The Symbolism and Ritual Context of the Yoruba Laba Shango

Author(s): Joan Wescott and Peter Morton-Williams

Source: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol.
92, No. 1 (Jan. - Jun., 1962), pp. 23-37
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
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 The Symbolism
and RitualContextoftheYoruba
Laba Shango
JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS

THE ETHNOGRAPHER HAS OFTEN TO FACE THE PROBLEM of interpreting symbols or sym-
bolic acts which,withintheirculture,existwithouta sanctioningexplanation. He must
consequently decipher and explain discursivelywhat the native intuitivelyperceives
and responds to. In seeking to discover what significancesuch a symbol has, we must
findfirsthow the formis set in its institutionalcontext; and second, how it is integrated
into the religious,moral, and motivational systemswithin the society. In this analysis
we have interpreteda symbolforwhich the Yoruba can offerno explanation; we have
thereforetried to introduce the Yoruba consciousnessmuch as Griaule did with the
Dogon culture, and Evans-Pritchardwith those of the Azande and Nuer. In a purely
structural-functional typeofanalysisinterpretationis, in contrast,limitedby such direct
referencesas can be made to the model; therethe anthropologisttoo oftenassumes that
the symbolcan simplybe interpretedreductivelyas having referentsin his constructed
patternofsocial relations.In thiselucidation ofa complex non-verbalsymbol,our inter-
pretationsexplore a wider range of meaning,but theseinterpretationsneverthelessmay
be referredto evidence that can be judged by objective criteria.Weight is added to our
interpretationof the symbol under discussion by showing that its elements are given
explicitmeaningin othercontextssuch as myths,praise songs,and ritualsculpture.
The symbolthat concernsus here (Plates I and II) is one which decorates the laba,
a flat red leather bag about twentyinches square which is part of the equipment of
everypriestof Shango, the thundergod of the Yoruba of south-westNigeria.' Covering
the face of the laba are the fouridentical symbolic panel designs forwhich we could
elicitno verbal explanation. The bag itselfis used to contain ritualobjects,and is carried
by the priestswhen purifyinga spot where lightninghas struckand, also, when in full
panoply theyjoin the processionof the priesthoodat the main annual rite of the god.2
For the Shango devotees,the bag has symbolicvalue, and it seemsfromdiscussionswith
them that its significancelies mostlyin its decorated panels. But theirmeaning is not
perceivedin rational terms,and the worshipperswere only able to describeits use; they
could not interpretthe decoration as a whole or by parts in termsof any of their ex-
planatorysystems.Shango worshippersare particularlyaverseto intellectualapproaches
and theirritual symbolicformsare oftenpreservedwithoutexplanation and even with-
out a mythsupportingtheirmeaning.
We are here attemptingto discover by conceptual and aesthetic analysis what the
panel design directlyconveysto the Yoruba as a symboJ.The analysisis to be founded
upon the aesthetic content of the laba,on its place in the ritesof Shango, and on the
resemblance of its decorative elementsto those that, when found elsewherein Yoruba
23

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24 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS

religionand religiousart,have explanationsof a kindwe can interpret satisfactorily.

Concluding,we shallrelatetheconfiguration formedby thecombinationofstructural
and decorativeelementsto theritualuse ofthebag. As we shallshow,thismethodcan
be appliedjust as rigorously as the methodsof historyand structural-functionalism;
prolongedstudyofYoruba symbolsand oftheirfunctioning in theirculturehas con-
vincedus thatto understand themand to conveytheunderlying religiousconceptions,
thesetwo analytictechniquesmustbe supplemented. But beforewe can go on to the
analysis,we shallhavetosetforth theethnography ofthelabain somedetail.
Whilewe werein theYoruba metropolis Oyo, we persuadedtheHigh Priestofthe
Shangocult(theMagba) toallowustohavea labamade.It isnowintheBritish Museum.
The laba,made up ofgoatskindyedin traditionalred,consistsofa pouch,a flapthat
hangsovertheopeningofthepouchcoveringitsfront, and a longstrapwhichenables
thelaba to be worndownone side ofthebodywhilethestrappassesovertheopposite
shoulder.Along the bottomedge of the flap are seventassels,each a trianglewith
bundlesofleatherstripshangingfromthem.Exceptforthenarrowverticaldesignoften
seen along each side of the frontface of the pouch,only the flapis decorated.The
elementsofthedecorationarefourintricate panelson a groundofredcloth.Each ofthe
fourpanelscarriesthesamedesign,and it is substantially thesameon everylaba made
in Oyo.3 Not onlytheMagba and histwodeputies,but otherShangopriestsand wor-
shippersas well, have assertedthat everylaba mustbear thisdesign;4 and it is this
design,traditionally repeatedin each ofthefourpanels,thatcontainstheritualmean-
ingofthelabaand hasprovokedthewriting ofthispaper.
The paneldesignitself, together
withitsborder,is nmade up ofcut-outyellowleather,
embroidered withnarrowstripsofblack and whiteleather,and is stitchedovera red
feltbackground.Four irregularly shapedgreenleatherpiecesmarkthecornersas part
ofthebackgroundforthecentralyellowmotif;twoleathershapesinterrupt theredfelt
background forming a diagonalofblackbehindtheyellowdesign5(Fig. opp. PlateI).
Decoratedleatherworkis a longestablished craftin Oyo,and,likemostcrafts there,
it is confinedto certainlineages.The leatherworkersofto-dayare membersofone or
otherofthreelineagegroupsthatare segments ofa lineageformerly in Old Oyo. Only
one of thesesegments,the OtunShona,6literally,'the right(hand groupof) leather
workers,' is authorizedtomakelaba,and then,onlytotheorderoftheMagba. The mem-
bersofthislineagegroupregardthemakingoflabaas so important a taskthatitis closely
supervised and in partdone byonlythemostskilledand seniormembersamongthem.
A newlymade labais sealedbeforeit is deliveredto theMagba, thetwofacesofthe
pocketbeinggluedtogether withstarchpaste.The Magba alone is permitted to open
it,and theunsealingis donein secretin theprivacyofhisshrine.Whileopeningtheone
we commissioned, he workedintothesealed leathera solutionofwater,palmoil,and
somemagicblackpowder,ofwhichthecomposition was notdisclosed.He assertedthat
the leatherwould tear if anyoneelse attemptedto unseal the bag, or if he himself
neglectedto use thepowder.When theoutsideof thepockethad been saturatedand
softenedby the mixture,he workedthesolutionintothepocket,graduallyseparating
thefaces.The operationwas an arduousone,takingabouttwenty minutesand causing
him to sweatprofusely. Physicalexertionis so rarelyrequiredofa highpriestthatits
occurrence herepointstotheritualimportance oftheoperation.7

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 THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 25

As a signofacceptanceintotheShangocult,a newpriestis requiredto have hisown

laba made. But he does not deal directlywiththe makers,as he does withthewood-
carverswhenhe needsa dance staff.The Magba mustcommission it forhim,and re-
ceivepaymenton behalfofthecraftsmen. Whileeverynewpriestis expectedto obtain
his firstlaba in thisway, some may laterpurchaseothersto displayin theirshrines.
Thesesupernumerary onesneednotbe opened.
Thelabais wornwhenthepriesttravelsin hisvestments to officiate
at someriteaway
fromhisshrine.It is neverwornwhilethepriestis in a stateofpossession, whenhe then
is dressedas the god. When theyare not carried,laba hang in the domesticshrines
(gbongon)oftheShangopriests(Plate II A) and are usedto containonly'thunderbolts'
(edunara),8i.e. neolithiccelts,and the sacredgourdrattles(shere), whichare shaken
whileprayersare addressedto Shango. They are neverused to carrythe double-axe
dancestaffs (oshe),whichare usedonlyin a stateofpossession.9
The Shangocult,comparedwithotherYoruba cults,is remarkable foritselaborate
ritual,and theabundanceand varietyofitssculpture and symbols.Yet itsbodyofmyth
concerning theritualobjectsis particularly meagre.The mythsare,forthemostpart,
confinedto storiesof Shango and are concernedwithhis lifeas a king,his death and
re-emergence as a god,and hisrelationswithothergodsand withmankind.10 It appears
thatin so restricting the subjectmatterof his myths,the Shango worshipper ensures
that when,he contemplateshis ritualobject,the rationalfunctions of his mind are
silenced;as fullyas he may he openshimselfto emotionsliberatedby the visualand
intuitiveexperience oftheseforms. Thusitseemstous thathe is consistent in demanding
thatthemystery surrounding hisritualobjectsbe preservedso thathe mayrespondto
themfullyon an emotionallevel; an explanationwouldlimitor vitiatetheirevocative
poweras symbols.It is especiallyto be notedthatneitherof the two mostimportant
symbolicobjectsin the Shango cult-the thunder-axe(oshe)and the laba-are given
anyexplanation.The former is carriedduringtheviolent,frenzied possession, thelatter
on rituallysanctionedplunderingexpeditions.The violence of the typicalShango
possessionand the plunderingof the priestsare bothin conflict withnormalYoruba
rulesofbehaviourand moralattitudes;and theyare neitherofthemdirectly described
in the mythsand praise songs,whichascribeviolenceonly to Shango,neverto his
devotees.Sincethedevoteesdo notadmittheiranti-socialpropensities, thetwoobjects
whichare associatedwiththemareperhapsforthisadditionalreasonnotexplained.
Amongthosemostactivein thecult,twopolar typesmaybe distinguished: one is
hearty,givento noisydisplayand fascinatedby conjuring;theotheris lessconfidently
boisterous and oftentemperamental. Bothtypesare subjectto violentboutsofdissocia-
tionor possession, and are transvestitein thisstate.Unbridledemotionsareon thewhole
shownonlyby thepriestsofthoseYoruba cultsthatrecognizestatesofpossession;and
among these,Shango possessionsare by far the mostfrequent.Althoughviolence,
generallyspeaking,is not a Yoruba trait,Shango and his possessedworshippers are
knownto be violent.Theircharacteristic responsesare irrational,
thatis, theyrespond
to objectsand formimagesand ideas by directunconscious perceptionand production,
withoutthe mediationof reflective thoughtor ethicalconsiderations. Althoughthe
worshippers conform to theconventions ofYoruba behaviourin avoidingviolenceand
destructiveness exceptin possession, thereis good evidencethattheyhave fantasiesof

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26 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS

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JOANWESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS The Yoruba Laba Shango PLATE I

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JOANWESCOTT& PETERMORTON-WILLIAMS The Yoruba Laba Shango PLATE11
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JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS The Yoruba Laba Shango
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JOANWESCOTT& PETERMORTON-WILLIAMS The Yoruba Laba Shango PLATEIV

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 THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 27

themand attributeto themselves the magicalcontrolofthedestructive forceoflight-

ning.We havehearda possession priest(hisdemeanourcheerful enough)saying,in the
presenceofa Moslemwithwhomhe was on friendly terms,thathe wouldmurderany
daughterof his who wantedto marrya Moslem; and we have also knownShango
priestswho believedtheyhad used lightning in magicalwarfarein undercoverfeuds
amongthemselves.
The cult of Shango,as distinguished fromhis privateworship,is establishedonly
in thoseYoruba areasthatwereundertheimperialruleofOyo beforeitscollapsein the
nineteenth century.The culthas centralizedorganization, theoccupancyofsomeofits
highestpriestly officesbeingconfined tomembers ofcertainOyo lineages.The restofthe
priesthood, whether in Oyo orin theprovinces, is recruitedlocallyfrommendiscovered
tobe subjecttostatesofpossession byShango.
Devoteesmay be bornintothe cult,or assignedto the worshipof Shango by Ifa,
theYorubagodofdivination. Whenan individualis a memberofa cultfromchildhood,
he musttakepartin ritesaddressedto thegod throughout hislife.But shouldthecult
failto satisfy the needsof his personality,symptoms of disturbancewill occur.Then,
through themediationofIfa,he mayfindhiswayintoanothercultwherehispersonality
matchesthatofthegod,andcan be defined, canalized,andfulfilledbycultmembership."
Novicesto the priesthoodof Shango are selectedand partlytrainedby the local
associationsof Shango priests,but each one musttravelto Oyo, accompaniedby a
priestas sponsor,to receiveconfirmation in his callingand finalinstruction fromthe
Magba. As priest,he is entitledelegun,which literallytranslatedmeans 'one who
becomesridden',thatis,possessedby Shango.The newlyselectedpriestmustnowhave
hisfirst labamade.
The laba servesboth symbolicand utilitarianendsin cultritual.But sinceitssize
is largerthan thatdemandedby its contents,we relatethisto its importancerather
thanitsuse. It is wornwhenthepriesttravelsin hisvestments in somerite
to officiate
away fromhisshrine,particularly to placeswherelightning has struck.His taskthere
is to findand 'digfromtheearth'"2thethunderbolt thatdogmadeclaresShangohurled,
thento announcewhatsinsShangopunishesby thatact and whatsacrifices thosewho
live theremustofferin expiation.On thisand otheroccasionswhen Shango makes
visiblehispowerand anger,thelabais carriedoutsidetheshrineandwornhangingdown
the leftside of the officiantwiththe strapover his oppositeshoulderand diagonally
acrosshischest(PlateII B).
For reasonswhichare beyondthe scope of thispaper to elaboratefully(Morton-
WilliamsI960), theleftsideis ofritualsignificance to theYoruba;13 and thediagonal
line describedby the strapacrossthe chestis, as we shall see by its repetition in the
panel designand in therestatement ofits meaningin otherways,a suitablyconsistent
and not merelyconvenientmeans of wearingthe laba. It may be inferred froman
aestheticconsideration ofYoruba artthatthere,as inWesternculture,thediagonalline
mightbe an expression ofenergy,tension,and irrationality.14The leftsideindicatesin
the generallyacceptedsensethesecondaryand rejectedcontentsofa cultureand the
repressed contentsofthe unconscious.Confining ourselvesto thespecificcontextofthe
Shangocult,someoftheevidenceforthisgeneralization maybe cited;one ofShango's
praisesongsincludesthefollowing words:

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28 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS

I want to hail Shango;

He helped me to rebuild myhusband's house ...
He shoutedin the rooflike a spirit;
He used his lefthand to carryhis laba.

The song,sung by women devotees,tellshow Shango strucka house withlightning,and

in so doing filledthe laba of the priestwith the victimizedhouseholder'swealth which
was thenused to rebuild the priest'sshrine.
Another instance of the symbolic use of the lefthand and its association with the
unconscious is important.At a point in the trainingof a possessionpriest,the Magba
places his lefthand on the initiate'shead and recitesthe praise names ofShango. During
this recitation,the god reveals to the initiate the specifictaboo that will prevent his
being sent into possession at inappropriate moments. Moreover, it is a peculiarityof
possessionprieststhat Shango appears to them and speaks to themin theirdreams. The
Magba of the royal shrine at Koso includes in his morningrecital of Shango's praise
names the words, 'the dream is fatherof the god.' Since it has been established by
psychologiststhat personages in dreams are manifestationsof psychic complexes, it is
clear that the deity Shango corresponds to some extent to unconscious complexes
typical of his worshippers.Thus the impulses to violence and caprice that make up the
complex typical of Shango worshippersare illustratedsymbolicallyon the laba panel;
and the wearing of the laba on the leftside may be directlyconsistentwith the factthat
these impulses,appropriate to Shango, findsafe expressionin his cult, though they are
not accepted by the Yoruba generally. This psychic complex occurring in the per-
sonalitystructureof the devotees can only be acknowledged when projected on to the
god Shango. When Shango priestsin a state of possessionare identifiedwith the god,
they are dominated by an otherwise repressed need to vent their aggressive and
frightening impulses. The devotee in possessionmay withoutrestraintexhibit his wild
emotionsin uninhibiteddisplays of power and passion, disregardingthe rigid code of
Yoruba social etiquette.Beyond its necessityas insignia of office,it is plausible to infer
that the association of a cult artifactwith the leftside illuminatesan aspect of the god
and linksit with the personalitycomplex forwhich it is an appropriate symbol. In this
connexionit is evidentwhy the laba mustbe worn by Shango priestson theirexpeditions
to houses struckby lightning,for there they satisfytheirlove of destructivepower by
exploiting an already calamitous situation. Here is, in fact,an example of a type of
anti-socialbehaviour which has been sociallysanctioned.
The rigidlystandardized design on the panels of the laba is of considerable signifi-
cance in the imageryofthe Shango cult,and Shango priestsattributea numinousquality
to it. Moreover, the design contrastsremarkablywith the relativenaturalismand sym-
metryof the bulk of Yoruba plastic art and is, as far as we know, the freestexpression
drawfifromtheirrealm of myth.'5Since it is so veryfarfromotherYoruba conventions,
it is particularlytantalizingthatthe Yoruba seem to have no explanation ofits meaning.
We have questioned more than thirtypriestsin different partsofYorubaland including
the Magba of Oyo and two of his deputies, and also the Magba of the king's own
Shango shrine there. We also inquired among the senior members of the OtunShona
lineage group who made the laba. None of them could explain the design or contribute

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 THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 29

a mythabout it or about theintroductionofthe use ofthe laba, althoughover some years

rapport was closely established with most of the priestsconsulted, including the late
Magba. When the Yoruba are unwillingto disclose a myththeywill as a rule eithersay
so or fabricatean alternative;theywill seldom deny its existence.
On firstexaminingthe panel, the design may appear (as it has to many Europeans)
to be a variation on a swastika. If we have supplementedwhat is presentin the form
through anticipating a swastika by virtue of our knowledge of it in other cultures-
particularly as a form of Jupiter's lightning in Graeco-Roman iconography,16it is
none the less stronglysuggestiveofa stylizedlightningflash.Since the priestofthe thun-
der god carriesthe laba to places where lightninghas struck,it is fittingthat thisdesign
be a graphic and explicit indication of function.But many elementsin both the form
and colour of the panel design lead beyond this firstassociation with a swastika as a
stylizedlightningflash.
There is a strongand ever-presenttendency to anthropomorphismin Yoruba art
and religiousimagery,and thisdesign,whetheror not it is derived froma swastika,has
apparentlybeen anthropomorphized.Here the patterntakes the formof a dancer; and
the head-dress,the dance position,and the emblematicblack, white,and yellow colours
of the figurelead us to postulate that this dancing figureis a representationof Eshu
(Elegbara) the Yoruba trickster god.'7
The head-dress (in the upper right corner of the panel) resembles that worn by
Eshu priests,although it is oversize,just as it is on the carvingsforEshu where thisdis-
tinguishingmark is exaggerated for emphasis (Plate III). The dance position-upper
arms level with the shoulders,forearmsin opposite directions(the rightraised and the
leftone pointingdownward18)and the open postureofthe legs-is like the mostdistinc-
tive of the movementsin the Eshu devotees' ritual dance (Plate IV A). Energetic and
sensual, the dance forEshu is unmistakableand stands in contrastto the tightnessand
restraintof movementsin mostotherYoruba ritual dances, including thoseforShango.
Lines that mightbe consideredin excess of the dancing figurecontributeto the impres-
sion of movementand speed. In his myths,Eshu as the tricksterand god of mischiefis
never in any one place, but is everywhereat once. His songs and praise names tell of the
dazzling speed with which he travelsand of his agilityas a dancer. Although the hori-
zontal lozenge-shapedhead is balanced by the verticallozenge of the torso,the less rest-
fulverticaland diagonal lines dominate. The tensionin theselines and in the asymmetry
of the design gives an impressionof chaotic disorder (a situationwhich Eshu delightsin
creating),and the dancer's flexedlegs add considerablyto the general restlessnessof the
panel design.'9
Eshu stands between men and gods as mediator and agentprovocateur. The Yoruba
believe that it is Eshu who tricksmankind into offendingthe gods, therebyproviding
themwith sacrifices.Since the Shango priestwears his laba to the house struckby light-
ning where he announces what sacrificesmust be made in expiation of the sins Shango
is punishing,a portrayalofEshu, the instigatorofthe sin,on thebag containingShango's
vengefulthunderboltseems appropriate enough. The Yoruba say that Eshu must be
given a good part of the sacrificesmade to all the orisha(gods) since it is he who pro-
vides the orishawith food. Since Eshu is held responsibleforhuman follyand vulner-
ability,he is seen as the forcethat makes men turn to the gods in acknowledgementof

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30 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS

theirimperfectionsand foraid in theirendeavours. Each of thosegods who, it mightbe

supposed, could support themselvesthroughtheircommand of the forcesof swiftretri-
bution is shown in mythto have come in conflictwith Eshu, and to have been forcedto
admit the necessityof his role. In one myth,forexample, each thunderbolthurled at
Eshu by Shango shattered into a thousand fragmentsand were flung back at him.
Shango had consequentlyto make peace with Eshu, and thereaftersacrificesprovided
by Eshu were readily shared with him. In mythsand rituals one sees Eshu's two-way
involvement;he promptsmen to offendthe gods, and aids the gods in theirvengeance.
We have witnessedEshu worshipperscome to visita Shango priestwhen he was holding
an inquiryat a house struckby lightning,and accept a giftfromhim; and we have also
seen Shango transvestitesattend the annual dancing festivalin honour of Eshu and
receive a giftas well (Plate IV B). The head possessionpriestin Oyo (the Odejin)during
his annual celebrationin worshipofShango goes accompanied by hissubordinatesto pay
homage at the Magba's shrine; while returning,he pauses at the centralshrineforEshu
in the Oyo marketwherehe and thechiefpriestofEshu (the Eni Oja) prostratethemselves
out of respectforeach other. These examples demonstratea recognitionon the part of
theYoruba ofthe mutuallysustainingrelationbetweenthethundergod and thetrickster.
If the panel design on the laba has been derived froma stylizedsign forlightning,it
is now becoming evident why, granted anthropomorphism,it should have been trans-
formedinto an Eshu-like being. Shango needs Eshu as much as do the othergods, but
besides this he shares with Eshu many characteristics.Among other thingsthey share
an impetuosityand a great resistanceto external authority.But the most common ele-
mentin the mythsand songs about Shango and Eshu is power. The mythopoeicimagi-
nation does not, of course, use a symbol merelyto restatean otherwiseadequately de-
finedconcept. On the contrary,symbolicformsare an importantmeans of formulating
and communicatingwhat the imagination is strivingto grasp. The dominant concep-
tion which emergesin thisinstance is a resultof the constellationof qualities relatingto
power. Praise songs of Shango and Eshu show some interestingparallels in Yoruba con-
ceptionsofthe two gods, as may be seen in theseexamples:

Shango:
Take the entrance (i.e. do not come secretlythroughthe back ofthe house).
... Do not do to me what I should not like,
Terrible man who sat silentlyamongstthem,
Do not do to me what I should not like,
Do not let me suffer,
One who suffers is forgotten.
... Mounting the roofofthe unbeliever
He jumped on the child, on the child's head.
Warriorgreatenough to avenge any slight,
He struckdown a man's house to extendhis own.
... He is the one theyworshipin our house.
He killsso that Magba may eat freely(ofatonementfees).
... Shango do not let Magba take away mygoods.
... If he killsthe transgressor,
he also killstheinformer.

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 THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 31

My husband, do not wrestlewithme

Your wrestlingtearsoffthe child's arm.
If he liftsup the anvil stone (to hurl) he will not pant.
He stretchedup, he stretchesout
... He has a rope in his pocketforthe wicked.

Eshu:
He came throughthe gutterof the house on horseback (i.e. when people were on
guard againsthis comingthroughthe gate).
Man of i6oo clubs,
He broughtout forthe quarrellersa wooden rod.
Eshu, you are in heaven workingon the world.
One whom Eshu is workingon won't knowit.
If he leaves his own house faraway
A housholder'shouse he will take.
One whom Eshu is workingon won't know it ...
Eshu, don't workon me-work on the child ofsomeone else.
... He spread out a festivalclothin the house ofthe heedless.
All in our house pay heed to Eshu.
Eshu, don't spread a festivalcloth in our house (i.e. a new cloth to receive giftshe
has exacted).
... He stood at the pounded yam seller's and did not buy (i.e. but he kept other
customersaway, makingthevendor angry);
He stood at the pounded corn seller'sand did not buy.
His teethgrindinglike stones,
He comes out bringinghis club.
Eshu will beat the child and make him cryunceasingly,
Greatest-to-be-seen withthe big wooden rod.

It would be justifiable to characterize this power as phallic, particularlysince the

phallus is prominentin the imageryof both Shango and Eshu. Eshu's head-dress,the
firstof many elementsleading us to postulate a representationof him on the laba,is
sometimescarved as a phallus (Plate III). The phallus alone, in fact,oftensufficesas a
representationof Eshu. Its displacement- that is, the phallus as head-dress-implies
that it is not in its procreativefunctionthat the phallus is an attributeto Eshu, a con-
clusion supportedby Eshu mythand ritual. In his praise songs,the penis is referredto,
not in connexion with procreation,but as related ratherby its autonomous nature to
Eshu's caprice. One instrumentof Eshu's power is a club, which in the mythshe puts
into the hands ofthosewho are quarrelsome,and withwhich he strikesthosewho do no'
fullyrespecthis power. Shango's thunderbolt,anotherphallic instrument,appropriatel)
in the hands of a kinglygod, similarlytakes our attentionaway froman association of
the laba with the thunderstorm'sregenerativerain, and stressesinstead vengefuland
destructivepower. Another of the phallic qualities that dominate Eshu and Shango is
self-assertionand masculine striving.All these qualities are equally responsible for
conflictswiththe social orderengenderedby individual wilfulness.
C J R.A.I.

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32 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS

The mythsof the King Shango tell of his capricesand love forpower; how, for
example,he had yieldedto thewhimto play heedlessly withhismagicand in so doing
had destroyedhimself, his palace, and manyof his subjects.His praisesongs,on the
otherhand,emphasizea widerangeofphallicqualities,includinghissexualityand the
fecundity he givesto hisworshippers. Butiftheimageryon thelabaservesto emphasize
a particularaspectofhispower,itis thatin whichhe mostresembles Eshu. The posture
ofthepanelfigure-thearmsin a gestureat onceofviolenceand likea conventionalized
lightningflash-directsour attentionaway fromsexualitytowardsShango's role as
avenger,in whichhe useslightning, hisparticularexpression ofenergy, as a punishment.
The seemingrandomness withwhichShangohurlshisboltsand Eshu demonstrates his
wilfulness has, so we are told,a purposethatshowsthe inter-relationship if not the
concernofthegodswithmankind.Shango'sangerand power,encountered in a natural
force,is equated withEshu's,whichis manifest in humanstrife;theyappear together
on thelaba because each reinforces theother.What at firstseemsto be a sharedanti-
social aspectrevealsitselfas a demandthatindividualor grouptakeintoaccountthe
plansofthegodsand therequirements ofthewholeofsociety.The twogodsEshu and
Shangoare fusedand condensedin a symbolbecause,at somelevels,theylack distinc-
tion; and thatEshu comesintothisdesignmaskedand disguisedis no surprisein view
ofhisrole.
In thedesignon thelabapanel,form,morethancolour,revealsmeaning.The colours
are a relatively
simplestatement offorcesconcerned,marking, as itwere,thecharacters
involvedin the drama,while the intricately subtleformis morecomplexand more
evocative.Butifwe turnnowfromtheshapestoconsiderbriefly thecoloursofthepanel,
we see thatthecut-outyellowfigure is traditionally
decoratedin blackand white.These
colours-yellow,black and white-are emblematicforEshu in his cult.20The back-
groundforthefigureis red,traditionally theprincipalcolourforShango,whichseems
too appositeto thecharacterofthethundergod to requirecomment.21The patchesof
greenin thecornerswiththeiryellowborderstogether makeup thecoloursproperto
Ifa, theYoruba oraclewhichrevealsto men theirdestiniesas well as therelationship
betweenthegodsand bothsocietyand theindividual.
In Yorubacosmology, Ifa and Eshuare companion-mediators betweenthegodsand
men; and Ifa, as theprincipleoforderliness and ofpredictability, is thecounterpart of
Eshu,whowilfully occasionsstrife and can thereforebe mostaptlydescribedas theun-
certainty principle.22Eshu promptsmento offend thegods; Ifa tellsmenhowtheymay
placate them.In Yoruba thought, theexistenceoftheone is necessary to theexistence
oftheother,so it is to be expectedthatwhenwe findthecoloursand symbolsofconflict
(thoseofShangoand Eshu) in themiddleofthepanel,we shouldfindalso thecolours
symbolicofresolution(thegreenand yellowofIfa) at theperipheries. Widelyknown
mythsshowhowIfa and Eshusustaineach other;theirrelationship is an exampleofthe
balanceddualismthatpermeatesall Yoruba religiousand cosmologicalconceptions.23
On thelabawe findthestatement thatviolencemustbe surrounded byorder,andmotion
containedby rest.But order,forthesakeofrenewaland development, mustneverthe-
lessbe broken(and it can perhapsbe considereda concessionto Eshu thatthepatches
ofgreen,thoughtheymarkeach ofthefourcornersofthedesignwithinthesquarepanel,
are all differentlyshaped). The coloursthen,by statingthe charactersinvolved,and

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 THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 33

also throughtheiremotivequality,supplement formin assertingthatviolencemustbe

controlled, butthatdisturbance isvaluedpositively.
The turbulence ofthelabapanelis analogousto thatofthethunderstorm. The storm
itselfis violent,itsnoisydestructivenesscan be feltas uncontrollable
and wanton.But
thestormis limited,havingitsfunction in therhythm ofnature,markingthetransitions
betweendryand wet seasons,and bringingthe heaviestrain. The activitiesof Eshu,
likethethunderstorm, are bounded,and do notdestroythesocialorder,but markin-
stead the transitions betweenstagnationand changemanifested in thecompetition of
individuals, vestedinterest,and factionsforadvantagewithintherelatively stablesocial
order.Whilethe activitiesof bothEshu and Shango bringabout limiteddestruction,
bothensuretheregeneration ofthevariousforms oflife.We mayseein themyths ofEshu
a parable to the effectthatmankindwithout-thepromptings of will would cease to
strive,and societyand culturewouldstagnate:theYoruba say thatwithouttheinter-
ventionofEshuthegodswouldstarveand vanish;andwithoutthestorms thelandwould
nothaveseasonsofgrowth, and hunting.Theseanaloguesare all in accordwith
harvest,
a moregeneralunstatedaxiom ofYoruba cosmology,and one thatis implicitin the
socialsystemas muchas in thereligious:thatall extremes generatetheiropposites;and
further, throughavoidingthesupressionofconflict, and by containingit insteadin a
stateofbalance,societymakesitvaluableand constructive.
For instance,Eshu singersaftertheyhave sungthepraisesofEshu,celebrating his
tricks,hisspreadingofdisorder,and hissatisfying himself and hisworshippers through
the sacrificesofothers,followwitha hymnthattheysaid was addressedto God, the
KingofHeaven (theonlyoneso addressedthatwe everheard):

We cannotturnfromtheHouseoftheWorldand live . . .
Eshu'sdevotees... givethanksforthemarkettheLord ofHeaven created-(Eshu
is mostactivein themarket).
The childrenofthedwellerson Eartharenottooverthrowit.

They thenconcludewithpraiseofthejusticeoftheirownking,theAlafinofOyo, and

sing his praisenames and thoseof his mostrenownedpredecessors. In otherwords,
Eshu's disorderis balancedby itsopposite,thejust law oftheking,and bothare con-
tainedwithinthecreatedworld.The praisesongsand myths, then,saypoeticallywhat
we haverephrased(supported bymuchothermaterial)as a metaphysic.
We mayfinallyconsiderthelaba as a whole.On thefront, thefour-timesrepeated
panel designrepresenting an aspect of Shango's poweris orderedinto a patternof
absolutesymmetry. Butwithinthepanel all is asymmetryand disorder,
becauseoppos-
ing Ifa-for whomsymmetry and thenumberfourare symbolic-isthewilfultrickster
Eshu, the dynamicenergythatexploresand promoteschange.In this connexionit
shouldbe recognizedthatthelabais composedofsquaresand triangles;withoutgoing
deeplyintothesymbolicvaluestheYoruba findin numbers,we suggestthattheseven
tasselshangingfromthetriangular piecesat thebottomedgeofeverylaba (quiteapart
fromconsiderations ofwhateverhistoricallinkswiththe Mediterranean or Near East
theymay indicate) summarizethe statementmade by the designon the laba-the
unionof threeness and fourness.
To the Yoruba fouritselfsignifies
completeness and

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34 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS

symmetry; orderand the numberfourare all propertiesof Ifa. In the realmof the
sacred,fourconveysthe structured, comprehensible, and visiblerelationship between
godsand mankindrevealedthroughIfa. The numberthreeto theYoruba is partofthe
symbolcomplexofthedeifiedEarth,thehomeof the ancestors, and signifies mystery
(Morton-Williams I960). The labaas a container forthethunderbolt thatShangohurls
to theearthis symbolically equivalentto theearthwhichreceivesShango'slightning.
The numbersymbolism assertsthattheunionoffourand three(each withitscosmo-
logicalsignificance)producesa numberwhichis itself indivisible,
and therefore a symbol
ofthecreationofa newformfromtheunionofopposites.Seventhenis thesummation
ofwhatis gropingly apprehendedthroughsymbols(three),and thatwhichis intellec-
tuallyformulated (four).
Magically,the laba is equal in strength to the powerfuldestructive thunderbolt
whichcan be safelycarriedin it.As we have assertedthethunderbolt to be symbolically
masculine,so is the laba symbolically feminine.Its femininecharacterseemsto us to
have been establishedwhenit was secretlyopenedby Shango'shighpriestin therite
ofdedicationto Shango'sservice.Speculatingin termsofYoruba dualism,thepotency
and dangerofthethunderbolt is neutralizedwhenit is containedin thelaba;24 and we
see repeatedin the ritualbringingtogetherof theseartifacts the searchforunion of
masculineand feminine traitsmanifested in thetransvestitism
ofShangopriests.25
The swastikaitself,whichcan be tracedin thedancingfigureofEshu,carriesthese
meaningstoo; in it are foundthe qualitiesof bothtensionand equilibriumwhichto-
getherproducea feelingofdynamicbalance.Thisdynamicbalancematchesthelicensed
abandonofShangoand Eshu.And therotarymovement suggested bya swastikaspeaks
oftheeternalchangeforwhichEshustands,and whichis notpossiblewithouttheinter-
minglingofopposites.As a symbol,thelaba panel operatesquite differently fromdis-
coursein thatit can presenta multiplicity ofmeaningssimultaneously, and in so doing
servesto channelassociationsand apperceptions. But symbolsare by theirverynature
inexhaustible, and meaningcan continueto be drawnfromthemboth in termsof
Yoruba and ourownculture.
WhiletheYoruba seemto have lostanyexplanationofthemeaningofthelaba,its
social function,as is oftenthe case withsymbols,has none the less survived.In our
analysiswe have soughtto makeclearthatthesymbolism ofthelabapanel corresponds
in everydetailwithitsritualmeaningand use; and ourargument concerning themean-
ingofthelabagainsforcebytheconsistency foundbetweensymbolicmeaningand ritual
function. The care withwhichthelabais made,thestrictness withwhichthepatternis
conserved, and theconspicuousness withwhichit is displayed,accordwiththepromin-
ence it acquires throughbeing the firstand highlydistinctive item of ritualpara-
phernaliathat the new priestof Shango mustobtain. We have made our analysis
include everydetail of the designthat we can distinguish, and have shown each
symbolicformto contribute to thereligiousmeaningofthelaba. Moreover,thesacra-
mentof its openingby the Magba and the symbolism of the decorationclarifythe
reasonwhythethunderbolt mustbe carriedin it. The symbolism, althoughcomplex,is
constructed on onlytwoprinciples, thefirstbeingthatofclarification by analogy,and
thesecondbeinga heightening oftheexperienceofthegiventhroughtheawarenessof
itsopposite.

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 THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 35
The laba bears on its coverthe symbolsand emblemsof the culturaldrama the
Yoruba see enactedwhenlightning strikes:throughtheprovocationofEshu,Shango's
thunderboltsare loosedupon mankind;throughthe agencyof Ifa men learnhow to
growwiththedemandsofthegods.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We wishto thankJ. T. Hooper, Esq., forallowingus to photographthe carvingin

Plate III. Many friendsand colleagueshave earned our thanksby givingus their
too, to manyof themfor
responsesto the designon the laba panel. We are grateful,
helpfulcommentson draftsof the paper, especiallyto membersof the staffof the
Anthropology Departmentat UniversityCollege London, particularly to Mr Robin
Horton;and we shouldalso liketo thankProfessor E. H. Gombrichand Dr Leopold
Steinfortheirhelpand encouragement.

NOTES

'There are manyreferences to Shangoin publicationsabout theYoruba,butmuchofthedescription

is misleading.The best ethnographicmaterial-well illustrated-is in (a) Frobenius(I9I2), and (b)
Verger(I 957).
2 The carrying ofthelaba has fallenintoabeyancein Oyo duringthelast fewyears.It appears that
thelastfulldressprocessionofpriestswas in 1954 or 1955.
3 Frobeniusincludesdrawingsby Carl Arriensofa laba in The VoiceofAfrica. We notethathe picks
out thesame elementsofthe designas the main structureas we do; and further, thattheselaba,made
beforeI9I0, are substantiallythesameas theone made in I957.
4 In townsotherthanOyo we have seen a fewlaba withouttheusual decorationsin thefrontpanels.
H. U. Beierin his book TheStory ofSacredWoodcarvings fromOneSmallrorubaTown(Lagos, The Nigeria
MagazineOffice,1957) has includeda photographtakenin Ilobu (about fifty milesfromOyo), showing
twounusuallaba. It is noteworthy thatthesetwodeviantspecimenshang not in theshrinebut overthe
entrance,whileotherconventional oneshangwithin.Possiblytheseweremade,ifin Oyo at all, byanother
segmentof the leatherworkers'lineage-by the membersof the Osi Shonaperhaps,who have asserted
that theyknowhow to make them.They did not claim thatthe Magba ever commissioned laba from
them,and the factthat theyofferedto make themforus withoutconsultinghim suggeststhat some
Shango worshippers have obtainedlaba,probablyforthe decorationoftheirshrines,in thisverylikely
lesscostlyway.
5 Whereexceptions to the colourarrangement do occur,we are inclinedto thinkofthemas recent
and decadentvariations.
6 In theIyaji wardofOyo.

7He declaredthatthefeehe would ordinarily be paid foropeningthelaba beforehandingit overto

the priestwould be twoguineasand somegin,and he would in additionrequirea cock forsacrificeto
Shango. Alternatively, the Magba can take animals (Shango's set of sacrificialanimals,e.g. the ram,
he-goat,snail, and cock) and bitterkola (also appropriateto Shango) fromthe new priest.All thisis
beyondthecostofthelabaitself, whichwas about C7.
8 The 'aradung'ofFrobenius.
9 When the Dahomians incorporated the cult of Shango into theirreligion,they.replaced the oshe
by an axe witha singleblade. Examplesheld by devoteesofXevioso,the Dahomian Shango,are illus-
tratedby P. Verger(1952; 1957). It is interestingto findin thesepublicationsa photographshowingan
osheoftheShangoworshippers in Brazilto be a double-bladedmetalaxe (Plate 55). Jean Rouche (I960)
considerstheSonghaithundergod Dongo to have beenderivedfromShango.In Songhaithethunderaxe
has a singleblade and a bell on theback ofthehandle (Plates I and VI). The outwarddiffusion of the
Shango cultfromOyo makesit particularly difficultto tracethe routeby whichthe main elementsin
thiscomplexreachedOyo.

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 36 JOAN WESCOTT & PETER MORTON-WILLIAMS

10Thus, notonlydoes it appear thatno mythsabout thelaba are current, but likewisenone concern-
ing thedouble-headedaxe (an implementnotutilizedby theYoruba) on whichthewoodendance staff
is modelled.This staff(oshe)is oftena carvedskeuomorph.Yet, althoughthe representation is unmis-
takable,the Shango worshippers do not recognizeit to be one, thoughwiththe oshetheyinsist,just as
theydo withthelaba,thattheformbe preserved.
Il This,generallyspeaking,is trueofall Yoruba cults.The Magba, however(and othercultofficials
of the centralShango hierarchy),may not alwaysexhibitpersonalitytraitsmatchingthoseof thewor-
shippersand thegod sincehispostis hereditary, and generallypassesbyprimogeniture.
12 This of coursemustbe shammed.Shango personalities are usually very adept at thisand many
otherkindsofconjuring.
"I The leftside and thediagonalline in theritualand art ofotherYoruba cultswill be examinedat
somelengthin our forthcoming book on Yoruba art and religion.Evans-Pritchard has analysedthesig-
nificanceofa similarconsciousness ofthemeaningoftheleftsideamongtheNuer.
14 The effectofthediagonallinecan be seenmostclearlyin Baroque and contemporary sculptureand
painting.
15Apartfromthe conventionally abstractformsofthe Yoruba denotativesignsseen on thewalls of
someshrines.For an exampleofthistypeofmuralartsee thephotographs on pages 2 I 9 and 221 withour
articleentitled'The FestivalofIya Mapo' in NigeriaMagazine,no. 58, 1958.
16 The doubleaxe is a symbol forJupiter as wellas forShango.
17 Anotherstriking parallel suggestedby the designwhichoughtnot to be ignoredis thatbetween
Eshu and theWestAfricanfablesofthecleverand conspiring spider,particularlyin viewofthefactthat
the designitselfwas seen by manyWesterners to resemblea spider.Since a symbolcondensesand can
containmanymeanings,a swastika,a spider,and Eshu can simultaneously appear in a configuration
whichlinkstheircommonfeatures.
18Returningagain to Evans-Pritchard's analysisofNuer ideas concerningthe leftand rightsides,it
is thelefthornofa man's ox, thebeastwithwhichhe is in manywaysidentified, whichis traineddown-
wards.
"I Of some fifty occidentalsto whom we have shownthislaba panel decoration,about thirtyhave
perceiveda figurein a dance position.Concerningthespiritofthedance, manymoodsweredescribed:
whilevigouris commonto all, he is seen as jubilant,violent,boisterous, threatening, jocular, and so on.
Perhapsthe truestunderstanding comeswithacceptingthe possibility thata wide rangeof emotionsis
at once contained.
20 We have recently seenthesecolourswornin combinationin a patternon an importedcottoncloth
whichwas made up as the uniformattireof the Oyo Eshu worshippers fortheirannual festival.(See
Plate IVB.)
21 Thoughit does receivecomment in a Shango praisesongwherethered is said to refernot onlyto
thered-dyedclothesofthepossessionpriest,butalso to theblood ofsacrifices, which,aftersomeis poured
on thecultobjects,is pouredoverthepriestwhilehe is in possession.
22 This apt metaphor forEshu was coinedby Professor N. A. Barnicotin conversation withMorton-
Williamsin 1950.
28
Eshu (Elegbara) and Ifa are beingtreatedat somelengthin otherpapersin progress.
24 When,afterlightning has struck,thethunderbolt has been 'dug fromtheground'by thepriest,he
puts it intoa bowl ofpalm oil to 'cool' it. This is an interestingparallelwiththeYoruba rule thatthe
mud pillarin Eshu shrinesmustbe kept'cool' withpalm oil pouredoverit daily; wereit to becomedry,
Eshu's mostdestructivetrickery would bedevil thosewithinthe parish of the shrine,whetherhouse
compound,or thewhole town.The Shango priestcarriesthe thunderbolt away onlywhenall thefines
have beenpaid and atonementmade.
26 This feature,and othersoftheShangoritual,willbe takenup in a subsequentpublication.

REFERENCES
FROBENIUS, LEO 19 12. UndAfrika Sprach.Leipzig. (Engl. trans.,TheVoiceofAfrica.London, 1913.)
MORTON-WILLIAMS, P. I 960. The Yoruba Ogboni Cult in Oyo. Africa, 30, pp. 362-74.
ROUCHE,JEAN I 960. La ReligionSonghai.Paris.
VERGER, PIERRE 1952. Dieuxd'Afrique.Paris. (Esp. Plates62, 63, 68.)
VERGER, PIERRE 1957. Notessurle cultedes Orisa et Vodun. Mim.Inst.Franfais Noire,no. 5I,
d'Afrique
pp. I-609. (Same platesas in Verger1952.)

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 THE YORUBA LABA SHANGO 37

LEGENDS TO PLATES

I. The panel design,actualsize. (Key to coloursin drawingoppositePlate I.)

II A. A Shango shrinein Iseyin,Oyo Division.The laba is hangingin the top centre.In thelowerleft
corneris a black wood figureforEshu. The head-dressofanotherbrokenEshu carvingis besideit lying
on the ground.Justbelow the laba is a trayfilledwith'thunderbolts'. The trayrestson an upturned
carvedmortar,odoShango,and a secondmortaris in the rightforeground. These mortarsare both the
propersupportforthestones-and are wettedwithsacrificialblood and oil-and also theproperseatfor
a possessionpriest.
II B. A figurein the royalShango shrineat Koso (Oyo) showinga Shango worshippercarryingthe
laba.
III. Ritual carvingforEshu. (CollectionJ. T. Hooper, The TotemsMuseum,Sussex.) This is one of
themoststriking instancesofEshu's phallichead-dressknownto theauthors.Two otherphallicobjects,
hisclub and hismedicinecontainer,are heldin eitherhand.
IV A. An Eshu worshipperdancingat theannual festival(I957) forthegod in theAkesanmarketjust
outsidetheprincipalEshu shrinein Oyo. The coloursofhisgownare black and whiteon a yellowback-
ground.
IV B. The annual Eshu festivalin Akesan market,Oyo, I957. The Eshu worshipperon the rightis
receivinga giftfroma male devoteeofShangoheredressedfortheoccasionin femaleattire.

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