel forms here range from straight necked jars to globular bowls

(Figure 6.28).

Other notes: Along with CCR, this form is very common among utilitarian wares at

Yanaorco and in Cajamarca in general. The type is most common during Late and

Final Cajamarca, but was present from Early Cajamarca C onward.

Cajamarca Coarse Black: n=170 19.68% of Utilitarian Diagnostics

366
 2965 / 1431
AU22X
273 / 37
AU22 Surface

3165 / 81
AU22 Surface
205 / 35

Figure 2.27: Cajamarca Coarse Black and Coarse Red - "Shower Head" Appliques

367
Figure 6.28: Cajamarca Coarse Black - Rim Profiles

368
Cajamarca Black & White (CB&W):

Fabric or Material: The fabric here generally contains medium to large inclusions in

moderate to high frequencies. Paste color will range from buff to light brown in color.

Surface treatment: Surfaces are smoothed or sometimes wiped.

Painted Decoration: The most common painted decoration on this type is a

distinctive application of broad vertical bands in black and white pigment on the top

of the flattened rim sherds. Julien also notes the presence of black and white bands

and wavy lines on the corner points of vessel bodies.

Other Decoration: A common modeled element at Yanaorco was the use of

punctations made with a finger around the bottom of the vessel lip (see Figure 6.29,

6.30). These are the only other decoration forms noted.

Vessel Forms: The only known form for this type is a jar with an everted rim (Figure

6.30). The thickened lip is generally flattened although there are several instances

where it is impressed (see detail). The form of the jar body is not known.

Other notes: This utilitarian type is known from Early Cajamarca C through Final

Cajamarca, although Julien believes it was most common during Late and Final

Cajamarca.

Cajamarca Black & White: n=37 4.28% of Utilitarian Diagnostics

369
 26cm / 14%

(finger indents) 1765/

1020
22AAA
CB&W

0 5 cm

24cm / 8%

1206 /
957
22AAA
CB&W

(very faded white) 20cm / 7% 1474 /

988
22AAA
CB7W
finger
punctates

thin white slip

(paint to
this point)
(no dia)

CB&W
AU22X

1854 / 3032/
1022 1442 22AAA 1755 /
CB&W 1018

(overlap - wht over blk)

24cm / 13%
(thin wht CB&W
slip)
AU22AAA
190 /
22
1516 / CB&W
995 1502 / Surface
0 5 cm 995

Figure 6.29: Cajamarca Black & White

370
 1765 / 1020

0 5 cm

1854 /
1022 1851 /
1022

Figure 6.30: Cajamarca Black & White

Utility Type A (UTA):

Fabric or Material: The fabric here is similar to that of CCB and CCR. Fabric colors

range from buff to medium brown and temper is medium in texture. Temper is

medium to high in frequency here.

Surface treatment: The surface of vessels is generally well smoothed. This surface is

covered with a red to reddish brown slip. Julien notes that vessel surfaces may also be

"roughly polished" (1988:108).

Painted Decoration: There are no recorded examples of decoration on UTA sherds.

Other Decoration: No decoration is recorded for UTA sherds.

Vessel Forms: Only one form is known for this type. This is a jar with a strongly

everted rim and constricted neck (Figure 6.31). There is also a pronounced angle

between the vessel neck and shoulder.

371
Other notes: This type is dated to the Late and Final Cajamarca periods.

Utility Type A: n=7 .81% of Utilitarian Diagnostics

30cm / 3%

2534 /
616
UTA
AU18D
0 5 cm

Figure 6.31: Utility Type A

Utility Type B (UTB):

Fabric or Material: Fabric here is generally very light in color, ranging from almost

white to reddish. Temper is of medium to coarse size and abundant.

Surface treatment: Vessel surfaces are smoothed. Vessels are covered in slips that

range from tan to orange and red.

Painted Decoration: Vessels are often painted on their exteriors. Painting is in black,

white, and reddish brown pigments. Motifs are simple and geometric including both

vertical and horizontal bands, straight and undulating lines (Figure 6.32).

Other Decoration: There is no record of non-painted decoration with this type.

Vessel Forms: As was the case with Julien's work, we recovered no rim sherds that

were clearly UTB. Therefore, we can not me certain what vessel forms may be

372
associated with this type. We do believe that the majority of the body sherds probably

belong to jars.

Other notes: This type is relatively numerous at the site of Yanaorco. While it was

utilized by groups in Cajamarca from the Early Cajamarca C through the Final

Cajamarca periods, it is believed to have been most common during Late and Final

Cajamarca.

Utility Type B: n=85 9.84% of Utilitarian Diagnostics

373
 8cm / 25%

2537 / UTB
633 18D

30cm / 20%

2530 / 628
2595 / 611 (joined)
18D
UTB

(red)
0 5 cm

23cm / 35% 30cm / 15% 19cm / 31%

3143 /
69
1183 / (angle / dia is uncertain)
[1281 / 977] 933 (faded) UTB
[1740 / 1008] 1859 / 1023 Surface
1655 / 1004
2498 / 1050
UTB
22AAA UTB
22AAA

(drk reddish brn)

1894 /
1934

1888 /
1034 blackk
0 5 cm

UTB
(drk reddish brn) AU22X
UTB 2968/
AU22AAA 1438

Figure 6.32: Utility Type B

374
Utility Type C (UTC):

Fabric or Material: Fabric here ranges from buff to orange in color. Temper is

abundant, and medium to coarse in size. The paste also contains a high frequency of

white particles. Julien points out that sherds are often very porous, many of these

white particles having decayed during production (1988:110).

Surface treatment: Exterior surfaces are smoothed.

Painted Decoration: One everted neck jar excavated at Yanaorco has narrow black

lines painted on the interior of the rim. Otherwise, no painted decoration has been

recorded for thie type..

Other Decoration: There is no other decoration recorded for this type.

Vessel Forms: Vessel types include short and longer necked jars with everted rims

(Figure 6.33).

Other notes: This type is most common during Late and Final Cajamarca, though it is

present in sites as early as Early Cajamarca C.

Utility Type C: n=19 2.2% of Utilitarian Diagnostics

375
 27cm / 12.5%

1763 / 1019

Cantaro
UTC
22AAA

11cm / 11%

Black

610 / 0 5 cm
35
UTC
Surface

Figure 6.33: Utility Type C

Cajamarca Plain White Slipped (CPWS):

Fabric or Material: Fabric here is light in color ranging from buff to tan to light

brown. Inclusions are relatively abundant ranging from medium to coarse in size.

Surface treatment: The surface of these vessels is slipped in a thick opaque white slip.

This slip is patchy with some areas appearing yellowish or cream colored. This may

be the result of the use of two slips on the surface, the top slip being yellow or crean

in color. This finish is similar to that of the decorated type, Cajamarca White Slipped.

Painted Decoration: There are no decorated sherds of this type.

Other Decoration: No plastic or appliqué decoration is recorded for this type.

376
Vessel Forms: Two forms are recorded for this type. One is an incurving, globular

bowl. The other is a jar with a short neck and flaring rim (Figure 6.34).

Other notes: Cajamarca Plain White Slipped dates to the Final Cajamarca Period.

Cajamarca Plain White Slipped: n=5 .579% of Utilitarian Diags.

22cm / 4%

1864 / 1023
CPWS
22AAA

25 cm / 9%

1480 / 998
CPWS
22AAA

46 cm / 4%

1685 / 1003
0 5 cm CPWS
AU22AAA

Figure 6.34: Cajamarca Plain White Slipped

6.3 Stylistic and Chronological Analysis of Excavated Ceramics

Analysis of all diagnostic decorated sherds from both surface collections and

excavated contexts at Yanaorco indicates the presence of ceramic types known from

the Late and Final Cajamarca Periods. There are no sherds present dating to earlier

chronological periods, for example Cajamarca Classic or Floral Cursive types of the

377
Middle Horizon. In addition to local Cajamarca Sherds, one exotic sherd was

recovered from an excavated context. This sherd may have its origins on the coast to

the west and will be presented below. My ceramic analysis follows the chronological

stylistic typology created by Mastumoto and other members of the Japanese

Expedition. I also adopt several further refinements and additions to the stylistic suite

of types introduced by Julien (1988).

Decorated types present in the community of Yanaorco include Cajamarca

Fine Black and Cajamarca Fine Red (dating to both the LC and FC periods),

Cajamarca Semicursive, Cajamarca Black & Orange-Shicuana Variety, Cajamarca

Black & Orange - Chanchiconga Variety, and the Cajamarca Black & Orange -

Cajamarca variety, all dating to the Late Cajamarca Period. Styles present at the site

and dating to the Final Cajamarca Period include Cajamarca White Slipped,

Amoshulca Black Geometric - Carambayoc Variety, and Amoshulca Black

Geometric - San Isidro Variety. I also have one sherd that may be Amoshulca Black

Geometric Black-on-Orange.

In terms of the distribution of styles across the community at a whole, the

most abundant type is Cajamarca Fine Black. This burnished, smudged blackware is

common in sites of both Late and Final Cajamarca. The related type, Cajamarca Fine

Red is also common but is most frequent in Domestic contexts and not in public or

ceremonial spaces. The Cajamarca Semicursive type that is so characteristic of

Cajamarca ceramics of the Late Cajamarca Period is present in all domestic spaces,

but is more frequent in elite domestic contexts than commoner spaces. Cajamarca

378
Black and Orange wares (of all subtypes) were only recovered within elite domestic

spaces (with the exception of only 2 sherds in a commoner domestic space). Ceramic

types of the Final Cajamarca Period are more widely present within the community,

although they occur most frequently in domestic spaces. Both Cajamarca White

slipped and Amoshulca Black Geometric types are present in both commoner and

elite domestic contexts although they are more common in elite spaces. The single

exotic ware fragment, possibly Chimú, was found in a fill level between two floors in

an elite patio context (AU22X).

379
 Stylistictype

Cumulative

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 866 60.6 60.6 60.6

ABG 92 6.4 6.4 67.0

ABoO 1 .1 .1 67.1

CB&O 52 3.6 3.6 70.7

CFB 183 12.8 12.8 83.5

CFR 87 6.1 6.1 89.6

Chimu? 1 .1 .1 89.7

CSC 52 3.6 3.6 93.3

CWS 15 1.0 1.0 94.3

indet 81 5.7 5.7 100.0

Total 1430 100.0 100.0

Table 6.1: Frequencies of Fine Wares

380
 Subtype or Variety

Cumulative

Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent

Valid 1286 89.9 89.9 89.9

ABG-CV 39 2.7 2.7 92.7

ABG-SIV 19 1.3 1.3 94.0

ABG 34 2.4 2.4 96.4

CB&O-ChanV 15 1.0 1.0 97.4

CB&O-CV 12 .8 .8 98.3

CB&O-SV 14 1.0 1.0 99.2

CB&O-unclass 11 .8 .8 100.0

Total 1430 100.0 100.0

Table 6.2: Frequencies of Fine Ware Sub-types

381
 Fine Ware Frequencies

1,000

800

Frequency
600

866
400

200

183
92 87 81
52 52
0 1 1 15

Util. ABG ABoO CB&O CFB CFR Chimu? CSC CWS indet

Type

Figure 6.35: Frequencies of Fine Wares

Stylistic analysis of utilitarian ware diagnostics site-wide indicates a set of

styles dominated by Cajamarca Coarse Red and Cajamarca Coarse Black. These two

styles make up the majority of cooking and roasting vessels. Julien's Utility Type B is

also very common as a painted jar type, UTA and UTC being much less common.

Cajamarca Black and White with its distinctive painted and finger impressed lip is

also relatively common, particularly in elite domestic spaces. Figure 6.36 indicates

the frequencies for the various utilitarian types recovered at Yanaorco.

382
 Utilitarian Ware Frequencies

600

Frequency
500

400

300
564

200

302
274

100
137
85
37
5 7 19
0
Fine CB&W CCB CCR CPWS indet UTA UTB UTC
Ware
StylisticTypeUW

Figure 6.36: Frequencies of Utilitarian Types from Yanaorco.

One distinctive form type recovered in relatively high frequencies at

Yanaorco, particularly in elite domestic contexts, was the colander. This is a form that

has been described in several prior studies but not in substantial detail. The colanders

are relatively shallow and broad bowls. The samples from Yanaorco have had

rectangular sections of the wall clay removed while the clay was leather-hard. This is

interesting in comparison to the colanders excavated by Lau (2001) in and the

Recuay community of Chinchawas. His colanders had circular holes removed. Many

of the excavated colander sherds were charred on the exteriors indicating heating over

an open flame. I believe these forms were utilized primarily in the roasting of foods,

possibly meats within elite spaces. Of the 26 fragments recovered, 24 were rims

383
sherds and are included in this analysis. The mean rim diameter for all colanders is

38.42cm, with a median of 36.5cm. The Standard Deviation here is 8.7. Figure 6.37

indicates a distribution of rim diameters (for all samples combined) that is not normal.

Histogram

Frequency

Mean =38.417
Std. Dev. =8.7024
0
25.0 30.0 35.0 40.0 45.0 50.0 55.0 N =24

RimDiametercm

Figure 6.37: Distribution of Colander Rim Diameters.

The box plots in Figure 6.29 present the distribution of rim diameters for the

individual Colander types (discussed above). Included here are 12 Type 1 rims, 11

Type 2, and 1 Type 3. Although the single Type 3 sherd tells us very little of its

distribution, the other plots indicate some variability between Type 1 and Type 2

vessel forms. There is substantial variability within each of the two types. However,

384
in general, the rims diameters of Type 1 colanders are generally larger than those of

Type 2 colanders. It is unclear at this point whether this variation may be related to

functional variation between the two.

Figure 6.38: Plots of the 3 Colander Subtypes.

Stylistic Analysis from Excavated Contexts:

The distribution of Fineware diagnostics is very interesting across the site of

Yanaorco. This analysis treats only diagnostic sherds from excavated contexts.

Results indicate both a distinct difference in pottery use between ritual or ceremonial

areas and domestic areas, and second, it informs as to the relative dating of the use of

the various site sectors.

385
 No ceramics, let along diagnostic ceramics, were recovered from the eastern

most sectors of the community in AU 10 and AU 11. All other excavation blocks

recovered fineware ceramics in varied frequencies. For this analysis, blocks AU

18A1, AU 18A2. 18D, and 18F are believed to represent ceremonial, public or ritual

spaces. Blocks 20I, 22AAA, and 22X are considered to represent domestic spaces,

both elite and commoner. The analysis looks at the spatial distribution of fineware

sherds both in counts and percentages.

Results of Analysis:

Very little activity occurred in the eastern most sector of the site. I interpret

the total lack of ceramics here to indicate a very short duration of occupation in this

sector. Areas, both inside and outside, were cleaned or swept often in the open, D-

shaped plaza AU 18A as well as the small patio terrace 18D. Even in the architectural

fill episodes there, very few ceramics were deposited. Fineware sherds were present

in each of these areas but in very small frequencies. Stylistically, the collections were

dominated by Cajamarca Fine Black (n=180/32.6% of finewares) with only two

examples of Cajamarca Fine Red. Only three other fineware sherds were present here,

two ABG-CV and one ABG-SIV.

By contrast, much higher frequencies of all fineware types are present in

domestic area excavations. In these areas, Cajamarca Fine Black still dominates but

Cajamarca Fine Red is also present in high numbers. The high frequencies of sherds

in these contexts both on floors and within fill events indicates not only the

386
probability of more pottery-related activities there but the lower frequency of

sweeping episodes.

As is often the case there is no close or clear connection between the

stratigraphic sequence and the ceramics chronology in excavated Yanaorco contexts.

Both Late and Final Cajamarca ceramics co-occur in many levels in all blocks. In AU

20I, and commoner domestic space, both Late and Final Cajamarca sherds are present

within the same stratigraphic levels (L2 and L3), associated with the original floor

level and its central rectangular fogón.

The majority of material excavated from AU 22AAA, an elite domestic room,

were excavated in arbitrary levels due to a lack of visible floor surfaces. Near the end

of excavation here, it was recognized that Prehispanic activity surfaces were present,

though no difference in color or compaction that fill levels above and below. These

surfaces were recognizable only by the sudden change in the orientation of artifacts -

to horizontal. Nevertheless, a baulk had been left through the block. This was

subsequently excavated in natural/cultural levels. For the block as whole, Late

Cajamarca, Semi-cursive sherds were present in Levels 2-5 and late cajamarca, Black

& Orange sherds were present in Levels 2-4. Muddling the chronological situation is

the presence of large numbers of Final Cajamarca Period sherds (both Cajamarca

White Slipped, and Amoshulca Black Geometric) in the same levels (L2-L6). Some

degree of mixing is expected but the substantial co-occurrence of chronologically

distinct styles in this case may be the result of long-term, continuous occupation of

this set of terraces with no distinct break in occupation with a long interim period.

387
 Excavation of the open domestic terrace space AU 22X resulted in a similarly

unclear situation. Here three distinct floors were uncovered, one associated with the

construction of the terrace retaining wall and two more closely spaced and associated

with the low semi-circular enclosure feature. Fine Black and Fine Red sherds are

present in all levels. Sherds associated with the Late and Final Cajamarca Periods co-

occur in Levels L1-L7. A Semicursive sherd co-occurs with an Amoshulca Black

Geometric-Carambayoc Variety sherd in direct contact with Floor 2. This may

indicate a relatively unbroken occupation of this area as well.

Excavation in AU 24C/D on the northwest slope of the site recovered only

seven diagnostic sherds, only 2 of them fineware. Both of these were Amoshulca

Black Geometric and associated with the Final Cajamarca Period.

The distribution of fineware diagnostics may tell us something about the

growth of the community of Yanaorco. The only zones where excavation recovered

Late Cajamarca Period ceramics were within the domestic terraces at the core of the

community, on the north and south slopes of the ridge. Excavation in the public or

ceremonial areas in AU 18 recovered only Final Cajamarca Period sherds, although

very few. This may indicate that these ritual spaces were constructed and used

beginning in the Final Cajamarca Period after approximately A.D. 1200. Excavation

in Au 24C/D, the isolated elite sector, revealed the same Final Cajamarca period of

use as based on the ceramics present.

The site of Yanaorco may have originated at ~A.D. 1000 as a set of domestic

terraces spilling over the north and south slopes of a finger ridge. The ceramics

388
indicate that the community may have expanded in the Final Cajamarca Period to

include more public or ritual and elite non-domestic spaces. This may indicate a shift

in the nature of community organization and leadership strategies during Final

Cajamarca.

The distribution of utilitarian ware diagnostics is similar to that of the

finewares. Although they are present in the majority of excavation blocks and spaces,

frequencies are very low in the public or ceremonial spaces. Domestic areas are

dominated by Cajamarca Coarse Black and Cajamarca Coarse red types. Both

Cajamarca Black & White and Utilitarian Type B are also present in substantial

numbers. Utilitarian Type C is present at some level while Utilitarian Type A and

Cajamarca Plain White Slipped are rare everywhere. The frequency data for these can

be seen in Table 6.4.

389
 Fine Ware Frequencies from Excavated Contexts (Counts and Percentages)
Late Cajamarca Period Final Cajamarca Period
AU Block Level Context Tot Diags FnWare Util CFB CFR CSC CB&O-CV CB&O-SV CB&O-ChanV CB&O-unclass CWS ABG-CV ABG-SIV ABG ABoO Chimu Indet
14 1 2 Fill 1 1 0 1 100

18A 1 0 Surface 1 1 0 1 100

18A 1 1 Fill 0 0 0
18A 1 2 Fill 5 4 1 3 75 1 25
18A 1 3 Fill 6 1 5 1 100
18A 1 4 Fill 2 0 2
Table 6.3: Fine Ware ceramics by Excavation Unit

18A 2 1b Floor 4 4 0 2 50 1 25 1 25

18D 1 1 Fill 12 7 5 7 100

18D 1 2 Fill 3 1 2 1 100
18D 1 3 Fill 13 4 9 3 75 1 25
18D 1 4 Fill 16 4 12 4 100
18D 1 5 Floor 4 3 1 3 100

18F 1 0 Surface 2 1 1 1 100

18F 1 1 Fill 2 1 1 1 100
18F 1 2 Fill 1 1 1 1 100
18F 1 2, 3 Fill 3 2 1 2 100
18F 1 3 Floor 6 4 2 3 75 1 25
18F 1 3, 4 Floor 3 0 3
390

20I 1 0 Surface 1 0 1
20I 1 1 Plowzone 31 10 21 2 20 4 40 4 40
20I 1 2 Floor 61 16 45 4 25 2 12.5 2 12.5 2 12.5 2 12.5 4 25
20I 1 3 Floor 131 54 77 12 22.2 20 37 2 3.7 1 1.9 2 3.7 1 1.9 7 13 9 16.7
20I 1 4 Fill 13 5 8 2 40 3 60

22AAA 1 0 Surface 5 1 4 1 100

22AAA 1 1 Fill 14 6 8 3 50 2 33.3 1 16.7
22AAA 1 2 Fill 74 27 47 12 44.4 7 25.9 1 3.7 1 3.7 1 3.7 1 3.7 1 3.7 3 11.1
22AAA 1 3 2 Floors 292 126 166 41 32.5 17 13.5 15 11.9 3 2.4 8 6.3 5 4 3 2.4 13 10.3 3 2.4 2 1.6 16 12.7
22AAA 1 4 Fill 120 46 74 13 28.3 1 2.2 9 19.6 1 2.2 6 13 4 8.7 2 4.4 1 2.2 1 2.2 1 2.2 1 2.2 6 13
22AAA 1 5 Fill 31 9 22 3 33.3 2 22.2 2 22.2 2 22.2
22AAA 1 6 Fill 11 4 7 1 25 1 25 1 25 1 25

22X 1 1 Fill 26 8 18 1 12.5 1 12.5 1 12.5 1 12.5 4 50

22X 1 2 Floor(S1) 9 3 6 3 100
22X 1 3 Fill 56 18 38 4 22.2 2 11.1 2 11.1 1 5.6 1 5.6 1 5.6 2 11.1 5 27.8
22X 1 4 Floor(S2) 26 5 21 2 40 1 20 1 20 1 20
22X 1 5 Fill 176 57 119 18 31.6 11 19.3 8 14 3 5.3 2 3.5 3 5.3 1 1.8 2 3.5 2 3.5 1 1.8 6 10.5
22X 1 6 Floor(S3) 11 5 6 1 20 1 20 1 20 2 40
22X 1 7 Floor(S3) 59 32 27 10 31.3 2 6.3 1 3.1 1 3.1 1 3.1 3 9.4 1 3.1 5 15.6 8 25
22X 1 8 Fill 32 12 20 4 33.3 2 16.7 1 8.3 1 8.3 1 8.3 3 25
22X 1 9 Fill 29 13 16 3 23.1 1 7.7 2 15.4 1 7.7 1 7.7 1 7.7 1 7.7 3 23.1

24C/D 1 1 Floor 2 0 2
24C/D 1 2 Floor 4 1 3 1 100
24C/D 1 3 Fill 1 1 0 1 100
 Utilitarian Ware Frequencies from Excavated Contexts (Counts and Percentages)

AU Block Level Context Tot Diags FnWare Util CCR CCB CB&W UTA UTB UTC CPWS Indet
14 1 2 Fill 1 1 0

18A 1 0 Surface 1 1 0
18A 1 1 Fill 0 0 0
18A 1 2 Fill 5 4 1 1 100
18A 1 3 Fill 6 1 5 2 40 2 40 1 20
Table 6.4: Utility ware Ceramics by Excavation Unit

18A 1 4 Fill 2 0 2 2

18A 2 1b Floor 4 4 0

18D 1 1 Fill 12 7 5 1 20 2 40 1 20 1 20
18D 1 2 Fill 3 1 2 1 50 1 50
18D 1 3 Fill 13 4 9 1 11 1 11 2 22 5 55
18D 1 4 Fill 16 4 12 1 8.3 3 25 1 8.3 1 8.3 6 49.8
18D 1 5 Floor 4 3 1 1 100

18F 1 0 Surface 2 1 1 1
18F 1 1 Fill 2 1 1 1
18F 1 2 Fill 1 1 0
18F 1 2, 3 Fill 3 2 1 1
18F 1 3 Floor 6 4 2 1 50 1 50
18F 1 3, 4 Floor 3 0 3 1 33.3 1 33.3 1 33.3
391

20I 1 0 Surface 1 0 1 1 100

20I 1 1 Plowzone 31 10 21 7 33.3 9 42.8 1 4.7 4 19
20I 1 2 Floor 61 16 45 22 48.8 16 35.5 2 4.4 1 2.2 4 8.8
20I 1 3 Floor 131 54 77 26 33.8 34 44.2 2 2.6 3 3.9 1 1.3 11 14.3
20I 1 4 Fill 13 5 8 2 0.25 3 37.5 1 12.5 2 0.25

22AAA 1 0 Surface 5 1 4 2 50 1 25 1 25
22AAA 1 1 Fill 14 6 8 2 25 2 25 4 50
22AAA 1 2 Fill 74 27 47 16 34 18 38 1 2.1 5 10.6 7 14.9
22AAA 1 3 2 Floors 292 126 166 48 28.9 56 33.7 8 4.8 1 0.6 13 7.8 1 0.6 2 1.2 37 22.3
22AAA 1 4 Fill 120 46 74 22 29.7 20 27 6 8.1 2 2.7 7 9.5 1 1.4 16 21.6
22AAA 1 5 Fill 31 9 22 6 27.3 5 22.7 2 9.1 1 4.5 2 9.1 6 27.3
22AAA 1 6 Fill 11 4 7 2 28.6 2 28.6 3 42.9

22X 1 1 Fill 26 8 18 6 33.3 5 27.8 1 5.6 5 27.8 1 5.6

22X 1 2 Floor(S1) 9 3 6 1 16.7 1 16.7 3 50 1 16.7
22X 1 3 Fill 56 18 38 18 47.4 10 26.3 1 2.6 5 13.2 2 5.3 2 5.3
22X 1 4 Floor(S2) 26 5 21 8 38.1 7 33.3 4 19 1 4.8 1 4.8
22X 1 5 Fill 175 57 118 56 47.5 26 22 2 1.7 13 11 8 6.8 13 11
22X 1 6 Floor(S3) 11 5 6 3 50 50
22X 1 7 Floor(S3) 59 32 27 13 48.1 12 44.4 1 3.7 1 3.7
22X 1 8 Fill 32 12 20 7 35 3 15 5 25 5 25
22X 1 9 Fill 29 13 16 5 31.3 7 43.8 1 6.3 2 12.5 1 6.3

24C/D 1 1 Floor 2 0 2 1 50 1 50
24C/D 1 2 Floor 4 1 3 2 66.6 1 33.3
24C/D 1 3 Fill 1 1 0
6.4 Formal and Functional Analysis of Diagnostics recovered at Yanaorco:

Activity Variability and Intra-Site Analysis

This section presents the results of form analyses of diagnostic sherds from

excavated contexts. This analysis is based on the assumption that vessel form is

directly related to the function or activity with which the vessel was involved (Hally

1986; Henrickson and McDonald 1983; Rice 1987; Rye 1981). Charred ollas or

cooking pots and jars are believed to have been used in cooking, jars are used for

storage of solid and liquid goods, bowls were used for serving solid and liquid goods,

and open plates were used for serving and presentation of solid foods. The form taken

by the foods (solid or liquid) relate more or less directly to the form of the vessels

used.

Sherds that were diagnostic of form were rim fragments, decorated vessel wall

fragments that could be identified as either thin-walled plates or bowls, or thicker

walled jars, vessel bases (Figure 6.39), jar handles, and appliqué elements that would

have been attached to jars. Diagnostics were divided into form types that included

bowls, plates, jars, colanders, bottles (including possible small cups), lids, spoons,

spindle whorls, tools, and a small class of indeterminate sherds. Although spindle

whorls and ceramic tools are not necessarily vessel types, they were included because

they were formal classes of ceramic artifacts.

392
 1616 / 1006
(base has detached /
no details of the bowl)
1002 /
900
17cm / 12%
1820 / 1026
5cm / 100% Hollow Tripod Leg

1463 /
988

7cm / 18%
1390 /
976

7cm / 50% 1432 /

1530 / 985
993
7cm / 100%
6.5cm / 100%

1691 /
1000 1418 /
(some black paint on ext. 985
but amorphous) 2527 / 628

9cm / 20%

8cm / 18%

40cm / 7% 2237 / 824

1443 /
980
1743 / (fine black
1008 straight sided -
(joined w/ not curved)
1187/933) AU 22 AAA
(there is no dia.)

sherd thickness = 5.8mm

0 5 cm

1186 /
933
jar base

0 5 cm

ash / charring
1326 / 977

Figure 6.39: Ceramic Base Forms

393
 The form and function analysis of ceramics from excavated contexts has

resulted in information related to the differences in use of public versus domestic

spaces, the variability or richness of activities within various domestic areas, and the

presence of craft production activity in these spaces.

Several vessel form classes were further subdivided in an attempt to further

refine our knowledge of vessel function and activity within spaces. The bowl class

was further classified into spheroid bowls, incurving walled bowls, vertical walled

bowls, straight walled bowls and an indeterminate subclass. Plates were further

divided into spheroid, or curving walled forms, and straight-sided plates. Jars were

subdivided into narrow necked, constricted jars, narrow tall-necked constricted jars,

wide-necked jars, wide tall-necked jars, and an indeterminate subclass. Colanders

were divided into three colander types based on the nature of the rim angle as well as

an indeterminate type. These subclass determinations were made judgmentally.

Future analysis will seek to define the subclasses numerically using wall angle data.

This section proceeds with a discussion of each of the excavation blocks in turn.

AU 18A, the open D-shaped plaza interpreted as a public and potentially ritual

space, contained both bowl and jar fragments within the subfloor architectural fill.

The actual activity surface was frequently swept clean as is often the case in public

spaces. Excavation in AU 18A Block 2 uncovered a section of this floor surface with

several sherds still in direct contact. These four sherds were all bowl sherds, one

spheroid-walled, two straight-walled, and one indeterminate. This indicates a space

where cleaning was frequent. I suspect that if the surface had not been destroyed in

394
the center of the plaza (AU 18A Block 1), there would have been few to no sherds in

contact with the floor. Nevertheless, the sherds that did remain are exclusively

serving vessels indicating that some level of consumptive activity occurred in this

public plaza.

Directly adjacent to this open plaza is a set of two small, 2 by 2 meter rooms

connected by a small doorway. Access to these spaces was restricted and potentially

controlled. One of these rooms, AU 18F, was fully excavated revealing a long bench

along one wall and four small niches in the walls. Vessel forms present here include 9

bowl sherds, 5 small jar fragments, 2 bottle fragments, and one spoon fragment. This

data indicates that a moderate level of food consumption by a very small number of

individuals (maximum of 4-5) may have occurred in this room.

Just down a short staircase to the south of AU 18F is a small open terrace

patio, AU 18D. Excavation here revealed plate, bowl, and jar fragments, principally

within mixed architectural fill layers (see Tables 6.5, 6.6). The most recent activity

surface for the patio, associated with the staircase, had been destroyed by plowing to

a depth of approximately 20 cm. Sherds from this mixed surface level included 9

bowl fragments, 3 plate, and 2 jar fragments. These remains indicate that at least

some level of consumption occurred in this space during its final iteration. An intact

and distinctive activity surface was uncovered at the base of this excavation block

below over a meter of fill. This surface was in use before the creation of the terrace

wall. Lying horizontally here was a collection of 4 bowl fragments along with a large

amount of ash.

395
 Excavation in AU 24C/D, the secluded elite sector on the northwest slope of

the community recovered only very few bowl, plate, and jar sherds. Although this

indicates the possibility of a small amount of consumption activity here, the lack of

substantial pottery either on floor surfaces or in fill episodes here indicates that the

space did not function domestically and may have been the location of yet unknown

elite activities, possibly associate with the large tombs nearby.

The distribution of vessel forms recovered from the domestic spaces, AU 20I,

AU 22AAA, and AU 22X tell a very different story as to the range and intensity of

activities taking place. AU 20I has been interpreted as a commoner domestic space.

This terrace was possibly roofed and contained a centrally situated rectangular hearth

that could have been used in heating or cooking. The original floor surface had been

destroyed by subsequent potato farming to a depth of approximately 20cm. For the

analysis at hand, excavation levels L2 and L3 are believed to have been closely

associated with the level of the original floor surface and hearth. Bowl fragments of

all subtypes are present in large numbers in these levels. Important to my analysis of

foodways here is the relatively high proportion here of incurring bowls at 9.9% of all

diagnostics in L3 (n=13). Plates of both subtypes are also present here. Storage jar

fragments of all types are also present in this space, but in much lower proportions

than in the elite domestic spaces to be discussed below. Colander fragments,

interpreted as being associated with roasting activities, are present in AU 20I, but in

very small numbers (n=3). Important to the interpretation of craft productive activities

is the presence of eight ceramic spindle whorls in this space, indicating a level of

396
domestic textile production in a commoner zone. Ceramic data from AU 20I includes

evidence of all general domestic functions and activities.

Elite domestic room 22AAA is located on the southern terraces at Yanaorco.

This room was excavated nearly completely. Elite space AU 22AAA contains not

only a much larger number of diagnostic ceramics and ceramics in generally than

commoner domestic space AU 20I, but it also contains a wider range of vessel types

and forms. AU 22AAA contains a large number of bowls of all sub-forms. Spheroid

walled bowls are most numerous and make up approximately 15-20% of all

diagnostics for each excavated level. Straight walled bowls are also common with 8-

13 percent of diagnostics by level (Tables 6.5, 6.6). Vertical walled bowls are less

common and important here is the low frequency of incurving walled bowls. These

make up no more than 2.1 % of diagnostics in all occupation-related levels compared

to the 9.9% in the commoner space AU 20I. Both plates and jars of all forms are also

present in large numbers. Wide-necked jars occur in slightly higher frequencies than

narrow necked jars possibly indicating slightly greater storage of dry goods than

liquid goods. The frequencies of jars and, presumably, domestic storage, are much

higher in elite rooms than in commoner rooms here indicating that elites probably had

access to greater surpluses of food resources. It is unclear whether or not resources

may have been redistributed from elite household storage to commoner households.

There is also a large number of colander fragments here representing all subtypes. I

believe this to indicate greater frequencies of meat roasting in elite contexts (n=17

fragments) than in non-elite ones (n=3 colander fragments). This higher frequency of

397
colander fragments is related, I believe, to the higher relative frequency of incurving

bowls in the commoner spaces. As will be discussed in Chapter 7, I believe foodways

and access to high value foods were varied along economic class lines within the

community of Yanaorco. Roasting colander ratios, as well as the presence of large

roasted bone fragments occurring in AU 22AAA indicate a cuisine in part focused on

the roasting of large animal fragments and possibly for household or extra household

feasting. The commoner space 20I is characterized by a very low level of possible

roasting activity and the presence of many incurring bowls and faunal remains of only

very small, boiled and friable bone fragments. This indicates a cuisine in commoner

spaces more conservative in its processing of meat and bone. Bone was boiled in

these areas in an attempt to extract all possible nutrients. I would argue that the higher

ratios of incurving bowls here may represent the activity of consuming larger

quantities of boiled broth in commoner spaces. Finally, household based textile

production is present here as well as evidenced by three ceramic spindle whorls and

several shaped bone tools.

The second domestic space interpreted as elite in nature is AU 22X. This is an

unroofed open patio approximately 40 meters away from room AU 22AAA on the

same terrace. This patio contains a small semi-circular low walled feature that may

have functioned as a storage area although this is unclear. Excavation here uncovered

three activity surfaces or floors, two associate with the low possible storage feature,

and one that was much lower and associated with original construction of the terrace

wall. All levels on this terrace contain relatively high frequencies of bowl fragments,

398
although those of spheroid and straight walled sub-forms were most common (see

Tables 6.5, 6.6). Storage jars of all forms were also present in relatively high numbers

although not as high as in the elite room AU 22AAA. Although not in numbers as

high at in AU 22AAA, colander fragments were also present in the fill level between

floors S2 and S3. A total of 8 spindle whorls on this terrace also indicates that textile

production may have occurred in this open-air domestic terrace. Although ceramics

did not occur here in the same frequencies as in room AU 22AAA, their numbers are

substantially higher than in commoner room AU 20I on the northern terraces.

399
 Vessel Form Frequencies for all excavated Contexts (Count and Percentage)
Bowls (wall shape) Plates Jars
AU Block Level Context Tot Diags FnWare Util Converse Incurving Vertical Straight Indet Converse Straight NarrowNeck NNTall WideNeck WNTall Indet
14 1 2 Fill 1 1 0 1 100
1

18A 1 0 Surface 1 1 0 1 100

18A 1 1 Fill 0 0 0
18A 1 2 Fill 5 4 1 1 20 1 20 3 60
18A 1 3 Fill 6 1 5 1 16.7 1 16.7 1 16.7 1 16.7 1 16.7
18A 1 4 Fill 2 0 2 1 50
3 2 2 3 1 1

18A 2 1b Floor 4 4 0 1 25 2 50 1 25
1 2 1

18D 1 1 Fill 12 7 5 2 16.7 6 50 1 8.3 2 16.7

Table 6.5: Vessel Form Frequencies (1 of 2)

18D 1 2 Fill 3 1 2 1 33.3 2 66.6

18D 1 3 Fill 13 4 9 1 7.7 1 7.7 2 15.4 5 38.5 2 15.4 2 15.4
18D 1 4 Fill 16 4 12 1 6.3 1 6.3 1 6.3 1 6.3 3 18.8 4 25 2 12.5 1 6.3
18D 1 5 Floor 4 3 1 1 25 1 25 1 25 1 25
3 4 1 6 15 3 6 2 1 4

18F 1 0 Surface 2 1 1 1 50 1 50
18F 1 1 Fill 2 1 1 1 50 1 50
18F 1 2 Fill 1 1 0 1 100
18F 1 2, 3 Fill 3 2 1 1 33.3 1 33.3
18F 1 3 Floor 6 4 2 1 16.7 2 33.3 1 16.7 1 16.7
18F 1 3, 4 Floor 3 0 3 1 33.3 1 33.3
2 3 2 2 2 3
400

20I 1 0 Surface 1 0 1 1 100

20I 1 1 Plowzone 31 10 21 8 25.8 1 3.2 3 9.7 3 9.7 4 12.9 1 3.2 11 35.5
20I 1 2 Floor 61 16 45 8 13.1 2 3.3 2 3.3 3 4.9 14 23 1 1.6 4 6.6 2 3.3 1 1.6 19 31.2
20I 1 3 Floor 131 54 77 17 13 13 9.9 4 3.1 14 10.7 18 13.7 4 3.1 5 3.8 3 2.3 1 0.8 2 1.5 2 1.5 38 29.8
20I 1 4 Fill 13 5 8 5 38.5 1 7.7 1 7.7 5 38.5
38 16 10 20 36 4 6 8 1 5 3 74

22AAA 1 0 Surface 5 1 4 1 20 1 20 1 20 1 20
22AAA 1 1 Fill 14 6 8 3 21.4 2 14.3 7 50 2 14.3
22AAA 1 2 Fill 75 27 48 16 21.3 3 4 2 2.7 6 8 9 12 3 4 2 2.7 3 4 24 32
22AAA 1 3 2 Floors 292 126 166 49 16.8 6 2.1 9 3.1 24 8.2 61 20.9 4 1.4 8 2.7 18 6.2 5 1.7 26 8.9 3 1 64 21.9
22AAA 1 4 Fill 120 46 74 18 15 1 0.8 12 10 28 23.3 1 0.8 10 8.3 2 1.7 13 10.8 2 1.7 28 23.3
22AAA 1 5 Fill 31 9 22 4 12.9 1 3.2 4 12.9 5 16.1 3 9.7 2 6.5 1 3.2 7 22.6
22AAA 1 6 Fill 11 4 7 1 9.1 1 9.1 1 9.1 1 9.1 1 9.1 1 9.1 4 36.4
92 13 12 47 112 5 8 35 11 45 5 130

22X 1 1 Fill 26 8 18 2 7.7 2 7.7 10 38.5 1 3.9 1 3.9 1 3.9 9 34.6

22X 1 2 Floor(S1) 9 3 6 2 22.2 1 11.1 1 11.1 1 11.1 3 33.3 1 11.1
22X 1 3 Fill 56 18 38 5 8.9 2 3.6 1 1.8 2 3.6 20 35.7 1 1.8 1 1.8 6 10.7 17 30.4
22X 1 4 Floor(S2) 26 5 21 7 27 1 3.9 4 15.4 2 7.7 1 3.9 1 3.9 2 7.7 4 15.4 4 15.4
22X 1 5 Fill 176 57 119 22 12.5 3 1.7 2 1.1 19 10.8 40 22.7 2 1.1 17 9.7 3 1.7 12 6.8 41 23.3
22X 1 6 Floor(S3) 11 5 6 4 36.4 1 9.1 1 9.1 2 18.2 1 9.1 2 18.2
22X 1 7 Floor(S3) 59 32 27 6 10.2 1 1.7 3 5.1 11 18.6 20 33.9 1 1.7 1 1.7 2 3.4 3 5.1 8 13.6
22X 1 8 Fill 32 12 20 6 18.8 4 12.5 5 15.6 3 9.4 1 3.1 5 15.6 8 25
22X 1 9 Fill 29 13 16 4 13.8 5 17.2 10 34.5 5 17.2 5 17.2
58 7 12 47 109 1 6 27 5 40 93

24C/D 1 1 Floor 2 0 2 1 50 1 50
24C/D 1 2 Floor 4 1 3 1 25 2 50
24C/D 1 3 Fill 1 1 0 1 100
1 1 1 3
 Vessel Form Frequencies for all excavated Contexts (Count and Percentage)
Colander Bottles Bottle/Cup Lid Spoon Whorls Tool Indet
AU Block Level Context Tot Diags FnWare Util ctp1 ctp2 ctp3 cindet
14 1 2 Fill 1 1 0

18A 1 0 Surface 1 1 0
18A 1 1 Fill 0 0 0
18A 1 2 Fill 5 4 1
18A 1 3 Fill 6 1 5 1 16.7
18A 1 4 Fill 2 0 2 1 50
1 1

18A 2 1b Floor 4 4 0
Table 6.6: Vessel Form Frequencies (2 of 2)

18D 1 1 Fill 12 7 5 1 8.3

18D 1 2 Fill 3 1 2
18D 1 3 Fill 13 4 9
18D 1 4 Fill 16 4 12 1 6.3 1 6.3
18D 1 5 Floor 4 3 1
1 1 1

18F 1 0 Surface 2 1 1
18F 1 1 Fill 2 1 1
18F 1 2 Fill 1 1 0
18F 1 2, 3 Fill 3 2 1 1 33.3
18F 1 3 Floor 6 4 2 1 16.7
18F 1 3, 4 Floor 3 0 3 1 33.3
2 1
401

20I 1 0 Surface 1 0 1
20I 1 1 Plowzone 31 10 21
20I 1 2 Floor 61 16 45 2 3.3 1 1.6 2 3.3
20I 1 3 Floor 131 54 77 2 1.5 1 0.8 6 4.6 1 0.8
20I 1 4 Fill 13 5 8 1 7.7
2 1 2 8 3

22AAA 1 0 Surface 5 1 4 1 20
22AAA 1 1 Fill 14 6 8
22AAA 1 2 Fill 75 27 48 2 2.7 3 4 2 2.7
22AAA 1 3 2 Floors 292 126 166 4 1.4 3 1 1 0.3 1 0.3 1 0.3 1 0.3 1 0.3 1 0.3 2 0.7
22AAA 1 4 Fill 120 46 74 1 0.8 1 0.8 3 2.5
22AAA 1 5 Fill 31 9 22 1 3.2 1 3.2 1 3.2 1 3.2
22AAA 1 6 Fill 11 4 7 1 9.1
6 8 1 2 1 2 2 3 1 7

22X 1 1 Fill 26 8 18
22X 1 2 Floor(S1) 9 3 6
22X 1 3 Fill 56 18 38 1 1.8
22X 1 4 Floor(S2) 26 5 21
22X 1 5 Fill 176 57 119 4 2.3 1 0.6 3 1.7 6 3.4 1 0.6
22X 1 6 Floor(S3) 11 5 6
22X 1 7 Floor(S3) 59 32 27 1 1.7 1 1.7 1 1.7
22X 1 8 Fill 32 12 20
22X 1 9 Fill 29 13 16
4 1 3 1 8 1 1

24C/D 1 1 Floor 2 0 2
24C/D 1 2 Floor 4 1 3 1 25
24C/D 1 3 Fill 1 1 0
1
6.5 Exotic Wares and Contact with Foreign Groups

The existence of interregional contact and interaction between those living at

Yanaorco and others located in foreign regions, particularly along the coast to the

west, is evident in three lines of evidence. The first, which will be discussed further in

Chapter 7, is the presence at the site of marine shellfish species including Donax sp.

These were recovered from both surface and excavated contexts. One fish vertebra

was also recovered during excavation, though it is unclear whether it belonged to a

fresh water or marine species.

The second line of evidence is the presence of a very distinctive non-local

pottery sherd of a gray-black ware (Figure 6.40). This sherd was paddle-stamped on

its exterior, a decorative technique not used on local Cajamarca pottery. This sherd

resembles the pottery of the north coast and Chimú in particular. It was recovered

from an architectural fill level in AU 22X dating to the Late Intermediate Period.

402
 20cm / 5%
3026 / 1442
3026 /
1442

0 5 cm

Press-Molded

Figure 6.40: Exotic, Press-Molded Sherd

A third, and very indirect, indicator of contact with the coast or at least a

knowledge of it, is the existence of marine motifs on some pottery sherds at

Yanaorco. One Coarse Red sherd is particular interesting. It contains an appliqué or

modeled representation of an octopus featuring circular punctuations indicating

suction cups. These varied lines of evidence indicate some level of interaction with

peoples of other regions. This being said, it is somewhat surprising that there is not

much more evidence for foreign economic contact at the strategically located

community of Yanaorco.

6.6 Ceramic Production at Yanaorco

All evidence at Yanaorco points to a technological reliance on coiled-wall

pottery production as opposed to the press-molding technique so common on the

coast during the Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon. This coiling is seen in

403
the broken wall sherds of several bowls and jars from the site. There is also abundant

evidence for the technique of attaching rings or annular bases to bowls. Bases were

created separately from the bowl itself. The ring was then attached to the pre-fire

bowl. In some cases, the seam between bowl and base remained weak and led to

breakage. Tripod bases were applied in a very similar way. Legs were constructed in

two ways. Some were solid and some hollow. Both leg types were often perforated,

solid legs occasionally, and hollow legs in all cases. This perforation probably

functioned to prevent breakage during firing by facilitating the evacuation of gases

during the heating process.

The most common surface finish or decorative technique seen at Yanaorco

resulted in the black surfaces of Cajamarca Fine Black bowls which were

subsequently burnished or polished. Julien has indicated that this blackening effect

was probably achieved during firing through the smudging technique (1988:91-94).

This is a process in open firing where the ceramics / firing mass is covered with fine

material such as animal dung or sawdust. This smothers the fire extinguishing the

oxygen source and allows carbon to accumulate on and just beneath the surface of

vessel walls (Rice 1987:335).

Surface and excavated collections have also yielded tools presumably utilized

in the production of pottery within the community. These include several broken

pottery sherds that were subsequently shaped and used in the shaping and smoothing

of other ceramic vessels (Figure 6.41). Along with these shaping or smoothing tools,

several small polished river cobbles were discovered during excavation. These did not

404
occur at Yanaorco naturally but would have been brought intentionally into the

community. These have been interpreted as polishing stones utilized in the pottery

production. Although the above indirect evidence of ceramic production has been

found within the community, unfortunately, no direct sign in the form of firing pits,

kilns, or masses of ceramic wasters have been observed or recorded at the site despite

100% surface survey and collection. Yanaorco was a large village at ~13 hectares.

Future research at the site may uncover buried remains of firing features away from

domestic spaces or within the broader 'community' outside the village's fortification

walls.

Smoothed Edge

Smoothed Edge
1912 / 1034
Cajamarca Fine Black
(bowl wall sherd)

Figure 6.41: Smoothing / Shaping Tool

405
6.7 Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis and Intercommunity

Exchange

The Yanaorco Archaeological Project included a small pilot project of pottery

paste characterization. This work was undertaken in order to address a series of

research questions utilizing the analytic technique Instrumental Neutron Activation

Analysis (INAA). INAA has become an important approach to addressing questions

of chemical characterization, materials sourcing, and interregional exchange in

archaeology (Harbottle 1982). The quantified characterization of both relatively

common and trace elements allows the definition of chemical signatures for both

lithic and ceramic artifacts and source materials at stone and clay mines and quarries.

Analysis has shown that lithic and clay sources are often distinct from one another on

the basis of ratios of a suite of elements occurring in the material, with trace elements

often being the most diagnostic. In order to address our research questions, a program

of INAA was undertaken at the Missouri University Research Reactor (MURR) with

the generous assistance of Leslie G. Cecil and Michael D. Glascock (2007).

Our major questions have centered on the nature of intercommunity exchange

and interaction within the militaristic and competitive environment of the Andean

Late Intermediate Period. Did substantial interaction and exchange exist between

communities in material goods during the LIP? Alternatively, was interaction and

exchange impeded by the competition and conflict for which the LIP is known? The

first of these hypotheses sees Yanaorco, with its strategic location at the top of the

Jequetepeque Valley, in the role of an economic gateway community. Utilitarian,

406
everyday ceramics would have been produced within the community from locally

available pastes producing very little variability in their elemental signatures. Because

of its role as a node in an exchange system, we would expect non-local pottery

produced at other communities as well as exotic wares to accumulate within the

community leading to greater chemical variation in the suite of decorated wares.

If, on the other hand, Hypothesis 2 was true, then the intercommunity conflict

of the LIP has impeded exchange in material goods between groups. In this case, we

would expect both utilitarian and fineware ceramic types to have been produced

locally primarily from clay sources near to the village. Archaeologically, this would

lead to much less variability in the elemental signatures of the pastes used.

In order to begin to address these broad hypotheses, a pilot study was

launched using a sample of sherds from Yanaorco. The sample consists of 58 sherds

selected as representative of the range of pottery types recovered at the site. The

samples were submitted to and analyzed by the team at MURR and a report was

prepared by Cecil and Glascock (2007). The details of the analysis procedure are

contained in the report, which is included here as Appendix B. In this section, I will

only briefly discuss the results. INAA produced a set of five groups based on the

chemical characterization of the sherds submitted. Several sherds did not fit within

these groups and were classified independently. The results of the analysis generally

support Hypothesis 1, the idea that substantial exchange, at least in decorated pottery,

occurred between Cajamarca communities during the LIP despite local conflict.

Generally, there is little variability in the chemical composition of paste used to

407
produce utilitarian wares and more variation in fineware pastes. Finewares like

Cajamarca Fine Black and Fine Red, Cajamarca Black & Orange, and Cajamarca

Semi-Cursive were assigned to several characterization groups indicating that they

were produced from a variety of chemically distinct paste sources. This variation is

interpreted here as meaning that these wares were produced possibly within a number

of Cajamarca communities and ended up in Yanaorco via some process of interaction

and exchange. As a major population center in the region, some would say the most

important center of the LIP (Sachun 1986), we would expect this level of exchange

associated with Yanaorco. One interesting case involves the Final Cajamarca,

Amoshulca Black Geometric sherds recovered at Yanaorco. All ABG examples in the

study grouped together indicating no real elemental variability. Cecil and Glascock

(2007:6) suggest that this may indicate that all ABG wares were produced locally at

the site of Yanaorco. Alternatively, I would suggest that ABG might not have been

produced at Yanaorco necessarily, but that it was produced by a single community in

Cajamarca and exchanged outward from there. This source might have been the

community of Amoshulca located within the Cajamarca basin. This is the type-site

for the ceramic style. Future research should include collection of previously

excavated ABG sherds from Amoshulca as well as nearby clay source samples for

INAA in order to compare them to those at Yanaorco and other Final Cajamarca sites.

Analysis found much less variability in the chemical makeup of utilitarian

types at Yanaorco. In fact, the great majority of Cajamarca Coarse Black and Coarse

Red sherds was assigned to Group 5, presumably representing a local clay source. An

408
interesting exception here relates to Julien's Utility Type B, relatively common at

Yanaorco. Four sherds of this type were analyzed, 2 being assigned to Group 4 and 2

to Group 5. I interpret this to indicate that this type may have been produced both at

Yanaorco and within other Cajamarca villages. This utilitarian type may have been

exchanged locally between communities, one of these being Yanaorco. During Late

and Final Cajamarca, utilitarian wares were generally produced and used locally.

There may also have been exceptions as was the case with Utilitarian Type B.

Finewares, on the other hand, were produced by different communities

utilizing varied clay sources so that Cajamarca Semi-Cursive, for example, may have

been produced in various communities using different pastes but similar decorative

techniques and styles. Examples of particular decorated types made in various

villages then may have been exchanged between communities, possibly as part of

intercommunity events and feasts. Larger sites, such as Yanaorco, would possibly

have hosted or sponsored more of these events, thereby accumulating fineware

vessels of the same type but produced of a variety of pastes. Certain decorative types,

for example Amoshulca Black Geometric, may have been specialized and produced

only in a single community, in this case possibly the site of Amoshulca. These wares,

exhibiting no intra-type elemental variation, would have been spread through the

same active social, political, and economic processes within the region. Further work

in characterizing both ABG sherds and clay sources may be able to solidify this

hypothesis.

409
 This project is necessarily very preliminary. It is the first to utilize INAA data

for pottery in the Cajamarca region and this establishes a baseline for future analyses.

Comparative sherds and analysis from other local sites are not yet available. More

importantly future fieldwork must include survey and sampling of local clay sources

in order to further define the nature of clay sourcing and exchange in the region. The

current work has illuminated several interesting themes involving exchange and

interaction among the middle range communities of Late Intermediate Period and

Late Horizon Cajamarca.

The current evidence from Yanaorco indicates the presence of a vibrant

community occupied by both elite and commoner classes living in distinct areas of

the site. Ceramic data also indicates patterned, class-based variability in the cuisine

practiced by these two groups of people. Although there is evidence for differential

access too foods at the site, the presence of ceramic spindle whorls in both elite and

commoner domestic spaces indicates that textile production was not elite-controlled,

but may have been organized informally at the level of the household. All diagnostic

pottery from Yanaorco is, based on the chronologies of Matsumoto (1982) and Julien

(1988), associated with the Late and Final Cajamarca Periods. Although this broad

association is clear, finer relative dating of individual levels within excavated spaces

is not possible. The co-occurrence of Late and Final Cajamarca types within the same

stratigraphic levels, and at times on the same floors, makes clear-cut dating of

particular floors and fill events (based on ceramic association) impossible at this time.

410
This comingling of chronologically distinct sherds may indicate long term, relatively

unbroken occupation of these domestic rooms and patios. The rich pottery data, both

stylistic and form-related, at Yanaorco strengthens interpretations based on other

classes of household data, such as faunal and architectural data, leading to stronger

understanding of both social stratification within the community and physical

sequence of community growth and development. Finally, results of the Instrumental

Neutron Activation Analysis is illuminating the nature of inter-community local

interaction and exchange during the Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon of the

Northern Highlands.

411
 CHAPTER 7

NON-CERAMIC ARTIFACTS: FOODWAYS AND PRODUCTION

This chapter presents all non-ceramic or pottery evidence excavated at the site

of Yanaorco. We discuss the evidence for foodways within the community by looking

at the nature of the excavated faunal and botanic assemblages as well as at the

inferred nature of food production. The chapter also looks at shaped bone tools

recovered across the site and what they can tell us of textile production. Evidence for

stone tool production and use is also presented. Finally, we present data regarding

special collections from the site including artifacts that do not easily fit into the other

major categories.

7.1 Faunal Analysis and food ways

The analysis of foodways within and between archaeological communities

allows for the investigation of aspects ranging widely from the nature of food

production and consumption, inter-site variability in access to and treatment of foods,

and intersite variability in access to foods related to social and economic

stratification. Limited funding in the Yanaorco Archaeological Project limited the

intensity of faunal and botanic analysis. Nevertheless, basic data on bone counts,

weights, and presence-absence data for various faunal types was collected for all

excavated contexts. This data is analyzed here and the results inform us as to

variability from sector to sector in both access to particular foods, and in food

preparation techniques.

412
 Faunal remains were recovered from six of the eleven excavation blocks

across the site of Yanaorco indicating that a range of resources were utilized by

inhabitants of the community and consumed. These include large terrestrial mammals

including both camelids and deer. There is also evidence from several excavation

blocks for the consumption of cuy at the site. There is additional evidence for the

presence in very low frequencies of bird, fish, and marine mollusks including Donax

sp. All mammal bone fragments were cooked or burned to at least some degree

although the degree to which bone fragments were cooked or boiled will, as discussed

below, speak to social and economic differences within the community.

Architectural Unit AU22aaa

AU22aaa forms a medium sized domestic room within the domestic terraces

on the southern slope of the site. Faunal materials were recovered from levels 0

(surface) through Level 6, well below the two activity surfaces in this room. This

domestic room excavation recovered well over half of the total count and weight of

faunal materials from all excavations here. The total count of bone fragments here

was 1613 with a total weight of 2429 grams for a block wide average fragment

weight of 1.5059 grams. The faunal component here was dominated by totally or

partially burned bone fragments from large terrestrial mammals that could have

included camelids and deer. Long bones here were often incompletely cooked,

remaining un-charred at one end. In several cases bone processing was also evidenced

by parallel cut marks on the bones.

413
 Although many bone fragments come from fill levels well below the 2

recorded surfaces here, the majority of the faunal remains (53%) were recovered from

Level 3 which encompassed these two surfaces (Tables 7.1, 7.2). Charring on many

of the larger bone fragments in this space indicates a food preparation technique that

may have involved the roasting of meat fragments either directly on an open flame or

in close association to it. Unfortunately, no clear hearth was discovered within this

room. Open patios adjacent to the room may have held cooking and heating hearths.

Roasting may also have involved the use of low, wide diameter "colander" vessels

(see Chapter 6), several of which were charred on their exterior sides.

Other faunal types present in this room included a claw that was probably

associated with the canine. This claw was recovered from Level 3, and it is not clear

if canine was present in the diet of Yanaorco inhabitants. One possible fish vertebra

(see Figure 7.1) was recovered from Level 4. It is not clear whether this represents a

marine or fresh water species. Additionally, one probable bird bone was recovered

from the fill of Level 5. Finally, approximately 20 fragmented terrestrial snail shells

were recovered from Level 2 above the most recent of the activity surfaces in Unit 3

in the NE corner of the block. We believe that these snails may have formed part of

the Yanaorco diet based on there localized presence here as well as in the domestic

space, Block 20I, on the north slope of the community. Terrestrial snails have been

shown to make up part of the diet in contemporary populations on the north coast of

Peru.

414
 Figure 7.1: Fish Vertebrae

Architectural Unit 20I

AU20I is characterized by a medium sized domestic terrace (or possible

room) on the north slope of the site. It is unclear whether this space was roofed or not

in antiquity. Faunal materials were recovered from all excavated levels in AU20I. The

presence of a high frequency of food remains as well as other artifact types indicates

that this was a space dedicated to domestic life. The total count of faunal bone

fragments in this block is 343, second only to AU22aaa at Yanaorco. The total bone

weight is 64.3 grams, for an average bone weight here of only .18746. Data presented

in Tables 7.1 and 7.2 indicates that the majority of the fragments and most of the

larger ones were recovered from Level 3, which was closely associated with the

assumed level of the original terrace activity surface. The average weight of

fragments in Level 3 was .22543, slightly larger than that for the block as a whole,

but much smaller than the average for fragments from AU22aaa.

415
 All bone fragments recovered from excavated contexts here were completely

cooked and charred. The great majority were so small that they could only be

identified as bone fragments with no greater specificity. Fragments were in large part

very friable and soft to the touch. The size, degree of charring, and friability of these

fragments indicates that animal resources were heavily processed in this room or

terrace. No large fragments were present and the small fragments that were excavated

may have been boiled in order to maximize nutrient extraction by those living in this

sector of the community. Evidence here indicates that food preparation was present

and that consumption probably occurred on the terrace.

One surprise during excavation of this terrace was the discovery of two valves

of what we have identified as the small marine surf clam, Donax sp. (see Figure 7.2).

Due to the discovery of only two very small valves, we believe that this material was

not a part of the local diet, or at least in no way a significant part of it. The presence

of this material in a community located on the continental divide is, though,

intriguing and speaks to a level of contact with the coast at the other end of the

Jequetepeque River. Donax is been utilized as a food source on the north coast of

Peru from prehistoric times through to the present. A short review of the literature

(Haas 1949) indicated that no fresh water mollusks in northern Peru look like Donax

sp. We are, therefore, confident that this is an imported marine shell.

416
 Figure 7.2: Donax sp. from Yanaorco

Architectural Unit 22X

AU22X comprises what was an open terrace patio on the south slope of the

community. This patio was located on the same terrace as AU22AAA, but

approximately 40 meters to the southeast. Faunal remains are present in most

excavated levels in AU22x, but in much lower frequencies than in either of the two

domestic rooms discussed above. For this reason, I believe that the faunal remains

here represent casual trash disposal and inclusion into architectural fill more closely

than trash associated with domestic activities. Tables 7.1 and 7.2 indicate the total

count of bone fragments from this block as 121 with a total weight of 262 grams and

an average fragment weight of 2.1652. All bone here was at least partially cooked or

417
roasted before being deposited. Faunal types present include both large terrestrial

mammals, camelids or deer, and small cuy.

Other evidence for the keeping of camelids at Yanaorco comes in the guise of

several well preserved camelid dung pellets in direct contact with activity surfaces on

this patio (see Figure 7.3). These pellets do not necessarily indicate that camelids

were kept on the patio for extended periods of time, but that at the very least,

camelids traversed this space in transit to other areas in the community. One of these

other areas is believed to have been a series of large open areas at the northwest end

of the site that I have been interpreted as corral structures (Figure 5.3).

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 Figure 7.3: Camelid Dung Pellet just left of Arrow

Architectural Unit 18A Block 2

The three excavation contexts discussed above represent domestic living

spaces within the community. As domestic contexts, they were characterized by much

higher frequencies of trash items including faunal remains that are the public spaces

within the community that will be discussed here. AU18 is a medium sized semi-

circular plaza located in a public sector near the center of the community. Based on

the assumption that public spaces and places are often more frequently swept and

419
cleaned than domestic spaces, we expected that excavation in these areas would

recover lower frequencies of faunal and other trash items. Excavation in the center of

this patio (in AU18A Block 1), uncovered no faunal material. The 1 by 1 meter block,

AU18AB2, located on the edge of the space and adjacent to a stone wall, recovered

several ceramics sherds and small burned bone fragments in very close association

with the original activity surface for the plaza. Faunal remains here included 11

fragments with a total weight of 2.5 grams and a mean fragment weight of .22727

grams. All fragments were recovered from level 2B, associated with the activity

surface. We would expect the center of this public space to have been swept relatively

often and for there to be more chance of stray artifacts to collect and remain against

the wall of the space and presumably away from most of the public action. Bone

fragments here appear to have belonged to large terrestrial mammals.

Architectural Unit 18D

AU18D is a small open terrace patio closely associated with the sector of the

semi-circular plaza noted above. A fine stone staircase leads down onto this patio.

Excavation here uncovered a series of three activity floors separated by cultural fill

levels. The great majority of bone fragments from this excavation block were

recovered from within thick fill levels between the floors. Nevertheless, the initial

activity surface encountered near the base of the block did have several bone

fragments in lying in direct contact. The total count of bone fragments in this block

was 242 with a total weight of 49.41 grams producing a mean fragment weight of

.20417 grams. Both large land mammal and the smaller cuy were represented here

420
and the majority of fragments were friable and not well preserved. Evidence for

faunal remains in contact with surfaces here indicates that some limited food

consumption may have occurred on this relatively small and exclusive terrace.

Architectural Unit 18F

Excavations here investigated the nature of this very small, 2 by 2 meter

room. This exclusive, possibly ceremonial space with its low sitting bench and

multiple wall niches, is located between the semi-circular plaza and small terrace

patio noted just above. Faunal remains here are represented by only four small

fragments, all charred. These are all of large land mammal. The total bone weight is

1.1 grams with a mean fragment weight of .275 grams. Two of these small fragments

were uncovered in Levels 1 and 2 associated with burned refuse just above the

original activity surface. Two other fragments came from the fill material making up

the sitting bench. The lack of appreciable faunal material in this small space indicates

that food consumption was not a normal function within this elite and possibly

ceremonial space. If political or commensal feasting did occur in this public sector, it

took place outside this small room, possibly within the frequently swept plaza or on

the small terrace patio. Alternatively, this small space may have been frequently

cleared of refuse.

The nature of the treatment of faunal remains at the site of Yanaorco provides

evidence for a range of food processing and cooking techniques. These include, but

were not necessarily limited to, boiling bone fragments in order to extract all fats and

421
nutrients, roasting meat and bone either directly over open flame or possibly on

perforated ceramic colanders.

The variability within the community in faunal evidence for these different

culinary techniques is marked and speaks to economic and social stratification within

the village. Bone fragment weight data indicate that larger and possibly higher quality

faunal elements were available and utilized by those living in the elite terraces on the

southern slope. Those living on the northern slope (i.e. AU20I) had access to smaller

and possibly less valued elements. The evidence of culinary technique provided by

the faunal remains also indicates some variability between these two sectors. The

larger bone fragments of AU22AAA and AU22X were often only partially charred or

cooked. Bone fragments on the northern slope in AU20I were uniformly very small

(equal to or less than 1cm in diameter) and were friable and poorly preserved. This

indicates that those on the northern slope took a much for conservative approach to

cooking, intensively boiling or stewing bone fragments in order to extract all possible

nutrients. In addition to the smaller bone fragments here, the boiling technique would

also have been more efficient and conservative in terms of fuel consumption than

would roasting over open flame (LeCount 1987 cited in Sandefur 2001:194). Those

on the southern slope not only had access to larger faunal fragments, but they were

often incompletely cooked indicating that they were not under the same community

resource stress as people on the northern slope. Along with disparities in access to

metal tools, and fancy ware ceramics, these differences in access to high quality

animal foods is evidence for the presence of at least to socio-economic strata living at

422
Yanaorco during the Late Intermediate Period. Not only does this difference in

technique speak to status, but it may also indicate differences in the nature of social

action in these two areas of the site. Sandefur (2001:194) believed that the greater

frequencies of burned and cut bone in elite contexts in LIP and LH communities in

Xauxa may indicate that more political and social feasting was taking place there than

in commoner spaces. This may also have been the case at Yanaorco.

The variation in frequencies and types of faunal remains across space at

Yanaorco also speaks to the nature of the built environment within the community.

There are major differences in the frequencies of food remains between what were

domestic spaces in the community and others we have been interpreted as more

public and possibly ceremonial. This finding is consistent with the assumption that

formal, public spaces would have been cleaned and swept more often than domestic

activity spaces.

An agro-pastoral lifeway is indicated by the presence of camelids, cuy, and

probable camelid corrals on the site. The lack of hunting tools such as projectile

points in excavated contexts may also indicate a focus on domesticated animals rather

than the hunting of wild animals like deer. Future, more detailed analysis of the

faunal remains will help to further define the presence or absence of wild fauna in the

diet.

Camelids would have been important to those at Yanaorco as they were to

many highland communities not only as part of the local diet but as pack animals,

sources of wool, and sources of fertilizer for nearby agricultural fields (Sandefur

423
2001). Yanaorco was located at the Gavilán Pass, connecting the Cajamarca

highlands and the Jequetepeque River Valley, a major route to the adjacent coast.

Camelid caravans would have used the prehispanic route through this pass to

transport materials and ideas between local communities and those on the coast.

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 Fauna - Descriptive Data (by Level) (page 1 of 2)
Block Level tot cnt tot wt avg wt. Types Present (yes or no) Treatment Notes
Lrg. Mammal Cuy/Rodent Bird Fish
18AB2 0 0 0
1a 0 0
1b 11 2.5 0.22727 burned

18D 0 0 0
Table 7.1: Faunal Descriptive Data (part 1 of 2)

1 0 0
2 18 4.8 0.26666 * * burned
3 57 21.11 0.37035 * burned friable/destroyed
4 127 20 0.15748 * * burned friable/destroyed
5 40 3.5 0.0875 * burned
242 49.41 0.20417

18F 0 0 0
1 1 0.6 0.6 * burned
2 1 0.3 0.3 * burned
bench fill 2 0.2 0.1 * burned
425

4 1.1 0.275

20I 0 0 0
1 18 5 0.27777 * burned
2 127 17.1 0.13464 * burned
3 173 39 0.22543 * burned friable/destroyed
4 25 3.2 0.128 * burned friable/destroyed
343 64.3 0.18746

20X 0 0 0 0
1 2 1.7 0.85 * burned
2 0 0 0
3 3 2.3 0.7666 * burned
4 0 0 0
5 45 68.4 1.52 * * burned 1 tool
6 3 2.6 0.8666 * burned
7 17 48.9 2.8764 * burned
8 20 32.1 1.605 * burned 1 human bone frag
9 31 106 3.4193 * * burned 1 tool in fill above bedrock
121 262 2.1652
 Fauna - Descriptive Data (by Level) (page 2 of 2)
Block Unit Level tot cnt tot wt avg wt. Types Present (yes or no) Treatment Notes
Lrg. Mammal Cuy/Rodent Bird Fish
20AAA 0 32 13.5 0.42187 *
1 16 37.8 2.3625 * * burned
2 108 180.6 1.67222 * * burned also some terr snail; some cut
Table 7.2: Faunal Descriptive Data (part 2 of 2)

marks; 1 tool; 1 human bone in U6

No Baulk 3 759 875.2 1.15309 * * burned human pot burial; 1 claw (canine?);
1 tool; some cut marks
incl blk 4 434 859.8 1.9811 * * * burned 1 possible fish vert in U8 (.6g)
incl blk 5 113 171.5 1.5177 * * * burned possible bird bone in U5b
incl blk 6 51 63.7 1.249 * * burned
1513 2202.1 1.4554

0 32 13.5 0.42187 *
1 16 37.8 2.3625 * * burned
426

2 108 180.6 1.67222 * * burned also some terr snail; some cut
marks; 1 tool; 1 human bone in U6
W/ baulk 3 859 1102.1 1.283 * * burned human pot burial; 1 claw (canine?);
1 tool; some cut marks
4 434 859.8 1.9811 * * * burned 1 possible fish vert in U8 (.6g)
5 113 171.5 1.5177 * * * burned possible bird bone in U5b
6 51 63.7 1.249 * * burned
1613 2429 1.50588

Baulk Only
above Fl 1 3 3 0.6 0.2
Floor 1 3 3 23.7 7.9
Below Fl 1 3 28 71.3 2.5464
Floor 2 3 4 19.9 4.975
Below Fl 2 3 62 111.4 1.7967
100 226.9 2.269
7.1.1 Shaped Bone Artifacts

Research at Yanaorco uncovered seven shaped bone tools from both surface

and excavated contexts. Six of these tools are interpreted here at bone awls and a

seventh as a bone punch (see Figure 7.4; Table 7.3 ). All of these artifacts come from

the southern slope terraces, two from excavated contexts in AU22AAA and two from

contexts in AU22X. The remaining three bone tools were collected from the surface

in Sector 22, the terraces.

All artifacts were produced of long bone fragments of large terrestrial

mammals. The bone punch was excavated from the lowest level (L9) in AU22X. The

presence of these artifact classes in the domestic contexts of the southern terraces

indicates that textile production was one productive activity performed by individuals

within this sector. In excavation of elite and commoner contexts in Xauxa, bone tools

and spindle whorls were concentrated in elite households leading investigators to

infer that specialized textile production was focused in elite spaces during the LIP

(Sandefur 2001:195). At the Cajamarca village of Yanaorco, while spindle whorls

were recovered from both elite and commoner household contexts, all textile-related

bone tools were recovered from elite contexts. We believe this to indicate that while

the production of textiles may have occurred in all households, it may have been

focused in elite contexts.

427
 F7 F10
AU22 Surface AU22 Surface

F6 F3 F8
Block 20X Block 22AAA AU22 Surface

F4 F5
Block 22X Block 22AAA

Figure 7.4: Shaped Bone Tools

428
 Table 7.3: Data for Bone Tools and other Individual Faunal Artifacts

Individual Faunal Artifacts

Art. Bag # AU Block Unit Level Material Class Cnt Wt Length Width Thkness Notes
F1 1090 22AAA 1 5 3 land mammal incised bone 1 1.1 3 incised circles w/ single punctates at there centers.
Fragment is 2.3cm long by 1.3cm wide.
Circles are 3mm in diameter
artifact was recovered at .85m below block datum.
F2 852 20I 1 3 1 shell donax? 2 <.1g

F3 1087 22AAA 1 8 3 land mammal awl 1 2.2 63.5 8.5 4.5 smoothed and polished
F4 1410 22X 1 3 5 land mammal awl 1 9.2 117 12 5.5 Larger/more substantial that the other awls.
429

Well used, smoothed and polished

Functional difference?
F5 1085 22AAA 1 7 2 land mammal awl 1 4.2 88 10 4 "punzon"; very well made - smooth and polished
Good condition; feels dense and heavy.
F6 1407 20X 1 2 9 land mammal awl 1 1.7 55 8.5 4 Good condition (little dry)
F8 1606 22 - - 0 land mammal awl 1 1.9 57.5 7 3.5 probably tool - possibly a tool blank - looks unfinished.
F10 1605 22 - - 0 land mammal punch 1 1.6 58.5 6.5 7 Much more pointed tip that the awls.
F7 2051 22 - - 0 land mammal punch/needle 1 0.7 47 6 3 very fine point; slightly polished at tip
From Feature #44 (4) excavated 11/11/03

F11 animal vert. 1 Fish / Reptile

7.1.2 Other Bone Artifacts

There is also some evidence for the production of artistic artifacts on long

bone fragments at Yanaorco. Excavations in AU22AAA uncovered one bone

fragment exhibiting a series of 3 incised dots each surrounded by an incised circle.

Two deep grooves had also been incised into one side of the fragment (Figure 7.5).

Although the fragmentary nature of this artifact won't help us interpret any real

function for it, it does provide evidence for a further class of shaped bone production

within the community.

Figure 7.5: Incised bone fragment.

430
7.2 Plant Remains

Due to funding limitations with the current research, archaeobotanical analysis

of materials from excavated contexts at Yanaorco have not yet been completed.

Soil/flotation samples measuring from two to five liters were collected from all

excavated contexts. These samples were subsequently processed by the author during

the laboratory phase of this research. Processing concluded with the extraction of

both light and heavy sample fractions. These samples have been stored with the

Instituto Nacional de Cultural in Cajamarca in anticipation of future analysis. That

being the case, cursory analysis and notes were completed in the field and laboratory

regarding the presence or absence of elements that were identifiable to the

investigator.

In many of the excavated contexts at Yanaorco, it was relatively easy to

identify botanical remains as excavation took place. Due the relatively humid nature

and strong rainy season in the Cajamarca region, we expected not to have good

botanic preservation. While preservation was nowhere near that on the adjacent arid

coast, many macrobotanical remains and fragments that had been fully carbonized

were recognizable. Recognizable botanics at Yanaorco included corn in both kernel

and cob forms, beans, peanut, and ichu grass.

Several excavation blocks resulted in no recognizable botanics. These blocks

included the easternmost, AU10C and AU11B as well as AU14 adjacent to

Fortification Wall #2. In other excavated contexts, carbonized botanical remains were

observed most often within ashy architectural fill levels. Less often, botanics were

431
observed in direct contact with activity surfaces. Botanics were observed in two

major types of contexts; in several features interpreted as burned offerings, and in

domestic trash and fill events. Small, carbonized corn cobs and beans were clearly

associated with a small burned offering underneath several Cajamarca Fine Black

vessels in AU18D. These carbonized items were found within a localized ashy

deposit also including carbonized ichu grass directly below a large boulder within this

block. Also within this block, carbonized corn and peanut was observed within a

mixed loose fill level (Level 3). Excavation within the elite domestic room

AU22AAA also uncovered abundant carbonized macrobotanics including corn and

bean.

7.3 Lithic Analysis

Analysis of lithic artifacts recovered from both surface and excavated contexts

at Yanaorco involved data collection from flaked stone artifacts, Ground stone

artifacts, and otherwise shaped or utilized lithic artifacts.

Flaked Stone Artifacts

There is a somewhat surprising lack of finished flaked stone tools at the site of

Yanaorco. The great majority of flaked stone lithics are represented by debitage or the

waste flakes resulting from tool production or possibly expedient flake tools. Several

stone material types are present at the site, all of which seem to be of local

provenience according to interviews with local workmen.

One surprise was a complete lack of stone agricultural implements or digging

hoe blades. These are relatively common at other agricultural communities, but not at

432
Yanaorco. One explanation for their absence may be that they were possibly cached

or otherwise stored by farmers within or adjacent to agricultural fields and thus were

not present or deposited within the community itself.

Ground Stone Artifacts

The suite of groundstone tools recovered from surface and excavated contexts

at Yanaorco is characteristic of a community where agriculture was the prominent

source for the local diet. The two primary tool types recorded are metates and manos,

although elongated pestle-type grinding stones were also observed. Metates were

observed in surface contexts and were generally circular with shallow, pecked and

shaped basins. Manos were generally unifacial meaning that there was one clear

ground and smoothed face where contact was routinely made with the metate. There

were, though, examples of multifacial manos, exhibiting more that one use surface or

face. Three examples of groundstone tools from the site were in the possession of

members of the local community of Tamiacocha, who informed me that they had

discovered the implements within the agricultural fields just adjacent the site of

Yanaorco. Scattered ceramic sherds within these fields lead me to believe that these

sectors were at one time also part of the Prehispanic community. Figures 7.6 and 7.7

show these examples, a low circular metate, and two pestles, one of gray sandstone

and another of a green igneous stone that may be exotic to the area.

433
Figure 7.6: Metate and Green Stone Pestle.

434
 Figure 7.7: Sandstone Pestle

Beads and other Perforated Objects

Three round perforated artifacts of stone were recovered during excavation at

Yanaorco. These include one small stone bead of a relatively soft greenish material

(Figure 7.8), one unbroken spindle whorl of gray sandstone (Figure 7.9), and one

finely shaped and polished bead or possible spindle whorl of an exotic red and green

stone (Figure 7.10).

This fine red and green bead was one of very few artifacts found during the

excavation of the small, niched room AU18F. Because of the markedly non-domestic

435
and elite nature of this space, I have interpreted this shaped stone artifact as a fine

bead and not a spindle whorl.

Figure 7.8: Stone Bead

Figure 7.9: Sandstone Spindle Whorl

436
 Figure 7.10: Stone Bead or Spindle Whorl

Other Lithic Tool Types

One anomalous lithic artifact recovered during excavation of AU22AAA was

a small intentionally grooved fragment of a soft siltstone material. The possible

function of this artifact is undetermined.

Possible Sling Stones

The published presence of sling stones associated with other fortified sites

(although earlier) on the north coast of Peru (Topic 1982) initially lead us to expect to

uncover individual or massed collections of these at the fortified community of

Yanaorco. Intensive survey of the fortification walls here indicated no stacks or

caches of sling stones. Only one stone interpreted as a possible sling stone was

discovered (Figure 7.11). This stone was collected from the surface on the eastern

437
edge of the dry moat associated with Fortification Wall 2. It had been fractured into

two halves. It was generally spheroid in shape and had a maximum dimension of

3.8cm. This is comparable to stones identified as sling stones by Lau and the highland

Recuay community of Chinchawas (Lau 2001). Future intensive pedestrian survey of

the sector outside the fortification walls, much of which is today in agricultural fields,

may uncover additional stones if they had been at one time ejected from behind the

walls. Sling stones are used both in defense against human attackers and in the

hunting of small game in the Andes. The location of this stone in direct association

with the inter-fortification, no-mans-land at Yanaorco lends weight to its

interpretation as a defensive weapon in this case.

Figure 7.11: Possible Slingstone

438
Ceramic Smoothing Tools

Several other spheroid or oblong shaped stones were encountered in excavated

contexts at Yanaorco. Due to polishing and smoothing on these stones, they have

been interpreted not as slingstones but as smoothing or polishing stones. Four

additional examples were in the collections of local community members who had

found them in their fields directly adjacent to the site. These stones would have been

brought to the community from riverbeds several hundred meters lower in elevation. I

have interpreted these as probable smoothing and polishing tools involved in the

production and finishing of ceramics at the site. This class of artifact is important in

the context of research at the site because direct evidence of ceramic production in the

form of ceramic firing contexts and kilns or ovens and ceramic wasters were not

observed either on the surface or in excavations. The presence of these polishing

stones as well as several ceramics sherds that had been re-used as smoothing and

shaping tools (Figure 6.12), provides some evidence for the production of ceramics

within the community of Yanaorco.

439
 Figure 7.12: Ceramic Smoothing/Polishing Stones

7.4 Spindle Whorls and Evidence for Textile Production

In regions of Peru where material preservation is sufficient, prehispanic

textiles are some of the most studied and best-known artifact classes in the Andes. In

regions where environmental conditions like increased humidity have led to poor

preservation of textiles in the archaeological record, archaeologists have studied the

nature of textile production through the analysis of secondary artifacts such as

ceramic and stone spindle whorls and shaped bone tools such as awls and needles. At

the site of Yanaorco, evidence for textile production comes in three forms; spindle

whorls, shaped bone tools (as discussed above), and textile impressed ceramics.

Finished spindle whorls, unfinished, broken-in-production discs, and un-

bored, ceramic discs have been recovered from both surface and excavated contexts

440
at Yanaorco. The collected materials include 15 completed and used, although often

broken, spindle whorls, 3 rounded and shaped but undrilled ceramic discs, and 3

whorls that due to one reason or another were broken prior to completion. Though the

exact function of the ceramic discs is unknown, they are believed to have been

incompletely produced whorls, or whorl blanks. The 3 broken-in-production discs

show evidence of partial hole boring prior to the failure of the disc. At least in one

case, this failure may have been due to a large inclusion in the paste that may have

weekend the disc. These artifacts are broken in half but show clear evidence for the

drilling of a central hole from one side. All whorls interpreted as finished are shaped

and smoothed around the periphery and the central hole has been drilled from both

sides.

Archaeologists who have analyzed textile production in both the Andean

highlands and the coast have generally agreed that there are structural differences in

the nature of spindle whorls related to whether textiles are spun of heavy camelid

wool from the highlands or of lighter weight and finer cotton from the coast (Vaughn

2000). Whorls designed to be used in the spinning of heavy wools generally have

larger outside diameters, and are heavier than whorls used in the processing of cotton

fibers. Whorls are often produced of three general material types; ground stone,

shaped and fired clay bead-like whorls (produced specifically as whorls), and

reutilized ceramic sherds. These are wall fragments from broken ceramic vessels that

are ground and shaped into discs and then bored with a central hole through which a

spindle is placed.

441
 Analysis of the variability in size and weight of whorls within archaeological

sites has lead to a better understanding not only of the nature of textile production but

of the nature of access that communities had to resources such as cotton and camelids

both on the coast and in the highlands. In his analysis of whorls collected at the site of

Marcaya in Nasca, Vaughn recognized two relatively distinct groups of whorls based

on diameter and weight (Vaughn 2000). He interpreted this as evidence for the

processing of both camelid and cotton fibers at the site. The smaller group of whorls

at Marcaya ranged from approximately 15 to 22 mm in diameter and from 2-4 grams

in weight. The heavier whorls, presumably involved in the processing of camelid

fibers, ranged from approximately 26-46 mm in diameter and 5 to 15 grams. These

ranges are meaningful when compared to the metrics from the 15 whorls excavated at

Yanaorco.

The sample of 15 whorls from Yanaorco is made up of 14 that were fashioned

from reused ceramic sherds (there are no ceramic whorls made originally for that

function), and one whorl shaped from sandstone. Measurements of outside diameter,

hole diameter, thickness, and weight were collected in the laboratory. Because the

majority of whorls were fragmentary, estimates of the percentage present were

recorded and total whorl weights were extrapolated (See Tables 7.4 and 7.5). The

mean outside diameter for all whorls is 37.3mm with a median of 35mm. These

whorls have total weights with a mean of 11.1 and median of 9.5. These metrics,

illustrated in the scatter plot of Figure 7.13, place the collection of whorls from

Yanaorco squarely within the range of measurements Vaughn (2000) interprets as

442
associated with highland camelid fiber production. The focus at Yanaorco on heavier

wool processing is understandable as the community is located on the continental

divide and close to good pasture. The lack of cotton related whorls in the community

may also indicate a lack of exchange in cotton between those on the coast at those at

Yanaorco.

dia thkness hldia esttotwt

N Valid 13 15 15 15
Missing 2 0 0 0
Mean 37.3077 6.2933 4.9000 11.1333
Median 35.0000 6.2000 5.0000 9.5000
Std. Deviation 8.59636 1.82579 1.90451 5.11645
(This chart does not included discs and the incompletely drilled fragment.)

Table 7.4: Spindle Whorls - Descriptive Statistics

Figure 7.13: Scatter Plot of Whorl Diameter vs. Estimated Total Weight 19.

19
Figure includes only 13 of 15 whorls because edge on one had been partially destroyed and a second
was oblong in shape.

443
 Other measures of the whorls are indicated in Figures 7.13. Due to the small

sample size, though, any interpretations based on these is quite tentative. The

frequency histogram of outside diameters is bimodal but this is most likely an effect

of the small sample. Figure 7.14 presents the distribution of whorl thicknesses or the

thicknesses of the ceramic wall sherds from which the whorls were made. This

distribution is relatively normal, simply indicating that no single ware or vessel type

was specially used in the production of whorls. As a matter of fact, a wide range of

types was utilized (see Table 7.5 and Figure 7.15). These included utilitarian types

such a Cajamarca Coarse Black and Cajamarca Coarse Red, sherds that had been

textile impressed before vessel firing, and decorated fine wares such as the LIP

Cajamarca Semi-Cursive.

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 Table 7.5: Data for Spindle Whorls and Related Objects

Spindle Whorl and Disc Data

Artifact AU Block Unit LVL Class Mat % Diameter Thickness Hole Dia WT Est Tot WType1 notes
3133.00 22X 1 4 3 disc cer 25.00 48.00 8.00 5.60 22.40 CCR
3083.00 22X 1 3 5 disc cer 25.00 52.00 5.00 3.50 14.00
2650.00 22X 1 3 5 disc cer 26.00 4.00 3.90 CCR
2379.00 20I 1 4 3 incmwhrl cer 50.00 32.00 6.80 3.70 7.40
3066.00 22X 1 3 5 incmwhrl cer 50.00 42.00 9.60 10.50 21.00
2279.00 20I 1 4 4 incmwhrl cer 55.00 38.00 6.20 8.50 15.50
2252.00 20I 1 1 2 whorl cer 50.00 8.50 2.20 4.70 9.40 CCR rough, unfinished edge
2030.00 20I 1 1 3 whorl cer 30.00 34.00 6.30 5.10 3.60 12.00 CCR
2077.00 20I 1 1 3 whorl cer 30.00 35.00 3.00 2.00 1.70 5.70
1970.00 20I 1 2 3 whorl cer 48.00 46.00 4.30 7.00 5.10 10.60 CCR
445

1975.00 20I 1 2 3 whorl cer 40.00 44.00 4.10 5.00 3.80 9.50 tosco
2120.00 20I 1 3 3 whorl cer 30.00 30.00 8.00 2.10 2.60 8.70 CCB textile impressed
3148.00 22 0 whorl cer 50.00 42.00 8.00 7.00 7.80 15.60
2214.00 22AAA 1 3 whorl cer 45.00 30.00 6.70 6.30 3.40 7.60
1122.00 22AAA 1 9 4 whorl cer 100.00 6.10 4.80 5.80 5.80 CSC oblong
1846.00 22AAA 1 9 5 whorl cer 45.00 26.00 5.90 2.30 2.60 5.80
2879.00 22X 1 2 5 whorl cer 25.00 49.00 4.80 7.00 4.00 16.00
3029.00 22X 1 4 5 whorl cer 25.00 44.00 7.20 7.00 5.40 21.60 CCR
3052.00 22X 1 4 5 whorl cer 20.00 49.00 5.50 5.00 4.10 20.50
2673.00 22X 1 3 7 whorl cer 50.00 29.00 6.20 4.90 3.70 7.40 CCB
806.00 20I 1 6 3 whorl sandston 100.00 27.00 9.80 5.80 10.80 10.80
L1 18F 1 1 2 whorl stone 100.00 29.00 8.30 5.50 12.20 12.20 red/green stone
bead/possible whorl
Figure 7.14: Frequency histogram of whorl thickness.

446
Figure 7.15: Spindle Whorls and Discs from Yanaorco

447
 Figure 7.16: Frequency histogram of Whorl Diameter.

Figure 7.17: Frequency histogram of central hole diameter.

448
 Figure 7.18: Frequency histogram of estimated total weight (see text).

7.5  Special Collections 

Musical Instruments

Early in the investigation of the community of Yanaorco, a local workman

brought me two ceramic pan pipes he had found in one of this agricultural fields just

north of the site's walls. Both of these were essentially produced in the same way,

with two chambers through which one would blow in order to create sound. Each of

these (see Figure 7.19) also has an appliqué face. The pipes would have been strung

on fiber chording possibly hanging around one's neck. These are the first ceramic

pipes of this style to have been uncovered and published in the Cajamarca area.

Although music and pipes have been associated by archaeologists with public and

449
ceremonial function and places, due to the lack of direct provenience for these two

pipes, the nature and contexts of their use is not clear at this point. Future excavation

may uncover pipes like these within their use contexts.

Figure 7.19: Ceramic Pan Pipes

Metal Artifacts

Complex metallurgical technology and its products were used both

domestically and in more elite and ceremonially charged contexts on the north coast

of Peru beginning with the early Moche of the EIP. The use of metals was also

450
widespread on the coast during the LIP by the Chimú. For this reason, we expected to

find evidence of the use of metal artifacts at the community of Yanaorco and possibly

of metal production.

A total of four metal artifacts was recovered in excavated contexts at the site

(Table 7.6). All of these came from contexts within the elite domestic room

AU22AAA on the southern terraces.

All metal artifacts uncovered at Yanaorco are believed through visual

inspection to be copper in material. Two artifacts are clearly utilitarian in nature. One

is a tweezer (Figure 7.20) and the other a short pin or tupu (Figure 7.21). This pin is

interesting in that it was folded upon itself several times before being discarded and

entering the archaeological record. Therefore, what seems to have been a usable pin

was destroyed by an individual and discarded. A third artifact appears to be a small

semi-circular copper ornament that may have been sewn onto clothing at some point.

The fourth and final metal artifact is a triangular fragment of sheet metal with no

clear pattern or functional characteristics.

Metal Artifacts
ID AU Block Unit Level Material Description Cnt Wt (g) Notes
M1 22AAA 1 copper Tweezer 1 1.1
M2 22AAA 1 8 4 copper Tupu Pin 1 1 Bag 1091
Original length of pin = 3.6cm plus the head.
Pin was intentiionally wrapped upon itself.
Pin = 3.6cm long; head fragment = 5mm long;
Each side of head was 8.5mm long.
M3 22AAA 1 copper Sheet Fragme 1 0.1 Bag 1092
sheet frag is triangular in shape.
M4 22AAA 1 copper Flat Ornament 1 0.2 Bag 1093
possible bangle type artifact
Semi-circular.
1.3cm wide; 9mm tall;
indentation = 3mm wide and 1.5mm deep

Table 7.6: Individual Metal Artifacts

451
Figure 7.20: Copper tweezers (side view)

Figure 7.21: copper tupu pin.

452
Figure 7.22: Copper sheet fragment.

Figure 7.23: Copper bangle

453
Marine Shells

A small but broad collection of marine shell types was observed and

recovered at the site of Yanaorco. The only marine shell from an excavated context

was the collection of two small Donax sp. valves excavated in Architectural Unit 20I

(discussed above). The collection of weathered shells in Figure 7.24 was made in the

agricultural fields of a local workman. All shells were collected from fields within

150 meters of the site's walls. Although these are marine in origin, the extremely

small sample from Yanaorco indicates that although these originated in some form of

exchange with populations on the coast, these shells are not likely to have formed part

of the diet for those at Yanaorco.

Figure 7.24: Marine Mollusks from Yanaorco

454
Fossils and Non-Utilitarian Lithics

One small fossil was recovered from AU22AAA during excavation. This

fossil is in a red marine sedimentary stone and represents one half of a small bivalve

(Figure 7.25). Excavations from the same block were two small 6-sided clear quartz

crystals (Figure 7.26). These crystals were excavated from between-floor fill events.

The possible functions of these artifacts remains unclear as well as whether or not

they were local to the area of Yanaorco or were exotic.

Figure 7.25: Fossil Bivalve

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 Figure 7.26: Clear Quartz Crystals

Human Remains

Although looted tombs and burials are located in many sectors of the

community (see Chapter 5), our excavations uncovered only one possible intact

burial, and several additional isolated human bones. The burial referred to here is that

in the large fragmented jar located under Floor 1 of AU22AAA Unit 8. All isolated

human bones were uncovered within mixed, architectural fill levels, not in association

with activity floors. Future investigation at Yanaorco will focus more closely on

better understanding the nature of mortuary practices during the LIP. At that point,

survey will be conducted for undisturbed mortuary contexts.

456
 The material discussed in this chapter increases out knowledge of the nature

of community organization and lifeways at Yanaorco, I believe, at other communities

in the LIP Cajamarca highlands. Faunal and botanical remains indicate an agro

pastoral subsistence economy. Differences in the nature of faunal remains utilized in

elite versus non-elite domestic spaces also indicate a degree of economic inequality.

The presence of textile manufacturing tools in excavated contexts indicates that both

elite and non-elite households engaged in this form of craft production. Although

little evidence is present, there is some sign of ceramic production at the site in the

form of shaping and polishing tools. All of these artifactual classes help us to address

the research questions proposed in Chapter 4. Chapter 8 is a discussion of the

conclusions and findings of the current research.

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 CHAPTER 8

CONCLUSIONS: COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION, IDENTITY, AND

CONFLICT AT YANAORCO

Excavations at the Late Intermediate Period fortified community of Yanaorco

have allowed us to describe the nature of community organization in the northern

highlands ion the broadest sense. This limited research also allows us to address

provisionally the question of ethnic change and ethnogenesis in the turbulent period

after the fall of Wari imperial occupation and influence. This chapter presents a

discussion of the results featured in previous chapters pertaining to community

organization, subsistence and craft economy, and leadership strategies in the northern

highlands. We also address the evidence for militarism in the Cajamarca highlands at

this time and in particular at the site of Yanaorco. Throughout, we address the

research questions proposed in Chapter 4.

8.1 Wari Occupation and Interaction

The first of my research questions in this investigation was - what can we

learn of the Wari imperial presence and its effects on local populations from what we

know of Cajamarca communities of the subsequent LIP. Here I hypothesized that

Wari imperial administration in the Cajamarca Basin was indirect and that Wari

occupation in the valley was relatively short-lived and never completed. Although

two administrative centers, Yamobamba and El Palacio were constructed in the basin,

they, like the larger Viracochapampa in the Huamachuco region, were probably never

completed or fully staffed. Although some Wari imperial ceramics have been

458
collected from the area around El Palacio, there is generally very little evidence for a

Wari population at either of the centers. Another line of evidence that may point to a

more indirect and mutualistic relationship is the fact that both centers were associated

with local Cajamarca communities, each of these was located in a strategically

superior and overlooking that of the Wari center. There is no evidence that local

communities were forced to relocate to lower locations by the Wari. There is little

change in the MH settlement patterns from that of the prior EIP (Julien 1988). The

only major change is the growth in size and, presumably, importance of the local

Cajamarca center of Coyor. This way have been the center of a Cajamarca polity

which would have interacted with the Wari during MH Epochs 1 and 2. Due to the

location of Cajamarca at the northern frontier of the empire and its distance from the

core at Wari, local elites and communities may have enjoyed substantial autonomy

within the empire (Stein 1999; 2002).

Based in Sim's theory of "administrative underdevelopment", I also believe

there is little evidence for substantial local elite involvement in Wari administrative

affairs. There is no evidence for local development of state level polities in the post-

imperial collapse period. This would imply that local elites had not been involved

with Wari imperial administration and had not been educated in administrative

organization. Future excavation at the local center of Coyor would go a long way in

illuminating this Wari-Cajamarca relationship. Although typical Cajamarca ceramics

have been found at Wari sites throughout much of the empire and this indicates a

close relationship between the two, it seems that the situation of culture contact and

459
interaction in the Cajamarca basin was probably not one of direct control and

administration.

8.2 Community Organization in the Late Intermediate Period

This investigation sought to shed light on the community organization of

Yanaorco in a broad sense. This section presents conclusions dealing with the

subsistence and craft economies within the community. It is followed by a discussion

of the scale of social and economic stratification as well as leadership strategies and

elite sources of power within the settlement. This section of community organization

then presents conclusions regarding the nature of intra-regional and inter-regional

trade as evidenced at Yanaorco. Finally, I discuss some tentative conclusions

regarding shared inter-community identity and the creation of novel identity during

the post-collapse Late Intermediate Period in Cajamarca.

Excavated evidence from the site of Yanaorco points to a community of

families practicing a mixed agro-pastoral economy and at least potentially living in

this fortified community on a year-round basis due to the location of a spring near the

north entrance to the community. The subsistence economy included corn, bean,

locally grown potatoes, and presumably grains not observed archaeologically at the

site. Today, potato fields cover the northern slopes just below the community walls

and, unfortunately are also present on some domestic terraces. During the LIP, tubers

would have been grown in the same locations as well as on small presumably

agricultural terraces within the fortification walls.

460
 At least a portion of the population at Yanaorco was also involved in animal

husbandry. Faunal remains excavated from domestic contexts include camelid, cuy,

and possibly deer. The presence of large open walled spaces interpreted at camelid

corals at the northwest edge of the site point to the protection of flocks within the

fortified areas of the community. Camelid dung from excavated contexts on terraces

within the site also indicates their presence as live animals. These flocks could have

been pastured on high elevation open spaces or dry páramo within a 30-minute walk

up the slope to the east of the community. Additionally, there is some evidence for

the consumption of terrestrial snails within both elite and commoner domestic

contexts. The marine shell remains observed at the site are so infrequent that it is

unlikely that they were part of the diet.

As is common throughout much of the Andes, the primary productive unit

within this community was probably the individual family. Agricultural lands and

pasturage may have been organized on a community-wide basis, but provisioning was

most likely the place of each individual family. The Allyu model of social and

community organization may apply here although the analogy is used with caution

(Stanish 1992).

Evidence for craft economy at Yanaorco focuses on the production of textiles

and less directly on that of ceramics. Ceramic and stone spindle whorls as well as

bone tools believed to be textile-production related have been found in both elite and

commoner domestic spaces. This points to the presence of textile production activities

organized at the level of the individual household. By weight, the whorls fall into the

461
range found elsewhere (Vaughn 2000) that indicates the spinning of camelid fibers

and not cotton. It is unclear, though, whether the production of finer textiles may have

been located or managed within elite households. No textiles have preserved at the

site.

Several decades of archaeological research in Cajamarca have failed to

identify any direct contexts of ceramic production, ironic given that the best known

archaeological 'trait' of the Cajamarca culture is its fine, kaolin pottery. The Yanaorco

Archaeological Project did not change this situation. Complete surface survey and 11

excavation units failed to locate any contexts of pottery production that could have

included kilns or other firing features or ceramics wasters. Excavation did however

uncover several small smoothing or polishing pebbles that indicate some level of

production at the site. Other related artifacts include a broken ceramic wall-sherd that

had been smoothed and shaped into a triangular tool. This has been interpreted as a

wall-shaping or smoothing tool. Future work at the site will investigate the area of the

southern slope below the level of the architecture of the site. This was the leeward

side of the community and was set aside from living spaces. Survey here will seek

evidence for masses of waster sherds and firing features or architecture.

Evidence for social differentiation and stratification at Yanaorco

Social and economic differentiation and variability within the community is

clear during the Late Intermediate period. This stratification is evidenced through

variability in domestic architecture, in differential access to particular foods and

462
finished elite items, and variation in the nature of food production or cuisine between

elite and commoner zones.

Basic faunal data from excavated contexts in both the elite and commoner

domestic spaces indicate variability in the sizes of faunal fragments or bone

fragments. Bone remains are substantially larger in elite rooms (Room 22AAA -

n=1613; avgwt=1.5059g). There are also more of them. Bones recovered from

commoner domestic spaces are too small to identify as to animal type (Room 20I -

n=343; avgwt=.18746g). Cuisine is also variable between elite and non-elite spaces.

Elite rooms exhibit a high frequency of large terrestrial mammal bone fragments that

not only have cut marks but are only partially burned or charred. This indicates

butchering and roasting of large segments in or near these spaces. Bone fragments

recovered from commoner spaces are uniformly quite small (less than 1-2 cm) and

are very friable. I interpret these as the remains of repeated bone boiling activities.

This data indicates very different treatment of foods in cooking. Elites could afford to

partially roast large fragments while commoner cuisine was much more conservative,

emphasizing the boiling of bone fragments in order to extract the greatest amount of

useful matter.

The differential access to large meat-bearing camelid sections - with larger

fragments present in elite households, may point to elite ownership of camelid herds.

At the very least, elite families may have owned larger herds than commoner

households. The larger fragments and greater frequencies of faunal remains in elite

463
areas may also indicate the feeding of larger groups of people or possible domestic

and extra-domestic feasting events (Mills 1999, 2007).

Finally, based on survey and excavation at the site, economic classes were

physically separated when it came to domestic spaces. The well built and substantial

domestic terraces on the leeward, southern slope of the community were elite in

nature. The more haphazard and poorly constructed terraces of the northern,

windward slope are believed to have been non-elite in nature. Unfortunately, many

walls on the northern slope have been destroyed in modern field-clearing and the

evidence for architecture in this zone is scarce. Nevertheless, excavation has

identified all other artifact classes associated with domestic activities. The physical

proxemics were different as well (Hall 2003). Elite domestic terraces were separated

by thick terrace and room walls, sight and sound-lines impeded by walls, terraces,

corridors, and stairways. The domestic terraces on the northern slope were haphazard

and spaces were not subdivided with the same elaboration as those on the south slope.

While there are differences in certain aspects of the artifactual suite between

the 'houses' of the elite and commoners at Yanaorco, this variability seems to be in

scale and not in type. Both domestic zones show evidence for subsistence and craft

production. This investigation yields a picture of a community of households that

were characterized by a degree of functional redundancy. All households seem to

have engaged in subsistence production and craft production including the production

of textiles. Based on the current investigation, there is very little evidence for

specialized production, although admittedly a small fraction of the site have been

464
excavated. Evidence points to a situation of moderate social and economic

differentiation within the community during the LIP. This presence of both

commoner and segregated elite domestic areas has been noted by other investigators

working with LIP middle range society datasets (Wernke 2006; Conlee 2006).

Households within the community of Yanaorco engaged in a multitude of

domestic activities and practices daily. More than minimal units of social and

material production and reproduction, the households were the stages for individual

action. This daily action and interaction between members of the community would

have cumulatively informed and negotiated identity. The differences in material

lifeways and in patterns of the built environment at Yanaorco would have both

produced and reproduced LIP patterns of power and authority within the community.

Hendon notes that, "The identities created through productive action, material culture,

and the setting contribute to the definition of relations of power within and among

groups" (Hendon 2004:278).

Leadership Strategies in the LIP

Another major aspect of community organization and this investigations seeks

to address is the nature of leadership orientation within this community and

Cajamarca society more generally. Although political and leadership organization is

often couched in terms of duality, for instance network vs. corporate organization,

these are not mutually exclusive and should be seen as ends of a continuous scale.

As was probably often the case within middle range societies, it appears that

the community leadership at Yanaorco utilized a combination of Network and

465
Communal or Corporate strategies (Blanton et al. 1996). The community is

characterized by the presence of several large-scale constructions. First, there are

three large man-made platforms on the site, two of which seem to have had mortuary

functions, and the third with possible domestic or public functions, although there are

also small tombs as well. The domestic and public spaces at Yanaorco surrounded

these three platforms the construction and maintenance of which may have served

some corporate end. These constituted the center of the community and thus were

probably identified with community membership by those at Yanaorco. These

mounds, as well as the open plazas, would have been the nexus of power for

community elites (Moore 1996). Through feasting events and other activities on these

public stages (Inomata and Coben 2006), elites would have repeatedly sought to rally

the community around the social and economic status quo. The six large fortification

works at the site also constituted substantial investments in corporate labor and would

have physically and socially tied those living at the site to one another. The

organization of this built environment of public plazas, platforms mounds and large

scale fortifications acted to formalize and recreate the community social organization

(Adler 1989; Hegmon 1989), the status quo, for the occupants who made their way

through the site each day. The close association of public, open plazas and very

restricted private spaces at the site also give some indication certain activities were

only for an elite few. This lends itself to the Network end of the leadership spectrum.

While differences in wealth seen in variability in domestic architecture, mortuary

architecture, foodways, and access to finished and exotic goods are not great, they do

466
occur at Yanaorco. Elites did live in slightly higher quality and more complex spaces,

they ate higher quality foods, and metal items were only found within elite contexts.

On other hand, exotic items were very rare at the site. Only one foreign ceramic ware

sherd was encounter, a possible Chimú sherd. This leads me to believe that at least at

the community of Yanaorco and generally for the Cajamarca region, leadership

strategies emphasized corporate labor and community cohesion. The general lack of

foreign goods in the community may indicate that any far flung economic ties that

may have been in place during the Middle Horizon were not maintained into the LIP.

Cajamarca leadership seems to have looked inward, emphasizing economic

connections between local communities and not with exotic peer elites farther afield.

One possible route to power for aspiring elites would have been the organization and

management of this inter-community interaction.

Another avenue to authority for elites at Yanaorco may have been through the

sponsorship of extra-household feasting events. Leadership strategies undoubtedly

varied from region to region and indeed probably within the same regions in the

Andes during the Late Intermediate Period. Ethnohistorically, we know that

community leaders and aspiring elites sponsored sumptuary events within

communities, feasts for followers and prospective followers. Feasting acted as

repayment for communal labor projects. This route to influence through the

sponsoring of feasting events by elites is not uncommon in middle range societies

(Mills 1999; 2007; Bray 2003). There is some evidence that feasting occurred within

certain contexts at Yanaorco as well. We have no direct evidence such as storage and

467
serving vessels and dumps of faunal remains in association with open public plaza

spaces, but these open spaces do exist at the site, in particular the two semi-circular

public plazas. Excavation indicates that surfaces in these spaces were kept clean and

although not found in high frequencies, the only vessel types found in these spaces

were serving bowls. The roasting of large amounts of meat in elite households may

also indicate at least the capacity of some elite families to have fed groups of people

larger that the household alone. Therefore both domestic and public feasting events

likely occurred within the community, providing both events promoting social

cohesion and stages on which elites and leadership could periodically re-legitimize

there place within the community.

As alluded to above, there is very little evidence at Yanaorco for interregional

interaction during the LIP. This is somewhat surprising for two reasons. First, the

literature on Cajamarca is heavy with references to the wide geographic spread of

Cajamarca fine wares and possibly influence during the previous Middle Horizon.

Finely decorated Cajamarca wares, in particular Cajamarca Floral Cursive wares,

have been found in sites from the northern Peruvian coast in the Lambayeque Valley

to as far south as the capital of Wari and the southern Wari outpost of Cerro Baúl

(Nash, personal comm.). It appears that widely flung connections between Cajamarca

elites and others were not maintained after the decline of Wari imperial influence in

Cajamarca. One possible explanation may be that Cajamarca elites were not

welcomed directly into the Wari administrative system during the MH. If this were

the case, with the collapse of Wari, any local far-flung connections would have

468
collapsed as well near the end of the MH. Second, the site if Yanaorco is

geographically situated in an very strategically advantageous location on the pass at

the top of the Jequetepeque Valley. I would expect it to have been an important

stopping point for interaction between the Chimú of the coast and Cajamarca.

Nevertheless, excavation and complete surface survey and collection recovered only

one exotic ceramic sherd, and several marine shells. This also points to a general

economic tendency to look inward, within the Cajamarca highlands.

This intercommunity interaction and exchange is possibly evidenced in data

from INAA analysis of a collection of ceramic sherds from Yanaorco (see Chap 6).

Our research questions here revolved around the spatial organization of cera,mic

production and the scale of exchange in ceramics between Cajamarca communities.

INAA elemental analysis of domestic wares at Cajamarca resulted in a high degree of

uniformity in past types for these wares (Appendix B). I interpret this to indicate that

the majority of domestic ceramics were produced and used at the site of Cajamarca.

Given the strategic location of Yanaorco on the LIP landscape, I hypothesized that the

excavation would recover decorated wares that had been produced at a number of

communities and traded into Yanaorco. INAA analyses shed light on this interaction.

Analysis indicated that finewares or decorated types were produced of a a number of

different paste types. Cajamarca Semi-cursive was produced on a number of different

paste types. I interpret this to mean that this type, probably the most distinctive

painted type of the Cajamarca LIP was produced in a number of local communities

from various clay sources. Ultimately, finewares like these were brought into the

469
community of Yanaorco from other villages, possibly in the context of commensal

feasting events. This indicates that potters living in several interacting Cajamarca

communities had a shared idea of what Cajamarca Semi-cursive vessels were

supposed to look like, and produced them from local clays. Examples of particular

decorated types made in various villages then may have been exchanged between

communities, possibly as part of intercommunity events and feasts. Larger sites, such

as Yanaorco, would possibly have hosted or sponsored more of these events, thereby

accumulating fineware vessels of the same type but produced of a variety of pastes.

Certain decorative types, for example Amoshulca Black Geometric, may have been

specialized and produced only in a single community, in this case possibly the site of

Amoshulca. These wares, exhibiting no intra-type elemental variation, would have

been spread through the same active social, political, and economic processes within

the region.

Intercommunity and Interregional Interaction in the LIP

Research in many areas of the Andes has indicated a high level of

interregional interaction between Cajamarca and other cultures including those on the

north coast, those in Huamachuco, Huaraz (Lau 2006) and Wari settlements during

the Middle Horizon (AD 600 - AD 1000). On the other hand, there is very little

evidence for the spread of Cajamarca ceramics outside the Cajamarca highlands

during the subsequent Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000 - AD 1460) (Lau 2006),

whether on the nearby desert coast, or in regions farther afield. Politically and

economically, highland Cajamarca society appears to focus inwardly during the LIP

470
with little contact with the coastal Chimú until the incursion of the Inka Empire.

There is only scant material evidence of interaction at the LIP site of Yanaorco. There

is though, more evidence for interaction between Cajamarca communities located on

the western cis-Andean slopes and Chimú society on the coast (Watanabe 2002). This

may indicate that Cajamarca-related polities on the western slopes of the Andes

maintained exchange and interaction spheres independent of communities located at

higher elevations, for instance those in the Cajamarca basin. Cajamarca communities

located in the middle valleys may thus have had increased volumes or frequencies of

interaction and exchange with coastal communities, be they Chimú, Lambayeque, or

otherwise. Cajamarca communities at higher elevations may have interacted with

coastal communities through intermediary villages and towns situated in the middle

valleys of the Chicama, Jequetepeque, and Zaña.

Identity and Ethnogenesis in the LIP Cajamarca Highlands

Ethnic identity in LIP Cajamarca communities would have been contingent

and situational, expressed differentially by individuals in various social contexts

(Jones 1996, 1997). The daily action and practice of individuals within Yanaorco

households, from foodways to styles of craft production and consumption, would

have functioned as an avenue for individuals to produce and reproduce Cajamarca

identity and more individual and factional identities (Lucy 2005). Signs of identity

may have been especially important in communities like Yanaorco or Cajamarca,

which were both on the frontier (Barth 1969) of the dominant Wari Empire, and

subsequently experienced the demographic upheavals of the early LIP.

471
Archaeologists look at social identity as it is believed to be interpreted in the material

culture of peoples. Ethnicity is believed to be coded within the more conservative

aspects of household material culture. For example, self portrayed membership in an

ethnic group would be more likely to be seen in repeated patterning within a

community or region in the design of domestic architecture, the patterning of daily

activity within the household, the style and form of utilitarian pottery, or the

manufacturing techniques of pottery and other durable goods such as textiles and

clothing. The decorative techniques on fancy pottery may be better indicators of the

status of a household or of the political 'affiliation' of its users and the ethnic identity

of member of the same household. Additionally, repeated patterns in the treatment of

the dead may also indicate ethnic association. Ethnogenesis, the creation of novel

ethnic identity, is defined in a number of ways by anthropologists and Archaeologists.

An important point that hinders a satisfactory answer to the question of

whether or not we have ethnogenesis in Cajamarca during the LIP is the fact that we

know so little about the nature of life during the preceding Middle Horizon.

Archaeological investigations have not yet focused on the nature of community

organization during the Middle Horizon.

Several shifts in both the nature of settlement and the manufacture of durable

goods such as pottery do take place early in the politically and socially turbulent years

of the LIP. The shift in decorated pottery manufacture indicates both a blatant shift in

technique, and a real "memory' of just what constituted 'fancy' ware during the

previous Middle Horizon. Many of the well known fine wares of the Middle Horizon

472
cajamarca culture, the Classic and Floral Cursive wares, were created on fine white

kaolin clay with no need for a white slip. The major fine or decorated ware of the

Late Intermediate Period, Cajamarca Semi-Cursive ware, maintains some of the

decorative techniques, but shifts radically in its manufacture. While Middle Horizon

wares were on fine white or buff colored kaolin pastes, the Semi-Cursive was of a red

to brown paste (although there was variability as seen in the INAA results in this

investigation) over which a thick white slip was applied (Cecil and Glascock 2007).

This slip effectively mimicked the fine paste of the earlier ceramics and provided a

white background for subsequently applied painted motifs. This shift is curious given

the locally available sources of fine kaolin. Even more interesting is the conscious

mimicry of the earlier bright white surface. Those producing and consuming

cajamarca semi-cursive bowls and jars may have perceived some social or political

value in continuing to use this white surface, even if it was manufacture in a very

different way. Authority may have come to elites through their use of ceramics that

resembles those used during the Middle Horizon, the highpoint not of kaolin pottery

manufacture, but of the political reach of the Cajamarca culture. This may indicate a

materialized symbol of a social and political memory of the dynamics of the previous

Middle Horizon.

There is also a major shift in settlement patterns in the early Late Intermediate

Period. Although there had been some communities located on hilltops during the

Middle Horizon, these clustered to some degree near the valley bottoms. Early in the

LIP, settlement shifted at many locations into hilltop clearly fortified communities, as

473
is epitomized at the site of Yanaorco. Both in Huamachuco (McGreevy and

Shaughnessy 1984) and in Cajamarca, fortified communities were relatively common

during the Early Intermediate Period. These are much less common during the Middle

Horizon, the period of Wari occupation and influence. Early in the LIP, many of these

previously occupied fortification and many new ones were again occupied. Whether

Wari presence had had a pacifying influence on these local communities during the

Middle Horizon or not, the nature of local social and political dynamics shifted

radically after Wari collapse.

In addition to the movement into higher and in some cases, fortified villages,

the Cajamarca Basin experienced a sharp drop in population during the temporal

shatterbelt that occurred in the decades after Wari collapse. Julien recorded

approximately half the number of sites for the LIP as he did for the preceding Middle

Horizon. Communities may have been shifting out of the basin in an attempt to

distance themselves from the evidence of Wari collapse. Movement into higher

elevation communities may also indicate an economic realignment toward a mixed

pastoral/agro adaptation among these re-emerging communities (McGreevy and

Shaughnessy 1984).

The patterns of intercommunity interaction and exchange of ceramics

indicated in the INAA results in this investigation point to a shared idea of the right

way to produce certain decorated wares across communities. I would argue that the

everyday action of ceramic production within communities and between them, acted

in a process of the redefinition of identity during the period of the late MH and early

474
LIP. A suite of changes occurred during this post-collapse period; demographic

upheaval, shifts in settlement locations and increases in militaristic conflict and

raiding, a re-orientation of the economy possibly toward closer connections between

agricultural and high elevation pastoral communities, and the sudden shifts in ceramic

manufacturing and decorative styles. Decorating styles shared between potters in

different communities who may never have come into direct contact produced and

reproduced material aspects of Cajamarca identity. These symbols of Cajamarca-ness

may then have been brought together in inter-community commensal events at

important settlements like Yanaorco, events where corporate identity would have

been promoted in public contexts and identity manipulated by elite and non-elite

alike. I would argue that this combination of shifting aspects and orientations within

Cajamarca communities in the tumultuous period of the LIP constituted selective

maintenance and memory of some past material traits and the adoption of new aspects

and adaptations, creating and reflecting novel identities within in the communities of

the northern Andes. From the perspective of regional analysis, these shared

adaptations and material traits may indicate the presence of related middle range

societies, intermittently feasting, trading, and raiding within these highlands, sharing

many of the functional characteristics of interacting peer polities (Renfrew 1986,

1996).

8.3 Militarism in the Northern Highlands

Anthropological and archaeological research in the past several decades has

begun to indicate that interpersonal conflict and warfare have been much more

475
prevalent in the human past that was once believed (Keeley 1996, LeBlanc 2003).

Material signs of militarism have been known from the Andes since the beginning of

archaeology in the region. The nature and aims of combat and militarism within Pre-

Columbian Andean societies, though, remains contentious to this day.

Ethnohistorically, we know that ritual or symbolic combat, or Tinku, between

highlands communities was relatively prevalent and important. The scale and

magnitude of many fortifications within the Andes on the other hand indicate that not

all conflict in the Andean past was ritualized (Arkush 2006; Arkush and Stanish

2005). Organized and large-scale force-on-force combat did not come into existence

with the rise of the Inka state.

The Late Intermediate Period has been described as a fractured and volatile

period following the period of Wari imperial occupation throughout much of the

northern and central highlands of the Middle Horizon. This period was one of

emergent regional autonomy and the local development or redevelopment of political,

economic, and social systems. This period was one of flux, though, and has been

described as a time of almost constant conflict and warfare. Recent archaeological

investigation in the Andes has addressed these assumptions and has tempered our

ideas of a wholly militaristic LIP. Militarism was not present in all regions of the

highlands but was prevalent in some. The area around Cuzco in the southern highland

somewhat surprisingly doesn't seem to have seen much conflict in the years leading

up to Inka state formation. A high frequency of fortified hilltop Pucara sites in the

region north of Lake Titicaca seems on the other had to indicate an emphasis on

476
defense and conflict in that region (Arkush 2006). In the Cajamarca region,

population shifts into hilltop fortified communities early in the LIP as seen at

Yanaorco. Based on a lack of evidence for Chimú conquest in the middle and high

coastal valleys during the LIP, I hypothesize here that the conflict and militarism

materialized in the Yanaorco fortifications was focused toward local inter-community

conflict and raiding and not large foreign forces. Coming away from this

investigation, there is no clear answer. The scale of the manual investment made in

fortifying the community of Yanaorco indicates at least the implicit threat of

substantial conflict. Throughout much of the Late Intermediate Period, this conflict

probably came in the form of more or less organized raiding between local Cajamarca

communities. Within Cajamarca communities, leadership in warfare may have been a

substantial source of chiefly power during the LIP. The large defenses at Yanaorco

might be partially explained as being due to its high strategic value at the top of the

Jequetepeque River Valley in a position to control traffic through the Gavilán Pass.

Ultimately, the initial fortifications were not seen as enough to meet the threat and a

series of three additional walls and moats were constructed. Tentatively, I believe this

augmentation of the fortifications may have been associated with the expansion of the

Inka Empire into the Cajamarca region at approximately 1460. Ultimately, while the

nature of conflict in the Andes is not agreed upon by all investigators, large scale

conflict was a fact. The prevalence of conflict varied from region to region during the

LIP but architectural and settlement data from the northern highlands of Cajamarca

477
indicate that conflict or at least the perceived threat of it was very real during the

period.

8.4 Inka Interaction and Effects on Local Population

The Inka Empire made contact with communities of the Cajamarca Basin at

approximately 1465 and several months of armed conflict ensued before the region

was incorporated into the empire. A large regional administrative center and an

imperial palace were constructed within the basin as well as a system of storage

rooms and a length of the state road. Unfortunately, architectural evidence for much

of the Inka presence is today buried under the modern city of Cajamarca.

Nevertheless, the empire made a substantial investment in this basin implying

relatively direct administration of the province from it center. This occupation would

have had major effects on the local population in terms of economy and settlement

patterns. My hypothesis here was that, due to Cajamarca's strategic location as an

information and exchange node between the Chimú coast to the west, Chachapoyas to

the east, and the trunk road farther north into Ecuador, the Inka would have imposed

direct rule here. Although we do not have a Late Horizon, Inka period component to

the community of Yanaorco, excavation here was tell us something of the local-Inka

interactions. Yanaorco was occupied from approximately AD 1000 to the beginning

of the Late Horizon (~AD 1465). During the LIP, this community enjoyed a strategic

and important place on the Cajamarca political landscape. It was fortified on several

occasions and at some point, I believe late in its occupation, it saw a rapid

augmentation in size and population, involving the construction of additional

478
parapetted fortification walls. Ultimately, this important site community was

abandoned at the end of the LIP. I believe that this coincided with the invasions of the

Inka. The population of Yanaorco may have been forcefully removed from this

strategically important location overlooking the Gavilán Pass and relocated to a lower

settlement, more easily monitored and managed by the Inka.

8.5 Future Work

Although archaeological investigation has been ongoing in the Cajamarca

region for the past 60 years, the intensity of investigation has been low relative to that

in regions such as the Peruvian North Coast or the Lake Titicaca basin. This low

intensity of work has resulted in the fact that even after 60 years, the nature of

Cajamarca society remains relatively poorly defined or understood. Archaeological

survey and excavation has taken place almost exclusively within the cajamarca Basin

proper. Future research must focus also on the basins and valleys of the Cajamarca

region outside the center. A major emphasis in Cajamarca archaeology has been on

understanding the nature of interregional interaction and contact between Cajamarca

peoples and those on the north coast (often from the vantage point of the peripheral

sites containing some Cajamarca material items -- not from the vantage of local

Cajamarca communities), the eastern slopes and regions of central Peru

There are no recorded instances for Cajamarca sites of any form of direct

evidence for ceramic production (Lau 2006). No workshops or workshop debris is

known such as wasters or firing features. The production of kaolin-based ceramics

requires firing temperatures higher than is normal for other pastes and therefore we

479
would expect some form of specialized firing features or kilns. The presence of

polishing stones and smoothing tools in communities like Yanaorco can only tell us

so much. Though they imply the activity of ceramic production, future fieldwork and

excavation should seek to identify direct and less ambiguous contexts of ceramic

production.

The closely knit social community of Tamiacocha sits on the slope just south

of the LIP community of Yanaorco and many of the modern families lay claim to and

farm areas of the archaeological site. My fieldwork at the site involved a great deal of

sometimes careful community organization and planning alongside members of the

modern community. Community meetings took place invariably in one large open

plaza adjacent to one of the main homes. This level of cohesion, although not always

perfect, and the practice of making decisions within open plazas illustrates the lasting

importance of the corporate activities and organization that was present during the

Late Intermediate Period at Yanaorco. These behaviors and strategies were

symbolized and materialized in the lasting architectural and artifactual remains at the

site today.

480
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Wittfogel, K. A.
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521
APPENDICES

A. Carbon Dating
Carbon Samples and Dating Data
Individual Calibration Curves

B. INAA analysis of ceramics

Copy of Cecil and Glascock 2007

522
APPENDIX A: Carbon Dating Information
Carbon Sample and Dating Data:

Yanaorco Archaeological Project (2003-

2004)
Carbon Dates
14C age, years
Site Sample Spec# Lab Type del13C,%o BP 68.2% Calibration
Yanaorco 928 32250 GeoChron traditional -25.2 740+/-60 1215AD - 1295AD

1020AD - 1060AD
Yanaorco 1717 32253 GeoChron ams -22.7 960+/-50 (20.9%)
1070AD - 1160AD
(47.3%)
Yanaorco 1705 32251 GeoChron traditional -24.9 980+/-90* 980AD - 1170AD
1040AD - 1100AD
Yanaorco 1708 32252 GeoChron ams -25.5 900+/-50 (29.9%)
1110AD - 1210AD
(38.3%)
1420AD - 1530AD
Yanaorco 1721 32255 GeoChron traditional -24.6 420+/-70* (53.4%)
1570AD - 1620AD
(14.8%)
Yanaorco 1720 32254 GeoChron ams -27.1 780+/-40 1220AD - 1275AD

Smpl
Site Sample Spec# 95.4% Calibration Provenience Material Wt
1160AD - 1320AD
Yanaorco 928 32250 (84.4%) 22aaa/1/9/3 (D-1.01) carbon 14.6g
1350AD - 1400AD
(11%)
22aaa/1/8b/6 (D-1.38) - Base of
Yanaorco 1717 32253 990AD - 1190AD wall - carbon 5.5g
secure context
18d/1/1/4(base)(Feature
Yanaorco 1705 32251 880AD - 1260AD #10)(10/6/03) carbon 7.3g
Yanaorco 1708 32252 1020AD - 1230AD 18d/1/4/4 (D-1.15)(10/1/03) carbon 3.3g

Yanaorco 1721 32255 1400AD - 1650AD 18f/1/3/2 (9/30/03) - frags from carbon 4.3g
final burned layer
18f/1/3/3 (assoc. with the original
Yanaorco 1720 32254 1170AD - 1290AD floor) carbon 3.1g
(10/1/03)

523
Individual Calibration Curves:
Atmospheric data from Reimer et al (2004);OxCal v3.10 Bronk Ramsey (2005); cub r:5 sd:12 prob usp[chron]

YANAORCO Cat # 928 : 740±60BP

68.2% probability
Radiocarbon determination

1000BP
1215AD (68.2%) 1295AD
95.4% probability
1160AD (84.4%) 1320AD
800BP 1350AD (11.0%) 1400AD

600BP

400BP

800CalAD 1000CalAD 1200CalAD 1400CalAD 1600CalAD

Calibrated date
Atmospheric data from Reimer et al (2004);OxCal v3.10 Bronk Ramsey (2005); cub r:5 sd:12 prob usp[chron]
1600BP
YANAORCO Cat # 1705 : 980±90BP
1400BP 68.2% probability
Radiocarbon determination

980AD (68.2%) 1170AD

1200BP 95.4% probability
880AD (95.4%) 1260AD
1000BP

800BP

600BP

400BP

400CalAD 600CalAD 800CalAD 1000CalAD 1200CalAD 1400CalAD 1600CalAD

Calibrated date

524
 Atmospheric data from Reimer et al (2004);OxCal v3.10 Bronk Ramsey (2005); cub r:5 sd:12 prob usp[chron]

1200BP
1708 : 900±50BP
Radiocarbon determination 68.2% probability
1000BP 1040AD (29.9%) 1100AD
1110AD (38.3%) 1210AD
95.4% probability
800BP 1020AD (95.4%) 1230AD

600BP

400BP

800CalAD 1000CalAD 1200CalAD 1400CalAD

Calibrated date

Atmospheric data from Reimer et al (2004);OxCal v3.10 Bronk Ramsey (2005); cub r:5 sd:12 prob usp[chron]

1300BP
1717 : 960±50BP
68.2% probability
Radiocarbon determination

1200BP
1020AD (20.9%) 1060AD
1100BP 1070AD (47.3%) 1160AD
95.4% probability
1000BP 990AD (95.4%) 1190AD
900BP

800BP

700BP

600BP

600CalAD 800CalAD 1000CalAD 1200CalAD 1400CalAD

Calibrated date

525
 Atmospheric data from Reimer et al (2004);OxCal v3.10 Bronk Ramsey (2005); cub r:5 sd:12 prob usp[chron]

1720 : 780±40BP
Radiocarbon determination
1000BP 68.2% probability
1220AD (68.2%) 1275AD
95.4% probability
1170AD (95.4%) 1290AD
800BP

600BP

400BP

900CalAD 1000CalAD1100CalAD1200CalAD1300CalAD1400CalAD1500CalAD
Calibrated date

Atmospheric data from Reimer et al (2004);OxCal v3.10 Bronk Ramsey (2005); cub r:5 sd:12 prob usp[chron]

YANAORCO Cat #1721 : 420±70BP

800BP
68.2% probability
Radiocarbon determination

1420AD (53.4%) 1530AD

600BP 1570AD (14.8%) 1620AD
95.4% probability
400BP 1400AD (95.4%) 1650AD

200BP

0BP

-200BP

1200CalAD 1400CalAD 1600CalAD 1800CalAD 2000CalAD

Calibrated date

526
APPENDIX B:

Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis of Late

Intermediate Period Pottery from the Northern
Peruvian Highlands

Report Prepared by:

Leslie G. Cecil and Michael D. Glascock

Archaeometry Laboratory

Missouri University Research Reactor

University of Missouri

Columbia, MO 65211

Report Prepared For:

Jason L. Toohey
University of California Santa Barbara
April 23, 2007

When publishing information and figures from this report, please consider Cecil and
Glascock for co-authorship and please include the grants listed at the end of this
report in your acknowledgements.

527
Introduction
As part of the Fulbright Hays- and Geochron Laboratories-funded project
“Ethnogenesis and Militarism during the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-
AD~146) of the Northern Peruvian Highlands” Toohey is examining the chemical
composition of pottery excavated from the archaeological site of Yanaorco in the
Cajamarca region of Northern Peru. Instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA)
has been undertaken on 58 ceramic samples (two samples JLT025 and JLT052 were
not received). Here, we describe sample preparation and analytical techniques used at
MURR and report the subgroup structure identified through quantitative analysis of
the ceramic compositional data set.

Sample Preparation
Pottery samples were prepared for INAA using procedures standard at MURR.
Fragments of about 1cm2 were removed from each sample and abraded using a
silicon carbide burr to remove glaze, slip, paint, and adhering soil, thereby
reducing the risk of measuring contamination. The samples were washed in
deionized water and allowed to dry in the laboratory. Once dry, the individual
sherds were ground to powder in an agate mortar to homogenize the samples.
Archival samples were retained from each sherd (when possible) for future
research.

Two analytical samples were prepared from each source specimen. Portions of
approximately 150 mg of powder were weighed into clean high-density
polyethylene vials used for short irradiations at MURR. At the same time, 200 mg
of each sample was weighed into clean high-purity quartz vials used for long
irradiations. Individual sample weights were recorded to the nearest 0.01 mg
using an analytical balance. Both vials were sealed prior to irradiation. Along with
the unknown samples, standards made from National Institute of Standards and
Technology (NIST) certified standard reference materials of SRM-1633a (coal
fly ash) and SRM-688 (basalt rock) were similarly prepared, as were quality
control samples (e.g., standards treated as unknowns) of SRM-278 (obsidian rock)
and Ohio Red Clay (a standard developed for in-house applications).

Irradiation and Gamma-Ray Spectroscopy

Neutron activation analysis of ceramics at MURR, which consists of two irradiations
and a total of three gamma counts, constitutes a superset of the procedures used at
most other NAA laboratories (Glascock 1992; Neff 1992, 2000). As discussed in
detail by Glascock (1992), a short irradiation is carried out through the pneumatic
tube irradiation system. Samples in the polyvials are sequentially irradiated, two at a
time, for five seconds by a neutron flux of 8 x 1013 n cm-2 s-1 The 720-second count
yields gamma spectra containing peaks for nine short-lived elements aluminum (Al),

528
barium (Ba), calcium (Ca), dysprosium (Dy), potassium (K), manganese (Mn),
sodium (Na), titanium (Ti), and vanadium (V). The samples are encapsulated in
quartz vials and are subjected to a 24–hour irradiation at a neutron flux of 5 x 1013 n
cm-2 s-1. This long irradiation is analogous to the single irradiation utilized at most
other laboratories. After the long irradiation, samples decay for seven days, and then
are counted for 1,800 seconds (the "middle count") on a high-resolution germanium
detector coupled to an automatic sample changer. The middle count yields
determinations of seven medium half-life elements, namely arsenic (As), lanthanum
(La), lutetium (Lu), neodymium (Nd), samarium (Sm), uranium (U), and ytterbium
(Yb). After an additional three- or four-week decay, a final count of 8,500 seconds is
carried out on each sample. The latter measurement yields the following 17 long half-
life elements: cerium (Ce), cobalt (Co), chromium (Cr), cesium (Cs), europium (Eu),
iron (Fe), hafnium (Hf), nickel (Ni), rubidium (Rb), antimony (Sb), scandium (Sc),
strontium (Sr), tantalum (Ta), terbium (Tb), thorium (Th), zinc (Zn), and zirconium
(Zr).

The element concentration data from the three measurements are tabulated in parts
per million using the EXCEL spreadsheet program. Descriptive data for the
archaeological samples were appended to the concentration spreadsheet. The data are
also stored in a dBASE/FOXPRO database file useful for organizing, sorting, and
extracting sample information. The data file enclosed with this report contains the
sample database in EXCEL format.

Interpreting Chemical Data

The analyses at MURR described previously produced elemental concentration
values for 32 or 33 elements in most of the analyzed samples. Data for Ni was
below detection limits and was removed from consideration during the statistical
analysis. Statistical analysis was subsequently carried out on base-10 logarithms
of concentrations on the remaining 30 elements. Use of log concentrations rather
than raw data compensates for differences in magnitude between the major
elements, such as calcium, on one hand and trace elements, such as the rare earth
or lanthanide elements (REEs). Transformation to base-10 logarithms also yields
a more normal distribution for many trace elements.

The interpretation of compositional data obtained from the analysis of archaeological

materials is discussed in detail elsewhere (e.g., Baxter and Buck 2000; Bieber et al.
1975; Bishop and Neff 1989; Glascock 1992; Harbottle 1976; Neff 2000) and will
only be summarized here. The main goal of data analysis is to identify distinct
homogeneous groups within the analytical database. Based on the provenance
postulate of Weigand et al. (1977), different chemical groups may be assumed to
represent geographically restricted sources. For lithic materials such as obsidian,
basalt, and cryptocrystalline silicates (e.g., chert, flint, or jasper), raw material
samples are frequently collected from known outcrops or secondary deposits and the

529
compositional data obtained on the samples is used to define the source localities or
boundaries. The locations of sources can also be inferred by comparing unknown
specimens (i.e., ceramic artifacts) to knowns (i.e., clay samples) or by indirect
methods such as the “criterion of abundance” (Bishop et al. 1992) or by arguments
based on geological and sedimentological characteristics (e.g., Steponaitis et al.
1996). The ubiquity of ceramic raw materials usually makes it impossible to sample
all potential “sources” intensively enough to create groups of knowns to which
unknowns can be compared. Lithic sources tend to be more localized and
compositionally homogeneous in the case of obsidian or compositionally
heterogeneous as is the case for most cherts.

Compositional groups can be viewed as “centers of mass” in the compositional

hyperspace described by the measured elemental data. Groups are characterized by
the locations of their centroids and the unique relationships (i.e., correlations)
between the elements. Decisions about whether to assign a specimen to a particular
compositional group are based on the overall probability that the measured
concentrations for the specimen could have been obtained from that group.

Initial hypotheses about source-related subgroups in the compositional data can be

derived from non-compositional information (e.g., archaeological context, decorative
attributes, etc.) or from application of various pattern-recognition techniques to the
multivariate chemical data. Some of the pattern recognition techniques that have been
used to investigate archaeological data sets are cluster analysis (CA), principal
components analysis (PCA), and discriminant analysis (DA). Each of the techniques
has it own advantages and disadvantages which may depend upon the types and
quantity of data available for interpretation.

The variables (measured elements) in archaeological and geological data sets are
often correlated and frequently large in number. This makes handling and interpreting
patterns within the data difficult. Therefore, it is often useful to transform the original
variables into a smaller set of uncorrelated variables in order to make data
interpretation easier. Of the above-mentioned pattern recognition techniques, PCA is
a technique that transforms from the data from the original correlated variables into
uncorrelated variables most easily.

PCA creates a new set of reference axes arranged in decreasing order of variance
subsumed. The individual PCs are linear combinations of the original variables. The
data can be displayed on combinations of the new axes, just as they can be displayed
on the original elemental concentration axes. PCA can be used in a pure pattern-
recognition mode, i.e., to search for subgroups in an undifferentiated data set, or in a
more evaluative mode, i.e., to assess the coherence of hypothetical groups suggested
by other criteria. Generally, compositional differences between specimens can be
expected to be larger for specimens in different groups than for specimens in the same

530
group, and this implies that groups should be detectable as distinct areas of high point
density on plots of the first few components.

It is well known that PCA of chemical data is scale dependent (Mardia et al. 1979),
and analyses tend to be dominated by those elements or isotopes for which the
concentrations are relatively large. As a result, standardization methods are common
to most statistical packages. A common approach is to transform the data into
logarithms (e.g., base 10). As an initial step in the PCA of most chemical data at
MURR, the data are transformed into log concentrations to equalize the differences in
variance between the major elements such as Al, Ca and Fe, on one hand and trace
elements, such as the rare-earth elements (REEs), on the other hand. An additional
advantage of the transformation is that it appears to produce more nearly normal
distributions for the trace elements.

One frequently exploited strength of PCA, discussed by Baxter (1992), Baxter and
Buck (2002), and Neff (1994, 2002), is that it can be applied as a simultaneous R- and
Q-mode technique, with both variables (elements) and objects (individual analyzed
samples) displayed on the same set of principal component reference axes. A plot
using the first two principal components as axes is usually the best possible two-
dimensional representation of the correlation or variance-covariance structure within
the data set. Small angles between the vectors from the origin to variable coordinates
indicate strong positive correlation; angles at 90 degrees indicate no correlation; and
angles close to 180 degrees indicate strong negative correlation. Likewise, a plot of
sample coordinates on these same axes will be the best two-dimensional
representation of Euclidean relations among the samples in log-concentration space
(if the PCA was based on the variance-covariance matrix) or standardized log-
concentration space (if the PCA was based on the correlation matrix). Displaying
both objects and variables on the same plot makes it possible to observe the
contributions of specific elements to group separation and to the distinctive shapes of
the various groups. Such a plot is commonly referred to as a “biplot” in reference to
the simultaneous plotting of objects and variables. The variable inter-relationships
inferred from a biplot can be verified directly by inspecting bivariate elemental
concentration plots. [Note that a bivariate plot of elemental concentrations is not a
biplot.]

Whether a group can be discriminated easily from other groups can be evaluated
visually in two dimensions or statistically in multiple dimensions. A metric known as
the Mahalanobis distance (or generalized distance) makes it possible to describe the
separation between groups or between individual samples and groups on multiple
dimensions. The Mahalanobis distance of a specimen from a group centroid (Bieber
et al. 1976, Bishop and Neff 1989) is defined by:

Dy2, X = [ y − X ]t I x [ y − X ]

531
where y is the 1 x m array of logged elemental concentrations for the specimen of
interest, X is the n x m data matrix of logged concentrations for the group to which
the point is being compared with X being it 1 x m centroid, and I x is the inverse of
the m x m variance-covariance matrix of group X. Because Mahalanobis distance
takes into account variances and covariances in the multivariate group it is analogous
to expressing distance from a univariate mean in standard deviation units. Like
standard deviation units, Mahalanobis distances can be converted into probabilities of
group membership for individual specimens. For relatively small sample sizes, it is
appropriate to base probabilities on Hotelling’s T 2 , which is the multivariate
extension of the univariate Student’s t .

When group sizes are small, Mahalanobis distance-based probabilities can fluctuate
dramatically depending upon whether or not each specimen is assumed to be a
member of the group to which it is being compared. Harbottle (1976) calls this
phenomenon “stretchability” in reference to the tendency of an included specimen to
stretch the group in the direction of its own location in elemental concentration space.
This problem can be circumvented by cross-validation, that is, by removing each
specimen from its presumed group before calculating its own probability of
membership (Baxter 1994; Leese and Main 1994). This is a conservative approach to
group evaluation that may sometimes exclude true group members.

Small sample and group sizes place further constraints on the use of Mahalanobis
distance: with more elements than samples, the group variance-covariance matrix is
singular thus rendering calculation of I x (and D 2 itself) impossible. Therefore, the
dimensionality of the groups must somehow be reduced. One approach would be to
eliminate elements considered irrelevant or redundant. The problem with this
approach is that the investigator’s preconceptions about which elements should be
discriminate may not be valid. It also squanders the main advantage of multielement
analysis, namely the capability to measure a large number of elements. An alternative
approach is to calculate Mahalanobis distances with the scores on principal
components extracted from the variance-covariance or correlation matrix for the
complete data set. This approach entails only the assumption, entirely reasonable in
light of the above discussion of PCA, that most group-separating differences should
be visible on the first several PCs. Unless a data set is extremely complex, containing
numerous distinct groups, using enough components to subsume at least 90% of the
total variance in the data can be generally assumed to yield Mahalanobis distances
that approximate Mahalanobis distances in full elemental concentration space.

Lastly, Mahalanobis distance calculations are also quite useful for handling missing
data (Sayre 1975). When many specimens are analyzed for a large number of
elements, it is almost certain that a few element concentrations will be missed for
some of the specimens. This occurs most frequently when the concentration for an

532
element is near the detection limit. Rather than eliminate the specimen or the element
from consideration, it is possible to substitute a missing value by replacing it with a
value that minimizes the Mahalanobis distance for the specimen from the group
centroid. Thus, those few specimens which are missing a single concentration value
can still be used in group calculations.

Results and Conclusions:

Fifty-one pottery samples were assigned to one of the five new compositional groups
(Table 1). Seven samples remained unassigned. Table 2 lists the Mahalanobis-
distance based probabilities of group membership of the three largest reference
groups based on principal components. Unfortunately, the remaining reference groups
could not be statistically established based on Mahalanobis statistics because of the
small sample sizes. Basing statistical group membership on principal components
generally is not preferable when the reference groups overlap in principal component
space (as yours do). However, it provides some statistical measure by which to
demonstrate group membership and should be taken into consideration along with the
reference groups plotted in elemental space (a stronger interpretation of the viability
of the reference groups). Table 3 provides principal component analysis eigenvalue
and eigenvector data. Figures 1-2 are plots of the compositional groups (alone and
with the unassigned samples, respectively) in principal component space. Figure 3
demonstrates the group separation of the pottery samples and Figure 4 shows where
the unassigned samples plot in relation to the newly-created reference groups. Every
attempt was made to determine if the JLT samples were members of other South
American pottery reference groups (they were compared with pottery and clays in the
MURR database). There were no statistical similarities, but there are some
similarities that are worth noting. Figure 5 plots other Late Intermediate Period
pottery samples (Vaughn et al. 2006) with the Toohey reference groups and Figure 6
plots the Toohey reference groups with clays from the Tierras Blancas Valley
(Vaughn et al. 2006).

Below is a description of the pottery samples that comprise the five new reference
groups.

Group 1: This compositional group is composed of eight Amoshulca Black

Geometric, one Cajamarca Semi-Cursive, and four undetermined (as to ceramic type)
sherds. All of the Amoshulca Black Geometric sherds are members of this
compositional group. The majority of the sherd pastes in this group are tan to orange
in color and do not have an abundance of visible inclusions (although minor
quantities of calcite/limestone do occur). Chemically, this group is distinguished from
the remaining groups because of its higher concentrations in many of the first-row
transitional metals and many of the lanthanide-series elements.

Group 2: This is the one compositional group that may not be an actual reference

533
group, but because of the small sample size, it is difficult to assess the validity of this
group. Our primary reason for suggesting that it may not be a group is that it is a
scatter of sherds that group in 3’s (JLT005, JLT037, and JLT051 and JLT024,
JLT006, and JLT056 and JLT002, JLT007, and JLT008-even though JLT007 and
JLT008 are unassigned) between Group1 and Group 4, and in principal component
space, the samples form a wide, large group. A close examination of the actual sherds
may be able to resolve this issue. Assuming that it is a reference group, it is composed
of seven Cajamarca (all types) sherds. Visually, the sherd pastes are orange to gray in
color with more visible inclusions, especially hematite. Chemically, these sherds are
higher in calcium, cesium, and antimony and depleted in most of the rare earth
elements.

Group 3: Again, this may not represent a true compositional group, but because the
two samples always plot near each other, we have chosen to highlight their affinity.
Both sherds are classified as Cajamarca Black and Orange with one classified as the
Shicuana Variety. The pastes are tan to light gray in color and do not appear to have
many, if any, inclusions. Chemically, these two sherds have higher concentrations in
chromium than many of the other sherds (except for Group 1) and lower
concentrations of hafnium.

Group 4: Ten sherds (Cajamarca Semi-Cursive, Cajamarca White Slipped, Cajamarca

Fine Black, Cajamarca Fine Red, and Utility Type B) comprise this reference group.
Visually, this group has darker pastes with dark cores. The paste colors range from
tan to dark gray and some calcite inclusions occur. Higher concentrations of arsenic
and calcium and lower concentrations of cobalt and titanium chemically distinguish
this group from the others. The Late Intermediate Period pottery analyzed by Vaughn
plot near Group 4 as do some of the Tierra Blancas Valley clays, but neither are not
statistical members of Group 4.

Group 5: Nineteen samples are members of the largest of the five reference groups.
The majority of these sherds are classified as Cajamarca sherds. Interestingly, of the
eight ceramic types in this compositional group, the majority of Cajamarca Coarse (as
opposed to Group 4 being primarily Cajamarca Fine) types are members of Group 5.
The firing temperatures and decorative programs of sherds in this compositional
group demonstrate the greatest variability. Chemically, Group 5 is separated from the
other reference groups because of its higher concentrations of sodium, manganese,
strontium, barium, and iron and lower concentrations of chromium and cesium. Some
Tierras Blancas Valley clays plot within this compositional group, but are not
statistical members of Group 5.

Unassigned Samples: Seven Cajamarca samples remain unassigned. The majority of

the samples plot above Group 4 and between Group 1 and Group 2. The samples that
plot near Group 4 were not included in the Group 4 reference group because they do
not consistently plot as closely to Group 4 as is shown in Figure 4. The three samples

534
that plot between Group 1 and 2 may be part of the clusters of three sherds described
above (Group 2).

Research Questions Asked:

1) Was there substantial interaction and exchange of goods between villages? Or
did conflict interrupt contact and exchange between communities?

According to Hypothesis 1, if Yanaorco was an economic node in a system of inter-

community interaction, there should be little chemical variability within the utilitarian
wares and more variability within the decorated wares. Alternatively, if there is little
inter-community interaction due to conflict and competition during the Late
Intermediate Period, there should also be little chemical variation in utilitarian and
decorated wares. Because this is a pilot study and because we were not able to
identify imported pottery from other valleys, we would suggest that these data
support Hypothesis 1. Utility Type B pottery is classified as having two different
chemical compositional groups and there is chemical variability in the decorated
wares. Interestingly, there is not chemical variability with the Amoshulca Black
Geometric ceramic type and this may suggest that it was produced at Yanaorco.

As is recognized in the project proposal, to better understand to social, political, and

economic milieus during the Late Intermediate Period in the Cajamarca region more
sherds need to be analyzed. Additionally, to understand production and trade, clays
need to be systematically sampled and analyzed.

Acknowledgments
We acknowledge Mark Hammond for his role in preparing the samples for
irradiation. Operating support for the MURR Archaeometry Laboratory was provided
by a grant from the National Science Foundation (BCS- 0504015). This research was
also supported in part by a grant from the US Department of Energy Office of
Nuclear Energy, Science and Technology Award No. DE-FG07-03ID14531 to the
Midwest Nuclear Science and Engineering Consortium under the Innovations in
Nuclear Infrastructure and Education program.

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1994b Stepwise discriminant analysis in archaeometry: a critique.
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Bieber, Alan M. Jr., Dorothea W. Brooks, Garman Harbottle, and Edward V. Sayre
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Bishop, Ronald L., Robert L. Rands, and George R. Holley

Ceramic compositional analysis in archaeological perspective. In
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Glascock, Michael D.
1992 Characterization of archaeological ceramics at MURR by neutron
activation analysis and multivariate statistics. In Chemical
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Harbottle, Garman
1976 Activation analysis in archaeology. Radiochemistry 3:33–72. The
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Leese, Morven N. and Peter L. Main

1994 The efficient computation of unbiased Mahalanobis distances and their
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Lynott, Mark J., Hector Neff, James E. Price, James W. Cogswell, and Michael D.
Glascock
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1996 Large-scale compositional patterns in the chemical composition of
Mississippian pottery. American Antiquity 61:555–572.

Steponaitis, Vincas, M., James Blackman, and R Weisman

1988 Chemical and Mineralogical Characterization of Mississippian Pottery.
Paper presented at the 53rd Annual Meeting of the Society for
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Vaughn, Kevin J., Christina A. Conlee, Hector Neff, and Katharina Schreiber
2006 Ceramic Production in Ancient Nasca: Provenance Analysis of Pottery
from the Early Nasca and Tiza Cultures through INAA. Journal of
Archaeological Science 33:681-689.

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538
Table 1: Chemical Group Assignments for Pottery Samples from Yanaorco,
Cajamarca, Peru

539
 ANID Ceramic Group Ceramic Type Form Interior Decoration Exterior Decoration
JLT010 Group 1 Amoshulca Black Geometric Bowl black painted black painted
JLT011 Group 1 Amoshulca Black Geometric Bowl plain plain
JLT012 Group 1 Amoshulca Black Geometric Bowl black painted plain
JLT013 Group 1 Amoshulca Black Geometric Bowl plain plain
JLT014 Group 1 Amoshulca Black Geometric Bowl black painted black painted
JLT015 Group 1 Amoshulca Black Geometric Bowl black painted black painted
JLT016 Group 1 Amoshulca Black Geometric Bowl black painted plain
JLT047 Group 1 Undetermined Bowl plain plain
JLT049 Group 1 Amoshulca Black Geometric Bowl black painted plain
JLT050 Group 1 Undetermined Bowl white slip white slip
JLT053 Group 1 Cajamarca Semi-Cursive Bowl red and brown painted brown painted
JLT054 Group 1 Undetermined unknown plain plain
JLT060 Group 1 Undetermined crisole? plain plain
540

JLT002 Group 2 Cajamarca Black and Orange (Shicuana Variety) Bowl orange and black painted slip
JLT005 Group 2 Cajamarca Black and Orange (Shicuana Variety) Bowl orange and black painted plain
JLT006 Group 2 Cajamarca Black and Orange (Chanchiconga Variety) Bowl plain plain
JLT024 Group 2 Cajamarca Fine Black Bowl plain plain
JLT037 Group 2 Cajamarca Coarse Red unknown plain plain
JLT051 Group 2 Cajamarca Semi-Cursive Bowl red and black painted red painted
JLT056 Group 2 Cajamarca Fine Black Bowl plain plain
JLT004 Group 3 Cajamarca Black and Orange (Shicuana Variety) Bowl orange and black painted plain
JLT048 Group 3 Cajamarca Black and Orange Bowl orange painted orange and black painted
JLT018 Group 4 Cajamarca Semi-Cursive Bowl black painted plain
JLT019 Group 4 Cajamarca Semi-Cursive Bowl black painted black painted
JLT022 Group 4 Cajamarca White Slipped Bowl plain plain
JLT026 Group 4 Cajamarca Fine Black Bowl plain plain
JLT027 Group 4 Cajamarca Fine Black Bowl plain plain
JLT029 Group 4 Cajamarca Fine Black Bowl plain plain
 ANID Ceramic Group Ceramic Type Form Interior Decoration Exterior Decoration
JLT032 Group 4 Cajamarca Fine Red Bowl plain plain
JLT033 Group 4 Cajamarca Fine Red Bowl plain plain
JLT041 Group 4 Utility Type B Jar plain red painted
JLT044 Group 4 Utility Type B unknown plain plain
JLT003 Group 5 Cajamarca Black and Orange (Shicuana Variety) Bowl orange and black painted orange painted
JLT017 Group 5 Cajamarca Semi-Cursive Bowl black painted black painted
JLT020 Group 5 Cajamarca Semi-Cursive Bowl red and black painted red painted
JLT021 Group 5 Cajamarca Semi-Cursive unknown plain red and black painted
JLT023 Group 5 Cajamarca Fine Black unknown plain plain
JLT028 Group 5 Cajamarca Fine Black Bowl plain plain
JLT030 Group 5 Cajamarca Fine Black Bowl plain plain
JLT035 Group 5 Cajamarca Coarse Red Jar plain plain
JLT038 Group 5 Cajamarca Coarse Black unknown plain plain
JLT039 Group 5 Cajamarca Coarse Black unknown plain plain
JLT040 Group 5 Cajamarca Coarse Black unknown plain plain
541

JLT042 Group 5 Utility Type B unknown plain plain

JLT043 Group 5 Utility Type B Jar plain white and black painted
JLT045 Group 5 Cajamarca Black and White unknown plain plain
JLT046 Group 5 Cajamarca Black and White unknown plain plain
JLT055 Group 5 Undetermined unknown plain plain
JLT057 Group 5 Cajamarca Coarse Red unknown plain plain
JLT058 Group 5 Undetermined unknown plain plain
JLT059 Group 5 Undetermined unknown plain white painted
JLT001 Unassigned Cajamarca Black and Orange (Shicuana Variety) Bowl orange and black painted plain
JLT007 Unassigned Cajamarca Black and Orange Bowl orange and black painted n/a
JLT008 Unassigned Cajamarca Black and Orange Bowl plain plain
JLT009 Unassigned Cajamarca Black and Orange Bowl orange and black painted plain
JLT031 Unassigned Cajamarca Fine Black Bowl plain plain
JLT034 Unassigned Cajamarca Coarse Red unknown plain plain
JLT036 Unassigned Cajamarca Coarse Red Jar plain plain
Table 2: Mahalanobis Distance Calculation (Based on Principal Components)
for Reference Groups 1 , 4, and 5 from Yanaorco, Cajamarca, Peru

Groups are:
1 Group 1
2 Group 4
3 Group 5
Variables used:
PC01 PC02 PC03 PC04 PC05 PC06 PC07
PC08

Probabilities are jackknifed for specimens included in each group.

The following specimens are in Group 1
Probabilities:
ID. NO. Group 1 Group 4 Group 5
JLT010 22.188 3.190 0.000
JLT011 48.387 1.070 0.000
JLT012 93.614 2.221 0.000
JLT013 39.769 3.333 0.000
JLT014 11.918 1.400 0.000
JLT015 28.456 1.025 0.000
JLT016 86.593 3.624 0.000
JLT047 0.620 0.333 0.000 *
JLT049 77.949 0.997 0.000
JLT050 56.829 0.967 0.000
JLT053 63.820 1.835 0.000
JLT054 96.027 2.542 0.000
JLT060 17.421 0.920 0.000

The following specimens are in Group 4

Probabilities:
ID. NO Group 1 Group 4 Group 5
JLT018 0.010 18.860 2.474
JLT019 0.018 30.476 0.292
JLT022 0.010 23.268 9.113
JLT026 0.019 99.606 0.854
JLT027 0.015 25.888 0.426 * These samples consistently
JLT029 0.019 55.656 0.057 Plot within the
reference groups using
JLT032 0.015 39.226 1.282 elemental plots.

JLT033 0.016 42.005 0.195

JLT041 0.014 82.977 4.568
JLT044 0.018 30.173 0.079

The following specimens are in Group 5

Probabilities:
ID. NO. Group 1 Group 4 Group 5
JLT003 0.013 2.458 6.043 *
JLT017 0.004 3.027 52.458
JLT020 0.004 2.130 33.619
JLT021 0.004 2.901 16.710
JLT023 0.010 6.177 92.659
JLT028 0.003 2.719 24.167
JLT030 0.011 4.909 22.694
JLT035 0.005 2.630 80.820
JLT038 0.005 2.644 71.004
JLT039 0.009 9.191 92.833
JLT040 0.008 23.713 11.804 *
JLT042 0.012 2.130 27.478

542
JLT043 0.010 4.172 61.455
JLT045 0.013 6.893 87.910
JLT046 0.012 5.938 93.042
JLT055 0.008 4.430 0.017 *
JLT057 0.016 5.557 68.417
JLT058 0.006 2.362 61.159
JLT059 0.013 5.494 83.912

543
Table 3: Principal Components Analysis of the Samples from Yanaorco,
Cajamarca, Peru
(R-Q Factor Analysis Based on Variance-Covariance Matrix).

Eigenvalues and Percentage of Variance Explained:

Eigenvalue %Variance Cum. %Var.
1 1.0486 60.4227 60.4227
2 0.2340 13.4868 73.9095
3 0.1412 8.1392 82.0487
4 0.0787 4.5338 86.5825
5 0.0549 3.1631 89.7455
6 0.0349 2.0092 91.7548
7 0.0301 1.7356 93.4903
8 0.0238 1.3712 94.8615
9 0.0157 0.9022 95.7636

Eigenvectors (largest to smallest):

Factor 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

As 0.1657 0.1610 0.2150 -0.7366 -0.3406 0.2939 0.2686 -0.0641 0.1193

La -0.1353 0.0151 -0.1032 -0.0252 -0.0381 0.0636 -0.1523 -0.0169 -0.1863
Lu -0.2320 -0.0667 -0.1663 -0.0996 0.1199 -0.0828 0.1370 -0.1141 0.0508
Nd -0.1334 0.0379 -0.0809 -0.0596 -0.0290 0.1325 -0.1543 0.0463 -0.3328
Sm -0.1417 0.0369 -0.1109 -0.0725 0.0062 0.0765 -0.0559 0.0453 -0.2272
U -0.1864 -0.0046 -0.0376 -0.0741 -0.1010 0.0341 0.0222 -0.0098 0.0949
Yb -0.2508 -0.0535 -0.1706 -0.1252 0.1346 -0.0321 0.1321 -0.1171 -0.0207
Ce -0.1383 0.0043 -0.1308 -0.0444 -0.0405 0.0488 -0.1081 -0.0141 -0.1807
Co 0.0319 -0.0595 -0.3643 -0.0897 0.1797 0.2533 0.3213 0.4311 0.1737
Cr -0.2593 0.0153 0.0042 -0.1155 -0.0507 0.1644 -0.1711 -0.0604 -0.0679
Cs -0.1126 0.0345 0.2311 -0.2331 0.3200 -0.2219 -0.4185 -0.0222 0.3168
Eu -0.0782 0.0765 -0.1799 -0.0467 0.0321 0.0267 -0.0119 0.0666 -0.1476
Fe 0.1668 -0.0181 0.0237 -0.2505 -0.0097 -0.1544 -0.2169 -0.1637 -0.3258
Hf -0.1036 0.0226 -0.2257 0.0703 -0.3625 -0.0941 0.0435 -0.2598 0.1238
Rb -0.1563 -0.1276 -0.1479 -0.0279 0.0890 0.0108 -0.1309 -0.0924 0.2796
Sb -0.0314 0.1612 0.0785 -0.2117 -0.0851 -0.0580 -0.3658 0.0744 0.0454
Sc -0.0458 0.1513 -0.0473 -0.0483 0.1546 -0.0022 -0.0586 0.1579 -0.0695
Sr 0.2049 -0.1583 -0.1575 0.1010 -0.3077 0.3025 -0.4098 0.0745 -0.0375
Ta -0.1771 -0.0646 -0.1346 -0.0943 -0.1037 -0.0433 -0.0567 -0.1090 0.0603
Tb -0.2053 0.0107 -0.1392 -0.2020 0.1632 -0.0236 0.0666 -0.0624 -0.1786
Th -0.1947 -0.0190 -0.0744 -0.0825 -0.0052 0.0033 -0.0539 -0.0611 -0.0560
Zn 0.0420 0.0130 -0.1017 -0.0688 0.1858 0.2944 -0.1544 0.1537 0.1645
Zr -0.1153 -0.0143 -0.2514 0.0663 -0.3518 -0.0727 0.0581 -0.2700 0.1087
Al 0.0460 0.1517 -0.0520 -0.0178 -0.0038 -0.0359 -0.1549 0.1256 -0.0653
Ba 0.1037 0.0896 -0.2100 -0.0058 -0.0535 0.1953 -0.2095 0.2236 0.1038
Ca 0.0024 -0.6899 0.2296 0.0198 0.0957 0.4126 -0.0213 -0.2050 -0.1490
Dy -0.2439 0.0280 -0.0589 -0.1377 0.2124 0.0938 0.0596 -0.0214 -0.1815
K -0.1136 -0.0629 -0.1515 -0.0030 0.0427 0.1819 -0.1692 -0.1070 0.4166
Mn 0.2516 -0.5338 -0.3045 -0.3390 -0.0614 -0.4970 -0.0428 0.2558 -0.0249
Na 0.5229 0.2004 -0.3852 -0.0509 0.3629 0.1029 -0.0287 -0.5387 -0.0482
Ti -0.0330 0.0750 -0.1776 0.0678 -0.1970 -0.0360 -0.0890 0.0553 0.0224
V 0.0341 0.1198 -0.0937 0.0606 -0.0701 0.0322 0.0368 0.1916 -0.2334

544
Figure 1: Ceramic samples (divided into five compositional groups) from Yanaorco
projected onto the first and third principal component axes. Ellipses represent 90%
confidence intervals for group membership.

545
Figure 2: Ceramic samples and samples that could not be assigned to a reference
group (identified by their ANID) from Yanaorco projected onto the first and third
principal component axes. Ellipses represent 90% confidence intervals for group
membership.

546
Figure 3: Plot of chromium and cerium base-10 logged concentrations showing the
separation of the five reference groups fromYanaorco. Ellipses represent 90%
confidence intervals for group membership. The dashed rectangle notes a suggested
pairing of compositionally similar sherds.

547
Figure 4: Plot of chromium and cerium base-10 logged concentrations showing the
separation of the five reference groups and the unassigned samples (identified by their
ANID) fromYanaorco. Ellipses represent 90% confidence intervals for group
membership. The dashed rectangle notes a suggested pairing of compositionally
similar sherds.

548
Figure 5: Plot of chromium and hafnium base-10 logged concentrations showing the
separation of the five reference groups from Yanaorco and other Late Intermediate
Period sherds (Vaughn et al. 2006 ) analyzed at MURR. Ellipses represent 90%
confidence intervals for group membership. The dashed rectangle notes a suggested
pairing of compositionally similar sherds.

549
Figure 6: Plot of chromium and zirconium base-10 logged concentrations showing the
separation of the five reference groups from Yanaorco and clays from the Tierras
Blancas Valley (Vaughn et al. 2006). Ellipses represent 90% confidence intervals for
group membership.

550