Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Christian theology, particularly that of cisgender, heterosexual, married, evangelical males like me,1 is being
profoundly challenged by LGBTI people’s cries and critiques, arguments and interpretations, spiritualities
and sufferings. I focus on this last category: suffering. I attempt to listen to challenges to a hegemonic
gender and sexual system that privileges me, by considering how it causes others to suffer. I reflect on
sociological data about suffering linked to the global hegemony of heterosexuality, in light of theology
about the memory of suffering and the preferential option for the poor. After outlining my method and
the theology guiding it, and surveying social-scientific data, I briefly discuss how this data challenges
heteronormative theology and heterosexual theologians, when honestly faced in light of God’s preferential
memory for suffering oppressed people. I argue that it challenges us to better listening and deeper
solidarity with LGBTI people and others oppressed by the heteronormative status quo in theology and
society, to radical reexamination of that status quo in light of the suffering it causes, and to support of
orthodox, contextual theology must avoid, variously: capitulating to context; ignoring God’s present work
in context; or viewing context simplistically, without recognizing sociological complexity, social change, or
1 I identify as an evangelical Anglican. My home church, the Anglican Church in Aotearoa, New Zealand and Polynesia, is
currently debating whether to adopt a (non-matrimonial) blessing for people in same-sex marriages or committed same-sex
relationships. Aotearoa New Zealand removed gender restrictions on marriage in 2013. Hughes, “Working Group Reports on
Motion 30.” The global Anglican Communion is deeply divided over questions of gender and sexuality, and is in danger of
schism or mass exodus of members and parishes, which has already happened in the U.S.A and Canada. Just days ago, a two-
thirds majority of the Communion’s primates placed three-year sanctions on the United States Episcopal Church for blessing
non-heterosexual relationships and marriages and ordaining people in them. Brown, “Archbishop of Canterbury Plans to
Loosen Ties of Divided Anglican Communion”; Goodstein and De Freytas-Tamura, “Anglican Church Disciplines U.S.
Episcopals Over Gay Marriages.”
2 Bevans, Models, 3–15.
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the profound ambiguity of contexts.3 The most appropriate way to engage context depends on the
theologian’s context and social position.4 As a married heterosexual male, I am privileged in gender and
sexuality, and in other ways. Thus, this is not a queer liberation theology from a marginal perspective. For
stance, resisting the temptation to ideologically support dominant systems that benefit me.5 However,
‘counter-cultural’ stances can also function to shore up dominant systems and silence their marginal
critics.6 I aim to be challenged by LGBTI experiences and claims, not defend my privilege against queer
critiques. To help attain this goal, I also seek to incorporate elements of liberation theology’s “see-judge-
act” method. 7 Firstly, the preferential option for the poor is central to my account.8 Secondly, I follow the
liberation method in theologically “working on” critical insights from the social sciences.9 Counter-cultural
theologians sometimes balk at drawing on secular knowledge, but I affirm with liberation and other
century England, the Confessing Church in Nazi Germany, and Christian critics of apartheid in South Africa. Ibid., 119; Barth
and The Confessing Church, “The Barmen Declaration”; Dutch Reformed Mission Church in South Africa, “Belhar
Confession”; South African church leaders, “The Kairos Document.” The South African documents, initially issued by ‘colored’
and black churches, respectively, can also be classified as examples of liberation theology. The Kairos Document is particularly
marked by liberation themes, while the Belhar Confession was significantly influenced by the Barmen Declaration. Smit,
“Barmen and Belhar in Conversation – a South African Perspective.”
6 For example, note the interesting blog conversation about Barthian scholarship and the exclusion of marginal voices from
‘serious scholarship.’ Rees, “On Not Reading Barth”; Dugan, “On Reading Barth”; Kline, “On Not Reading Karl Barth
Anymore”; Daniels, “Un-Womanly Me?” While it is outside the purview of this paper to critique this scholarship, I believe this
criticism is applicable to much of the (so-called) ‘counter-cultural’ resistance to homosexuality, e.g.: Worthen, “Donald Trump
and the Rise of the Moral Minority”; Galli, “Is The Gay Marriage Debate Over?”; Reno, “Triumph of Desire”; Dreher,
“Benedict Option FAQ”; Gerson and Wehner, “How Christians Can Flourish in a Same-Sex-Marriage World”; Dreher,
“Coming to Terms with a Post-Christian World”; Holdren, “Pope Francis Warns West Over ‘Ideological Colonization’”;
Australian Catholic Bishops Conference, “Don’t Mess with Marriage”; Mathewes-Green, “Why I Haven’t Spoken Out on Gay
Marriage--till Now”; Not Alone.
7 Bevans, Models, 70–87; Phan, “Method in Liberation Theologies”; Gutiérrez, A Theology of Liberation, 3–12.
8 I discuss this doctrine below in my discussion of theological concepts. I believe the preferential option to the poor should be
central to all Christian theologies. As Pope Benedict XVI noted, it is a central implication of Christology. Pope Benedict XVI,
“Address of His Holiness Benedict XVI.”
9 Phan, “Method in Liberation Theologies,” 42–46, 50–57; Gutiérrez, A Theology of Liberation, xxiii–xxv, 5. See also Pope Paul VI
and Second Vatican Council, Gaudium et Spes, para. 62 on the relationship between theology and the secular sciences.
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theologians that creation is intelligible,10 and that we can find resources within context itself for
I ‘work on’ the social-scientific data using two theological concepts: Johann Baptist Metz’s discussion of
memory of suffering, and Gustavo Gutiérrez’s work on God’s preferential memory for the poor.12 Metz
suffering.13 This memory is “dangerously emancipatory,” shattering the self-evidence of the status quo by
remembering its human cost, and challenging the history and eschatology of the dominators.14 It demands
we side with the sufferers, against those responsible for their suffering.15 Christians, committed to
remembering the crucified Christ, are uniquely placed to perform memory of suffering.16 Christian
memory of suffering is also memory of resurrection, which enables hope that the winners’ history will be
Ashley, Take Lord and Receive All My Memory, 47–74. Gutiérrez is a highly influential liberation theologian from Peru; in fact, he
coined the term ‘liberation theology.’ Metz and other 20th-century European political theologians are often characterized
alongside liberation theologians, and Metz’s work has been influential in liberation theology. However, his conscious response
to his German context, and his radical critique of it, suggest he is perhaps better described as an exponent of the counter-
cultural model.
13 Metz, “The Future in the Memory of Suffering”; Ashley, Take Lord and Receive All My Memory, 37–46, 49–65. Metz draws
partisan ways against those who cause suffering, even if they themselves also suffer. The loneliness and existential angst of the
rich and powerful do not excuse them “the suffering and oppression brought about by power and riches.” Metz, “The Future in
the Memory of Suffering,” 14–15, 18, 21–24. In other words, memory of suffering as Metz envisages it defies oppression by
declaring that ‘Black Lives Matter,’ rather than papering over the reality of injustice with the platitude ‘all lives matter.’ Garza,
“HerStory.”
16 Metz, “The Future in the Memory of Suffering,” 14.
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rewritten, and even the forgotten dead redeemed.17 However, real-life memory of suffering rarely has the
liberating effect Metz envisages. We superficially grieve Syrian orphan Alan Kurdi while treating living
refugees as threats, or rail against abortion while blocking social services that we know save unborn
children’s lives.18 We privilege the suffering of the privileged; and selectively remember suffering from
abortion or abortion clinic attacks, police racism and murder or anti-police protest, Muslim terrorism or
anti-Muslim backlash and war.19 We are similarly self-serving in how we attribute responsibility for
suffering: we blame entire cultures, ideologies, and religions for Muslim terrorism, but treat white Christian
17 Ibid., 19–24.
18 Fisher, “The Drowned Syrian Boy Photo Is Viral Social Media at Its Most Hollow and Hypocritical”; Troyan, “After Attacks
in Paris, Governors Refuse to Accept Syrian Refugees”; Smietana, “Meet the Filmmaker Exposing Planned Parenthood”; Finer
et al., “Reasons U.S. Women Have Abortions”; Rosenthal, “Legal or Not, Abortion Rates Compare”; Whelan, “Abortion Rates
and Universal Health Care”; Cheng, “Rate of Abortion Is Highest in Countries Where Practice Is Banned”; Boonstra, “What Is
Behind the Declines in Teenage Pregnancy Rates?”; Saletan, “Does Contraception Reduce Abortions?”; Sutton, “Report: U.S.
Pregnancy Rate, Abortions Hit All-Time Low”; Campolo, “Pro-Life Democrats Call for an Abortion Reduction Plank”;
Grimes, “Obamacare and Religious Freedom”; Stone, “Thanks, Birth Control!”
19 Smietana, “Meet the Filmmaker Exposing Planned Parenthood”; Valenti, “Violent Anti-Choice Rhetoric Must End, or Anti-
Abortion Violence Never Will”; Nuño, Reyes, and Montoya, “Panel”; Brumfield, “Hate Incidents against American Muslims
Unabated; Political Rhetoric Not Helping”; Schwarz, “A Short History of U.S. Bombing of Civilian Facilities”; “About”; Reilly,
“Ted Cruz”; Wallis, “WATCH.” Metz argues that political action in the memory of suffering should be partisan: Metz, “The
Future in the Memory of Suffering,” 20. However, he does not discuss how easy it is for both sides of partisan debates to
invoke suffering in support of their views. Memory of suffering does not seem to shape our partisan commitments so much as
reflect our prior partisan stances.
In other situations, the selectivity of memory of suffering is perhaps less intentionally politically motivated, but tends to be
biased towards the privileged – the opposite of Metz’s intention. Facebook focused far more on the November 2015 Paris
attacks than the November 2015 Ankara terrorist attack, even though they have more total and per capital users in Turkey than
in France. Letsch, Khomami, and agencies, “Turkey Terror Attack”; “Europe Internet Stats - Population Statistics”; Pappas,
“French Flags on Facebook.”
20 The jihadist ideology motivating the San Bernardino murderers has been analyzed at great length, and has inspired political
proposals, rhetoric, and backlash violence against all Muslims. In contrast, the ideology that apparently motivated the Planned
Parenthood terrorist, which is much closer to mainstream American political positions, tends to be downplayed, and certainly
not blamed. The basic ingredients of this ideology are all highly visible in the rhetoric of many of the current Republican
presidential candidates. This includes a Christian anti-abortion stance, specific opposition to Planned Parenthood, opposition to
gun control, disdain for certain laws, opposition to government generally, and support for solving problems with aggression and
military action, while seeing illegal aggression as more effective than law in both foreign policy and domestic policing. While the
Republican candidates certainly did not support the attack, they seem to more supportive of political violence against civilians
more than the average American Muslim is. However, the candidates reject a link between their rhetoric and the Planned
Parenthood attacks, even while associating all Muslims with Islamic terrorism. King, “White Mass Shooters Are Never Called
Terrorists”; Brumfield, “Hate Incidents against American Muslims Unabated; Political Rhetoric Not Helping”; Siddiqui,
“Republicans Reject Link between Anti-Abortion Rhetoric and Colorado Shooting”; Legum, “Before Shooting, Cruz Touted
Endorsement From Activist Who Called For Execution Of Abortion Doctors”; “Most Muslim Americans See No Justification
for Violence.”
Far-right terrorists, typically white men, kill more frequently in the U.S. than jihadists, but reporting on such attacks tends to
emphasize individual factors such as mental illness (confirmed or hypothesized), rather than ideology – the reverse of the
pattern for jihadist attackers. Discussion of terrorists’ mental illness rarely discusses mental illness intersects with attackers’
identity characteristics and social positions. Kimmel and Leek refer to a phenomenon of “suicide-by-mass-murder” conducted
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A possible solution may lie in uniting our memory of suffering with God’s “fresh and vivid memory of the
smallest and most forgotten ones.”21 This memory displays God’s preferential option for the poor, a key
theological and Christological concept.22 Gutiérrez traces the preferential option to God’s gratuitous and
universal love, responding first to those in greatest need: the materially poor, those subjected to economic,
ethnic, gender, or other oppression. 23 These “crucified people” are “privileged addressees of revelation,”
and solidarity with Christ entails solidarity with poor persons (Matt. 11:25-26, 25:31-46).24 “Incarnat[ing]”
God’s preferential memory25 prevents shallow memory, by remembering poor persons as the crucified
Christ. It resists selective focus on privileged and convenient suffering, by remembering the oppressed
first—but not exclusively. It avoids evasion of responsibility, by remembering and challenging all systems
The social sciences provide insights into suffering caused by the dominance of cisgender and heterosexual
expression. In the global North, queer people disproportionately suffer from “mental health disorders,
psychological distress, and suicidality.”26 LGBTI people, particular transgender and intersex people, are
murdered in 2015.27 Non-heterosexual couples and their families have historically been denied the legal,
by white males who, they suggest, are unique in intending a “grandiose” destructive purpose for their suicides. New America,
“Deadly Attacks Since 9/11”; King, “White Mass Shooters Are Never Called Terrorists”; Kimmel and Leek, “The Unbearable
Whiteness of Suicide-by-Mass-Murder.”
21 Bartolomé de las Casas, quoted by Gutiérrez, himself quoted in Ashley, Take Lord and Receive All My Memory, 49, 73. Ashley
also draws on Benedict XVI’s observation that God’s love and memory is preferentially directed towards “the ones to whom
society … ‘forgets,’” as well as towards God’s covenant people. Ibid., 67–68.
22 Pope Benedict XVI, “Address of His Holiness Benedict XVI”; Latin American Bishops, “Medellín Document: Poverty of the
Church.”
23 Latin American Bishops, “Medellín Document: Poverty of the Church,” para. 4–5; Gutiérrez, On Job, xi–xix, 94–102;
Gutiérrez, A Theology of Liberation, xvi–xvii, xxi–xxiii, 163–173; Goizueta, Caminemos Con Jesus, 175–190.
24 Gutiérrez, On Job, xi–xvii, 96; Gutiérrez, A Theology of Liberation, 112–116; Goizueta, Caminemos Con Jesus, 177–178; Pieris, “The
Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Youths”; Clements-Nolle, Marx, and Katz, “Attempted Suicide Among Transgender
Persons.”
27 Stafford and agencies, “Transgender Murders in US Have Nearly Doubled since Last Year, Activists Say.”
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economic, social, and ecclesial benefits of marriage and adoption.28 This suffering is not the inherent cost
of a foolish lifestyle choice. Same-sex sex is common across various times, places, and even species.29
Homosexual attraction appears to have interacting biological and social causes; choice plays no significant
role.30 Moreover, research suggests gay and lesbian people’s mental health is better the more they and their
communities accept their gay and lesbian identities.31 One particularly chilling suffering happens to people
before they make any choices: surgery is frequently used to make babies’ genitalia look more clearly ‘male’
or ‘female,’ which can mutilate genitals, assign children to sex and gender categories they experience as
Gender and sexual minorities also suffer in the global South. In former British colonies and Muslim-
majority regions of Africa, LGBTI people33 are often “fighting for their lives.”34 Sex between men is
28 Sometimes the different (though not necessarily contradictory) claim is made that children suffer from being raised in families
with same-sex parents, as opposed to being raised by opposite-sex parents. In 2012, sociologist Mark Regnerus prominently
found that the adult children of parents who had been in varying types of same-sex relationships suffered from considerably
more mental health problems than the adult children of parents in intact heterosexual marriages. Regnerus’ work says nothing
about stable same-sex marriages or relationships vis-à-vis their opposite-sex equivalents, as he could not find enough data on
the former. Regnerus, “How Different Are the Adult Children of Parents Who Have Same-Sex Relationships? Findings from
the New Family Structures Study”; Smith, “An Academic Auto-Da-Fé.” In the same volume of Social Science Research, another
sociologist found that the evidence does not yet warrant strong claims that there are or are not differences on outcomes for
children of same-sex and opposite-sex parents. Marks, “Same-Sex Parenting and Children’s Outcomes: A Closer Examination
of the American Psychological Association’s Brief on Lesbian and Gay Parenting.” In the same journal in 2015, other
sociologists re-analyzed Regnerus’ data and found that his conclusions derive from many “potential measurement errors … and
other methodological choices,” without which the observed differences become minimal. Cheng and Powell, “Measurement,
Methods, and Divergent Patterns: Reassessing the Effects of Same-Sex Parents,” 615. In the following volume, others revisited
the totality of research and argued that there has been scientific consensus since the 1990s on outcomes of same-sex parents’
children, and the consensus is “no differences on most examined outcomes.” adams and Light, “Scientific Consensus, the Law,
and Same Sex Parenting Outcomes,” 300. Another sociologist has recently published several articles that make similar claims as
Regnerus’s work, and have similar methodological problems, as well as being published in open-access journals without the
same recognition or rigorous peer review as Social Science Research. Sullins, “Emotional Problems among Children with Same-Sex
Parents”; Cohen, “Children in Same-Sex Parent Families, Dead Horse Edition”; Green, “Using ‘Pseudoscience’ to Undermine
Same-Sex Parents.”
29 Rutter and Schwartz, The Gender of Sexuality, 36–37.
30 Ibid., 36–41; Norris, Marcus, and Green, “Homosexuality as a Discrete Class.”
31 Frable, “Gender, Racial, Ethnic, Sexual, and Class Identities,” 150–154.
32 Holmes, “Rethinking the Meaning and Management of Intersexuality”; Fausto-Sterling, “The Five Sexes, Revisited,” 20–22;
Greenfield, “Should We ‘Fix’ Intersex Children?”; Moss, “Intersexuality and God Through the Ages.”
33 While for brevity I refer to ‘LGBTI people’ in African societies, not all gender and sexual minorities in Africa employ these
originally Northern categories to describe themselves. For example, the most common term in Uganda for gender and sexual
minorities is “kuchu,” which roughly translates to the current usage of “queer.” However, some kuchus and other queer African
people do embrace the LGBTI terminology alongside or instead of local terms. For example, the Kuchu Times website, while
obviously including “kuchu” in its name, more commonly uses LGBTI language. This is perhaps because they aim to “provide a
voice for Africa’s Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex (LGBTI) community,” not just Uganda’s kuchu community.
A Ugandan blogger, GayUganda, suggests the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy article on homosexuality and queer theory
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outlawed in 73-78 countries globally and 32-34 in Africa; the number is 25-30% lower for sex between
women.35 In some countries, these laws are not enforced, while in others, punishments can include more
than ten years prison time or execution.36 Harsh laws correlate with severe “anti-LGBT social animosity,”
and decriminalization with greater social and personal acceptance.37 In African countries, anti-LGBTI
attitudes do not reflect “age-old” “African prejudices” but combinations of internal and external, historical
and recent causes.38 Colonization and Abrahamic religions imposed binary gender systems upon societies
with often more complex gender systems.39 Globally and in Africa, homosexuality is disproportionately
criminalized in former British colonies, where penal codes targeted male homosexuality, seeking to
‘Christianize’ local customs.40 Today, less modernized Christian-majority countries typically outlaw sex
“capture[s] the essence of [kuchu] identities and differences so well.” Hellweg, “Same-Gender Desire, Religion, and
Homophobia,” 888–891; Kuchu Times, “About”; GayUganda, “Kuchu Identities.”
34 Hellweg, “Same-Gender Desire, Religion, and Homophobia,” 889; Kaoma, “The Paradox and Tension of Moral Claims,”
239; Jechura, “A Pearl of Great Price”; Blevins and Irungu, “Different Ways of Doing Violence”; Klinken, “Queer Love in a
‘Christian Nation’”; Hussain, “Response.” Frank Mugisha, executive director of Sexual Minorities Uganda, suggests LGBT
people across Africa are fighting for “the right to life”—“The right to marry whom we love is far from our minds.” He bears
powerful witness to this struggle as it pertains to himself and fellow activists:
I remember the moment when my friend David Kato, Uganda’s best-known gay activist, sat with me in the small
unmarked office of our organization, Sexual Minorities Uganda. “One of us will probably die because of this work,” he
said. We agreed that the other would then have to continue. In January, because of this work, David was bludgeoned
to death at his home, with a hammer. Many people urged me to seek asylum, but I have chosen to remain and fulfill
my promise to David — and to myself. My life is in danger, but the lives of those whose names are not known in
international circles are even more vulnerable.
Mugisha, “Gay and Vilified in Uganda.” For an extremely moving account of David Kato’s funeral, see Kilborne, “The Funeral
of David Kato.”
35 Outside of the African continent, countries outlawing same-sex sexuality are mostly in Western, Central, Southern, and
maritime Southeast Asia; the Pacific; and the Caribbean along with Belize and Guyana. LGBTI people also face serious legal
challenges elsewhere, such as in Russia. The precise total of countries outlawing same-sex sexuality depends on whether partially
recognized states and regions are included. Hildebrandt, writing before June 2014, names 77. Wikipedia currently lists 78,
including Somaliland, Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, Gaza (Palestine), regions of Indonesia and the Philippines, the Cook
Islands (partly under New Zealand jurisdiction), and the Islamic State. I am also indebted to Wikipedia for the proportion of
countries that outlaw sex between men only; the precise numbers are 30.77% (25% in Africa) if the aforementioned
countries/regions are included and 30.14% (27.27% in Africa) if not. Hildebrandt, “Christianity, Islam and Modernity:
Explaining Prohibitions on Homosexuality in UN Member States,” 270; Wikipedia, “LGBT Rights by Country or Territory.”
36 Han and O’Mahoney, “British Colonialism and the Criminalization of Homosexuality,” 268–271; Wikipedia, “LGBT Rights
by Country or Territory.”
37 Han and O’Mahoney, “British Colonialism and the Criminalization of Homosexuality,” 269, 274.
38 Hellweg, “Same-Gender Desire, Religion, and Homophobia,” 888–890; Ireland, “A Macro-Level Analysis of the Scope,
Causes, and Consequences of Homophobia in Africa”; Kaoma, “The Paradox and Tension of Moral Claims.”
39 Hildebrandt, “Christianity, Islam and Modernity: Explaining Prohibitions on Homosexuality in UN Member States,” 855–
856; Nanda, Gender Diversity; Mark, “Nigeria’s Yan Daudu Face Persecution in Religious Revival.”
40 Han and O’Mahoney, “British Colonialism and the Criminalization of Homosexuality”; Hildebrandt, “Christianity, Islam and
Modernity: Explaining Prohibitions on Homosexuality in UN Member States,” 853–854; Kaoma, “The Paradox and Tension of
Moral Claims,” 230–232, 236–237; Evaristo, “The Idea That African Homosexuality Was a Colonial Import Is a Myth.”
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between men, and most Muslim-majority countries criminalize both male and female homosexuality.41 In
parts of Africa, cultural and legal opposition to homosexuality is increasing, contrary to global trends.42
This is largely influenced by U.S. American Christian Right activists who, for example, were instrumental
in “swaying legislative opinion” in Uganda in support of harsher legislation against practicing, accepting, or
promoting homosexuality in 2009-2014.43 This legislation led to a “tenfold rise” in violence against kuchus
(queer Ugandans), including torture, “an attempted lynching, mob violence, homes burned down … and
suicides.”44
The dominance of heterosexuality, or particular expressions of it, also affects non-queer people. The
Southern African concept of ubuntu implies that when one LGBTI person suffers, we all suffer;45 even in
the individualistic North, each LGBTI suicide leaves dozens of directly impacted survivors.46 Less
obviously, homophobia is often linked to sexism and nationalism; homophobia in African societies
“maintains the privilege of a certain class of men” at the expense of others in those societies.47 In the U.S.,
many remaining inequalities between men and women directly result from the dominant expression of
heterosexual relationships. The gender pay gap is now largely a motherhood pay gap, and mothers are
41 The correlation between Christianity and anti-homosexuality laws reduces with modernization, especially in Protestant
countries. For this reason, there is the most diversity in legal status in Protestant societies: “In the southern hemisphere, many
countries with a predominantly Protestant population continue to criminalise gays,” while in many predominantly Protestant
countries in the global North, “gays and lesbians have the right to marry and to adopt children.” Hildebrandt, “Christianity,
Islam and Modernity: Explaining Prohibitions on Homosexuality in UN Member States,” 852, 865–866 and passim.
42 Ireland, “A Macro-Level Analysis of the Scope, Causes, and Consequences of Homophobia in Africa,” 49; Hellweg, “Same-
in Africa”; Kaoma, Colonizing African Values; Kaoma, “The Paradox and Tension of Moral Claims”; Kaoma, “How Anti-Gay
Christians Evangelize Hate Abroad”; Williams, God Loves Uganda.
44 Bowcott, “Uganda Anti-Gay Law Led to Tenfold Rise in Attacks on LGBTI People, Report Says.” See footnote 33 above for
for “African LGBTI communities,” saying “[t]ogether we can bring UBUNTU back to our continent.”
46 Berman, “Estimating the Population of Survivors of Suicide.”
47 Hellweg, “Same-Gender Desire, Religion, and Homophobia,” 891–892. One example of how heterosexism damages societies
is the fact that, in African societies, stronger opposition to homosexuality is correlated with higher HIV infection rates both
among LGBTI communities and in general populations. Ireland, “A Macro-Level Analysis of the Scope, Causes, and
Consequences of Homophobia in Africa,” 50–51. Nationalism has also been linked to hetero-patriarchal masculinity elsewhere,
such as in India, where post-colonial hetero-patriarchy similarly “paradoxically reproduces British categories in the name of
repudiating the West.” Gamson and Moon, “The Sociology of Sexualities,” 55–56; Bacchetta, “When the (Hindu) Nation Exiles
Its Queers”; Nagel, Race, Ethnicity, and Sexuality, 140–176. There may be very early evidence of connections between nationalism
and hetero-patriarchal gender systems; Martti Nissinen suggests the Levitical prohibitions on male same-sex sexuality are tied up
with Israelite nationalist concerns. Nissinen, Homoeroticism in the Biblical World, 37–44.
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systematically disadvantaged in hiring, pay, promotions, and performance assessments, while men benefit
at work for being fathers.48 There are also significant gender inequalities in unpaid housework.49 Both
relationships. These inequalities start early: in families with heterosexual parents, girls do more chores, and
are less likely to be paid for them.50 Finally, almost all sexual violence perpetrators are men, and all women
are at risk (as are gender-non-conforming men).51 Sexual assault remains tragically common, and it is
directly linked to the way men are constructed in heterosexual relationships as dominant and “sexual
aggressors.”52
The social sciences suggest hegemonic gender/sex systems cause this suffering. ‘Gender,’ describing social
phenomena, and ‘sex,’ classifying reproductive organs, are both social constructs building on biological
differences, similar to sexual orientation.53 Gender is a “social structure” shaped by social processes on
individual, interactional, and institutional levels, with significant geographical and historical diversity.54 Our
sex categories are also socially constructed—societies impose a simple male-female binary onto more
complex physical realities.55 To perpetuate this binary, we symbolically erase or surgically maim the bodies
48 Budig, “Male Advantage and the Gender Composition of Jobs”; England, “Gender Inequality in Labor Markets”; Correll,
Benard, and Paik, “Getting a Job”; England, “The Gender Revolution”; Rippeyoung and Noonan, “Is Breastfeeding Truly Cost
Free?”
49 Hook, “Women’s Housework and Quadratic Associations”; Ullmann and Maldonado, “Differences in Unpaid Household
Work between Men and Women”; McClintock, “Occupational Sex Composition and Gendered Housework Performance”;
Gupta and Sayer, “Constraint, Necessity and the ‘Time Available’ for Women’s Housework.”
50 Raley and Bianchi, “Sons, Daughters, and Family Processes”; Wade, “Children, Chores, and the Gender Pay Gap at Home.”
51 Uggen and Blackstone, “Sexual Harassment as a Gendered Expression of Power.”
52 Armstrong, Hamilton, and Sweeney, “Sexual Assault on Campus.”
53 Social and biological scientists examining gender often suggest it is produced by interactions between biology and social
processes, yet further research is required to analyze exactly how these interactions work. Doing such research well is difficult,
as it requires in-depth knowledge of both human biology and the sociology of gender. Existing attempts to study ‘biosocial’
determinants of gender have not always met this high standard, and have often opened themselves up to criticism. See, for
example, the following exchange: Udry, “Biological Limits of Gender Construction”; Miller et al., “Comments and Replies.”
54 West and Zimmerman, “Doing Gender”; Acker, “From Sex Roles to Gendered Institutions”; England, “The Impact of
Feminist Thought on Sociology”; Lucal, “What It Means to Be Gendered Me”; Bettie, “Women without Class”; Coontz,
“Historical Perspectives on Family Studies”; Nanda, Gender Diversity; Lorber, “Night to His Day”; Pyke and Johnson, “Asian
American Women and Racialized Femininities”; Thorne, “Boys and Girls Together ... But Mostly Apart”; Risman, “Gender as a
Social Structure”; Anderson, “Orthodox and Inclusive Masculinity”; Acker, “Inequality Regimes”; Beasley, “Rethinking
Hegemonic Masculinity in a Globalizing World.”
55 Butler, Gender Trouble, 10–11; Fausto-Sterling, “The Five Sexes: Why Male and Female Are Not Enough”; Fausto-Sterling,
“The Five Sexes, Revisited”; Holmes, “Rethinking the Meaning and Management of Intersexuality,” 164, 175.
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that belie it.56 Gender functions as a structure of oppression, intersecting with race, class, and other axes of
oppression.57 Earlier gender systems took gender hierarchy for granted. Industrialized societies have
‘complementary’ biological essences: men are from Mars, and women are from Venus.58 This
‘complementarian’ perspective gave rise to the concept of essentialist sexual orientation in the 19th
century.59 Initially, homosexuality was seen as a mental illness—a ‘failure’ of essentialist gender
complementarity. This ‘complementarian’ view has been adopted by Christians, and is now the most
common “moral logic” Catholics and Protestants use to oppose homosexuality.60 However, secular
societies have partially moved on. Psychologists no longer classify homosexuality as pathological, and the
public increasingly accepts romantic relationships other than ‘complementary’ heterosexual ones. The basis
dominant, and continues to cause and justify suffering of women and LGBTI people.61 However,
56 The frequency of these bodies is probably between 1 in 50 and 1 in 500. A team of researchers at Brown University surveyed
medical literature from 1955 to 2000 and estimated that 1.728% of live births “deviate from a [false] Platonic ideal of sexual
dimorphism” by exhibiting some kind of intersex condition, though they also provided a range of 0.2% to 2.0% for the actual
figure. A later researcher objected to some of their methodological moves and recalculated their data, estimating 0.37326%.
Blackless et al., “How Sexually Dimorphic Are We?”; Hull and Fausto-Sterling, “Letter to the Editor; Response.”
57 West and Fenstermaker, “Doing Difference”; Hill Collins et al., “Symposium”; West and Fenstermaker, “Reply”; Baca Zinn
and Thornton Dill, “Theorizing Difference from Multiracial Feminism”; Bettie, “Women without Class”; Acker, “Inequality
Regimes.”
58 Charles and Bradley, “Indulging Our Gendered Selves?”; Coontz, “Historical Perspectives on Family Studies,” 291.
59 Frable, “Gender, Racial, Ethnic, Sexual, and Class Identities,” 150; Nissinen, Homoeroticism in the Biblical World, v–vi, 1, 6;
Ecclesiastical Teaching”; Salzman and Lawler, The Sexual Person, 124–161; Grudem, Countering the Claims of Evangelical Feminism,
13–17; Brownson, Bible, Gender, Sexuality, 16–38. The phrase “moral logic” comes from Brownson.
61 Charles and Bradley, “Indulging Our Gendered Selves?”
62 Anderson, “Orthodox and Inclusive Masculinity.” Cf. also Audre Lorde’s comment about misdirected fear of homosexuality
in a context of patriarchal heterosexuality: “it is certainly not Black lesbians who are assaulting women and raping children and
grandmothers on the streets of our communities.” Lorde, “Age, Race, Class, and Sex,” 122.
Caleb M. Day • God’s Memory of Suffering: A Troubling and Rejuvenating Challenge • Page 10 of 19
Challenges to heteronormative theology and heterosexual theologians
This data, interpreted through preferential memory of suffering, reveals serious challenges to
Simply rejecting “gender theory,” as recent popes have done, is not viable.63 Preferential memory cannot
deny the evidence of suffering, and rejecting a theory requires arguing that another theory explains this
evidence better.64 A ‘purely’ Christian or biblical view of gender avoiding all worldly gender systems is
impossible. Biblical texts assumed and partly challenged the dominant patriarchy of their contexts,65 and
Christians opposing LGBTI equality today rely on 19th-century ‘complementarian’ ideas. We must discern
between competing gender visions in culture rather than capitulating to any, granting hermeneutical
Preferential memory of suffering is neither shallow nor self-servingly selective, but demands deep
solidarity with the suffering, beginning with the oppressed, whom we must see as Christ. We cannot write
off the suffering of—for example—a “tiny number of newborns,”66 as preferential memory of suffering
leaves the ninety-nine binary-sexed bodies and remembers the marginalized, potentially mutilated one
(Matt. 18:12-14). We must prioritize particular people, beginning with oppressed people, over particular
family forms, especially family forms that are historically conditioned and do not always advantage women
or children.67 We must remember kuchus and other queer people in the South, not just dominant interests
Caleb M. Day • God’s Memory of Suffering: A Troubling and Rejuvenating Challenge • Page 11 of 19
in some Southern societies.68 We cannot simply stipulate concern for LGBTI people while focusing
primarily on our own interests.69 Christians opposed to homosexuality may suffer as their views lose
ground globally, but a preferential memory of suffering first remembers those deprived of safety, justice,
Counter-culturally remembering oppressed persons’ suffering first means holding accountable all systems
responsible for suffering, including gender systems traditionally supported by Christian tradition. The
churches and heteronormative theologies are clearly implicated in dominant patriarchal, binary, essentialist
gender systems that oppress people. Christian capitulation to these dominant systems bears “bad fruit”
(Matt. 7:15-20) of great suffering.71 This remembered suffering must challenge heterosexual theologians to
reinterpret our theological-ethical sources,72 honestly asking how we can remain faithful to both Christian
tradition and Christ in the oppressed person, and whether it is possible to reconcile genuine solidarity with
the oppressed with heteronormative theologies and practices. If we continue to say “leave your life of sin”
to people having non-heterosexual sex, we must do so while saving their lives, as Jesus did (John 8:2-11).
We must avoid the normal pattern of ignoring suffering if we believe it results from sin;73 God’s
68 Ramachandra, Subverting Global Myths; Hellweg, “Same-Gender Desire, Religion, and Homophobia,” 887–888, 892; Kaoma,
“How Anti-Gay Christians Evangelize Hate Abroad.” Ramachandra warns against equating the dominant interests in a society
with the interests of that entire society, which is similar to Bevans’ aforementioned warnings against simplistic monolithic
understandings of contexts. Audre Lorde points out that in a United States context, when we avoid criticizing Black men for
sexism because of “the false accusation that anti-sexist is anti-Black,” it is Black women who suffer. The equivalent could be
said for sexual and gender minorities in Africa. Lorde, “Age, Race, Class, and Sex,” 120.
69 For example, this document opens with a general affirmation of concern for LGBTI people suffering “unjust discrimination,”
but its primary concern is for the (claimed) sufferings of anti-homosexuality Christians. It is also a good example of the self-
serving selective use of science, discussed at footnote 61. Australian Catholic Bishops Conference, “Don’t Mess with Marriage.”
70 Muder, “The Distress of the Privileged.” See footnote 6 above for examples of Christians opposed to LGBTI acceptance who
focus on their own suffering rather than that of globally marginalized LGBTI people.
71 As gender systems change and increasingly accommodate homosexuality (see the last paragraph of the previous section),
opposition to homosexuality is increasingly an attempt to return to formerly-dominant gender systems, rather than to retain
currently-dominant systems. This means opposition to homosexuality can be called ‘counter-cultural’ in one sense. However, I
argue that this is an example of a counter-cultural method employed against the marginalized, in order to maintain the privilege
of the historically dominant. My counter-cultural method, chastened by the preferential option for the poor, does not seek to be
counter-cultural for its own sake, but to counter-culturally challenge and resist dominant systems insofar as they are oppressive.
The controlling motivation is not to be counter-cultural but to be in solidarity with the poor in their struggle for justice. Slavery,
for example, should be opposed because slavery is unjust; this was the case in 19th-century U.K. and U.S. when opposition to
slavery was counter-cultural, and it remains true today, when it would be counter-cultural to support slavery. This method
suggest we counter-culturally oppose the status quo for its continued gender essentialism and oppression of women LGBTI
people, not for its increasing acceptance of same-sex marriage and Caitlyn Jenner.
72 Scharen, “Experiencing the Body: Sexuality and Conflict in American Lutheranism,” 37.
73 Douglas, “Black and Blues: God-Talk/Body-Talk for the Black Church,” 58–59.
Caleb M. Day • God’s Memory of Suffering: A Troubling and Rejuvenating Challenge • Page 12 of 19
preferential memory is based on need, not merit. I suspect, however, that honest reinterpretation of our
sources means retiring the notion that gender attributions are enough to make a marriage or sex act
sinful—though arguing this goes beyond this paper’s purview.74 Regardless of our conclusions, we must
support liberation movements analyzing and resisting the suffering of God’s non-heterosexual, non-
cisgender, and non-male children. Privileged people must respect oppressed people’s leadership of these
Conclusion
This paper does not attempt to answer all theological questions related to LGBTI people and their gender
and sexual expressions, though it could be a foundation for such explorations. Rather, in line with this
theologies and the people they benefit, like me. We are challenged to honest listening and genuine
solidarity with oppressed people, to radical criticism of heteronormative churches and theologies for their
culpability in causing suffering, and to support of those resisting it. These challenges are troubling to
theologians like me. Yet they are also rejuvenating if they can provoke us to work together on theologies
and practices that no longer privilege some while causing others to suffer, but are truly good news to all.
74 I outline my position in relation to the major Christian ethical arguments surrounding homosexuality in the following draft
paper: Day, “‘A Time to Throw Away’?”
75 This is especially vital when people in the global North are seeking to resist oppression in the global South, or in other
situations where people seeking to challenge oppression are themselves in an oppressor relationship towards those they seek to
challenge. Northern interventions in African countries, such as criticisms of anti-homosexuality laws or making financial
assistance contingent on changing those laws, often backfire by contributing to the association of LGBTI claims with Western
imperialism. Kuchus and other queer people are often the pawns and “collateral damage” of “U.S. sexual politics” being played
out in parts of Africa, Russia, and elsewhere. Kaoma, “The Paradox and Tension of Moral Claims”; Onishi, “U.S. Support of
Gay Rights in Africa May Have Done More Harm Than Good”; Hellweg, “Same-Gender Desire, Religion, and Homophobia,”
891; Jechura, “A Pearl of Great Price.” The most successful efforts for improved rights and conditions for LGBTI people on
the African continent have been led by local queer activists. Hellweg, “Same-Gender Desire, Religion, and Homophobia,” 887–
888, 892; Kaoma, “How Anti-Gay Christians Evangelize Hate Abroad.” A cursory perusal of Twitter reveals many LGBTI
activists in African countries, such as @SMUG2004; @HOLAAfrica; @Far_Uganda; @KuchuTimes; @Prideuganda2015;
@Galck_ke; @galzinf; and @CALAdvocacy (organizations) and @frankmugisha; @DenisNzioka; @KashaJacqueline;
@Opimva; @Brbzy; @EricGitari; and @semugomanp (individuals).
Caleb M. Day • God’s Memory of Suffering: A Troubling and Rejuvenating Challenge • Page 13 of 19
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