Landscape Research

ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/clar20

Landscape multifunctionality in (and around)

the Kafa Biosphere Reserve: a sociocultural and
gender perspective

Ruth Jackson , Abinet Shiferaw , Befikadu Melesse Taye & Zegeye

Woldemariam

To cite this article: Ruth Jackson , Abinet Shiferaw , Befikadu Melesse Taye &
Zegeye Woldemariam (2020): Landscape multifunctionality in (and around) the Kafa
Biosphere Reserve: a sociocultural and gender perspective, Landscape Research, DOI:
10.1080/01426397.2020.1831460

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01426397.2020.1831460

Published online: 27 Oct 2020.

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LANDSCAPE RESEARCH
https://doi.org/10.1080/01426397.2020.1831460

Landscape multifunctionality in (and around) the Kafa Biosphere

Reserve: a sociocultural and gender perspective
Ruth Jacksona, Abinet Shiferawb,c, Befikadu Melesse Tayed and Zegeye Woldemariame
a
School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts and Education, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia;
b
Department of Sociology, Wolkite University, Wolkite, Ethiopia; cAddis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia;
d
Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, Wolkite University, Wolkite, Ethiopia; eMekelle University,
Mekelle, Ethiopia

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
In 2010, UNESCO listed the Kafa Biosphere Reserve (KBR) in southwest Land-use change; Ethiopia;
Ethiopia based on the concept of landscape multifunctionality and the Biosphere Reserve;
need to reconcile local community values and needs with conservation multifunctionality;
sociocultural; gender
pressures. Understanding the role of the local community in traditional
resource management has received little attention by researchers how­
ever, as most studies focus on the biophysical characteristics of the KBR. In
this qualitative study we present two case studies from fieldwork and
secondary sources: the Shattos as guardians of the Kafa forest customs,
values and wisdom through musical performance; and, deejjoo, a thanks­
giving ritual ceremony associated with forest resource management.
These cultural and spiritual beliefs and practices corresponded closely
with local understandings of biology and ecology. Land use changes
over the past 50 years have resulted in deforestation, land degradation
and erosion of sociocultural values that traditionally sustained human-
environment interactions. Based on these descriptions we also found a
gap in the research of the effects of gender on both biosphere and
traditional land management approaches: Who has access to resources?
What is the division of labour? How are values are defined, and Who
makes the rules and decisions? Gender matters because taken for granted
assumptions about women’s roles and responsibilities as care givers can
reinforce gender stereotypes. Our results provide insights into how
increasing broader local community involvement in decision making
could enhance environmental sustainability and improve gender
equality.

Introduction
Many people outside Africa visualise Ethiopia through the media lens of barren landscape, drought
and famine. Yet Kafa Zone in the southwest is renowned for its rainforest, its spices and honey, and
for being the birthplace of coffee. In 2010, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) added the Kafa Biosphere Reserve (KBR)—an area of 760,000 hectares—
into the World Network of Biosphere Reserves (Nature And Biodiversity Conservation Union (NABU),
2017). As Kafa’s montane rainforest is located in a biodiversity hotspot because of its high numbers
of endemic species and high floristic diversity (Schmitt, 2006), an increasing number of research

CONTACT Ruth Jackson r.jackson@deakin.edu.au

Three of the authors (Ruth, Abinet and Zegeye) met at the 20th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies (ICES20) in Mekelle
in 2018. http://ices20-mu.org/ Zegeye and Befikadu were former colleagues at the Bonga College of Teachers Education and
Bonga University. All authors have an interest in research in and around the Kafa Biosphere Reserve.
© 2020 Landscape Research Group Ltd
2 R. JACKSON ET AL.

studies focus on traditional forest coffee systems and the conservation of Coffea arabica in its natural
habitat (e.g., Gobeze et al., 2009; Moat et al., 2017; Tadesse et al., 2014; Tolera et al., 2015).
Coffee accounts for 30.4% of Ethiopia’s total exports earnings (Sennoga & Zerihun, 2018); and an
estimated 15 million (or one in five) Ethiopians depend on it—directly or indirectly—for income
(Davis & Moat, 2017; Minten et al., 2019). For smallholder farmers, the threats of climate change,
deforestation, land degradation and biodiversity loss, and lack of reliable data all serve to impede
governance in the coffee sector (Dorresteijn et al., 2017; Hylander et al., 2013; Minten et al., 2019),
along with concern about the ongoing ‘transformation of forests and wetlands into agricultural land’
(Nature And Biodiversity Conservation Union (NABU), 2017, p. 16).
Rural landscape management in many African nations has seen renewed emphasis on agriculture
and land use for ‘investment, economic development, and mitigation of poverty and conflict’ in
‘recognition of the linkages between the livelihood needs of local communities and key drivers of
biodiversity loss’ (Milder et al., 2014, pp. 68, 69). Interest in landscape multifunctionality—’a term that
makes much sense in describing the functionality of the system’ (Vejre et al., 2007, p. 100)—requires
a new approach ‘to understand and manage synergies and tradeoffs among multiple objectives at
multiple scales’ ranging from ‘conservation and livelihoods needs through ecosystem restoration,
reduction of human-wildlife conflict, enhancement of ecosystem services, and climate change
adaption and mitigation activities’ (Milder et al., 2014, p. 69). The formation of the KBR was based
on a complex or multifunctional landscape system and the need to ‘reconcile people’s needs with
conservation pressures’ (Nature And Biodiversity Conservation Union (NABU), 2017, p. 331).
Subsistence farming plays a major role for rural livelihoods in Kafa, but much of the space is outside
the formal agricultural realm as many people depend on the sale of wild coffee and other natural
resources from the forest: timber and non-timber forest products (NTFP) such as honey, medicinal
plants, and spices like false cardamom (Aframomum corrorima) and wild pepper (Piper capense).
Multiple functions of the KBR denotes multiple community and land use benefits: biodiversity loss
is seen as the biggest challenge, but an equal challenge is the lack of benefits to local communities
(Nature And Biodiversity Conservation Union (NABU), 2017). Reviewing changes in Kafa Zone and the
importance to livelihoods of rural people who had developed traditional management practices
based on agro-ecological knowledge, religious taboos and customary tenure rights, both Jotte
(2007) and Kassa et al. (2017) point out that land-use changes and the loss of traditional forest
management techniques have been driven by complex underlying causes including population
growth, resettlement programmes, growth in commercial agriculture, changes in tenure arrange­
ments, and socio-economic and cultural changes which in turn, caused ‘the expansion of cereal
cropping, settlements, grazing land and coffee and tea farms at the expense of closed and dense
forests’ (Kassa et al., 2017, p. 445).
Most research about the KBR has been on its biophysical characteristics so we take this as
a starting point to focus on some of the sociocultural ‘values associated with landscapes and habitat
features’ (Mander et al., 2007, p. 3). Cultural landscapes are defined as the interface between nature
and culture (Rössler, 2006). While much of the literature aims to recognise the complementarities
bridging knowledge systems, much of it constructs a binary between the Western scientific view and
alternative or ‘other’ worldviews. Attempts to bridge the gap include the Intergovernmental
Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) conceptual framework that describes ‘a
concise summary in words or pictures of relationships between people and nature’ (Díaz et al., 2015,
p. 3), and the Multiple Evidence Base Approach that values each knowledge system in its own
context without external validation (Tengö et al., 2014). Some researchers argue that the concern to
involve diverse actors provides ‘the scientific evidence needed to underpin policy to tackle the
biodiversity crisis’ (Dunkley et al., 2018), while others suggest that a ‘diversity of perspectives can
benefit further knowledge generation as well as decision making’ (Tengö et al., 2014, p. 585). We
suggest that sociocultural issues in (and around) the KBR have not been fully addressed as people’s
needs have only been interpreted in terms of livelihood income.
 LANDSCAPE RESEARCH 3

A multifunctional landscape perspective should also include gender-specific factors that ‘may
contribute explicitly or implicitly to the pattern of multifunctionality’ (Villamor et al., 2014, p. 131).
Access to, and control of land use depends on decision-making by both men and women, often in
play with other factors such as age, religion, income, ethnicity and formal education. Gender-specific
spatial patterns or characteristics focusing on women’s labour-related responsibilities and their
proximity to the home have been observed in many rural areas in Africa and Asia (Villamor et al.,
2015). In rural Ethiopia, most women live and work around the radius of loosely scattered family
households embedded in domestic agriculture and industry. Work takes place in and around the
household with appropriate tasks allocated by age, gender, and community expectations (MetaMeta
The Netherlands & Mekelle University, 2017; Pankhurst, 1992; Tiruneh et al., 2001). Women are
actively involved in all aspects of agricultural production, marketing, food procurement and house­
hold nutrition, but there is a widely held view that they ‘do not farm’ (Gella & Tadele, 2014; Mulema,
2018; Petros et al., 2018). Yet many agricultural tasks are deemed to be ‘women’s work’: ‘weeding,
harvesting, preparing storage containers, managing all aspects of home gardens and poultry raising,
transporting farm inputs to the field, and procuring water for household use and some on-farm uses’
(World Bank & International Food Policy Research Institute, 2010). In Kafa, women regularly visit the
forest to collect water, firewood and NTFPs. Manjo women carry heavy loads of firewood or charcoal
to sell door-to-door in towns as their main source of income. On market days, women walk long
distances—often through the forest—carrying grain, maize, spices and other goods to sell.
Given the complex interplay between ecological, economic, sociocultural and gender functions in
the KBR, we draw on two case studies to explore some of the sociocultural foundations and functions
that ensured its ecological sustainability, land-use changes, and the impact of these changes on the
local population. The first case study examines how the Shattos’ folk traditions and music gave life to
the forests. The second examines deejjoo, a thanksgiving sacrifice ceremony associated with natural
forest resource management. Following Kassa et al. (2017), we show how sociocultural, spiritual and
gender factors reinforced traditional resource management - but these factors have declined due to
external influences. Given high rates of deforestation and land-use change, the importance of
understanding these factors is important for biodiversity conservation and gender equality.
A focus on sociocultural and gender factors can be an important entry point to how as researchers
we should reflect on how the ‘research process itself is imbued with power relations’ (Morgan et al.,
2016, p. 1069). In turn, the role of gender on the research process can influence the research focus
identifying missed perspectives (Jackson & Kelly, 2019). The concept of landscape is not limited to ‘a
geographic space but includes the social construct of a “theory of place” based on diverse cultural
and individual perceptions regarding the livelihood or (everyday life of individuals)’ (Villamor et al.,
2015, p. 211). How and why do individual women’s and men’s interaction in (and around) the
multifunctional KBR produce and reproduce gendered spaces and places? In our discussion we
suggest that there has been no real understanding of gender-specific factors in management and
decision-making processes around land use, and ask how a focus on gender can better lead to equity
and inclusion of women. Gender analysis is important for understanding who has what (access to
resources); who does what (the division of labour and everyday practices); how values are defined
(social norms, ideologies, beliefs and perceptions), and who decides (rules and decision-making)
(Table 1) (Morgan et al., 2016, p. 1071, emphasis in original).

Kafa Zone
Kafa Zone, in Ethiopia’s southwest, is one of the 13 zones in Southern Nation, Nationalities and
Peoples’ Regional State. The estimated population (in 2017) was 1,102,278: 138,426 people live in
urban areas and 963,852 in rural areas (Central Statistical Agency, 2013). Two thirds of Kafa is covered
by the KBR. Areas of particular importance include bamboo forests, wetlands and floodplains, and
the Afromontane forests characterised by dense vegetation, a complex understory and distinctive
tree layers divided into two types: the evergreen montane rainforest and the moist evergreen
4 R. JACKSON ET AL.

Table 1. Gender analysis framework: external influences, sociocultural values and impacts on land use.
What constitutes gender power relations?
Who has what Access to resources (education, information, skills, income, employment, services, benefits, time,
space, social capital etc.)
Who does what Division of labour within and beyond the household and everyday practices
How are values defined Social norms, ideologies, beliefs and perceptions
Who decides Rules and decision making (both formal and informal)
How is power negotiated and changed
Individual/People Critical consciousness, acknowledgement/
lack of acknowledgement, agency/apathy, interests, historical and lived experiences, resistance
or violence
Structural/Environment Legal and policy status, institutionalisation within planning and programs, funding, accountability
mechanisms
Source: Morgan et al. (2016)

montane forest between 1500 and 2600 m asl that covers 26% of the KBR. While the forest is of
global conservation importance due to the presence of the genetic resources of Coffea arabica (Davis
& Moat, 2017), an estimated 43% of it was lost between 1988 and 2008 due to resettlement and
migration, timber extraction, forest grazing, and conversion to agricultural land (Food and
Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations & Swiss Agency for Development and
Cooperation, 2011).
Unlike other coffee-producing countries, a unique characteristic in Ethiopia is that around 50% of
coffee produced is consumed domestically: drinking coffee is a fundamental part of Ethiopian
culture with the coffee ceremony performed after most meals and ‘at major events such as marriage
and birth, regionally-specific celebrations, and as a medium to build and sustain relationships
between family, friends and community’ (Davis & Moat, 2017, p. 6; see also Minten et al., 2019;
Pankhurst, 1992). In rural Kafa, the sounds and smells of roasting coffee is a central attraction of
everyday life. During the coffee ceremony, the spirit of coffee continues up to the third round of
coffee, demonstrating shared values and hospitality. The aroma of roasting coffee is accompanied by
ittan (incense) to signal the beginning of the ceremony and the importance of the occasion. In Kafa,
the spirit stays until the last round and until the master of the house blesses everyone, and the
woman, the architect of coffee making, is thanked by all.

Materials and methods

Data for this paper were collected from critical reviews and ethnographic fieldwork. The first case
study presents the Shatto folk musicians. It explores how sociocultural change has affected their role
as traditional guardians of Kafa forests, culture and ecological wisdom. Forty-five in-depth interviews
were conducted with five prominent key informants who are active practitioners, and six Shatto
families, including eight women between 2014 and 2018. These interviews were conducted to better
comprehend Shatto identity, roles and dynamics. Interviews were also conducted with six senior
elders from the mainstream culture group, and four experts from Kafa Zone and Gesha district
culture and public relations departments to better understand the social place and dynamics and the
department’s efforts to revive the tradition. A further 11 ethnographic conversations were con­
ducted with people from different occupations including young people, teachers, university lec­
turers, elders, and government officials working at culture departments in Bonga, Gesha, Masha
(Sheka Zone) and Mizan (Bench Maji Zone) towns, to better understand ordinary people’s views and
perceptions about Shatto folk life. Three of these conversations were with women. Five of those
interviewed were originally from Kafa and worked at Wolkite University. Shattos were observed in
both in-group and out-group settings (local drinking houses, marketplaces and in daily life).
Interviews with two non-native Shattos were also conducted. Finally, secondary documents were
used to substantiate Kafa culture and history in line with the ethnographic data.
 LANDSCAPE RESEARCH 5

The second case study describes the indigenous ritual practice deejjoo, a thanksgiving sacrifice
ceremony to the forest spirit (Qoolloo), and how deejjoo is pertinent to forest resource management.
Purposive sampling based on accessibility to indigenous religious ritual practice and the researcher’s
personal experience was used to select study sites. Data were gathered from 25 key informant
interviews, two focus group interviews and through participant observation between January and
June 2017. All the informants were male. They were selected from Beyemo and Baka Kebeles (the
smallest administrative unit) from Gimbo Woreda (or district). The group interviews comprised six
Kafecho clan elders and Allaamos from near the study kebeles; and government staff from the Kafa
Office of Culture and Tourism and forestry staff. Descriptive analysis was used to describe the
informant’s knowledge and interpretations about deejjoo and its resilience towards forest
conservation.

Results
Case study 1: The Shattos and their traditional role as guardians of Kafa’s nature and
culture
This case study presents Shatto identity, roles and dynamics as folk musicians and shows how
sociocultural change has affected their role as traditional guardians of Kafa culture and ecological
wisdom.

Who are the Shatto?

The Shatto identify as folk musicians who came to Ethiopia with Menelik I, son of King Solomon of
Israel. From the creation of the Kafa Kingdom in the 14th century until the beginning of the 20th
century (Shiferaw, 2014; Woldemariam, 2010), they had political and social representation through
political structures or Mikercho. Shattorasho—head of all Shattos and their deputies, Shattegudo—
collectively mobilised as music professionals in the kingdom palace, around nobilities, and within
communities. On victorious occasions in the kingdom, Shattorasho facilitated the songs and praised
the king’s heroic deeds and the glory of the kingdom. The placement of the royal insignia for new
kings was performed by Shattorasho who also provided wine and milk to symbolise the good life that
the king would have living in peace and harmony with his people (Lange as cited in Woldemariam,
2010). During rituals the king declared,
I am the king of the people! You are the spirit of the river! Let us be friends! Let us remain in peace! Let us keep
peace of our people! Let us bring prosperity to our people! Keep away natural calamity so my people can live in
peace and prosperity. (Lange cited in Woldemariam, 2010, p. 220)

Shattorasho accompanied annual rituals of Kafa kings’ around rivers to bring harmony and produc­
tivity to the kingdom. Informants recalled how the kings ancestors and river spirits brought harmony
between humans and nature.
Shattos are strong adherents of Orthodox Christianity with an early attachment to the historic
churches of Kafa. They believe their art is a gift from God and feel responsible about serving people
and the church. Most church servants today are Shatto:
Our music gift is from God. We will never give up our traditions. We are expected to play our timbo. We have an
ancestral obligation to follow an ancestors’ footsteps. We faced serious challenges during the Derg1 to give up
our identity. Still, we struggle to survive with our tradition. [Shatto informant, Masha town]

Of the four Shatto clans (Hinnicho, Hinnbero, Hinnlemdo and Ago), only Hinnicho and Hinnbero
(Shattorasho) remain active. The Ago clan has almost disappeared and a few individuals from the
Hinnlemdo clan remain. Among Shatto families, the division of labour and responsibilities is in line
with their traditions. Male Shatto leaders and boys aged seven to eight travel with their fathers to
learn their folk traditions. Female members were restricted to their domestic roles, but occasionally
6 R. JACKSON ET AL.

led dances in public events for the funeral ceremony of prominent persons. Otherwise, females do
not have access to folk tradition training or socialisation to maintain the traditions.

Shatto roles in culture and environment

Compared to other low ranking occupational groups such as the Kejo, Manjo and Mano who are all
associated with the forests for their livelihood (Petros, 2003), the Shatto had no direct attachment
with forests except to safeguard them as sacred spaces by edifying ancestor values and spirits
around forests and water bodies.
When the king owned and protected forest reserves that were supervised by Kub Gudo (head of
the king’s forest), Shatto were guardians who socialised communities through information dissemi­
nation about forest values, using folk expressions and a wind instrument called Shametto
(Woldemariam, 2010).
Shattos discouraged social and ecological crimes and encouraged environmental conservation by
narrating forest history and spirits, knowledge and practices around sacred places and forests
including water points through songs, oral expressions and poetry:
Our long tradition teaches people about our ancestors’ cultural and ecological values and wise uses of resources.
We trace the history of figurative people, how they kept their environment and resources for a generation. We
criticise wrong activities of individual or groups on nature. We curse those who are anti-nature so as to raise
awareness about nature and our culture. We have contributed to forest preservation across generations. [Shatto
informant]

Socialisation practices also helped protect Kafa forests as historical, social and ecological knowledge,
wisdom and facts were produced and disseminated by Kafa elders to their sons. Communities were
strictly forbidden from entering into and cutting trees from dense forests (Share-Show) as these areas
were directly under the jurisdiction of Kafa kings. The authorised person in charge of these forests,
Kub Gudo was head of the king’s forest. Using their Shametto they awakened the surrounding
community and stood by as forest guards. Thus, Shattos had a strong role in education by
disseminating information about the king’s forest and marking boundaries between human and
environmental interaction:
Shattos engaged in music performance. They were considered as philosophers, historians, and narrators of
histories and events of Kafa. They educated people about Kafa customs and values. They performed at social
events with Timbo [lyre] and Masinqo [fiddle]. In the past, Shattos were seen as a subculture group who differed
because of their folk traditions. But today, contempt is growing for their imitators. [Kafa Zone Communication
Affair Department Expert]

Changing aspects of Shatto traditions

Radical socio-political and technological changes after Menelik II’s occupation2 and again during the
Derg’s regime removed Kafa nobility and social structures, thus forcing Shattos out of public spaces.
Moreover, the expansion of modern music and technology, the coming of non-native Shatto singers,
and the expansion of Protestantism were further significant external factors that changed Shatto
dynamics. Only a few families maintain their folk traditions at public, religious or private gatherings:
Shattos played a vital role in constructing history across 20 Kafa kingdoms. They constructed Kafa history,
advised, entertained, coordinated, united and taught history and culture for the Kafa people. Nowadays, history
and culture are taken from the Shatto’s hand. There is no hope of seeing the Shatto through their art in
constructing the Kafa history because the young generation prefer to go to school, trade, farm and to accept
modern technology. The shrinking of culture changes lifestyles and socio-economic structures including
religion. [Senior expert of Kafa Zone Culture and Tourism Bureau]

Non-native Shatto singers or commercial Shattos formed by accessing partial knowledge of the
native Shattos’ practices without any historical and social attachment to native traditions. These
 LANDSCAPE RESEARCH 7

groups lack proper wisdom and capacity to present sociocultural, historical and ecological fabrics of
Kafa. They perform at tabooed places such as street corners, bars, and public and marketplaces:

Today there are no true Shattos. Non-native Shattos are not accepted and are perceived as beggars. They
practice natives traditions in places and pathways uncommon to natives. This has affected the natives tradition
and personality. [Informant from non-Shatto group]

There are efforts by local government to revive Shatto traditions in public and cultural events. In
2018 a large cultural festival organised by Kafa Zone’s culture department gave the Shattos an
opportunity to come together with their folk traditions. We suggest that the Shattos were like oral
historians who had knowledge and information as socialisation agents of Kafa identity, culture and
history using folk music. Their musical traditions and expressions played a strong role in safeguard­
ing and perpetuating Kafa’s landscapes. The current position of Shatto in forest management
practice is as agents of socialisation who influenced people with long-lived folk traditions oriented
towards culture and nature.

Case study 2: Deejjoo, protected and forested ceremonial sites

Traditional resource management has been adapted and maintained for centuries in Kafa Zone3
through kobbo (large forest areas administered through customary rights); guudo (cultural forests
used for worship, sacraments and prayers); and deddo (large trees where prayer or religious
ceremonies are conducted). The Kafa kings were also supported by spiritual leaders, Allaamo.
Kings and clan leaders were considered to naturally possess the right to own land and its resources.
Sacred sites were protected and ecologically fragile areas such as wetland, lakes, rivers and steep
slope areas were culturally protected from human disturbance. It was taboo to cut down trees or
clear forests in these areas, thus retaining extensive forest cover that contributed to two of Ethiopia’s
Biosphere Reserves. Even today many people practise their traditional beliefs synchronously with
their beliefs in one of the major religions (Orthodox or Protestant Christianity, or Islam).
The practice of ritual sacrifice was performed deep in the Kafa forests which are sacred places to
the Kafecho people (Orent, 1967). Qoollee deejjoo is a popular thanksgiving ritual ceremony, directly
associated with natural forest resource management. It has been institutionalised with customary
laws, values, ritual taboos and conventions within communities (W/Mariam, Z, 2017). The Kafecho
believe in Yeero, an almighty God, creator of the Universe and clan specific spirits called Eqqo, which
is an intermediary spirit connecting people the Yeero through the mediator Allaamo. Eqqo is
interchangeable with Yeero. Qoollee deejjoo is performed by the Eqqo leader, Allaamo. Most forest
resources of Kafa are associated with these spiritual beliefs. One belief is the ritual scarification
ceremony in the forest to give thanks to Qoolloo, the forest spirit who dwells in the forest, bushes,
running water and mountains. Thus, the ritual practices maintain a close attachment between
people and forest resources and biodiversity conservation.
The thanksgiving scarification to the forest or land spirits is associated with Goyee daachoo by
first, scarifying the first product of harvest to Qoolloo to thank him for his goodwill. Second, Baaree
Qoco commemorates the beliefs or practices of one’s father or grandfather under the big tree or in
the house by covering the pillar of the house by Naaxxacho trees in order to perform the Afaallo
(ceremony of purification). And third, dabbo, a nationwide sect allows all Kafecho people to
participate, led by the Kafa king Kafi Taato:

Once this place is identified as the ritual ground and domains of the forest spirit, nobody is allowed to clear the
forested area for the purpose of cultivation or agriculture. If one is against this principle, Qoolloo causes him to
have illness or some misfortune. However, the breaking of such rules and taboos by an individual will result in
the stigmatize action of that and his isolation from his respective community and the local forest spirits will
punish him for his wrong acts or reluctant of the domain or ritual place. (W/Mariam, Z, 2017, p. 19)
8 R. JACKSON ET AL.

The role of Qoolloo deejjoo in forest resource protection

As traditional cultural ceremonies and other rites of passage are conducted in the indigenous sacred
forests, the basis for the preservation of specific trees, fauna and flora imposes resource and habitat
taboos on forest patches known as guudo. Daily decisions were grounded in this belief system.
Allaameena’o was an important traditional institution for forest resource conflict management.
People avoid harming the natural environment and selected forests and bushes: ‘Everything in the
forest belongs to the Qoolloo. If one wishes to take something from the sacred forest, one must offer
him something in return’ (W/Mariam, Z, 2017, p. 24).
The Kafecho’s indigenous cultural and spiritual ritual practices hold repositories of vast traditional
knowledge and experience that links humanity with its ancient origins. Its procedures and rules are
symbolic reminders of the performers and their survival. Hence, the ritual practice recognises and
honours the ethics and taboos of forested cultural landscape. In Kafa (and Sheka), significant changes
in ritual practices have reduced the number of participants due to: the spread of Protestant
Christianity; state-led interventions resulting in rapid population growth; and, the conversion of
forests to agricultural land for timber extraction and the rapid expansion of tea and coffee planta­
tions (Kassa et al., 2017). The result has been large-scale deforestation and environmental degrada­
tion. Yet Qoolloo deejjoo still represents the religious ritual practice and cultural identity of its
adherents which is ecologically meaningful.

Discussion
Our findings help to clarify how the concept of a multifunctional landscape that includes socio­
cultural and gender dimensions is much more than a geographic space: it ‘includes the social
construct of a “theory of place” based on diverse cultural and individual perceptions regarding the
livelihood or everyday lives of individuals and rights of social strata’ (Villamor et al., 2015, p. 211). In
Ethiopia, agriculture is the mainstay for the livelihoods of the majority of the population; in Kafa, the
expansion of commercial agriculture, resettlement programmes and the erosion of sociocultural
values that traditionally sustained human-environment interaction have been caused by ‘the expan­
sion of cereal cropping, settlements, grazing land and coffee and tea farms at the expense of closed
and dense forests’ (Kassa et al., 2017, p. 445).
The multiple benefits people derive from the KBR provide a quality of life dependent on
ecosystem services and ecological integrity—the right conditions for Coffea arabica, ‘nutrient
recycling, soil preservation, watershed preservation, pollination services, temperature buffering,
shelter from wind and heavy rainfall, and carbon storage’ (Davis & Moat, 2017, p. 21). The capacity
of the landscape to support multiple benefits, ‘reflects a new appreciation of rural landscapes as
a critical nexus at which to understand and manage synergies and tradeoffs among multiple
objectives at multiple scales’ (Milder et al., 2014, p. 69).

Who has what (access to resources)

Kafa’s wild Coffea arabica montane rainforest was traditionally owned by the Kafa king and managed
by traditional leaders and local people. This ownership and management were integral to everyone
and their livelihoods. Our first case study describes the long history of ecological wisdom and
conservation narrated by the Shatto through music as a form of preserved culture and knowledge
in sacred places, water points and forests. Thus, the Kafa kings, supported by the Shattos, informed
communities about forest values through songs, oral expressions and poetry. People were strictly
prohibited from entering into and cutting trees from dense forests. The Shatto’s loss of values and
wisdom that promoted harmony between nature and culture and the loss of collective memory of
folk traditions that built common identity has seen non-native Shattos performing for payment,
devoid of Shatto traditions, values and wisdom. Traditional resource management was also main­
tained through kobbo, guudo and deddo, and through thanksgiving sacrifice ceremonies to the forest
 LANDSCAPE RESEARCH 9

spirit, qoollee deejjoo. In the second case study, deejjoo ritual ceremonies have been radically
changed due to government policy changes and external forces. Kafa’s protected and forested
ceremonial sites, deejjoo, represented religious ritual practice and cultural identity which prevented
deforestation because the spirit qoolloo lived there. This protection has been lost.
Deforestation, the rapid expansion of tea and coffee plantations, government resettlement
programs and the introduction of Protestant Christianity have had undesired effects in (and around)
the KBR. One response has been UNESCO’s listing of the KBR. The principles behind this approach is
zonation and assigning different functions to core, buffer and transition areas: core areas are
protected ‘for in situ conservation of wild Coffea arabica in natural, unmodified forest, and less
strictly protected buffer zones where intensive coffee management and wood extraction are
allowed’ (Schmitt, 2006, p. 134). The Biosphere approach aims to conserve biodiversity and improve
livelihoods of the local community through innovative marketing of forest products, environmen­
tally friendly agriculture, ecotourism, education and research (Kassa et al., 2017; Nature And
Biodiversity Conservation Union (NABU), 2017).

Who does what (the division of labour and everyday practices)

As noted earlier, one aim in this paper is to discuss how gender-specific roles affect how landscapes
function too. In the rest of this section we discuss how research on both the Biosphere approach and
traditional land management approach fail to consider gender-specific factors explicitly or implicitly,
potentially exacerbating ‘existing inequalities’ (Villamor et al., 2015, p. 221). We suggest that both
approaches reinforce taken for granted assumptions about the role of gender, especially women’s
roles and their responsibilities as care givers. A focus on gender could lead to better reconceptua­
lisation of who is included in or excluded from discourses on land use and landscape multifunction­
ality and contribute to better understanding gender inequality in Kafa Zone. Women’s many and
varied reproductive roles in the home and their interaction in (and around) the KBR have made it
possible for multifunctional land uses to take place.
In the paper we described an example of gender inequality as Shatto elders—who were all male
—passed on information about forest values, through music, oral expressions and poetry to their
sons. Shatto women were primarily engaged in domestic activities. Occasionally they performed at
public events when there were funeral ceremonies for public figures by accompanying the funeral
with folk expressions and dances. There was home-based socialisation about Shatto identity for girls
but they were never independent folk practitioners. In effect, there was no space for Shatto women
as folk practitioners. Moreover, as the land tenure system in southern Ethiopia is characterised by
patrilineal inheritance and virilocal residence, young girls generally move to the home of their new
husband at marriage and do not inherit land from their parents (Holden & Tefera, 2008). This means
women cannot maintain their Shatto identity after marriage, thereby losing even that small
continuation.
As with the male Shatto, women did not participate in deejjoo celebrations but provided food and
drinks for thanksgiving ceremonies.
There has been limited interest in gender analysis focusing on the role of women in Kafa for what
might be thought as ‘mundane’ activities (food preparation) or ‘banal’ interactions in the rainforest
to collect coffee, spices and so on (Jackson, 2018). Ethiopians have a deep-rooted and multifaceted
relationship with ‘their’ coffee which is ‘closely intertwined with Ethiopian history, culture and
economy’ (Stellmacher, 2006, p. 81). An invitation for coffee is symbolic of friendship, respect and
hospitality. While performing the ceremony is almost obligatory in the presence of a visitor, whatever
the time of day, making and drinking coffee is a daily routine—prepared by women—that develops
relationships and constitutes a regular conversation platform.
Research shows that gender equality and women’s empowerment are implicit or explicit objec­
tives in many development projects in Ethiopia. For example, in health see Jackson et al. (2019) and
Maes et al. (2015). For projects aiming to improve rural livelihoods, increasing the benefits from
10 R. JACKSON ET AL.

poultry keeping for women, especially poor female-headed households, has become a tool for
promoting gender equality and women’s development (Guèye, 2000), based on the premise that
poultry management can easily be combined with other household activities and that women have
limited access to other agricultural products in rural areas (Aklilu, Udo, Almekinders & Van der Zijpp,
2008; Alemu et al., 2009).
We suggest that both traditional resource management case studies and the Biosphere manage­
ment approach are gender blind as women’s reproductive roles are taken for granted. The gendered
division of labour and the exclusion of women from these management approaches has led to a male-
centric notion of how the rainforest is (or was) maintained. This view is partly reinforced by develop­
ment projects such as those supplying energy saving stoves and training women in regional crafts
such as pottery, or other projects they can run from home such as beekeeping or raffia weaving (FARM
Africa, n.d.). Exceptions have been actively involving women in reforestation activities (Nature And
Biodiversity Conservation Union (NABU), 2017), and Forest Users Groups (Gobeze et al., 2009). NABU
addressed the challenges of gender and ethnic inequity for women and the Manjo by improving
decision-making, benefit sharing and providing a role in forest management. Some researchers argue
that ‘the highly gendered cultural and symbolic construction of “the farmer”’ (Gella & Tadele, 2014), is
reinforced when agricultural extension programs for women only support agricultural activities that
are traditionally women’s work such as poultry and backyard vegetable gardening.

Who decides (rules and decision-making)

As previously stated, Shatto musical performances and deejjoo celebrations were almost always
performed by males: the role of women was in food preparation and coffee ceremony and were thus
a missed opportunity for landscape decision-making. Several studies from Ethiopia show that social
interaction is strictly hierarchical with a ‘largely invisible but rigid system of collective sanctions, to
obey the “orders from above” (yebalal akal)’ (Vaughan & Tronvoll, 2003, p. 33): respect for authority is
a core virtue and challenging authority figures is unacceptable (Biseswar, 2008). Whether a fatherly
command to help with household chores, or to join a local political meeting, the socio-political arena
of interaction is defined by male gatekeepers who control access to this arena. This extends from the
all male government staff from the Kafa Office of Culture and Tourism to the all male forestry staff.
NABU sought gender balance in its study and successfully recruited equal numbers of female and
male farmers, but the majority of rangers and scientists were male (Nature And Biodiversity
Conservation Union (NABU), 2017).
Decisions on land-use management are often funded by external donors often on short-term projects
that can create confusion and undermine trust on the ground (O’Hara & Hesselden, 2015). Some argue
this may not be effective for long-term human-environment interactions sustainability (Ameha et al.,
2014), while others suggest that there has been a shift from a more fuelwood-based forest utilisation to
more NTFP-based uses to support the community’s livelihoods where Participatory Forest Management
was introduced (Gobeze et al., 2009). Attention to livelihoods and ignoring sociocultural and gender
aspects of multifunctional landscape projects is the problem addressed in this paper.

Conclusion
Research linking landscape multifunctional land use to ecosystem services offers an approach to how
landscapes can provide multiple benefits to multiple stakeholders (Mastrangelo et al., 2014). For at
least 50 years, the various functions in (and around) the KBR, however, have been in competition
with each other in a way that has resulted in deforestation, land degradation and loss of traditional
resource management. The case studies provided examples of the synergy between these functions
and the loss of sociocultural values and wisdom within and around the Kafa forests and water bodies
that supported sustainable human-environment interactions.
 LANDSCAPE RESEARCH 11

The results of this study have two implications. First, similar factors that once governed traditional
resource management are at play with the Biosphere principles of zonation and assigning different
functions to core, buffer and transition areas: core areas are protected ‘for in situ conservation of wild
Coffea arabica in natural, unmodified forest, and less strictly protected buffer zones where intensive
coffee management and wood extraction are allowed’ (Schmitt, 2006, p. 134). Framing the issues around
exclusion or minimal disturbance in the core areas to protect wild Coffea arabica is similar to Share-Show
under the Shattos as the community was strictly forbidden from entering into and cutting trees from
dense forests, and also under guudo, whereby the cultural forests used for worship, sacraments and
prayers that was the basis for the preservation of specific trees, fauna and flora, imposes resource and
habitat taboos on forest patches prohibited cutting cultural forests. A multifunctional approach between
community (including local women’s groups, occupational groups and mainstream culture groups),
government and non-government organisations should focus on a broader range of ecological, socio­
cultural, and economic variables to reduce deforestation and forest degradation.
Second, at a more theoretical level, our aim was to provide a first overview of the nature of
gendered relationships between individuals and the KBR to identify how gender is a critical variable
to understanding the gendered nature of land use. Gender has been taken for granted from an early
age; work and access to the forest is assigned by gender and is an important ingredient in how
people and society function. Not all research about the KBR needs to have a direct focus on gender,
but future research should consider gender and not perpetuate and reinforce existing gender
inequalities (Morgan et al., 2016), especially in decision-making. A focus on gender could accurately
represent, recognise and support the reality of women’s lives in (and around) the KBR and could also
contribute to natural resource management as well as sustainability and resilience for the Ethiopian
coffee sector (Moat et al., 2017).

Notes
1. Provisional Military Government of Socialist Ethiopia, 1974-1991.
2. The last king of Kafa kingdom, Gakisharochi, was removed from power in 1896/97, dissolving the Kafa state.
3. We found strong similarities in neighbouring Sheka Zone, where traditional social organisation was through the King
(Shekitato), councils (mikiracho) and clan leaders (gepitato) who were responsible for the conservation of natural
resources. The natural environment was divided into different management zones such as cultural forest areas
around villages and on hilly or mountainous areas, large forest areas far from settlements near the Baro River, forests
on river banks and around waterfalls, and wetlands that were strongly interrelated to one another (Jotte, 2007).

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Funding
There was no funding associated with this research paper.

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